PHONOLOGICAL AND PHONETIC ASPECTS OF ENGGANO VOWELS
by
Brendon E. Yoder
Bachelor of Arts, Moody Bible Institute, 2006
A Thesis
Submitted to the Graduate Faculty
of the
University of North Dakota
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
Master of Arts
Grand Forks, North Dakota
August
2011
Copyright 2011 Brendon Yoder
ii
This thesis, submitted by Brendon E. Yoder in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts from the University of North Dakota, has
been read by the Faculty Advisory Committee under whom the work has been done and
is hereby approved.
Chairperson
This thesis meets the standards for appearance, conforms to the style and format
requirements of the Graduate School of the University of North Dakota, and is hereby
approved.
Dean of the Graduate School
Date
iii
PERMISSION
Title
Phonological and Phonetic Aspects of Enggano Vowels
Department
Linguistics
Degree
Master of Arts
In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a graduate
degree from the University of North Dakota, I agree that the library of this University
shall make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for extensive
copying for scholarly purposes may be granted by the professor who supervised my
thesis work or, in his absence, by the chairperson of the department or the dean of the
Graduate School. It is understood that any copying or publication or other use of this
thesis or part thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written
permission. It is also understood that due recognition shall be given to me and to the
University of North Dakota in any scholarly use which may be made of any material in
my thesis.
Signature ________________________________
Date
iv
________________________________
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF FIGURES ......................................................................................................... vii
LIST OF TABLES .............................................................................................................ix
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .................................................................................................xi
ABSTRACT ....................................................................................................................xii
CHAPTER
1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................... 1
1.1. Historical, geographical and sociopolitical context ................................2
1.2. Previous research on Enggano................................................................6
2. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY .................................................... 12
3. OVERVIEW OF ENGGANO PHONOLOGY........................................................ 21
3.1. Consonants...........................................................................................21
3.2. Vowels .................................................................................................31
3.3. Syllable structure .................................................................................36
3.4. Stress pattern .......................................................................................37
4. SYLLABIFICATION OF VOCOID SEQUENCES.................................................. 41
4.1. Attested sequences ...............................................................................41
4.2. Syllabification ......................................................................................44
4.3. Acoustic correlates of syllabification patterns ......................................49
4.4. Phonological analysis in Optimality Theory.........................................64
5. VOWEL QUALITY............................................................................................ 70
5.1. Methodology ........................................................................................70
5.2. Results .................................................................................................72
v
5.3. Discussion ............................................................................................74
6. VOWEL QUALITY TRANSITION IN VOCOID SEQUENCES .............................. 82
6.1. Methodology ........................................................................................82
6.2. Results .................................................................................................85
6.3. Summary..............................................................................................94
7. CONCLUSION.................................................................................................. 95
APPENDICES ................................................................................................................ 98
REFERENCES.............................................................................................................. 145
vi
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure
Page
1.
Enggano island in Indonesia.................................................................................. 1
2.
Ethnologue language map of Sumatra ................................................................... 5
3.
Villages on Enggano island.................................................................................... 6
4.
Vowel quality of stressed and unstressed vowels..................................................39
5.
Intensity contour of [ɘi ̯] in [pɘi ̯s] ‘machete’ ...................................................... 50
6.
Intensity contour of [oi ̯] in [boh.oi ̯] ‘rope’ ........................................................ 51
7.
Intensity contour of [iɘ] in [pi.ɘh] ‘massage’..................................................... 52
8.
Intensity contour of [iɨ] in [hi.ɨr] ‘woman’ .........................................................53
9.
Intensity contour of [jõ] in [jĩhjõn] ‘type of tool’ .............................................. 54
10.
Intensity contour of [o̯e] in [boh.o̯e] ‘wild’ ....................................................... 55
11.
Duration of vocoid sequences in final open syllables........................................... 59
12.
Duration of vocoid sequences in final closed syllables......................................... 60
13.
Duration of vocoid sequences in final open syllables after glottal
consonant............................................................................................................ 62
14.
Duration of vocoid sequences in final closed syllables after glottal
consonant.............................................................................................................63
15.
Plotted oral vowels.............................................................................................. 72
16.
Plotted nasal vowels.............................................................................................73
17.
Average value of oral and nasal vowels............................................................... 74
18.
Comparison of F1 ranges of oral and nasal vowels .............................................. 76
19.
Comparison of F2 ranges of oral and nasal vowels .............................................. 77
20.
Plotted nasal vowels as spoken by Adam Kurniawan........................................... 78
vii
21.
Plotted nasal vowels as spoken by Josia .............................................................. 79
22.
Plotted nasal vowels as spoken by Milson Kaitora............................................... 80
23.
Plotted nasal vowels as spoken by Manogar RH .................................................. 80
24.
Targets [u] and [a] in [pu.ak] ‘go’..................................................................... 84
25.
Targets [a] and [ɨ] in [jarkɨ.aʔ.aɨ ̯] ‘fence’.......................................................... 84
26.
Disyllabic sequence [i.a] in [ki.ak] ‘blood’ ........................................................ 85
27.
Disyllabic sequence [ɨ.a] in [pɨ.ah] ‘face’........................................................... 86
28.
Disyllabic sequence [u.a] in [pu.ak] ‘go’ ........................................................... 87
29.
Disyllabic sequence [i.u] in [hi.ur] ‘dust’ .......................................................... 88
30.
Disyllabic sequence [u.i] in [kahə̆ʔu.is] ‘sea crab’............................................. 88
31.
Diphthong [ai ̯] in [karaʔ.ai ̯] ‘type of tree’ ......................................................... 89
32.
Diphthong [aɨ ̯] in [jarkɨ.aʔ.aɨ ̯] ‘small fence’ ...................................................... 90
33.
Diphthong [au̯] in [baʔ.au̯] ‘guava’ ................................................................... 91
34.
Tautosyllabic diphthong [aɪ ̯] in [paɪ ̯ʔ] ‘throw’ ................................................... 92
35.
Targets [a] and [ɪ ̯] in [paɪ ̯ʔ] ‘throw’................................................................... 92
36.
Diphthong [aʊ̯] in [bah.aʊ̯ʔ] ‘heart’ ...................................................................93
viii
LIST OF TABLES
Table
Page
1.
Consonant inventory from Nothofer (1992) .......................................................... 8
2.
Difference between consonant inventories ............................................................ 8
3.
Vowel inventory from Nothofer (1992)................................................................. 9
4.
Difference between vowel inventories................................................................... 9
5.
Enggano consonant phonemes............................................................................. 21
6.
Consonant co-occurrences in underlying forms ................................................... 26
7.
Contrast for /x/ ................................................................................................... 29
8.
Enggano vowel phonemes ....................................................................................32
9.
Syllable types in Enggano.....................................................................................36
10.
Correlation of duration, intensity and pitch with word stress...............................38
11.
Oral vocoid sequences ......................................................................................... 42
12.
Nasal vocoid sequences ........................................................................................43
13.
Syllabification patterns in vocoid sequences........................................................ 48
14.
Final vocoid sequences for duration measurement .............................................. 57
15.
/ʔa-piah/ [ʔa.pi.ah] ‘graze’............................................................................... 65
16.
/ka-karai/ [ka.ka.rai ̯] ‘chase’ ........................................................................... 65
17.
/ki-deok/ *[ki.deo̯k] ‘pinched’, incorrect prediction ........................................ 66
18.
/ki-deok/ [ki.de.ok] ‘pinched’, correct prediction ............................................ 66
19.
/karaʔai/ [ka.raʔ.ai ̯] ‘type of tree’.................................................................... 66
20.
/kõʔĩã/ [kõʔ.jã] ‘tree sp.’ .................................................................................. 67
21.
/koʔoeʔ/ [koʔ.o̯eʔ] ‘devil’................................................................................. 67
ix
22.
/ki-deok/ *[kid.e̯ok] ‘pinched’, incorrect prediction ........................................ 67
23.
/ki-deok/ [ki.de.ok] ‘pinched’, correct prediction ............................................ 68
24.
Summary of OT constraint ranking...................................................................... 69
x
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to express my appreciation to the people of Meok village on Enggano.
They graciously hosted me, showed me around their village and their island, and
patiently answered my endless stream of questions about their language. Special thanks
to my hosts Jhon Rafles K.N. and his wife. Thanks also to the other Meok residents who
participated in the research: Adam Kurniawan, Josia, Milson Kaitora, Marhelam,
Manogar R.H., and two anonymous participants.
Thanks to SIL Indonesia for covering transportation and housing costs, as well as
for providing logistical support throughout the research.
I am especially grateful for my thesis advisor Dr. John Clifton, who guided me
through the entire research project. My understanding of phonology has grown
tremendously as John has explained and applied concepts, taken my ideas apart and put
them back together again. I also owe a big thanks to my other committee members Dr.
Steve Marlett and Dr. David Weber, who provided invaluable insight as research
progressed.
My wife Naomi has been a great support to me, enduring my long absence during
research trips during our engagement, and long mental absence at home in front of the
computer screen. Thank you, and I love you.
Finally, I am grateful to God who gives wisdom, strength and life.
xi
ABSTRACT
The Enggano language has received little attention in Austronesian linguistics. It is
an isolate located geographically in a large area of related languages. A dedicated
description of Enggano phonology has never been undertaken before. This thesis
describes aspects of Enggano phonology and phonetics, primarily at the word level. It
focuses mainly on vowels and vocoid sequences.
As a starting point for analysis of Enggano phonemes, a list of phonemes was
compiled from previous research where phonemes are mentioned. For each reported
phoneme, words were elicited with the phoneme in initial, prestress and final (stressed)
position. An example word containing each vowel and consonant was recorded in
frames for acoustic analysis. Since sequences of two or more adjacent vocoids are
common, words containing examples of all vocoid sequences were recorded in frames as
well.
The Enggano phoneme inventory consists of twelve consonants and fourteen vowels
in a seven-vowel oral system and an analogous seven-vowel nasal system. There are
seven possible syllable types. Word stress is consistently final in both monomorphemic
and polymorphemic words. Acoustic measurements show that word stress is indicated
by intensity in closed syllables, and possibly by length and pitch in both open and
closed syllables.
There are a few allophonic processes in Enggano. An intrusive vowel (Hall 2006) is
inserted in consonant sequences beginning with /ʔ/. A tentative analysis of the fricative
/x/ is that it is realized as [x], [ç], or [s] depending on the context. The glottal stop is
xii
optionally palatalized after a high front vowel, and vowels are nasalized in words with
a nasal consonant.
Vocoid sequences syllabify based on the preceding environment and the relative
height of the two vocoids. Two-vocoid sequences after medial non-glottals are disyllabic
except sequences beginning with a lower vocoid and ending with a higher vocoid (lowhigh and mid-high). These are realized as diphthongs. Vocoid sequences after medial
glottal consonants [ʔ] and [h] are realized differently. Glottal consonants syllabify in
the coda of the previous syllable. Syllable-initial vocoids in sequences that are not lowhigh are realized in the onset of the syllable, as in /kõʔĩã/ [kõʔ.jã] ‘tree sp.’. This
process does not affect low-high sequences, or sequences where the glottal consonant is
word-initial. Acoustic measurements show that the three syllabification patterns of
vocoid sequences (vowel-vowel, glide-vowel, vowel-glide) can be distinguished by both
intensity and overall duration of the sequences.
Nasal vowels have a much greater range in the vowel space than oral vowels, and
consequently there is much more overlap between adjacent vowels. This range can be
attributed to variation between speakers in articulation of nasal vowels. Vocoids in
sequences are very similar in place of articulation to their interconsonantal
counterparts. Vocoids in disyllabic sequences are generally in more extreme areas of the
vowel space, while vocoids in diphthongs are generally located in more central areas of
the vowel space than plain vowels.
xiii
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
The Enggano [eno]1 language is an isolate spoken by about 1,500 people in
Indonesia (Lewis 2009). It is spoken only on the island of Enggano, which is about 80
miles (125 km) off the southwestern coast of Sumatra, Indonesia, in the Indian Ocean.
The island of Enggano is the southernmost of the Barrier Islands that extend along the
western coast of Sumatra. Figure 1 shows a map of Indonesia, with an arrow marking
Enggano.
Figure 1. Enggano island in Indonesia2
1
ISO 639-3 language identification codes are given in square brackets following language
names.
2
Accessed on the Internet at https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-worldfactbook/maps/maptemplate_id.html. I added the marker for Enggano island.
1
Enggano is linguistically and geographically isolated from surrounding language groups.
Because of this and the small number of people who speak it, the language has received
little attention in the literature. This thesis, a description of Enggano word-level
phonology and phonetics, is the first research project dedicated to analyzing the
phonology of Enggano.
The thesis is laid out as follows. The first three chapters are introductory in nature,
giving background (Chapter 1) and methodology (Chapter 2), followed by an overview
of phonemes, allophonic processes, stress patterns, and syllable structure in Chapter 3.
Chapter 4 is dedicated to a discussion of vocoid sequences, focusing on syllabification
processes. Chapter 5 presents an acoustic analysis of vowel quality of single vowels,
while chapter 6 lays out an acoustic analysis of vowel quality transition in vocoid
sequences. Finally, conclusions are given in chapter 7.
1.1 Historical, geographical and sociopolitical context
Little is known about the island of Enggano or its people before the late nineteenth
century. The name Enggano is popularly thought to come from the Portuguese engano
‘deception, error’. A story, told by local Enggano people as well as outsiders, says that
the Portuguese explorers of the sixteenth century came upon Enggano from the West
and mistakenly thought that they had found Sumatra. In their disappointment at finding
that they had not arrived on Sumatra, they named the island Enggano. Any former
language-internal name for the Enggano people and language has been lost, as the
exonym Enggano is the only name that is known.
The Museum Volkenkunde in Leiden, The Netherlands, houses a collection of
artifacts and drawings from early explorers’ visits to Enggano (ter Keurs n.d.). Drawings
from Modigliani (1894) show Enggano people living a Stone Age-type existence with no
evidence of influence from the Malay and Javanese civilizations a few hundred miles
2
away. They lived in beehive-shaped houses similar to traditional houses of the
Andaman Islands of India 1,000 miles to the northwest in the Indian Ocean. The old
Malay name for the island of Enggano, Pulau Telanjang or Naked Island, reflects the
fact that the Enggano had a lifestyle very different from that of the larger people groups
of Sumatra and Java.
With the onset of contact with outsiders, the Enggano society went through major
upheaval. At some point between 1866 and 1884 the population of the island was
decimated, going from over 6,000 people in 1866 to 900 people in 1884 (Jaspan 1964,
110). Some authors believe that this was caused by cholera, venereal disease, and
induced abortion (Helfrich 1888).
Whatever the cause of the decimation of Enggano’s population, the effects were
devastating for the language. In his dictionary Kähler notes that when he conducted his
1937 field research on the island, only about 200 people still spoke Enggano as their
mother tongue, “which, however, in the case of the younger generation . . . was already
strongly influenced by Malay” (1987, 81). Concerning Enggano culture, Keuning (1955)
said that the traditional culture had almost completely disappeared by the middle of the
twentieth century. The Enggano culture and language were put in further jeopardy in
the early 1960s when the Indonesian government began relocating convicts from Java
and Sumatra to Enggano. By 1963 there were 2,600 offenders from other parts of
Indonesia on the island in addition to the 400 remaining Enggano people (Jaspan 1964,
110).
Contrary to predictions during the early 1900s, the Enggano population has
actually grown in the past fifty years, and the language is still in vigorous daily use.
Estimates of the number of Enggano speakers today range from 700 (Wurm 2000) to
1,500 (Lewis 2009). The total population of the island is around 2,000, with about half
3
of the population being native and the other half being people of outside descent,
mostly from Java and Sumatra.
Enggano has recently been heavily influenced by the culture, politics and languages
of Java and Sumatra. The languages most influential on Enggano are the Malay and
Indonesian language varieties spoken on Java and Sumatra. The nearest language is
Bengkulu Malay, spoken in and around the city of Bengkulu (classified in the
Ethnologue as a dialect of Central Malay [pse]). The only ferries connecting Enggano to
Sumatra go to Bengkulu, so there is much direct contact between that city and the
island. Minangkabau [min] is a regional trade language along the west coast of
Sumatra, and as such it also has influence on Enggano. The third prominent language
influencing Enggano is Standard Indonesian [ind], the official language of Indonesia
and the language of school, government, and all official business on Enggano. Figure 2
shows the Ethnologue language map of Sumatra. Enggano island is number 13 at the far
bottom, Central Malay is spoken in the area designated by number 10 in the southwest,
and Minangkabau is spoken in the area designated by number 28 along the western
coast.
4
Figure 2. Ethnologue language map of Sumatra
Bengkulu Malay, Minangkabau, and Indonesian are all closely related to each other.
It is often difficult to tell which one has caused a particular effect in Enggano.
Speakers of Bengkulu Malay, Minangkabau and Indonesian now live on Enggano
island, intermingled with the local Enggano population. Speakers of other languages,
including Batak and Javanese, live there as well. Since few of the immigrants speak
Enggano, most interethnic communication takes place in Indonesian or Bengkulu Malay.
Enggano speakers only use their language among themselves, although many
immigrants claim that they can understand some of the language.
There are six villages on Enggano island, all of them strung along the island’s only
road on the northeast coast. Figure 3 shows the villages on the island. The lines mark
the territorial boundaries of the villages, while the dots represent the residential area
for each village.
5
Figure 3. Villages on Enggano island3
The three central villages of Malakoni, Apoho and Meok have greater percentages
of native Enggano residents, while the outlying villages of Banjarsari, Kaana and
Kahayapu have larger immigrant populations. Ferries to Bengkulu depart from
Kahayapu and Malakoni.
1.2 Previous research on Enggano
The first substantial documentation of life on Enggano began when Enggano’s
contact with the outside world increased in the last half of the nineteenth century.
Dutch administrators and explorers made numerous trips to the island and published
several general reports on the people, culture and language. These include Boewang
(1854), van der Straaten and Severijn (1855), von Rosenberg (1855), Walland (1864),
van der Hoeven (1870), and Helfrich (1888). These reports culminated in an often cited
3
This map was created by SIL Indonesia and is used by permission. I added the points to
represent the approximate place of each village’s residential area.
6
ethnographic description of the Enggano people, “The Island of Women”, by Italian
researcher E. Modigliani (1894). Ethnograpic work continued with more recent work by
Tichelman (1942), Keuning (1955), Amran (1979), and ter Keurs (2006).
The first linguistic records from Enggano are the brief wordlists found in van der
Straaten and Severijn (1855) and von Rosenberg (1855). Both of these wordlists were
recorded by non-linguists unfamiliar with the Enggano language, so their accuracy is
doubtful. Helfrich and Pieters (1891) published an extensive wordlist, with extensive
corrections and additions published a few years later (Helfrich 1916). The complete
wordlist contains over 1,000 items, with glosses in Malay and Dutch. Also available is
the Holle List for Enggano (Stokhof 1987), which was collected in 1895 and also
contains over 1,000 items. These two extended wordlists represent the first substantial
records of the Enggano language.
The first and only major linguistic analysis of Enggano was conducted by German
linguist Hans Kähler in 1937. The results of this research include a published grammar
(1940), dictionary (1987), and texts (1955; 1961; 1973; 1975). Kähler’s grammar and
dictionary are the sources for most typological and comparative work on Enggano.
While the grammar and dictionary are both extensive, the only mention of phonology in
either one is a list of consonant and vowel phonemes and a short paragraph describing
some basic features. The list of phonemes in the dictionary does not agree with the one
in the grammar, and some of the dictionary’s transcriptions are inconsistent. The font
used in the publication causes poor legibility for some words. Prentice (1989), among
others, questions the accuracy of the transcriptions.
The only literature that discusses Enggano phonology is Kähler’s grammar and
dictionary, along with Nothofer’s more recent paper on loanwords in Enggano, which
has a list of phonemes (Nothofer 1992). Table 1 shows Nothofer’s analysis of the
consonant phonemes.
7
Table 1. Consonant inventory from Nothofer (1992)
Bilabial
Stop
Nasal
p
b
Alveolar
t
m
Trill
Palatal
Velar
d
Glottal
k
n
r
Fricative
Approximant
ʔ
h
w
j
There are extensive differences between this analysis and Kähler’s. Kähler adds /ɲ/
and /x/ as phonemes but does not include /w/. He claims that /t/ and /r/ are marginal,
occurring only in certain dialects, adding /tʃ/,4 /dʒ/, /f/, and /l/ as marginal phonemes
as well. These differences are summarized in Table 2.
Table 2. Difference between consonant inventories
p
b
t
d
tʃ
dʒ
k
ʔ
m
n
ɲ
r
f
x
h
w
j
l
Kähler dictionary
√
√
marginal
√
marginal
marginal
√
√
√
√
√
marginal
marginal
√
√
--√
marginal
Kähler grammar
√
√
marginal
√
√
marginal
√
√
√
√
√
marginal
marginal
√
√
--√
marginal
Nothofer 1992
√
√
√
√
----√
√
√
√
--√
----√
√
√
---
Table 3 shows Nothofer’s analysis of vowel phonemes.
4
Kähler’s dictionary indicates /tʃ/ is marginal, while his grammar indicates it is not.
8
Table 3. Vowel inventory from Nothofer (1992)
Front
Central
Back
High
i
ĩ
ɨ
ɨ̃
u
ũ
Mid
e
ẽ
ə
ə̃
o
õ
a
ã
Low
As with the consonant phonemes, there are many differences between Nothofer’s
and Kähler’s analyses of vowel phonemes. Kähler’s dictionary does not include the high
central vowels /ɨ ̃/ and /ɨ ̃/. His grammar, on the other hand, includes a set of low mid
vowels /ɛ/, /ɛ̃/, /ɔ/, and /ɔ̃/ but does not include /ẽ/, /ə/, /ə̃/, or /õ/.
Table 4 shows the difference between the vowel inventories in the same sources.
Table 4. Difference between vowel inventories
i
ĩ
ɨ
ɨ̃
u
ũ
e
ẽ
ə
ə̃
o
õ
ɛ
ɛ̃
ɔ
ɔ̃
a
ã
Kähler dictionary
√
√
----√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
--------√
√
Kähler grammar
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
------√
--√
√
√
√
√
√
Nothofer 1992
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
--------√
√
The Kähler grammar also lists seventeen diphthongs as part of the phoneme
inventory. All the diphthongs go from low to high, beginning with /a/, /e/ or /o/ and
ending with /e/, /o/, /i/ or /u/. Diphthongs are not mentioned in any of the other
sources.
9
Besides Nothofer (1992), recent discussion of Enggano has mostly been limited to
brief mention of the language in historical comparative and typological work on
Austronesian languages. These begin with Dyen’s lexicostatistical analysis of
Austronesian wordlists (1965). Dyen’s analysis puts Enggano’s highest percentage of
shared vocabulary at 11% with Murut, a language of Borneo. While the lexicostatistical
method is not generally considered valid for determining language relationships,
Enggano’s extraordinarily low percentage of shared vocabulary still shows that it is not
closely related to any of the surrounding languages. The comparative work with the
most thorough discussion of Enggano is Nothofer’s article on the Sumatran Barrier
Islands languages (1986). Nothofer provides quantitative evidence for subgrouping
Sichule (Sikule), Nias, Mentawai, and Simalur (Simeulue). Enggano, however, is
included only as a possible member of the subgroup because it is so deviant from the
other languages in the Barrier Islands.
Other authors take widely differing approaches to Enggano’s classification. Mahdi
(1986) groups all Austronesian languages in Western and Eastern subgroups, with most
of the Barrier Islands languages in the Western subgroup and Enggano in the Eastern
subgroup. Capell (1982) takes a cautious approach, classifying Enggano as a nonAustronesian isolate. He concludes, “Enggano does not in fact belong to the [ProtoAustronesian] group” (p. 4). The Ethnologue summarizes the lack of consensus on
Enggano’s classification: “Not closely related to other languages. Not conclusively
established as an Austronesian language, rather than an isolate with Austronesian
loans.”
There are three other studies discussing other aspects of the Enggano language.
Nothofer (1992) lists sound changes that occurred in the adaptation of loanwords from
Malay/Indonesian and Minangkabau into Enggano. Schmidt (1988) discusses the sound
changes that occurred in Enggano over the past fifty years. Enggano is undergoing rapid
10
change under influence from Malay and Indonesian in its grammar, lexicon, phonology
and domains of use. A very recent study of bilingualism patterns among the Enggano
people by Simanjuntak (2009) shows that Enggano is still a vital language used in
conjunction with Standard Indonesian for daily life. Simanjuntak states that attitudes
toward both Enggano and Indonesian are positive.
11
CHAPTER 2
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY
The goal of this research is a description of Enggano phonology and phonetics that
will be of typological interest and will be useful for language development, with a focus
on vocoids and vocoid sequences. To accomplish this, I take what is already known
about Enggano phonology and expand on that knowledge with original research. In this
chapter I summarize what has been previously published about Enggano phonology. I
then sketch out my objectives for further research and the methodology used to
accomplish the objectives.
As indicated in Chapter 1, the three publications that have information on Enggano
phonology are Kähler’s grammar and dictionary and Nothofer’s 1992 paper on
loanwords. Following is a summary of the analyses presented there.
(a)
Phoneme inventory: twelve to seventeen consonants and six to eight oral
vowels with nasal counterparts. Kähler (1940) lists seventeen diphthongs in
the phoneme inventory while other sources do not list these.
(b)
Syllable structure: CV and V. Kähler’s dictionary does not list any syllable
codas. There are many vowel sequences.
(c)
Stress patterns: The discussion in the 1895 Holle list says, “word stress mostly
is on the penultimate syllable; if not it falls on the final syllable” (Stokhof
1987, 189). Kähler’s dictionary also states that stress is penultimate.
(d)
Morphophonology: There are many prefixes and suffixes in the language. As
affixation is difficult to decipher in Kähler’s dictionary because of
12
typographical issues, it is difficult to tell whether there is any phonologically
conditioned alternation in derived forms.
(e)
Dialects: The Kähler grammar lists a few phonological differences between
two dialects, and the older Dutch sources also list dialectal differences. There
were apparently different speech patterns on several small inhabited outlying
islands, especially Pulau Dua. Today the outlying islands are no longer
inhabited. In 2007 Enggano speakers informed a sociolinguistic survey team
that there was no dialect variation at all in the Enggano language (Aprilani
2007). The same was reported to me during my field research in 2010. Only
the northeastern coast of the island is now inhabited.
Based on the goal of a descriptive phonology that is of typological interest, and
based on what is already known from the literature, the following objectives guide the
research. The focus here is on vowels and vocoid sequences.
(a)
Establish the phoneme inventory, specifically by resolving areas of
disagreement between the various published phoneme inventories.
(b)
List and discuss basic phonological patterns including syllable structure, stress
patterns, allophonic processes and positional neutralization of contrast.
(c)
List and discuss syllabification patterns in vocoid sequences.
(d)
Provide a phonological analysis of syllabification patterns of vocoid
sequences.
(e)
Show the acoustic correlates (duration, intensity, formants) of all
syllabification patterns of vocoid sequences.
(f)
Show how the vowel system maps out acoustically in the vowel space.
Because of external factors, I was able to spend only two weeks doing intensive data
collection in Meok. I was able to collect a large amount of quality data during that time,
thanks to the guidance of my advisor and the generosity of my Enggano hosts. However,
13
two weeks is a very short time span for conducting field work, and there are several
areas of Enggano phonology that remain unclear because of a lack of time in field
research. If more extended visits to Enggano are undertaken in the future, researchers
will be able to build on the initial research presented here. I discuss in prose below the
methodologies used to accomplish the six objectives presented above.
The phoneme inventories in Kähler (1940; 1987) and Nothofer (1992) give a total
of fourteen vowels and eighteen consonants, including all of Kähler’s marginal
consonants. For each of the vowels and consonants, native speakers were asked to think
of words that contained that segment in various positions. Initially, the goal was to
obtain ten examples of each consonant in the onset of syllables in three positions:
initial, medial pre-stress, and stressed; as well as word-finally. This is shown in (1).
(1) Four word positions for consonant elicitation (Example consonant: [p])
Initial
/purik/
[purik]
‘grow’
Medial pre-stress
/kĩpãʔĩõp/
[kĩpãʔjõp]
‘eight’
Stressed
/hãpɘ̃ʔ/5
[hãpɘ̃ʔ]
‘breathe’
Final
/kõp/
[kõp]
‘grave’
Each vowel was to be elicited in initial, stressed, and post-stress environments.
These parameters were set up with the assumption that, as per Kähler, stress was
penultimate and there were no syllable codas. When it became evident that stress was
final, elicitation for the post-stress position was discontinued. Since word-initial syllable
onsets are mandatory, elicitation for vowel-initial words was discontinued as well. The
word positions for vowel elicitation are shown in (2).
(2) Three word positions for vowel elicitation (Example vowel: [a])
Pre-stress
/ tahaʔ/
[tahaʔ]
‘write’
Final closed syllable
/poraʔ/
[poraʔ]
‘split’
5
Formant measurements of the mid central vowel show that it is acoustically higher than the
other mid vowels /e/ and /o/ (see section 5.2). Perceptually, the quality of this vowel sounds
different from that of intrusive schwa (see section 3.3). So the high-mid vowel symbol [ɘ] is
used for the mid central phoneme, while the schwa symbol with the breve [ə̆] is used for
intrusive schwa.
14
Final open syllable
/ kitaha /
[kitaha]
‘centipede’
It also became evident during elicitation that there were many syllable codas in the
language, including word-internal codas. This created the possibility of medial
consonant sequences across syllable boundaries. Medial consonant sequences are
common. Elicitation focused on consonant sequences was therefore not necessary since
there were many examples of the sequences in words elicited for other purposes.
Examples of each vocoid sequence6 were elicited as well. The goal was to obtain at
least five examples of all possible combinations, excluding homorganic sequences. The
surrounding environment was not specified as it was for consonants and vowels.
Speakers could only think of one or two examples of some of the rarer sequences,
especially the nasal and nasalized sequences.
A total of six men and two women, all from the village of Meok, participated in the
research. All had spent most of their lives in Meok. All were initially thought to be firstlanguage Enggano speakers, although I learned later that one of the women had learned
Indonesian as her first language and had learned Enggano while in elementary school.
Data contributed by this speaker was not removed from the database since everyone
agreed that she spoke Enggano no differently from anyone else, and had been fluent for
a very long time.
The speakers worked in small groups. Together they filled out paper forms that
listed a segment, a specific environment, and ten blank example spaces for examples.
The speakers worked in small groups to fill out the forms. One group member was
informally assigned as the transcriber. Standard Indonesian orthography was used for
6
In this thesis, the term vocoid sequence is used to denote a sequence of underlying vowels.
Vocoid sequences have surface realization as either two vowels or a vowel and an
approximant.
15
transcription, with the addition of the apostrophe <'> for glottal stop, schwa <ə> for
both central vowels, and tilde (e.g. <ã>) for vowel nasalization.
As lists of words were completed, all data was checked and reviewed with one of
the speakers, and then entered into a FieldWorks database.7 When all of the lists were
complete and entered into the database, one of the speakers made an audio recording of
the whole database. All recordings in the study were done on a Zoom H2 portable
digital recorder with an Audio Technica Pro 70 lapel microphone. Recordings were
made at 24 bit depth, 48 kHz sampling rate. The recordings were done in stereo mode,
with right gain turned to zero. Using Audacity (Audacity Team 2010), the right channel
was extracted and deleted, leaving a mono file. For the recording, I gave a prompt in
Indonesian and the speaker repeated the corresponding Enggano word twice. The only
problem with this method was that it yielded words with “list intonation” – the first
repeat of each word has a rising pitch and greater overall intensity, and the second has
a falling pitch with lower overall intensity. All words in the FieldWorks database were
later checked with the audio recordings to ensure phonetic accuracy.
The database resulting from this methodology contains 841 entries. 144 of these
are complex words, loanwords, or place names. These were removed for the basic
phonological analysis. The database of basic words for phonological analysis thus
contained 697 items.
The audio files resulting from the research will be archived online in SIL
International’s REAP archive. As of this writing, the REAP archive is still very new and
has not yet been made publicly available on the Internet. Plans are being developed to
make this data publicly available, however.
7
SIL International’s FLEx (FieldWorks Language Explorer) was used for the database of lexical
items. SIL’s Phonology Assistant was used to analyze phonological patterns from the words in
the corpus. Both programs are freely available on the Internet at http://fieldworks.sil.org/
and http://phonologyassistant.sil.org/.
16
Most Enggano verbs and adjectives have affixation. These words were included in
the basic database, while other complex and compound words were excluded. In the
analysis, care was taken to ensure all phenomena are attested within morphemes and
not only across morpheme boundaries. In verbs with affixation, it is not clear what form
of the verb is represented with the different affixed forms. Determining this would
require a morphological analysis, which was impossible due to time constraints. The
Kähler grammar would have likely been of great help in this area, but it was largely
inaccessible to me since it is written in German. All glosses of verbs, therefore, only
contain the basic sense of the words and do not show what form of the verb is
represented. Procedures for dividing morphophonological phenomena from
phonological phenomena are discussed in Appendix A, along with a brief overview of
affixation.
For each vocoid, consonant, and vocoid sequence, one example word was recorded
in the sentence frame [ʔu pe __ ʔan pe janik] ‘Say __ clearly’ for acoustic analysis.
Words recorded in frames with a vocoid in focus are shown in (3), while those with a
consonant in focus are shown in (4). The segment in focus is in bold.
(3) Vocoids recorded in frames8
/hɘdik/
[hɘdik]
/kɨx/
[kɨx]
/duduk/
[duduk]
/ka-rep/
[karep]
/kɘx/
[kɘx]
/kaʔ-tok/
[kaʔə̆tok]
/kak/
[kak]
/kãʔ-kĩh/
[kãʔə̆kĩh]
/pɨ ̃ʔ/
[pɨ ̃ʔ]
/kũk/
[kũk]
/kã-pẽp/
[kãpẽp]
8
‘turn around’
‘turtle’
‘burn’
‘boil’
‘mountain’
‘red’
‘person’
‘dry’
‘fireplace’
‘back’
‘shallow’
As discussed in sections 3.2 and 5.2 , the mid central vowel (represented as [ə] in other
sources) is better represented as [ɘ] as it is acoustically higher than the other mid vowels.
This convention is also useful to distinguish it from the schwa vowel inserted in consonant
clusters, which I represent with the symbol [ə̆]. [x], [ç], and [s] were found to be allophones
of /x/, as discussed in section 3.1.3.
17
/kãʔ-kɘ̃h/
/kõp/
/kãp/
/ʔa-ioiaʔ/
/ʔauaʔ/
[kãʔə̆kɘ̃h]
[kõp]
[kãp]
[ʔajojaʔ]
[ʔawaʔ]
‘black’
‘grave’
‘traditional leader’
‘pay out (a rope)’
‘mangrove’
(4) Consonants recorded in frames
/ʔabeh/
[ʔabeh]
‘bamboo’
/batar/
[batar]
‘pillow’
/ka-der/
[kader]
‘soft’
/kabakeʔ/
[kabakeʔ]
(a term of address)
/baʔau/
[baʔ.au̯]
‘guava’
/ʔamak/
[ʔãmãk]
‘God’
/kanam/
[kãnãm]
‘salt’
/karah/
[karah]
‘body’
/pɘix/
[pɘi ̯s]
‘machete’
/karaix/
[karaç]
‘cup’
/kaʔ-daix/
[kaʔə̆daç]
‘white’
/kɘx/
[kɘx]
‘mountain’
/tahaʔ/
[tahaʔ]
‘write’
/ka-lel/
[kalel]
‘soft’
Words recorded in frames with a vocoid sequence in focus are shown in (5). Here
and throughout the thesis, syllable breaks between two vowels are marked with a
period. Glottal consonants syllabify with the preceding vowel (Chapter 4); these syllable
breaks are also marked.9 Syllable breaks not involving a vocoid sequence are unmarked.
Most of the sequences are sequences of two vowels, but several have a vowel and an
approximant. Because of time limitations, I was not able to record an exhaustive set of
vowel-vowel and vowel-approximant sequences.
(5) Vocoid sequences recorded in frames
/hiur/
[hi.ur]
‘dust’
/ie/
[je]
‘vomit’
/hiɘr/
[hi.ɘr]
‘earthworm’
/kiak/
[ki.ak]
‘blood’
/dudiar/
[dudi.ar]
‘durian fruit’
/ki-dadaʔɨɘh/ [kidadaʔ.ɨ ̯ɘh] ‘care for deceased’s spouse’
/kaʔhɨɘ/
[kaʔə̆hɨ.ɘ]
‘female leader’
9
This analysis of glottal consonant syllabification is necessary for the analysis of vocoid
sequence syllabification presented in Chapter 4. I assume that there is no articulatory or
perceptual difference between glottal consonant as coda (e.g. [bah.aʊ̯ʔ] and onset (e.g.
[ba.haʊ̯ʔ]). These syllabification marks are part of the analysis rather than a reflection of
actual articulation.
18
/ka-kɨɘ/
/pɨah/
/kahʔuis/
/ba-ʔueh/
/ʔi-ʔuoʔ/
/puak/
/kikeor/
/ki-deok/
/pa-hitɘi/
/koi/
/bohoe/
/koar/
/paido/
/bahauʔ/
/beia/
/tauud/
[kakɨ.ɘ]
[pɨ.ah]
[kahə̆ʔwis]
[baʔweh]
[ʔiʔwoʔ]
[pu.ak]
[kike.or]
[kide.ok]
[pahitɘi ̯]
[koi ̯]
[boh.o̯e]
[ko.ar]
[pai ̯do]
[bah.aʊ̯ʔ]
[beja]
[tawud]
‘short’
‘face’
‘sea crab’
‘sleep’
‘there’
‘go’
‘lost’
‘pinched’
‘mock’
‘wild pig’
‘wild’
‘type of kitchen utensil’
‘cry’
‘heart’
‘table’
‘year’
Words recorded in frames with a nasal or nasalized sequence in focus are shown in
(6).
(6) Nasal and nasalized sequences recorded in frames
/hĩũk/
[hĩ.ũk]
‘louse’
/ki-hĩẽk/
[kĩhjẽk]
‘sit’
/kĩʔi ̃ɘ̃ki ̃ʔi ̃ɘ̃/
[kĩʔjɘ̃ki ̃ʔjɘ̃] ‘sea creature sp.’
/hion/
[hĩ.õn]
‘scratch’
/ki-hiam/
[kĩhjãm]
‘itchy’
/ĩũʔpɨ ̃ãʔ/
[jũʔə̆pɨ ̃.ãʔ]
‘fence’
/kũʔũĩ/
[kũʔwĩ]
‘great grandparent’
/kũhũẽ/
[kũhwẽ]
‘usefulness’
/muo/
[mũ.õ]
‘flower’
/kuan/
[kũ.ãn]
‘when’
/hẽõk/
[hẽ.õk]
‘cockroach’
/ʔẽãp/
[ʔẽ.ãp]
‘thick’
/ki-mɘmɘi/
[kĩmɘ̃mɘ̃i]̯̃
‘overcast’
/pinohoi/
[pĩnõh.õi]̯̃
‘naïve’
/koan/
[kõ.ãn]
‘Lord’
/ʔamahai/
[ʔãmãh.ãi]̯̃
‘bed’
/painɘn/
[pãinɘ̃
̯̃ n]
‘feelings ‘
/kĩpãʔãũp/
[kĩpãʔ.ãʊ̯̃p] ‘ten’
/kãʔãũ/
[kãʔ.ãũ̯]
‘fat (adj.)’
Six speakers were given the list of words written in five different orders on separate
sheets of paper. Each speaker went through the lists one at a time, repeating each word
in the frame [ʔu pe ___ ʔan pe janik] ‘Say ___ clearly’. For analysis I selected two
recordings each from four men, totaling eight tokens of each word. I chose the second
and third recordings from each speaker unless there was a problem with one of these
19
such as stuttering, stumbling or scrambling the words in the frame, a pause part way
through the frame phrase, or background noise. In these cases I selected the fourth
recording of the word unless it also was problematic, in which case I chose the first or
fifth one. I also recorded all the words from the entire database in list format with one
speaker. I spoke the Indonesian prompt once, and the speaker repeated the Enggano
word twice. When the words recorded in frames were not sufficient for acoustic
analysis, I used recordings of words from this comprehensive list.
20
CHAPTER 3
OVERVIEW OF ENGGANO PHONOLOGY
This chapter presents a basic overview of Enggano phonology as a background for
the discussion of vowels and vocoid sequences in the remainder of the thesis. The
chapter discusses consonants and vowels, along with their distribution and related
allophonic processes. Syllable structure and stress patterns are also discussed.
3.1 Consonants
My analysis shows that Enggano has twelve consonant phonemes: six stops, two
nasals, a trill, two fricatives, and a lateral approximant. Table 5 shows the inventory of
consonant phonemes in Enggano. Evidence of contrast for the consonants is found in in
Appendix F, which lists examples of each consonant in initial, prestress medial, stressed,
and final positions.
Table 5. Enggano consonant phonemes
Bilabial
Stop
Nasal
p
b
Alveolar
t
m
Rhotic
Fricative
Lateral
approximant
d
Palatal
Velar
Glottal
k
ʔ
x10
h
n
r
l11
Approximants: [j], [ɨ ̯], [w], [e̯], [o̯]
10
I analyze surface [s], [ç], and [x] as allophones of /x/, although this analysis is tentative and
awaits further study. See section 3.1.4 for a discussion.
11
Occurs in only a few words.
21
The glottal and velar stops are by far the most frequently occurring consonants in
Enggano.
Besides the consonants, many vocoids can occur in syllable onset position. These
include three high approximants [j], [ɨ ̯] and [w], and two mid approximants [e̯] and
[o̯]. These are shown in (7).
(7) Underlying
/i/
/u/
/ɨ/
/e/
/o/
Surface
[j]
[w]
[ɨ ̯]
[e̯]
[o̯]
Environment
onset
onset
onset (not word-initial)
onset (not word-initial)
onset (not word-initial)
All five approximants occur in syllable onsets that are not word initial, while only [j]
and [w] can occur word initially.12
3.1.1 Restrictions on distribution
Voiced oral consonants (/b/, /d/, /r/, and /l/) do not co-occur in the same word
with nasal consonants and vowels; that is, forms like */bãbã/ [bãbã] and */naba/
[nãbã] do not exist. I do not have an explanation for this. The single exception to this
is the word /parna/ [pãrnã] ‘paper’, where the sequence /rn/ occurs. This is probably
a loanword; see Sanskrit /patra/ ‘paper’. A sample of words containing voiced oral
consonants is shown in (8), while a sample of words with nasal consonants and vowels
is shown in (9).
(8) Words with voiced oral consonants
/tabɨdaʔ/
[tabɨdaʔ]
‘jackfruit’
/ba/
[ba]
‘come’
/duduk/
[duduk]
‘burn (v.)’
/dix/
[diç]
‘earthquake’
/dɘr/
[dɘr]
‘river current’
/parur/
[parur]
‘festivity’
12
There does not seem to be a principled reason why mid approximants could not occur in word
initial position since they do occur medially. This distribution could be evidence for a
constraint against nonsyllabic mid vocoids in word initial position, separate from constraints
against high vocoids in initial position and against high and mid vocoids in medial syllable
onsets.
22
/bero/
/pa-lauaʔ/
[bero]
[palawaʔ]
(9) Words with nasal phonemes
/pan/
[pãn]
/kahten/
[kãhtẽn]
/kĩk/
[kĩk]
/kome/
[kõmẽ]
/ʔãpũʔ/
[ʔãpũʔ]
/hion/
[hĩ.õn]
/ʔẽp/
[ʔẽp]
/ka-pẽʔ/
[kãpẽʔ]
‘river’
‘spit (v.)’
‘nose’
‘disgusting’
‘necklace’
‘bridge’
‘snake’
‘scratch’
‘left’
‘slanted’
Besides the two categories shown above, there are also many words that have
neither voiced oral consonants nor nasal phonemes.
The consonant /t/ occurs mostly in loanwords. Out of 71 total occurrences of /t/ in
the data, it occurs in loanwords 47 times and in native vocabulary 24 times. Initial /t/
is found almost exclusively in loanwords. Thse words appear to be of Malay origin,
where the source consonant is initial /s/, /t/ or /tʃ/. For example, Malay
/sirih/→/tiri/ [tiri] ‘betel leaf’, Malay /tʃəŋkeh/→/teke/ [teke] ‘cloves’, and Malay
/tahun/→/tauud/ [tawud] ‘year’. There are three apparently native words with
initial /t/ in the data: /tahaʔ/ [tahaʔ] ‘stab’, /teʔ/ [teʔ] ‘there’ and /tabɨdaʔ/
[tabɨdaʔ] ‘jackfruit’.
The alveolar stops /t/ and /d/ rarely occur in final position. Final /t/ occurs only
after /i/, with seven instances in the data. Final /d/ only occurs in one native word:
/dahɨd/ [dahɨd] ‘lean’, and in four loanwords. The other alveolar consonants /n/ and
/r/ occur more freely in final position. /n/ occurs finally 38 times, following all vowels,
and final /r/ occurs 61 times after all oral vowels but /i/.
The rhotic consonant /r/ occurs initially in only one native word: /roro/ [roro]
‘pick up’. It occurs frequently in medial and final positions and is realized as either a
trill or a tap (section 3.1.6).
23
In a few words, /d/ and /r/ appear to be in free variation, as in [kader] ~
[karer] ‘soft’ and the loanword [dudiad] ~ [dudiar] ‘durian fruit’. Enggano speakers
report that older speakers tend to favor pronunciation with /d/, while younger speakers
favor pronunciation with /r/.13
The glottal stop occurs in all positions. It contrasts with other consonants initially
and finally, but it is somewhat predictable medially. In 87% of the instances of
intervocalic glottal stop in the data (113 out of 130), the vowels on either side of the
glottal stop are homorganic. Geminate vowels are rare in Enggano (with only one
attestation /kããh/ [kã.ãh] ‘afraid’ in the data), while heterorganic vocoid sequences
are common. The glottal stop in these cases could then be analyzed as a surface
insertion between geminate vowels. The remaining 13% of occurrences of intervocalic
glottal stop do not fit this, however. These occurrences are between heterorganic vowels
and cannot be explained as surface insertions. There is no principled way of
distinguishing between heterorganic vowel sequences and sequences of heterorganic
vowels separated by a glottal stop, so all glottal stops must be regarded as phonemic.
The glottal stop also occurs word medially in consonant sequences, usually as the first
member of the sequence as in /doʔra/ [doʔə̆ra] ‘sand’.14
The lateral approximant [l] is rare in Enggano. It occurs in only five words in the
data. They are listed in (10).
(10) /pa-lauaʔ/
/ka-lel/
/kaʔ-kaluʔ/
/ka-leʔleʔ/
/kaʔ-blau/
[palawaʔ]
[kalel]
[kaʔə̆kaluʔ]
[kaleʔə̆leʔ]
[kaʔə̆blau̯]
‘split (v.)’
‘soft’
‘rumpled’
‘muddy’
‘blue’
13
Some younger speakers also use the form [dudian] with final [n]. The use of final [n] is
probably because of influence from the Malay/Indonesian form of the word [durian].
14
The inserted schwa in the surface form is predictable. See section 3.3 for a discussion.
24
The lateral approximant occurs intervocalically four times, finally one time, and
medially following another consonant two times. The word /kaʔ-blau/ ‘blue’ contains
the only underlying three-consonant sequence in the data. This is an assimilated
loanword, probably from Dutch /blau/ ‘blue’ and with the Enggano adjectival prefix
/kaʔ-/. The lateral approximant alternates with /d/ and /r/ in the word [kader] ~
[karer] ~ [kalel] ‘soft’.15
The fricative /x/ only occurs finally, in thirty-three words in the data. According to
my tentative analysis, it contrasts with other consonants in final position, as discussed
in section 3.1.3.
3.1.2 Consonant sequences
Sequences of two consonants are common in Enggano, but the range of consonants
that can occur in a sequence is restricted. Consonant sequences only occur wordinternally and are found most frequently at morpheme boundaries between a prefix and
stem. There are no tautosyllabic consonant sequences in native words. The first
consonant in a sequence is nearly always /ʔ/, /h/ or /r/. There are three consonant
sequences in the data whose first member is a different consonant. Two are reduplicated
forms: /kaʔ-riprip/ [kaʔə̆riprip] ‘muddy’ with the sequence /pr/ and /ka-bikbik/
[kabikbik] ‘muddy’ with the sequence /kb/. The third is the borrowed word /kaʔblau/ [kaʔə̆blau] ‘green’ with the underlying three-consonant sequence /ʔbl/. Table 6
shows usual sequences attested in phonemic representations.
15
It is not clear whether these forms alternate based on speaker, or whether the same speaker
uses different forms.
25
Table 6. Consonant co-occurrences in underlying forms
ʔ
h
r
_p
√
√
√
_b
√
√
√
_t
√
√
√
_d
√
√
√
_k
√
√
√
_ʔ
--√
---
_m
√
√
---
_n
√
√
√
_x
-------
_h
√
-----
_r
√
√
---
_l
√
-----
Out of thirty-six possible consonant co-occurrences, twenty-five are attested and eleven
are not. The fact that there are no geminate sequences explains three gaps. /x/ does not
occur in sequences since its restriction to word-final position does not overlap with the
word-internal restriction of consonant sequences. This explains three more gaps. There
are no attestations of /hl/ or /rl/, presumably because /l/ is so rare in the language.
These can be considered accidental gaps. The sequence /rm/ is not attested, and this is
expected since voiced oral consonants do not co-occur with nasal consonants in the
same word. The sequence /rn/ is attested only in the borrowed word /parna/ [pãrnã]
‘paper’. The sequences /rh/ and /rʔ/ remain the only unexplained gaps in consonant cooccurrences. It is possible that these are accidental gaps.
3.1.3 Vowel intrusion
In consonant sequences where the first consonant is a glottal stop, a short schwa
vowel [ə̆] is inserted between the two consonants of the sequence. This occurs both
morpheme-internally and at morpheme boundaries. Morpheme-internally, it occurs in
words such as /doʔra/ [doʔə̆ra] ‘sand’ and /koʔma/ [kõʔə̆mã] ‘porch’. At morpheme
boundaries it occurs in words like /kaʔ-tok/ [kaʔə̆tok] ‘red’ and /kaʔ-he/ [kaʔə̆he]
‘go octopus hunting’. Insertion only occurs in clusters involving a glottal stop and a true
consonant. There is no insertion between a glottal stop and a following surface
approximant; e.g. /kõʔĩã/ [kõʔjã] ‘melinjo nut’, or in consonant sequences that begin
with /h/ or /r/, as in /kah-mih/ [kãhmĩh] ‘squeeze’ and /ʔarkix/ [ʔarkiç] ‘rice’.
26
There is one occurrence of the sequence /hʔ/. Schwa insertion occurs in this sequence:
/kahʔuis/ [kahə̆ʔu.is] ‘sea crab’.
Hall (2006) distinguishes between epenthetic vowels, which are phonologically
visible, and intrusive vowels, which are phonologically invisble. Epenthetic vowels can
be of any vowel quality and can occur in various types of consonant clusters, while
intrusive vowels are consistently schwa-like and only occur in heterorganic consonant
clusters.
Enggano inserted vowels have several of the properties of intrusive vowels. They
are schwa-like, and only occur in heterorganic consonant clusters. The inserted vowel
[ə̆] does not interact with stress patterns or syllable structure. Enggano secondary stress
is consistently placed on alternating syllables right to left (see section 3.4), regardless of
whether an inserted vowel is present or not. This is seen in the words /ʔanoʔon/
[ˌʔãnõʔˈõn] ‘heel’ and /koʔnene/ [ˌkõʔə̆nẽˈnẽ] ‘flirt’. The inserted vowel also does not
interact with syllable structure. There are several instances of a sequence of glottal
consonants followed by a sequence of vocoids; e.g. /kaʔhɨɘ/ [kaʔə̆.hɨ.ɘ] ‘female
leader’ and /kahʔuix/ [kahə̆ʔu.is] ‘sea crab’. High vocoids following post-vocalic
glottal consonants are nonsyllabic, as in /kõʔĩã/ [kõʔ.jã] ‘tree sp.’ (see section 4.2). If
the inserted vowel were phonologically visible, the high vocoid following the second
glottal consonant should be nonsyllabic; e.g. *[kaʔ.ə̆h.ɨ ̯ɘ] and *[kah.ə̆ʔ.wis]. But
since the intrusive vowel is not phonologically visible, the glottal consonant before the
high vocoid is post-consonantal and the vocoid is consequently syllabic.
Representation of intrusive vowels in relation to syllable structure is a matter of
some controversy (Hall 2006, 397). Because the Enggano intrusive vowels vowels are
invisible to stress patterns, I follow Hall in not including such vowels in syllable
structure. I do not mark syllable boundaries in phonetic forms for the intrusive vowel,
assuming that the vowel does not belong to either syllable. For example, the word
27
/kõʔkõʔ/ [kõʔə̆koʔ] ‘sago palm’, while not marked for syllabicity, is assumed to have
two CVC syllables.
3.1.4 Place assimilation of /x/
The three fricatives [x], [ç], and [s] only occur word-finally. They appear to be in
complementary distribution. I present below an initial analysis based on the available
data. The analysis presented here is tentative since there are several factors related to
these segments that remain difficult to explain.
I analyze the three fricatives as allophones of the phoneme /x/. This phoneme is
realized as [x] after /ɨ/, /ɘ/, and /u/, as [ç] after /i/, /ai/ and /ãĩ/, and as [s] after
vocoid sequences ending in /i/, including /ai/. The distributions of [ç] and [s] overlap
after /ai/. The phoneme only occurs after these six vowels in its thirty-three
occurrences in the data. The three allophones of /x/ are shown in (11), (12), and (13).
(11) [x] after non-front vowels
/ʔabɨx/
[ʔabɨx]
/kɨx/
[kɨx]
/kɘx/
[kɘx]
/ʔudɘx/
[ʔudɘx]
/ka-pux/
[kapux]
‘already’
‘turtle’
‘mountain’
‘shampoo’
‘sick’
(12) [ç] after /i/, /ai/, /ãĩ/
/kaʔ-pix/
[kaʔə̆piç]
/dix/
[diç]
/kaix/
[kaç]
/pãĩx/
[pãç]
‘sudsy’
‘earthquake’
‘box’
‘pestle’
(13) [s] after vocoid sequences ending in /i/: /ii/, /ai/, /ɘi/, /ui/
/iix/
[jis]
‘word’
/kaix/
[kai ̯s]
‘sound’
/pɘix/
[pɘi ̯s]
‘machete’
/kahʔuix/
[kahə̆ʔu.is]
‘sea crab’
/juʔuix/
[juʔ.wis]
‘oar’
I analyze the sequence [aç] as coming from underlying [aix]. In several words, [ais]
alternates with [aç]; e.g. /kaix/ [kaç] ~ [kais] ‘box’ and /maix/ [mãç] ~ [mãĩs]
‘gold’. There are some words ending in [aç] that have no known [ais] alternant (e.g.
28
/pãĩx/ [pãç] ‘pestle’ and /taix/ [taç] ‘bag’), but there are no known words ending in
[ais] that do not have an [aç] alternant. Alternatively, it could be argued that [aç] is
underlyingly /ax/, but it would be difficult to find a motivation for a process where /x/
becomes [ç] after /a/. The process /ix/→[ç] is phonetically grounded. The alternation
in words like [kaç] ~ [kais] ‘box’ is straightforward if both are analyzed as
underlyingly /kaix/.
Although /x/ only occurs finally, it contrasts with other consonants in this position.
There is contrast between /x/ and /h/, stops, and the absence of /x/. This is shown in
Table 7.
Table 7. Contrast for /x/
/x/ vs /k/
/x/ vs /k/
/x/ vs /h/
/x/ vs /t/
/x/ vs ∅
/x/ vs ∅
/x/ vs ∅
/ka-pux/
/ki-didix/
/kɘx/
/iix/
/ʔabɨx/
/kaix/
/iix/
Example
[kapux] ‘sick’
[kididiç] ‘too big (adj.)’
[kɘx]
‘mountain’
[jis]
‘word’
[ʔabɨx]
‘already’
[kaç]
‘box’
[jis]
‘word’
/puk/
/ki-didik/
/kɘʔɘh/
/ʔit/
/kapɨ/
/ʔeai/
/ii/
Contrast
[puk]
[kididik]
[kɘʔɘh]
[ʔit]
[kapɨ]
[ʔe.ai]
[ji]
‘navel’
‘diligent’
‘plant (n.)’
‘banana’
‘cold’
‘fish’
‘behavior’
The distribution of /x/ does not overlap with that of /t/. /x/ occurs as [s] only after a
vocoid sequence ending in /i/, while final /t/ only occurs after interconsonantal /i/.
Because the distributions of [s] and [t] do not overlap, they could be analyzed as
allophones of a single phoneme /t/. However, [s] is better regarded as an allophone of
/x/ since it is associated with /x/ in the alternation [aç] ~ [ais].
A problem with this analysis of the fricatives is their unusual distribution,
particularly the distribution of [ç] and [s] after post-consonantal and post-vocalic /i/.
Another problem is that they only occur word finally. This is an odd distribution for a
phoneme, and it remains unexplained why /x/ does not occur in word initial or medial
position. The inflected possessive form of words ending in [aç] may give a clue
29
regarding an alternate analysis. The word /tax/ [taç] ‘bag’ (probably from Malay /tas/
[tas] ‘bag’) has forms with a possessive suffix including the sequence [ahi], such as
[tahiʔ] ‘my bag’ and [tahib] ‘your (sg.) bag’. While the exact shape of the possessive
suffixes is not clear (see Appendix A), it may be significant that the final [ç] of the stem
is [h] or [hi] in suffixed forms. More research is needed in this area.
3.1.5 Glottal consonant palatalization
In some words, glottal stops are optionally palatalized in surface form. The
existence and duration of the palatal offglide varies, with some speakers completely
omitting palatalization and others producing a very short palatal glide. Examples (14),
(15) and (16) are verbs with optional prefix /ki-/, while (17) and (18) have the
obligatory locative prefix /ʔi-/.
(14) /ʔu/
/ki-ʔu/
[ʔu]
[kiʔu] ~ [kiʔʲu]
‘say’
‘say’
(15) /hẽk/
/ki-hẽk/
[hẽk]
[kĩhẽk] ~ [kĩhʲẽk]
‘sit’
‘sit’
(16) /hau/
/ki-hau/
[hau̯]
[kihau̯] ~ [kihʲau̯]
‘bite’
‘bite’
(17) /ʔi-ʔẽʔ/
[ʔĩʔẽʔ] ~ [ʔĩʔʲẽʔ]
‘here’
(18) /ʔi-ʔõʔ/
[ʔĩʔõʔ] ~ [ʔĩʔʲõʔ]
‘there’
Presumably, glottal consonant palatization occurs morpheme-internally as well. In
this environment it would be difficult to distinguish from a [iʔj] sequence, as in /kiʔia/
[kiʔja] ‘mosquito’, which could potentially be analyzed as /kiʔa/ [kiʔʲa]. However,
there are no words with the morpheme-internal [iʔj] sequence that have an alternate
form without the glide. Since the words in the data with this sequence do not appear to
have the alternate form without the palatal glide, I tentatively analyze them as having
the underlying post-glottal high vowel. Further research may reveal words where there
30
is optional palatization morpheme-internally. There are words where palatization of the
glottal consonant does not occur after /i/, as in /kiʔuɘi/ [kiʔwəi ̯] (a term of address).
Labialization of the glottal stop occurs morpheme-internally in one word after a
high back vowel: /kũʔĩ/ [kũʔĩ] ~ [kũʔʷĩ] ‘great-grandparent’.
3.1.6 [r] and [ɾ] allophones of rhotic consonant
The consonant /r/ is realized as either a trill [r] or a tap [ɾ]. In word initial and
final positions it is realized as [r], as in /roro/ [roɾo] ‘pick up’ and /ʔadɘhɘr/
[ʔadɘhɘr] ‘grass’. In word medial position it is most often realized as a single tap [ɾ].
This is true in consonant sequences as in /iurpuʔ/ [juɾpuʔ] ‘knee’, as well as
intervocalically, as in /kare/ [kaɾe] ‘traditional dance’. But there is some variability in
word medial /r/, as some instances of the consonant have two taps rather than just one.
This variability is even present in different productions of the same words, as in
/ʔarop/ [ʔaɾop] ~ [ʔarop] ‘four’ and /roro/ [roɾo] ~ [roro] ‘pick up’. In summary,
word initial and word final /r/ are realized with two or more taps, while word medial
/r/ is realized with one or two taps. Since there is no straightforward way to transcribe
‘two or more taps’ as opposed to ‘one or two taps’ in phonetic transcriptions, I have
chosen to simply use the trill symbol [r] for phonetic representation of the rhotic
consonant in all word positions.
3.2 Vowels
Enggano has seven oral vowels and seven corresponding nasal vowels.16 Table 8
shows the inventory of vowel phonemes. Examples of each vowel in prestress, final
closed syllable, and absolute final positions are found in Appendix F.
16
As with consonants, previous authors do not agree on the number of vowel phonemes. Kähler’s
dictionary lists six oral and six corresponding nasal vowels, apparently not distinguishing
31
Table 8. Enggano vowel phonemes
Front
Central
Back
High
i
ĩ
ɨ
ɨ̃
u
ũ
Mid
e
ẽ
ɘ
ɘ̃
o
õ
a
ã
Low
Diphthongs: /ai/, /aɨ/, /au/, /ei/, /ɘi/, /oi/
By far the most common vowel in the data is the low vowel /a/. The next most common
vowel /i/ occurs about half as frequently as /a/. The rarest of the vowels is the high
central nasal vowel /ɨ ̃/. It occurs only three times, in the words /pɨ ̃ʔ/ [pɨ ̃ʔ] ‘fireplace’,
/ĩũʔpɨ ̃ãʔ/ [jũʔə̆pɨ ̃.ãʔ] ‘fence’, and /ka-ʔɨ ̃ʔ/ [kãʔ.ɨ ̃ʔ] ‘strong’. The second rarest vowel
/ɘ̃/ occurs eighteen times.
There are numerous surface diphthongs in Enggano. The vowel in the syllable
nucleus is always low or mid, followed by a mid or high offglide. There is no contrast
between mid and high offglides. Mid offglides only occur in closed syllables, while high
offglides only occur in open syllables. Diphthongs in open syllables are shown in (19),
while diphthongs in closed syllables are shown in (20).
(19) Diphthongs in open syllables
/ai/
[ai ̯]
/aɨ/
[aɨ ̯]
/au/
[au̯]
/ei/
[ei ̯]
/əi/
[əi ̯]
/oi/
[oi ̯]
(20) Diphthongs in closed syllables
/ai/
[aɪ ̯]
/au/
[aʊ̯]
/oi/
[oɪ ̯]
between the two central vowels [ɨ] and [ɘ]. Nothofer’s (1992) list is identical to mine, with
seven oral and seven nasal vowels.
32
3.2.1 Vowel nasality
Oral and nasal vowels contrast in words containing only oral consonants. In words
with nasal consonants all the vowels in the word are nasalized, as in /ʔaken/ [ʔãkẽn]
‘shark’. Nasalization spreads across morpheme boundaries as well, as in /kaʔ-kĩh/
[kãʔə̆ki ̃h] ‘dry’. Vowels can be divided into three groups based on nasality: 1)
underlyingly oral vowels that remain oral (non-nasalized) in their surface form, 2)
underlyingly nasal vowels that retain nasality in their surface form, and 3) vowels that
are predictably nasalized from nasal consonants in the same word. The first two groups
of vowels only occur in words without nasal consonants. They are not influenced by
surrounding context and are unambiguously either oral or nasal. The third group of
vowels occurs in words with nasal consonants. The oral/nasal contrast is neutralized in
this environment. Vowels following the nasal consonant are heavily nasalized, while
vowels preceding the nasal consonant are more lightly nasalized. Examples (21), (22),
and (23) are of oral vowels, nasal vowels, and vowels whose nasalization is predictable
from context, respectively.
(21) Words with oral vowels
/pap/
[pap]
/ʔɨaʔ/
[ʔɨ.aʔ]
/kit/
[kit]
/kudiʔ/
[kudiʔ]
‘cheek’
‘tie’
‘try’
‘belt’
(22) Words with nasal vowels
/pĩh/
[pĩh]
/ka-ʔɨ ̃ʔ/
[kãʔ.ɨ ̃ʔ]
/kãp/
[kãp]
/kũkũ/
[kũkũ]
‘squeeze’
‘strong’
‘tribal head’
‘follow’
(23) Words with predictable vowels
/mɘk/
[mɘ̃k]
‘many’
/noʔoe/
[nõʔ.õe̯ ]̃
‘spilled’
/kin/
[kĩn]
‘tall’
/kumu/
[kũmũ]
‘well (n.)’
33
As these examples show, oral and nasal vowels occur in words with only oral
consonants. Nasality spreads from nasal consonants to all vowels in the word.
I analyze vowels in words with nasal consonants as underlyingly oral, based on two
pieces of evidence. First is the morphophonemic spreading of nasality. The nasality of
stem segments spreads leftwards across morpheme boundaries to the prefix vowel, as in
/kaʔ-kĩh/ [kãʔə̆ki ̃h] ‘dry’ and /kaʔ-man/ [kãʔə̆mãn] ‘fragrant’. The vowel of this
adjectival prefix is oral otherwise, as seen in /kaʔ-pix/ [kaʔə̆piç] ‘sudsy’. Underlyingly
oral vowels are nasalized through nasal spreading. As nasal spreading is already present
in Enggano as a morphophonemic process, it may well apply as a phonological process
morpheme internally as well. Secondly, vowels preceding nasal consonants sound less
nasalized than those in words with no nasal consonants. This difference in surface form
could point to an underlying difference in the nasality of the two types of vowels.
Vowels in words with no nasal consonants are [+nasal] in underlying form and retain
this specification in surface form. Underlyingly oral vowels in words with nasal
consonants lose their [-nasal] specification and take on the [+nasal] specification of the
nasal consonant. Nasalization spread leftward is articulated less clearly than than rightspreading nasalization and underlying nasality.
Underlyingly oral vowels could also be analyzed as underlyingly unspecified for
nasality, depending on the theoretical framework. In this case, all oral and predictably
nasalized vowels would have no specification for nasality in the underlying form. They
would receive the default specification of [-nasal] except when the [+nasal] feature
spreads from nasal consonants. Nasal vowels would be specified as [+nasal] in the
underlying form. The question of whether the oral vowels are underlyingly unspecified
or oral does not have direct relevance for the points pursued in this thesis. It will not be
pursued further here.
34
3.2.2 Restrictions on distribution
All vowels occur in medial and final positions, both after consonants and after
other vowels. Only /i/, /ĩ/ and /u/ occur initially, and always as surface approximants.
Sequences of two vocoids can be analyzed as disyllabic sequences of vowels (e.g.
/kiak/ [ki.ak] ‘blood’), diphthongs (e.g. /ka-karai/ [ka.ka.rai ̯] ‘chase’), or sequences
of approximant and vowel (e.g. /kõʔĩã/ [kõʔ.jã] ‘tree sp.’). Chapter 4 discusses vocoid
sequences from the perspective of phonology while chapter 6 presents an acoustic
analysis of vocoid sequences. The remainder of this chapter is a discussion of
restrictions on the distribution of individual vowels.
There is no contrast between high vowels /i/, /u/ and mid vowels /e/, /o/ when
they are the second part of a diphthong in a word’s final syllable. These vowels in
closed syllables are realized as [ɪ ̯] and [ʊ̯] as in /pãĩk/ [pãɪk]
̯̃ ‘river shrimp’ and
/bahauʔ/ [bah.aʊ̯ʔ] ‘heart’. In open syllables they are realized as [i ̯] and [u̯] as in
/ka-karai/ [kakarai ̯] ‘chase’ and /baʔau/ [baʔ.au̯] ‘guava’.
Examples of high vowel glide lowering are shown in (24), while the absence of the
process in plain vowels and diphthongs in open syllables is shown in (25).
(24) High vowel glide lowering in closed-syllable diphthongs
/paiʔ/
[paɪ ̯ʔ]
‘throw’
/iaiʔ/
[jaɪ ̯ʔ]
‘sew’
/iaʔkaʔaiʔ/
[jaʔkaʔ.aɪ ̯ʔ] ‘war’
/pãĩk/
[pãɪk]
̯̃
‘shrimp’
/ʔaup/
[ʔaʊ̯p]
‘four’
/bahauʔ/
[bah.aʊ̯ʔ]
‘heart’
/kĩpãʔãũp/
[kĩpãʔ.ãʊ̯̃p] ‘ten’
(25) No lowering in plain vowels or open syllables
/kopiʔ/
[kopiʔ]
‘suck’
/iiʔ/
[jiʔ]
‘buttocks’
/nahai/
[nãh.ãi]̯̃
‘allow’
/ʔeai/
[ʔe.ai ̯]
‘fish’
/ka-puʔ/
[kapuʔ]
‘collapsed’
/baʔau/
[baʔ.au̯]
‘guava’
/ki-hau/
[kihjau̯]
‘bite’
35
3.3 Syllable structure
There are four main syllable types in Enggano: CV, CVC, CVV, and CVVC. Three
additional, vowel-initial syllable types (V, VC, and VV) occur after vowels. All
underlying vocoid-initial words have an initial approximant in surface form. There are
no surface vowel-initial words. Table 9 shows all seven types, along with examples of
each and an explanation of restrictions on syllable positions within words. The notation
LH refers to height specification of vocoids in sequences, where the first vocoid is lower
than the second.
Table 9. Syllable types in Enggano
Syllable
type
CV
CVC
CVV
CVVC
V
VC
VV
Underlying Surface
Gloss
Environments
/be/
/kapa/
/kũk/
/porpiʔ/
[be]
[kapa]
[kũk]
[porpiʔ]
All environments
/pau/
/painɘn/
/paiʔ/
/pɘix/
/mea/
/ʔeaka/
/kããh/
/kiɘhɘr/
/buai/
/ʔeai/
[pau̯]
[pãinɘ̃
̯̃ n]
[paɪ ̯ʔ]
[pɘi ̯s]
[mẽ.ã]
[ʔe.aka]
[kã.ãh]17
[ki.ɘh.ɘr]
[bu.ai ̯]
[ʔe.ai ̯]
‘dog’
‘child’
‘back’
‘cigarette
paper’
‘horizon’
‘feelings’
‘throw’
‘machete’
‘cat’
‘crab sp.’
‘afraid’
‘shore crab’
‘crocodile’
‘fish’
All environments
All environments
Only occurs in monosyllabic
words; vocoid sequence LH
Only occurs in two-vocoid
sequences (not LH)
Only occurs in two-vocoid
sequences (not LH)
only occurs finally in threevocoid sequences
Only CV, CVC and CVV syllables occur in all environments. CVVC syllables occur only
finally, with the exception of /ko-koiʔea/ [ko.koɪ ̯ʔ.e̯a] ‘lazy’ (see chapter 4 for a
discussion of syllabification of glottal consonants). The only environment where VV
17
This word contains the only homorganic vocoid sequence in the data. Phonetically the
sequence is a very long vowel with a sharp increase in pitch midway through the vowel.
Intensity dips briefly at the halfway point, then rises to a point higher than the previous
steady state.
36
syllables occur is in three-vocoid sequences of the shape High-Low-High, which always
occur finally.
3.4 Stress pattern
Stress in Enggano falls on the final syllable of the word.18 Several of the most
common word shapes are shown in (26), with primary stress marked.
(26) /bibi/
/hapɨʔ/
/pahpɨ/
/porpiʔ/
/kiak/
/ʔɨdiaʔ/
/paido/
/ʔanɨkɘ/
/kabakeʔ/
/karaʔai/
[bi.ˈbi]
[ha.ˈpɨʔ]
[pah.ˈpɨ]
[por.ˈpiʔ]
[ki.ˈak]
[ʔɨ.di.ˈaʔ]
[pai ̯.ˈdo]
[ʔã.nɨ ̃.ˈkɘ̃]
[ka.ba.ˈkeʔ]
[ka.raʔ.ˈai ̯]
‘residence’
‘day’
‘see’
‘cigarette paper’
‘blood’
‘sell’
‘cry’
‘caterpillar sp.’
‘immediate family’
‘tree sp.’
Secondary stress falls on alternating syllables from right to left. Therefore, in threeand four-syllable words, secondary stress falls on the antepenultimate syllable, as in
/iaʔkeʔei/ [ˌjaʔ.keʔ.ˈei ̯] ‘boil (n.)’ and /ʔakiʔakin/ [ʔã.ˌkĩʔ.ã.ˈkĩn] ‘six’.
Stress is also final in loanwords, both assimilated and otherwise unassimilated
words. This is seen in the assimilated loanword /tepaʔ/ [teˈpaʔ] ‘kick’ (probably from
Malay /sepak/ [ˈsepak] ~ [sepaʔ] ‘kick’) and in the otherwise unassimilated
loanword /tikus/ [tiˈkus] ‘rat’ (from Malay/Indonesian /tikus/ [ˈtikus] ‘rat’). In my
tentative analysis, the [s] in [tikus] should be [x], but it remains unassimilated. Strress,
however, has shifted from penultimate to final.
To measure the acoustic correlates of stress, thirteen disyllabic words of the shape
CVCV and CVCVC were selected with identical vowels in the first and second syllables.
18
In the introduction to his grammar, Kähler claims that Enggano stress is penultimate. He says,
“In Enggano stress in principle occurs on the penultimate syllable. If a word is lengthened
through suffixes, the stress is often laid on the vowel of the penultimate syllable, but
sometimes may be placed on the original syllable” (1940, 84). It appears that the stress
pattern has changed in the past eighty years since modern Enggano stress is clearly final.
37
Acoustic measurements of both the first and second vowels were taken, and then
compared. The words were recorded in isolation. This is problematic for measuring
vowel length since it is common for phrase-final vowels to be lengthened. However, no
words of suitable shape were recorded in frames. Measurements of both the first and
second vowel of the selected words in terms of duration, intensity, pitch, and first and
second formants are shown in Appendix C.
All seven oral vowels are represented in the closed-syllable words, and six of the
seven are represented in the open-syllable words. There were no examples of two high
central vowels /ɨ/ in a CVCV word. No underlying nasal vowels were included,
although in some of the words (e.g. /mama/ [mãmã] ‘chew’) both vowels are
nasalized in surface form.
Duration and pitch show a correlation with the stressed syllable. Intensity does not
show an overall correlation, although it is significant in closed syllables. Table 10 shows
the average of each group, as well as the results of a t-test (paired, 2-tailed) performed
on the values for each of the three groups.
Table 10. Correlation of duration, intensity and pitch with word stress
Average
T-test
Duration (ms)
1st
2nd
133
271
p = <0.01
Intensity (dB)
1st
2nd
74
77
p = 0.16
Pitch (Hz)
1st
2nd
109
165
p = <0.01
With p values below 0.01, duration and pitch both appear to correlate strongly with
stress. However, neither duration nor pitch can be conclusively associated with stress
because of the type of recordings that were used. The measurements were taken from
the first of two repeats of words in isolation. The phrase-final position of the second
syllable could be the reason for the longer vowels there. This list intonation (first repeat
rising, second repeat falling) is likely the reason for at least some of the difference in
38
pitch between the first and second syllables.19 Intensity does not show a significant
difference in Table 10. However, further analysis shows that there is a difference
between closed syllable and open syllable words. Intensity between the two vowels in
almost all the open syllable words is the same, but is significantly higher in the final
syllable when it is a closed syllable. A paired, two-tailed t-test on only closed syllable
words yields a p value of 0.04, while the p value for open syllable words is 0.96.
The place of articulation of vowels does not correlate with stress. Figure 4 charts
the vowel quality of stressed and unstressed vowels, showing that the first and second
formants of stressed and unstressed vowels are very similar. In the figure, unstressed
vowels are represented by lowercase letters while stressed vowels are represented by
uppercase letters. The stressed high central vowel is represented by <$>, and the mid
central vowel by <&>. There are two unstressed and two stressed tokens of each
vowel except [ɨ], which has one token of each.
Figure 4. Vowel quality of stressed and unstressed vowels
19
I assume here that list intonation primarily affects the pitch contour and not duration or
intensity. While auditorily this seems to be correct, it has not been proven.
39
The tokens of the two front vowels and three central vowels are very close together. The
tokens of the two back vowels are spread farther apart, but both have instances of
stressed and unstressed vowel very close to each other.
To summarize, intensity correlates with stress in closed syllables. It remains
unknown whether vowel length and pitch correlate with stress, even though the data
appears to show a correlation. Vowel quality does not correlate with stress.
The consistent final stress pattern is helpful in determining the status of vocoid
sequences as either tautosyllabic diphthongs or disyllabic sequences. For example, in
the form [ki.ˈak] ‘blood’ (< /kiak/), stress falls on the second vowel [a], while in
[pãɪk]
̯̃ ‘shrimp’ (< /paik/) it falls primarily on the first vowel [a]. This is the main
articulatory factor that forms the basis of the distinction between disyllabic and
tautosyllabic sequences discussed in chapter Chapter 4. This criterion is most helpful in
determining the status of final-syllable vocoid sequences since primary stress falls on
the final syllable.
40
CHAPTER 4
SYLLABIFICATION OF VOCOID SEQUENCES
The syllabicity of all vocoids in Enggano is predictable by the phonological
environment in which they occur. This yields surface complementary distribution
between vowels and glides. In this thesis, I use the term vocoid to refer to underlying
forms. The terms vowel and approximant are used to refer to surface syllabic and
nonsyllabic vocoids, respectively.
Sequences of two or more vocoids are very frequent in Enggano. This chapter
discusses possible attested vocoid sequences (section 4.1), syllabification of vocoid
sequences (section 4.2), and the acoustic correlates of syllabification (section 4.3). The
chapter ends with a formal analysis of the facts in the framework of Optimality Theory
(section 4.4).
4.1 Attested sequences
Table 11 and Table 12 show all possible two-vocoid sequences in Enggano. Table
11 shows the oral sequences, while Table 12 shows the nasal sequences. Oral and nasal
vowels do not occur together in the same word. The two tables below reflect counts of
underlying forms. Vowels that receive nasalization in surface form from a nasal
consonant are included in Table 11. The tables also include syllable-initial high vocoids
that are glides in surface forms. Each cell gives one or two example words containing
41
the sequence, followed by a number indicating the total number of occurrences of the
sequence in the data.20
Table 11. Oral vocoid sequences
_i
[ji]
‘behavior’
i_
4
_ɨ
[jɨɁ.ɨ.aɁ]
‘rope’
[hi.ɨr]
‘woman’
6
_u
[ju]
‘ocean’
[hi.ur]
‘dust’
12
_e
[je]
‘vomit’
1
ɨ_
u_
[juʔwis]
‘oar’
_ɘ
[jɘb]
‘fire’
[kari.ɘ]
‘work’
1
[kakɨ.ɘ]
‘short’
3
[ʔu.eh]
‘sleep’
4
1
[jaʔə̆keʔ.ei ̯]
‘type of
boil’
1
ɘ_
[pɘi ̯s]
‘machete’
[kɘh.ɘi]
‘spilled’
3
o_
[koi ̯]
[boh.o̯e]
‘pig’
‘wild’
[ʔajojaʔ]
‘pay out’
7
5
a_
[kai ̯s]
[jar.kɨ.aʔ.aɨ ̯]
[pau]
‘sound’
‘small fence’ ‘horizon’
[ʔawaʔ]
1
‘go’
18
11
T
37
7
23
7
2
[ʔe.ok]
‘vein’
_a
[jaʔ.a]
‘knife’
[pi.ak]
‘tired’
34
[ʔɨ.aʔ]
‘tie’
13
[waʔ]
‘uncle’
[pu.ak]
‘go’
10
[ʔe.a]
‘bone’
3
18
9
[dawoh]
‘thunder’
e_
20
_o
[joʔ.oʔ]
‘spear’
16
17
22
3
[do.ab]
‘lightning’
13
1
30
4
14
76
The total number of each type of sequence may be skewed since the source data is made up of
words elicited for phonological features. It is most likely skewed in favor of the less common
vocoid sequences since I elicited for at least five examples of all possible vocoid sequences.
42
T
67
168
Table 12. Nasal vocoid sequences
ĩ_
_ĩ
[jĩʔ.ĩ]
‘type of
tool’
_ɨ ̃
1
_ũ
[jũʔ]
‘stem’
[hĩ.ũk]
‘louse’
5
_ẽ
_ɘ̃
[jɘ̃h]
‘cold’
[kĩʔ.jɘ̃]
‘paralyzed’
4
_õ
[kãjõ]
‘straight’
[pãʔjõp]
‘hug’
2
ɨ ̃_
ũ_
4
[jũʔə̆pɨ ̃.ãʔ]
‘fence’
1
16
1
2
[ʔẽ.õ]
‘mud’
4
ɘ̃_
õ_
T
T
[ʔũ.ẽ]
‘cry’
[kũh.wẽ]
‘usefulness’
2
ẽ_
ã_
_ã
[kĩʔjãp]
‘grasshopper’
[kãjõ]
‘straight’
[pãɪk]
̯̃
‘shrimp’
1
3
0
4
0
2
[kãʔ.ãũ̯]
‘fat’
[pãkõʔ.õ̯ãʔ]
‘know’
1
[kã.ãh]
‘afraid’
1
7
1
6
4
29
2
4
6
Out of 49 possible co-occurrences, 23 oral and 15 nasal sequences are attested. The
smaller number of nasal sequences is congruent with the distribution of oral and nasal
vowels in general, where oral vowels occur more frequently than nasal vowels. Nine
oral sequences do not have nasal counterparts: /iɨ/, /ie/, /ɨɘ/, /ui/, /uo/, /ei/, /ɘi/,
/oe/, and /aɨ/. The only nasal sequence with no attested oral counterpart is in the word
/kããh/ [kã.ãh] ‘afraid’. This is the only homorganic vocoid sequence in the data.
Vowels at the edges of the vowel space tend to co-occur more frequently with other
vowels at opposite edges of the vowel space. This is the expected distribution since a
43
vowel transition moving across a large area of the vowel space is easier to recognize
than one in which there is little movement. However, there are some co-occurrences of
vowels rather close to each other, such as /iɨ/ in /hiɨr/ [hi.ɨr] ‘woman’, /ei/ in
/iaʔkeʔei ̯/ [jaʔə̆keʔei] ‘boil (n.)’, and /ɨɘ/ in /kakɨɘʔ/ [kakɨ.ɘʔ] ‘short’. These
sequences are less common than sequences stretching across the vowel space such as
/ia/, /iu/, and /au/. There are no low-mid sequences, although there are both low-high
and mid-high sequences.
Vocoid sequences tend strongly to occur in final stressed position. HL and LH
sequences are also more common than same height sequences. There are no sameheight sequences in non-final position.
Besides two-vocoid sequences, there are also sequences of three and five vocoids in
Enggano such as /iapaʔioi/ [japaʔ.joi ̯] ‘traditional wedding’ and /ʔaioiaʔ/ [ʔajojaʔ]
‘pay out (a rope)’. There are no four-vocoid sequences in the data, although this is
assumed to be an accidental gap. Syllabification of three or more vocoids is discussed at
the end of the discussion of two-vocoid sequence syllabification below.
4.2 Syllabification
Vocoid sequences are classified here based on relative height in the vowel space:
LH (lower vocoid followed by higher vocoid), HL (higher vocoid followed by lower
vocoid), and SH (two vocoids of the same height). LH sequences include both low-high
and mid-high sequences, while HL sequences include high-low, high-mid, and mid-low
sequences. SH sequences are high-high, mid-mid, and low-low. Below I discuss
syllabification of vocoid sequences in three environments: word initial, non-initial, and
following a glottal consonant.
44
Word initial high vocoids, which are always followed by another vocoid, are
realized as the onset of the initial syllable. Example word-initial vocoid sequences are
shown in (27).21
(27) /uaʔ/
/iaʔkaʔaiʔ/
/ie/
/iohor/
/iɘb/
/iiʔ/
/ium/
/iɨʔɨaʔ/
[waʔ]
[jaʔə̆kaʔ.aɪ ̯ʔ]
[je]
[joh.or]
[jɘb]
[jiʔ]
[jũm]
[jɨʔ.ɨ.aʔ]
‘uncle’
‘war’
‘vomit’
‘song’
‘fire’
‘buttocks’
‘fly (n.)’
‘rope’
The only Enggano vocoids occurring word initially are /i/, /ĩ/ and /u/. The word
/uaʔ/ [waʔ] ‘uncle’ is the only monomorphemic word in the data with initial /u/.
Initial /u/ also occurs stem-initially in prefixed forms like /ka-uaua/ [ka-wawa]
‘open’ and /pa-uap/ [pawap] ‘yawn’. The absence of /ũ/ is either an accidental gap or
simply unattested because initial high back vocoids are so rare.
In non-initial sequences of the shape HL and SH, both vocoids are realized as
separate syllable peaks. This is shown in (28) and (29).
(28) HL sequences (VHVL→Vσ.Vσ)
/jukua/
[juku.a]
/hion/
[hĩ.õn]
/kiak/
[ki.ak]
/ka-kɨɘʔ/
[kakɨ.ɘʔ]
/ʔeaka/
[ʔe.aka]
‘pole’
‘scratch’
‘blood’
‘short’
‘close’
(29) SH sequences (ViVi→Vσ.Vσ)
/hĩũ/
[hĩ.ũ]
/bui/
[hi.ɨr]
/ki-keor/
[kike.or]
/kããh/
[kã.ãh]
‘fruit’
‘woman’
‘lost’
‘afraid’
LH sequences are realized as a vowel followed by an offglide. Examples are shown
in (30).
21
Syllabification as marked here is based on subjective perception. The acoustic study in section
4.3 quantifies syllabification patterns.
45
(30) LH seequences(VLVH→VσVAPPROX)
/kaix/
[kai ̯s]
‘sound’
/paido/
[pai ̯.do]
‘cry’
/kakarai/
[ka.ka.rai ̯]
‘chase’
/ʔaup/
[ʔaʊ̯p]
‘four’
/paiʔ/
[paɪ ̯ʔ]
‘throw’
As shown in the above examples, the syllablfication patterns are the same in all noninitial positions. LH sequences are tautosyllabic while HL and SH sequences are
disyllabic.
Vocoid sequences have a different syllabification pattern after non-initial glottal
consonants /ʔ/ and /h/. In HL and SH sequences, the first vocoid is realized in the onset
of the syllable while the second vocoid receives syllable prominence. This is shown in
(31) and (32).
(31) HL sequences after glottal consonant (VHVL→VAPPROXVσ)
/ʔaraʔiah/
[ʔaraʔjah]
‘livestock’
/kuʔiaʔ/
[kuʔjaʔ]
‘push’
/kaʔ-nihia/
[kaʔə̆ni ̃hjã] ‘dream (v.)’
/ki-ʔi ̃ɘ̃/
[kĩʔjɘ̃]
‘paralyzed’
(32) SH sequences after glottal consonant (ViVi→VAPPROXVσ)
/iuʔuis/
[juʔwis]
‘oar’
/bohoe/
[boh.o̯e]
‘wild’
/ʔa-ʔiur/
[ʔaʔjur]
‘progress (v)’
/kehiɨ/
[kehjɨ]
‘thirsty’
LH sequences are phonetically realized the same as LH sequences in other
environments, that is, as a vowel followed by an offglide. Examples in (33) show LH
sequences in this environment.
(33) LH sequences after glottal consonant (VLVH→VσVAPPROX)
/iaʔkaʔaiʔ/
[jaʔə̆kaʔ.aɪ ̯ʔ] ‘war’
/kahaiʔ/
[kah.aɪ ̯ʔ]
‘one’
/nahai/
[nãh.ãi]̯̃
‘allow’
/kɘhɘi/
[kɘh.ɘi ̯]
‘spilled’
After a non-initial glottal consonant, LH sequences are realized as a vowel followed
by an offglide while HL and SH sequences are realized as an onglide followed by a
vowel. The contrast between the two syllabification patterns is seen in the difference
46
between the LH sequence in /bohoi/ [boh.oi ̯] ‘rope’ (shown in Figure 6 on page 51)
and the SH sequence in /bohoe/ [boh.o̯e] ‘wild’ (shown in Figure 10 on page 55). The
two words sound very similar in terms of vowel quality. However, the sequence in
[boh.oi ̯] is syllabified as a LH sequence, with word stress falling on the [o] and the
final [i] being realized as an offglide. The sequence in [boh.o̯e] is syllabified as a SH
sequence. The initial [o] is realized as an onglide, and word stress falls on the final
vowel [e].
Vocoid sequences following initial glottal consonants follow the syllabification
pattern of sequences following other consonants, as in /ʔiah/ [ʔi.ah] *[ʔjah] ‘what’
and /hĩũ/ [hĩ.ũ] *[hjũ] ‘fruit’.
When a consonant sequence ending in a glottal consonant comes before a high
vocoid, the vocoid is syllabic rather than nonsyllabic as it is after intervocalic glottal
consonants; e.g. /kaʔhɨɘ/ [kaʔə̆hɨ.ɘ] *[kaʔə̆h.ɨ ̯ɘ] ‘female leader’ and /kahʔuix/
[kahə̆ʔu.is] *[kahə̆ʔ.wis] ‘crab sp.’. Since the inserted schwa is invisible to
phonological rules (see section 3.3), a nonsyllabic high vocoid here would create a
sequence of three consonants. Three-consonant sequences are not attested in Enggano.
In summary, word-initial sequences are always HL, where the H vocoid is in the
syllable onset. LH sequences are always realized as a vowel followed by an offglide.
Non-initial HL and SH sequences syllabify differently depending on the preceding
consonant. If the segment preceding the sequence is any consonant but glottal /ʔ/ or
/h/, both vocoids are realized as separate syllable peaks. If the preceding consonant is
/ʔ/ or /h/, HL and SH sequences are realized as an onglide followed by a vowel. Table
13 summarizes these patterns.
47
Table 13. Syllabification patterns in vocoid sequences
After non-initial /ʔ/, /h/
Elsewhere
LH
VσVAPPROX
VσVAPPROX
HL
VAPPROXVσ
Vσ.Vσ
SH
VAPPROXVσ
Vσ.Vσ
Sequences of three or more vocoids follow similar syllabification patterns. There
are two main types of sequences: those beginning and ending with a low vowel, (shown
in (34)), and those beginning and ending with a high vowel (shown in (35)).
(34) LHL Sequences (…VLVHVL…)
/nanaiaʔ/
[nãnãjãʔ]
/ʔauah/
[ʔawah]
/kaio/
[kajo]
/keier/
[kejer]
/dauoh/
[dawoh]
/doioʔ/
[dojoʔ]
/ka- uaua/
[kawawa]
/ʔa-ioiaʔ/
[ʔajojaʔ]
‘ruin’
‘go’
‘straight’
‘water plant sp.’
‘thunder’
‘pot’
‘open (adj.)’
‘pay out (a rope)’
(35) HLH Sequence (…VHVLVH…)
/iapaʔioi/
[japaʔjoi ̯]
/kiʔuɘi/
[kiʔwɘi ̯]
/kaʔ-dɨhɨai/
[kaʔə̆dɨh.ɨ ̯ai ̯]
/ʔeai/
[ʔe.ai ̯]
‘traditional wedding’
(a term of address for young girl)
‘bitter’
‘fish’
There is a single word with a LHH sequence, /tauud/ [tawud] ‘year’, which is a
loanword.
All these sequences can be explained with phonological processes already discussed
for two-vocoid sequences. In LHL sequences, the middle H vowel is nonsyllabic as in LH
sequences, and is realized as the onset of the following syllable. The five-vocoid LHLHL
sequences are simply longer sequences where the same process occurs. The LHH
sequence is a LH sequence followed by a SH sequence. The generalization that SH
sequences after non-glottals are two syllables does not apply here. However, SH
sequences in word initial position are tautosyllabic, as in /ii/ [ji] ‘behavior’. This
generalization can be extended here to say that a high vocoid before V is nonsyllabic
initially or after V.
48
Three of the HLH sequences are word-final and are preceded by a glottal
consonant. The first H vowel is nonsyllabic because of the preceding glottal consonant,
and the last is nonsyllabic because it is the second part of a LH sequence. The sequence
is thus realized as a L vowel with a H onglide and a H offglide. In the word /ʔeai/
[ʔe.ai ̯] ‘fish’ the first vowel remains syllabic as there is no vowel before the preceding
consonant, and it is the first vowel in the word.
4.3 Acoustic correlates of syllabification patterns
This section presents acoustic findings that reinforce the perceptual judgements in
section 4.2. In section 4.3.1 I show the differences in intensity between different types
of vocoid sequences, while in section 4.3.2 I discuss duration differences between the
different types.
4.3.1 Intensity
In vowel-glide sequences, the first vowel is articulated with more intensity, and the
intensity drops off for the glide. In sequences with separate syllable peaks, intensity
rises to a peak midway between the two vowels and tapers off again. In onglide-vowel
sequences the onglide is short, with intensity rising steeply through the onglide to a
peak in the following vowel. Below I show two examples of each syllabification pattern,
one example from each of the cells in Table 13. Figure 5 shows the LH sequence in
/pɘis/ [pɘi ̯s] ‘machete’.
49
Figure 5. Intensity contour of [ɘi ̯] in [pɘi ̯s] ‘machete’
The intensity of the first vowel in the LH sequence is much greater than that of the
second. This is the typical shape of intensity contours in LH sequences. Figure 6 shows a
LH sequence following /h/ in the word /bohoi/ [boh.oi ̯] ‘rope’.
50
Figure 6. Intensity contour of [oi ̯] in [boh.oi ̯] ‘rope’
The intensity contour of [oi ̯] in Figure 6 looks very similar to that of [ɘi ̯] in Figure 5.
The first vowel has greater intensity than the second vowel, whose intensity drops off to
the end. The spectrogram shows that the transition from one vocoid to the next takes
place about halfway through the sequence.
In contrast to the vowel-offglide sequences shown above, sequences that syllabify
as separate syllable peaks have an intensity contour that rises more gradually and
reaches a peak midway through the sequence. The HL sequence in /piɘh/ [pi.ɘh]
‘massage’ is shown below in Figure 7.
51
Figure 7. Intensity contour of [iɘ] in [pi.ɘh] ‘massage’
The HL sequence here has most intensity in the middle of the transition between
vowels, with a gradual rise to it and gradual tapering off after it. An example of a SH
sequence with the same syllabification is shown in Figure 8 below, in the word /hiɨr/
[hi.ɨr] ‘woman’.
52
Figure 8. Intensity contour of [iɨ] in [hi.ɨr] ‘woman’
As with the HL sequence in Figure 6, the SH sequence here has most intensity in the
middle of the transition between vowels, with gradual rise to it and gradual tapering off
after it.
Sequences of an onglide followed by a vowel are characterized primarily by the
short duration of the onglide. Intensity rises through the onglide to reach a peak in the
following vowel. The HL sequence in /iihion/ [jĩh.jõn] ‘type of tool’ in Figure 9
illustrates this.
53
Figure 9. Intensity contour of [jõ] in [jĩhjõn] ‘type of tool’
The SH sequence in /bohoe/ [boh.o̯e] ‘wild’ in Figure 10 below has a similar
pattern.
54
Figure 10. Intensity contour of [o̯e] in [boh.o̯e] ‘wild’
In this sequence, the [o̯] is very short in duration, transitioning quickly into the [e]. The
[o̯] has lower intensity than the [e], whose greatest intensity is at the beginning of its
articulation. There is a great difference in segment duration and pitch contour between
the sequence [o̯e] shown in Figure 10 and the sequence [oi ̯] shown in Figure 6. The
only other pair of words in the data that share this contrast, /kõʔõĩʔ/ [kõʔ.õiʔ]
̯̃ ‘gray’
and /koʔoeʔ/ [koʔ.o̯eʔ] ‘devil’, show spectrograms and intensity contours that are
nearly identical to the ones above.
To summarize the findings, intensity contours are different in vowel-offglide,
vowel-vowel, and onglide-vowel sequences. Disyllabic vowel-vowel sequences have
greatest intensity in the middle of the vowel transition. Vowels with offglides have
greatest intensity in the vowel, with intensity tapering off at the end. Vowels with
55
onglides have a short transition into the vowel, with intensity rising through the onglide
to reach a peak in the following vowel.
4.3.2 Duration
Auditorily, sequences of vowels with separate syllable peaks sound longer in
duration than vowels with onglides and offglides. To test my auditory perception,
several sequences of each type were measured for duration. Since sequences occur most
frequently in final position, only final sequences were chosen for analysis. Closed and
open syllables were separated since this affects duration of vowels. Words with a medial
glottal consonant were separated from those with none. This gave a four-way
distinction. Combined with the three-way height distinction (LH, HL, SH), this gave
twelve categories for final vocoid sequences. The words selected for each of the twelve
categories are shown in Table 14.
56
Table 14. Final vocoid sequences for duration measurement
LH
HL
SH
No preceding glottal /ʔ/ or /h/
Closed
Open
[jaɪ ̯ʔ] ‘sew’
[kakarai ̯] ‘chase’
[pãɪk]
̯̃ ‘shrimp’
[kõʔə̆mãi]̯̃
[kai ̯s] ‘sound’
‘immigrant’
[ʔaʊ̯p] ‘four’
[kãnãi]̯̃ ‘all
[pɘi ̯s] ‘machete’ gone’
[joroi ̯] ‘husk’
[ʔihtɘi ̯] ‘mock’
[kakɘi ̯] ‘nearly
breaking’
[kĩmɘ̃mɘ̃i]̯̃
‘overcast’
[ʔapi.ah]
‘graze’
[ʔɨdi.aʔ] ‘sell’
[pi.ak] ‘tired’
[karu.aʔ] ‘go
first’
[pu.ak] ‘go’
[pu.ah] ‘stir’
[ʔõnẽ.ãʔ] ‘go
together’
[kapare.ak]
‘banana leaf’
[do.ab]
‘lightning’
[ko.ar] ‘type of
utensil’
[kõ.ãn] ‘The
Lord’
[pi.ɘh]
‘massage’
[kide.ok]
‘pinched’
[kike.or] ‘lost’
[karo.a] ‘pants’
[juku.a] ‘pole’
[kore.a] ‘gull’
[karo.a] ‘pants’
[kari.ɘ] ‘work’
[bu.i] ‘prison’
Preceding /ʔ/ or /h/
Closed
Open
[jaʔə̆kaʔ.aɪ ̯ʔ] ‘war’
[karaʔ.ai ̯] ‘tree sp.’
[kah.aɪ ̯ʔ] ‘one’
[ʔãmãh.ãi]̯̃ ‘bed’
[kabakah.aɪ ̯ʔ] ‘nine’
[nãh.ãi]̯̃ ‘allow’
[bah.aʊ̯ʔ] ‘heart’
[baʔ.au̯] ‘guava’
[pãmãh.ãʊ̯̃m]
[haʔ.au̯] ‘ocean’
‘afternoon’
[mãʔ.ãũ̯] ‘local
[kipaʔ.aʊ̯p] ‘ten’
people’
[kõʔ.õɪʔ]
̯̃ ‘gray hair’
[jaʔə̆keʔ.ei ̯] ‘type of
boil’
[pajɘʔ.oi ̯]
‘nauseous’
[pĩnõh.õi]̯̃ ‘naïve’
[kɘh.ɘi ̯] ‘spilled’
[ʔaraʔjah] ‘livestock
[kiʔja] ‘mosquito’
of deceased’
[kõʔjã] ‘goiter’
[kuʔjaʔ] ‘push’
[kãʔə̆ni ̃hjã] ‘dream’
[kĩʔjãp] ‘grasshopper’ [kokoɪ ̯ʔ.e̯a] ‘lazy’
[kũʔwãh] ‘vehicle’
[kaʔeaʔ.e̯a] ‘skinny’
[koh.e̯aʔ] ‘hut’
[pahkoʔ.o̯a] ‘love’
[paʔ.o̯aʔ] ‘shout’
[doh.o̯a] ‘boat’
[karkoʔ.o̯aç] ‘night’
[kokoʔ.o̯a] ‘love’
[jamakaʔ.o̯aʔ]
[kĩʔjɘ̃] ‘paralyzed’
‘thought’
[kĩʔjɘ̃ki ̃ʔjɘ̃] ‘sea
[ʔĩʔjẽʔ] ‘here’
creature sp.’
[kiʔjop] ‘face down’
[ʔĩʔjõʔ] ‘there’
[jĩhjõn] ‘type of tool’
[kipehjɘr] ‘deaf’
[ʔaʔjur] ‘progress’
[juʔwis] ‘oar’
[kahə̆ʔu.is] ‘crab sp.’
[koʔ.o̯eʔ] ‘devil’
[keh.jɨ] ‘thirsty’
[boh.o̯e] ‘wild’
[joʔə̆ho.e] ‘bed’
[nõʔ.õ̯e]̃ ‘spilled’
Most words used for analysis are disyllabic or monosyllabic, with a few three- and foursyllable words.
57
Final vowels in monosyllabic words tend to be longer than final vowels in disyllabic
words. Fourteen vowels in monosyllabic words were compared with fourteen vowels in
comparable disyllabic words. The vowels in monosyllabic words were an average of 37
ms longer than in disyllabic words. While word length does have an influence on final
vowel length, it was not possible to control for this since some categories had only
monosyllabic or only multisyllabic words. The possible ramifications of this are dealt
with in the discussion of results below.
Final plain vowels (i.e. vowels not in sequences) were also measured in both open
and closed syllables to compare with the vocoid sequences. These are shown in (36) and
(37). All duration measurements for both vocoid sequences and plain vowels are found
in Appendix C.
(36) Plain vowels in closed syllables
/pik/
[pik]
‘open’
/pẽʔ/
[pẽʔ]
‘frog’
/kak/
[kak]
‘person’
/kɨʔɨk/
[kɨʔɨk]
‘narrow’
/kɘx/
[kɘx]
‘mountain’
/jũkũʔ/
[jũkũʔ]
‘wall’
/kõʔkõʔ/
[kõʔə̆kõʔ]
‘sago palm’
(37) Plain vowels in open syllables
/ʔɨki/
[ʔɨki]
/ke/
[ke]
/baʔa/
[baʔa]
/pɨ/
[pɨ]
/ka-pɘ̃pɘ̃/
[kãpɘ̃pɘ̃]
/kĩ-kãʔũ/
[kĩkãʔũ]
/ʔẽnõ/
[ʔẽnõ]
‘mango’
‘throwup’
‘die’
‘see’
‘foggy’
‘nearly fainted’
‘dig’
The results are presented in the box plots below. Each box plot shows LH, HL, and
SH sequences in one of the four environments. The leftmost entry in each figure shows
the duration of plain vowels in the same environment. The horizontal line across each
box represents the median of the duration measurements, while the short dash in the
center shows the mean. The bottom and top of each box represent the lower and upper
quartiles, and the ends of the whiskers represent the minimum and maximum of all the
58
data. Diamonds represent outliers that are more than three times the inter-quartile
range.
Figure 11 shows duration of vocoid sequences in final open syllables.
Figure 11. Duration of vocoid sequences in final open syllables
The syllabification processes above predict that the LH sequences will be shorter, while
the other sequences will be longer. LH sequences are indeed very close to the duration
of plain vowels, while both HL and SH sequences are much longer.
Figure 12 shows duration of sequences in final closed syllables.
59
Figure 12. Duration of vocoid sequences in final closed syllables
The HL and SH sequences are, as predicted, substantially longer than plain vowels in
the same environment. LH sequences fall somewhere between the two, but closer to the
disyllabic sequences than expected since they are predicted to be tautosyllabic while the
others are disyllabic. HL sequences range from 250-400 ms, while LH sequences range
from 250-300 ms. The mean and median of the HL is quite a bit higher than for the LH,
and the quartile below the median is considerably more spread out than the quartile
above the median. The lower range of the HL sequences overlaps completely with the
range of the LH sequences. One possible explanation for the extra length in LH
sequences is that vowels in closed syllables are shorter than those in open syllables. A
sequence of two vocoids is more difficult to pronounce in this more restricted
environment, so they are phonetically longer than plain vowels although not as long as
HL and SH sequences in the same environment.
60
There are four HL sequences whose duration overlaps with that of the LH
sequences. These are in the words [pu.ah] ‘stir’ (< /puah/) with duration of 250 ms,
[ʔapi.ah] ‘graze’ (< /ʔapiah/) with a duration of 255 ms, [ʔɨdi.aʔ] ‘sell’ (<
/ʔɨdiaʔ/) with a duration of 285 ms, and [ʔõnẽ.ãʔ] ‘go together’ (< /ʔoneaʔ/), with a
duration of 280 ms. Of these four, the two sequences with the shortest duration are
both preceded by a labial consonant. It is possible that there is a phonetic shortening
process after labial consonnts. However, if this is the case, the shortening process is
optional since [pu.ak] ‘go’ (< /puak/) has a midrange duration of 330 ms. The short
duration of the two sequences above not preceded by labials might simply be due to
quick speech. They are both preceded by a separate syllable. Plain vowels in final
syllables preceded by another syllable are shorter than those not preceded by another
syllable. By comparison, vocoid sequences in this environment are likely shorter as well.
If these four sequences with short duration are removed, there is no overlap between
the duration of the remaining eight HL sequences and the LH sequences in closed
syllables.
Vocoid sequences following a medial glottal consonant syllabify differently from
other sequences. All sequences in this environment syllabify as a single syllable. LH
sequences are realized as a vowel with an offglide as they are after non-glottals. All
other sequences are realized as an onglide and a following vowel. Therefore, all
sequences are expected to be only slightly longer than plain vowels in this position, as
shown in Figure 13 for open syllables.
61
Figure 13. Duration of vocoid sequences in final open syllables after glottal consonant
As predicted, all the vocoid sequences in this environment are slightly longer than
corresponding simple vowels. The HL sequences here are much shorter than the HL
sequences in the same position preceded by a non-glottal consonant, while the other
three types are quite similar (Figure 11). This evidence supports the claim that HL
sequences are tautosyllabic after glottals. There are only a handful of examples of SH
vocoid sequences, but they fall where expected. There are some very short HL
sequences, even shorter than the corresponding plain vowels. The shortest are [kõʔ.jã]
‘tree sp.’ (< /kõʔĩã/) with a duration of 360 ms and [ko.koɪ ̯ʔ.e̯a] ‘lazy’ with a
duration of 385 ms. As with the HL sequences in Figure 12 above, this may be the result
of a fast-speech phenomenon where longer words are spoken more quickly.
There are similar results for sequences in closed syllables, shown in Figure 14
below.
62
Figure 14. Duration of vocoid sequences in final closed syllables after glottal consonant
All sequences are only slightly longer than corresponding plain vowels. This supports
the claim that these sequences are tautosyllabic.
In summary, duration and intensity data support the claims about syllabification of
vocoid sequences made in section 4.2. LH sequences are only slightly longer in duration
than plain vowels in the same environment, which supports their analysis as
tautosyllabic sequences. HL and SH sequences are much longer than corresponding
plain vowels when preceded by a non-glottal consonant, but are only slightly longer
than corresponding plain vowels when preceded by a glottal consonant. This supports
their analysis as disyllabic after non-glottal consonants, and tautosyllabic after glottal
consonants.
Intensity contours also support the claims about syllabification. Sequences claimed
to be disyllabic have greatest intensity in the middle of the vowel transition. Sequences
claimed to be vowels with offglides have greatest intensity in the vowel, with intensity
63
tapering off at the end. Sequences claimed to be vowels with onglides have a short
transition into the vowel, with intensity rising through the onglide to reach a peak in
the following vowel.
4.4 Phonological analysis in Optimality Theory
This section presents a phonological analysis of syllabification of vocoid sequences
within Optimality Theory.
In Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993), underlying forms are evaluated
by a ranked set of constraints in order to achieve an optimal surface form. In order to
find the necessary constraints, the phonological processes are stated below in OTfriendly descriptive generalizations (McCarthy 2008), with an eye toward the ultimate
constraints.
(38) Syllables must have onsets (e.g. /ka-karai/ [kakarai ̯] ‘chase’, /iok/
[jok] ‘shore’), except those beginning with the second vowel in a non-LH
sequence (e.g. /kiak/ [ki.ak] ‘blood’). This requirement is enforced by
requiring that vocoids in initial position are nonsyllabic.
(39) Vocoid sequences are always disyllabic (e.g. /ki-deok/ [kide.ok]
‘pinched’) except when the sequence is LH (e.g. /ʔamahai/ [ʔãmãh.ãi]̯̃
‘bed’). In this case the second vocoid is nonsyllabic.
(40) The first vocoid in a sequence following a non-initial glottal consonant /ʔ/
or /h/ must be in the syllable onset (e.g. /kõʔĩã/ [kõʔ.jã] ‘tree sp.’)
except when the sequence is LH (e.g. /bohoi/ [boh.oi ̯] ‘rope’). This
requirement is enforced by a requirement that the first vocoid be
nonsyllabic.
The first descriptive generalization suggests a constraint against initial vowels. The
constraint Onset, a very commonly invoked constraint in OT, is repeated here from
Prince and Smolensky (1993).
(41) Onset: syllables must have onsets.
64
The exception clause in (38) suggests a constraint against certain kinds of
diphthongs. All but LH sequences are disyllabic. Rosenthall (1994) proposes a constraint
SonFall, which disallows rising sonority in a diphthong.
(42) SonFall: sonority may not rise in a diphthong.
This constraint presupposes ranking of vocoids in a sonority hierarchy, where low
vocoids are the most sonorous, followed by mid vocoids and then high vocoids (see
Parker (2002)). SonFall thus disallows a higher vocoid from preceding a lower vocoid in
a diphthong.
Along with this, generalization (39) suggests a markedness constraint requiring
vocoids to occupy syllable nuclei. This constraint is violated in LH sequences.
(43) V(mora): [-cons] segments must be moraic in the output.
Table 15 and Table 16 show the crucial ranking SonFall » Onset » V(mora) for HL
and LH sequences. Each asterisk * marks one violation of a constraint. The exclamation
point marks where a candidate loses against another more optimal candidate.
Table 15. /ʔa-piah/ [ʔa.pi.ah] ‘graze’
/ʔa-piah/
→ʔa.pi.ah
ʔa.pi ̯ah
SonFall
Onset
*
*!
V(mora)
*
Table 16. /ka-karai/ [ka.ka.rai ̯] ‘chase’
/kakarai/
→ka.ka.rai ̯
ka.ka.ra.i
SonFall
Onset
V(mora)
*
*!
Since SonFall disallows rising sonority in a diphthong, a SH diphthong would not
violate the constraint. This predicts incorrect syllabification of SH sequences, as shown
in Table 17.
65
Table 17. /ki-deok/ *[ki.deo̯k] ‘pinched’, incorrect prediction
/ki-deok/
× ki.deo̯k
ki.de.ok
SonFall
Onset
V(mora)
*
*!
To correctly predict Enggano SH sequences, SonFall has to be revised to require
rising sonority rather than disallowing falling sonority.
(44) SonFall (revised): sonority must fall in a diphthong.
The revised version of SonFall requires the more sonorous vocoid to be first in a
diphthong.With the revised version of SonFall, SH sequences are correctly predicted to
syllabify as separate syllable peaks, grouping with the HL sequences rather than the LH
sequences. This is shown in Table 18.
Table 18. /ki-deok/ [ki.de.ok] ‘pinched’, correct prediction
/ki-deok/
→ki.de.ok
ki.deo̯k
SonFall
Onset
*
V(mora)
*!
*
The third descriptive generalization in (40) above suggests that glottal consonants
syllabify as the coda of the previous syllable, causing the following vocoid in non-LH
sequences to be nonsyllabic to satisfy Onset. This constraint is formulated in (45).
(45) *[σʔ,h: glottal consonants cannot be in syllable onsets.
This constraint crucially dominates V(mora), as seen in the LH sequence in Table 19.
Table 19. /karaʔai/ [ka.raʔ.ai ̯] ‘type of tree’
/karaʔai/
→ka.raʔ.ai ̯
ka.raʔ.a.i
ka.ra.ʔa.i
*[σʔ,h
SonFall
*!
Onset
*
**!
*
V(mora)
*
Table 20 shows a HL sequence and the correctly predicted output form. *[σʔ,h,
SonFall and Onset all crucially dominate V(mora).
66
Table 20. /kõʔĩã/ [kõʔ.jã] ‘tree sp.’
/kõʔĩã/
→kõʔ.jã
kõʔ.ĩ.ã
kõʔ.ĩã
kõ.ʔĩ.ã
*[σʔ,h
SonFall
Onset
*!
*!*
*
*
*!
V(mora)
*
Table 21 shows a SH sequence, whose syllabification is the same as that of the HL
sequence.
Table 21. /koʔoeʔ/ [koʔ.o̯eʔ] ‘devil’
/koʔoeʔ/
→koʔ.o̯eʔ
koʔ.o.eʔ
koʔ.oe̯ʔ
ko.ʔo.eʔ
*[σʔ,h
SonFall
Onset
*!
*!*
*
*
*!
V(mora)
*
Returning now to vocoid sequences following non-glottal consonants, the current
constraint hierarchy predicts that the first vocoid in a HL or SH sequence is nonsyllabic.
This incorrect prediction is shown in Table 22.
Table 22. /ki-deok/ *[kid.e̯ok] ‘pinched’, incorrect prediction
/ki-deok/
× kid.e̯ok
ki.de.ok
*[σʔ,h
SonFall
Onset
V(mora)
*
*!
The incorrectly predicted form has more codas than the correct form. The markedness
constraint NoCoda (Prince and Smolensky 1993) appeals to the universal dispreference
for syllable codas.
(46) NoCoda: syllable codas prohibited.
NoCoda is crucially ranked above Onset to predict the correct form, as shown in Table
23.
67
Table 23. /ki-deok/ [ki.de.ok] ‘pinched’, correct prediction
/ki-deok/
→ki.de.ok
kid.e̯ok
*[σʔ,h
SonFall
NoCoda
*
**!
Onset
*
V(mora)
*
Glottal consonants syllabify as codas in spite of the constraint NoCoda, so *[σʔ,h
crucialy dominates NoCoda.
The complete constraint ranking is *[σʔ,h, SonFall » NoCoda » Onset » V(mora).
This ranking correctly predicts all attested syllabification patterns of vocoid sequences.
Table 24 summarizes the constraint ranking as it applies to the various vocoid
sequences.
68
Table 24. Summary of OT constraint ranking
*[σʔ,h
/ʔa-piah/
→ʔa.pi.ah
ʔa.pi ̯ah
ʔap.jah
/ka-karai/
→ka.ka.rai ̯
ka.ka.ra.i
ka.kar.ai ̯
/ki-deok/
→ki.de.ok
ki.deo̯k
kid.e̯ok
/karaʔai/
→ka.raʔ.ai ̯
ka.raʔ.a.i
ka.ra.ʔa.i
ka.ra.ʔai ̯
/kõʔĩã/
→kõʔ.jã
kõʔ.ĩ.ã
kõʔ.ĩã
kõ.ʔĩ.ã
/koʔoeʔ/
→koʔ.o̯eʔ
koʔ.o.eʔ
koʔ.oe̯ʔ
ko.ʔo.eʔ
/iɘb/
→jɘb
iɘb
i.ɘb
SonFall
NoCoda
Onset
*
*!
*
*
**!
V(mora)
*
*
*!
*!
*!
*
*
*
**!
*
*
*
*
**!
*
*!
*!
*
*
*
*
*
*
*
*!
*!
**
**
**
*
*!
*!
*
*!*
*
*
*
*!*
*
*
*
*!
*
*!*
Using constraints already proposed in the literature on OT with some modifications, this
analysis correctly predicts syllabification of Enggano vocoid sequences.
69
CHAPTER 5
VOWEL QUALITY
This chapter presents an acoustic analysis of the positions of Enggano vowels, using
measurements of the first and second formants. An analysis of vowel position is
undertaken here for reasons of typological interest. Enggano’s seven-vowel system is
larger than the basic five-vowel system found in many Austronesian languages. The
placement of the vowels, particularly the high and mid central vowels, is therefore of
interest. It is also of interest to see how the place of oral vowels compares with their
nasal counterparts.
The results show that the oral vowels can be readily grouped into high, mid and
low vowels, as well as front, central and back vowels. There is more inter-speaker
variation in formants of the nasal vowels. Section 5.1 discusses the methodology used in
the study, followed by the results in section 5.2, and a discussion of the results in
section 5.3.
5.1 Methodology
Examples of all seven oral vowels and six of the nasal vowels were recorded in the
frame [ʔu pe ___ ʔãn pe janik] ‘Please say ___ again’. Two tokens of each word from
four speakers were selected for acoustic analysis, yielding eight tokens of each vowel.
Each word selected has the target vowel in a closed stressed (final) syllable. Vowels
between voiceless stops were chosen whenever possible for maximum differentiation
between the vowel and the surrounding segments. If there was no such word in the
70
data, the word most closely matching these criteria was chosen. The words selected for
analysis are listed in (47).
(47) Vowels for acoustic analysis
/hɘdik/
[hɘdik]
/kɨx/
[kɨx]
/duduk/
[duduk]
/karep/
[karep]
/kɘx/
[kɘx]
/kaʔ-tok/
[kaʔə̆tok]
/kak/
[kak]
/kãʔ-kĩh/
[kãʔə̆kĩh]
/pɨ ̃ʔ/
[pɨ ̃ʔ]
/kũk/
[kũk]
/kã-pẽp/
[kãpẽp]
/kãʔ-kɘ̃h/
[kãʔə̆kɘ̃h]
/kõp/
[kõp]
/kãp/
[kãp]
/ʔa-ioiaʔ/
[ʔajojaʔ]
/ʔauaʔ/
[ʔawaʔ]
‘turn around’
‘turtle’
‘burn’
‘boil’
‘mountain’
‘red’
‘person’
‘dry’
‘fireplace’
‘back’
‘shallow’
‘black’
‘grave’
‘traditional leader’
‘pay out (a rope)’
‘mangrove’
I failed to record the vowel [ɘ̃] in a frame. In order to include this vowel in the
study, I took four words from the main wordlist where two repeats of each word were
recorded in isolation, and used the eight recordings for analysis. The selected words are
shown in (48). All tokens for these words are from the same speaker.
(48) Words with mid central vowel, said in isolation
/pɘ̃ʔ/
[pɘ̃ʔ]
‘shoot’
/pɘ̃ʔ/
[pɘ̃ʔ]
(a village name)
/hãpɘ̃ʔ/
[hãpɘ̃ʔ]
‘breathe’
/ki-pɘ̃ʔ/
[kĩpɘ̃ʔ]
‘weave’
I measured the first and second formants of each vowel. Using Praat, I first marked
the beginning and ending boundaries of the vowel. I then took formant readings in the
center of the vowel. All formant measurements were rounded to the nearest five hertz
(Hz), and are found in Appendix D.
71
5.2 Results
The oral vowels show consistency in their places of articulation in the vowel space,
both between utterances of the same speaker and between speakers. The positions of
the oral vowels are charted below in Figure 15.
Figure 15. Plotted oral vowels22
All seven vowels are in the general areas expected, with some variations. In terms of
height distinction, the high vowels [i], [ɨ] and [u] have a fairly uniform F1 of 250-400
Hz. The mid vowels [e] and [o] have an F1 of 450-600 Hz while the mid central vowel
[ɘ] is higher, with an F1 of 350-475 Hz. The mid and high central vowels [ɨ] and [ɘ]
are very close together in height, but the height for each does not vary much. The lower
limit of the F1 of [ɨ] is 350 Hz, while 350 Hz is the upper limit of the F1 of [ɘ].23 While
the height range of [ɘ] overlaps considerably with the height ranges of [i] and [u], it
does not overlap with that of [ɨ]. So height here is relative, being different for central
vowels than for front and back vowels.
22
23
I used JPlotFormants (Billerey-Mosier 2001) for all the vowel plot diagrams in the thesis.
The mid central vowel is acoustically a high-mid central vowel, as reflected in its IPA
representation [ɘ].
72
The low vowel [a] has an F1 value of 700-900 Hz. There is no height overlap
between mid and low vowels. There is very little variation in the place of articulation of
[a].
In terms of backness, the back vowels [u] and [o] have a narrow range, with F2
readings between 700-1000 Hz. The central vowels [ɨ] and [ɘ] a have F2 readings of
1100-1700 Hz, while the front vowels [i] and [e] have F2 values of 1700-2600 Hz. The
ranges of front and central vowels come very close to each other, with near overlap in
the ranges of [e] and [ɘ].24
Compared to the relatively neat distribution of the oral vowels, the nasal vowels
have a considerably larger spread. The vowel space of adjacent vowels often overlaps as
seen in the position of the nasal vowels charted below in Figure 16.
Figure 16. Plotted nasal vowels
The low vowel [ã] is the only one with a clearly defined space distinct from all the
other vowels. For all other vowels, both F1 and F2 ranges overlap in each adjacent pair.
24
While the ellipses encircling the ranges of [e] a nd [ɘ] overlap, the actual F2 values do not
overlap.
73
F1 ranges overlap between [ĩ] and [ẽ]; [ɨ ̃] and [ɘ̃]; and [ũ] and [õ]. F2 ranges overlap
between [ĩ] and [ɨ ̃]; [ẽ] and [ɘ̃]; [ɨ ̃] and [ũ]; and [ɘ̃] and [õ].
5.3 Discussion
The placement of oral vowels is relatively straightforward. All the vowels fall
neatly into three degrees of backness (front, central, back) and three heights (high, mid,
low) except for the mid central vowel, which is phonetically high-mid central. The nasal
vowels, while occupying similar places to their oral counterparts, show substantially
greater spread in the vowel space and much greater overlap in formant values between
adjacent vowels. In order to explain this difference, I first compare the mean values of
oral and nasal vowels to show that the central area in the vowel space is the same for
both. I then show that individual speaker variance can account for the variation in the
nasal vowels.
The mean F1 and F2 values of the oral and nasal counterparts for each vowel were
compared. Figure 17 shows the results. Each symbol represents the mean formant
values of that vowel’s eight tokens.
Figure 17. Average value of oral and nasal vowels
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All seven of the nasal vowels have a higher mean F1 than their oral counterparts, and
all but the low nasalized vowel have a lower F2 mean value. This suggests that the
nasal vowels are articulated lower and farther back in the vowel space. The low vowel
shows the least distance between mean values of the oral and nasal vowels. The mid
front and back vowels have more distance between their oral and nasal counterparts,
while the mid central vowel and all three high vowels have the greatest discrepancy
between the nasal and oral counterparts. The greatest distance is between the F2 values
of the high back vowel. The mean F2 of [u] is 929 Hz, while the mean F2 of [ũ] is 574
Hz.
While the means of oral and nasal vowels are systematically related, oral vowels
show comparatively less variation in their formant values than do nasal vowels, where
the ranges of adjacent vowels often overlap. Below I further analyze the difference
between the ranges of oral and nasal vowels, making separate comparisons of F1 and F2
values. Figure 18 compares the spread of F1 values for oral and nasal vowels.
75
Figure 18. Comparison of F1 ranges of oral and nasal vowels
i
ĩ
ɨ
ɨ̃
u
ũ
e
ẽ
ɘ
ɘ̃
o
õ
a
ã
0
100
200
300
400
500
600
700
800
900
F1 (Hz)
The range of F1 of the nasal vowels (represented by dark bars) is much greater than
that of the oral vowels (represented by light bars). This is particularly true of [i] ~ [ĩ],
[e] ~ [ẽ], and [o] ~ [õ]. Since the first formant is inversely correlated with vowel
height, the high nasal vowels are lower than their oral counterparts and thus potentially
overlapping with the F1 space of the mid vowels. All of the nasal vowels except low [ã]
and mid central [ɘ̃] have part of their F1 range between 400 and 500 Hz.
The second formant correlates with backness. We expect to see [i] and [e] group
together as front vowels, [ɨ], [ɘ] and [a] as central vowels, and [u] and [o] as back
vowels. Figure 19 compares the spread of the F2 values.
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Figure 19. Comparison of F2 ranges of oral and nasal vowels
i
ĩ
e
ẽ
ɨ
ɨ̃
ɘ
ɘ̃
a
ã
u
ũ
o
õ
0
500
1,000
1,500
2,000
2,500
F2 (Hz)
The distinction between front, central and back vowels is quite clear in both the oral
and nasal vowels. The F2 values between oral and nasal counterparts are quite similar
for five of the vowels, while two show considerable variation. The F2 of [ĩ] shares the
same high range as [i], but also ranges much lower, into the space also occupied by
central vowels. The F2 of [ũ] is extremely low, far lower than the other back vowels.
This may help compensate for the overlap in height range between [ũ] and the central
nasal vowel [ɨ ̃].
While it is expected that the first formant would distinguish between high and mid
vowels as well as mid and low vowels, it does not distinguish between either the front
or back high and mid vowels. The first formant is higher in nasal vowels than in their
oral counterparts, meaning that they are very close to the mid nasal vowels.
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Unexpectedly, the second formant distinguishes between the high and mid back vowels,
with [ũ] having a lower F2 than [õ].
The second formant would be expected to distinguish between front and central
vowels as well as between central and back vowels. However, it fails to distinguish
between the front and central high vowels. The ranges of both F1 and F2 for these two
vowels overlap so much that they cannot be used to distinguish between them.
When taken together, the eight tokens of a given nasal vowel can often not be
identified distinctly from the eight tokens of adjacent nasal vowels. But when the
pronunciations of individual speakers are separated, a distinct pattern can be seen for
each speaker. Figure 20 through Figure 23 show the articulation of the nasal vowels by
individual speaker. The data from Figure 16 is divided here between the four figures,
with two tokens of each vowel per speaker. The mid central vowel [ɘ] is not included
here since all tokens were from a different speaker. Figure 20 shows the distribution of
nasal vowels as spoken by Adam Kurniawan.
Figure 20. Plotted nasal vowels as spoken by Adam Kurniawan
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The vowels as spoken by Adam Kurniawan show a clear three-way height distinction.
There is also a three-way backness distinction, although the mid vowels [ẽ] and [õ] are
more centralized than the high vowels [ĩ] and [ũ].
Figure 21 shows the distribution of the vowels as spoken by Josia.25
Figure 21. Plotted nasal vowels as spoken by Josia
The distribution of Josia’s nasal vowels is very different from that of Adam Kurniawan’s.
The only clear height distinction is between low and non-low vowels, although high
back [ũ] is slightly higher than [õ]. All the non-low vowels, however, show nonoverlapping backness with [ũ] farthest back, followed by [õ], [ɨ ̃], [ẽ], and finally [ĩ].
Figure 22 shows the distribution of the vowels as spoken by Milson Kaitora.
25
Like many Indonesians, Josia has only one name.
79
Figure 22. Plotted nasal vowels as spoken by Milson Kaitora
Here, the front vowels [ĩ] and [ẽ] have different height but the same backness. The nonfront vowels [ɨ ̃], [ũ] and [õ] have the same height but different backness.
Figure 23 shows the distribution of the vowels as spoken by Manogar RH.
Figure 23. Plotted nasal vowels as spoken by Manogar RH
The distribution here is very similar to that in Figure 20, with a distinction between
high and mid vowels and a definite backness distinction. One pronunciation of [ĩ] is
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very centralized, although it has a much higher F2 than either token of the high central
vowel [ɨ ̃]. Of the mid vowels, [ẽ] is very close to high [ĩ], while the F1 of [õ] overlaps
with the F1 of the low vowel [ã].
The four speakers vary widely in their pronunciations of all mid and high nasal
vowels, although each speaker is generally consistent in his own pronunciation. For all
speakers but Josia (Figure 21) there is a general three-way height distinction, but there
is no consistency on which vowels are at which height. All speakers have a general
front/central/back distinction.
In summary, oral vowels in Enggano are clearly distinguished by unique ranges of
the first and second formants. This is true across different speakers. Nasal vowels do not
show the same consistency. There is inter-speaker variation in the distribution of nasal
vowels. Individual speaker differences in the pronunciation of these vowels make it
impossible to generalize about the differences between them over the whole set of data.
However, the mean place of articulation of nasal vowels is consistently a little lower
and a little farther forward than that of their oral counterparts. While these vowels have
distinct centers or ideal articulations, their range varies greatly from speaker to speaker
and cannot be predicted by other factors.
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CHAPTER 6
VOWEL QUALITY TRANSITION IN VOCOID SEQUENCES
As an extension of the study of vowel quality in Chapter 5, this chapter discusses
vowel quality in vocoid sequences – the movement across the vowel space from one
vocoid to the next – using the same general approach employed in chapter Chapter 5.
The distinction between disyllabic and tautosyllabic sequences is especially interesting
here. Disyllabic sequences are expected to be produced at further extremities of the
vowel space than tautosyllabic sequences because disyllabic sequences contain two
separate syllable peaks and thus more space for the phonemes to be realized, while
tautosyllabic sequences are in a more confined space and reduction of some kind is
likely. Similarly, vocoids in open syllables may be different from those in closed
syllables. The position of the two vocoids in both types of sequences are also compared
with the place of plain vowels. Only oral sequences are included in this study.
6.1 Methodology
Examples of most vocoid sequences were recorded in the frame [ʔu pe ___ ʔãn pe
janik] ‘Please say ___’. The scope of this thesis does not allow an analysis of all the
sequences, so only sequences at the extremities of the vowel space were chosen for
analysis: those with the vowels [i], [ɨ], [u], and [a]. Two tokens of each sequence were
chosen from four speakers, for a total of eight tokens per sequence. The sequences
selected for analysis are listed in (49).
(49) Vocoid sequences in the frame [ʔu pe ___ ʔãn pe janik] ‘Please say ___’
/kiak/
[ki.ak]
‘blood’
/pɨah/
[pɨ.ah]
‘face’
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/puak/
/bahauʔ/
/hiur/
/kahʔuis/
[pu.ak]
[bah.aʊ̯ʔ]
[hi.ur]
[kahə̆ʔu.is]
‘go’
‘heart’
‘dust’
‘sea crab’
Some LH sequences were missed when recording frames, so words from another
speaker said in isolation had to be substituted. Two instances of these words repeated in
isolation were used for analysis. These words are shown in (50).
(50) Vocoid sequences in isolation
/karaʔai/
[karaʔ.ai ̯]
/iarkɨaʔaɨ/
[jarkɨ.aʔ.aɨ ̯]
/baʔau/
[baʔ.au̯]
/paiʔ/
[paɪ ̯ʔ]
‘type of tree’
‘small fence’
‘guava’
‘throw’
Ren (1986, 12) found that in Chinese the second formant correlates with diphthong
transition rate more closely than the first or third formant. Based on this, for all
sequences where the first and second vocoid differed in backness, I measured the two
targets of the vocoid sequences based on F2 rather than F1. Following Ren, I defined the
two target points of the sequences as the highest and lowest points of the F2 trajectory
within the bounds of the sequence. For example, in the sequence [u.a] in [pu.ak] ‘go’
(< /puak/), the first target was placed at the lowest point on the F2 trajectory, and the
second target at the highest point of the F2 trajectory, at the point where it reaches a
steady state. This is shown in Figure 24.
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Figure 24. Targets [u] and [a] in [pu.ak] ‘go’
F1 measurements were taken at these same positions. For the sequences [aɨ ̯] and
[ɨ.a] where the F2 remains relatively steady between the first and second vocoid, I
defined the two target points as the highest and lowest points in the F1 trajectory
within the bounds of the sequence. This is shown in Figure 25. Here the F2 fluctuates
slightly, but there is no definite trajectory. The F2 values at the beginning and end of
the sequence are nearly identical.
Figure 25. Targets [a] and [ɨ] in [jarkɨ.aʔ.aɨ ̯] ‘fence’
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All formant measurements were rounded to the nearest five hertz and are found in
Appendix E.
6.2 Results
The first three figures below chart the place of the disyllabic HL sequences [i.a],
[ɨ.a], and [u.a]. Since both vocoids are stand-alone syllable nuclei, they are expected to
be very close in place to their interconsonantal counterparts. The findings here confirm
this. The small lowercase letters in each figure represent the value of each instance of
the sequence, while the large lowercase letters represent the mean value. The large
uppercase letters in each figure represent the mean place of the plain vowels
corresponding to each vocoid in the sequence. Dashed lines represent vocoid transition
across syllable boundaries while solid lines represent tautosyllabic vocoid transition.
Most of the figures show the F1 value on the vertical axis from 200 to 900 Hz, and the
F2 value on the horizontal axis from 500 to 2300 Hz. In Figure 26, the F2 axis is
extended to 2700 Hz to show the extreme vowel placement of [i].
Figure 26. Disyllabic sequence [i.a] in [ki.ak] ‘blood’
85
The position of the vocoids in the [i.a] sequence are close to those of the plain vowels
[i] and [a], although the [i] in the sequence is slightly higher and farther forward than
plain vowel [i].
Figure 27 shows the sequence [ɨ.a].
Figure 27. Disyllabic sequence [ɨ.a] in [pɨ.ah] ‘face’
The vowel transition in [ɨ.a] is not a straight high to low movement, but moves
substantially from back to front as well. The [a] has a much larger range than found in
monophthongal low vowel or the low vowels in any of the other sequences.
Figure 28 shows the sequence [u.a].
86
Figure 28. Disyllabic sequence [u.a] in [pu.ak] ‘go’
The two vocoids in the sequence [u.a] are produced farther back than plain vowels [u]
or [a]. This is comparable to the place of [i] in Figure 26, although it is more
pronounced here. A motivation for this could be to maintain contrast between [u.a] and
[ɨ.a], which have the same general trajectory of high back to low central.
Same-height sequences syllabify like disyllabic HL sequences. As with HL
sequences, the beginning and end targets are expected to be at similar places as their
plain vowel counterparts. Figure 29 shows the sequence [i.u], while Figure 30 shows
the sequence [u.i]. In both figures the F2 axis has been extended to 2700 Hz to
accommodate extreme pronunciations of [i].
87
Figure 29. Disyllabic sequence [i.u] in [hi.ur] ‘dust’
Figure 30. Disyllabic sequence [u.i] in [kahə̆ʔu.is] ‘sea crab’
For both [i.u] and [u.i], the targets are in nearly the same place of articulation as the
plain vowels. The [u] is slightly farther back than interconsonantal [u], just like the [u]
in the HL sequence [u.a] (Figure 28). The [i] is is slightly higher and farther forward
than plain vowel [i], again paralleling the HL sequence [i.a] (Figure 26).
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We now turn to the diphthongs [ai ̯], [aɨ ̯] and [au̯]. Figure 31 shows the diphthong
[ai ̯].
Figure 31. Diphthong [ai ̯] in [karaʔ.ai ̯] ‘type of tree’
The high segment of tautosyllabic [ai ̯] is not quite as high in the vowel space as the
high segment of disyllabic [i.a]. This is in spite of the fact that [i.a] is in a closed
syllable while [ai ̯] is in an open syllable.
Figure 32 shows the diphthong [aɨ ̯].
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Figure 32. Diphthong [aɨ ̯] in [jarkɨ.aʔ.aɨ ̯] ‘small fence’
The [ɨ] in [aɨ ̯] is not as high as plain vowel [ɨ] in spite of the fact that it is in an open
final syllable. The contrast between [ɨ.a] in Figure 27 and [aɨ ̯] in Figure 32 is striking.
In the HL sequence, the high segment is more front while the low segment is more back.
In the LH sequence, the reverse is true with the high segment slightly more back and
the low segment slightly more front.
The diphthong [au̯] is shown below in Figure 33.
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Figure 33. Diphthong [au̯] in [baʔ.au̯] ‘guava’
The placement of both segments in diphthong [au̯] is nearly identical to those in the
[u.a] sequence in Figure 28. They are slightly farther back than plain vowels [a] and
[u].
While the previous three examples were in open syllables, the following two
examples show [aɪ ̯] and [aʊ̯] in closed syllables. High vowel glide lowering takes place
in this environment (section 3.2), so the high segment of each diphthong is predicted to
be lower than its plain vowel counterpart. Figure 34 shows diphthong [aɪ ̯] in a closed
syllable. High offglides in LH sequences in closed syllables are lowered; therefore, both
interconsonantal [i] and [e] are included here for comparison. The curved arrow in the
figure is an estimation depicting the formant movement.
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Figure 34. Tautosyllabic diphthong [aɪ ̯] in [paɪ ̯ʔ] ‘throw’
The placement of both ends of [aɪ ̯] in the vowel space is very different from that of the
plain vowels [a] and [i]. The sequence looks more like [oa] until we look at the formant
movements within the sequence, shown here in Figure 35.
Figure 35. Targets [a] and [ɪ ̯] in [paɪ ̯ʔ] ‘throw’
The first formant rises quickly from around 600 to about 850, very close to where the
plain vowel [a] is located in the vowel space. Following the conventions for marking
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the two target segments in the sequence, [a] is placed at the lowest point in the F2
trajectory. However, the initial low F1 is probably due to the preceding labial consonant
[p]. In this environment, the tongue moves from a high back position for articulation of
labial [p] to a low central position for articulation of [a]. The stop is released and
periodicity begins well before this transition is completed. Because of this, the target [a]
would be better placed 50-100 ms after where it is placed in Figure 35.
The trajectory does not go very high or front after reaching the [a]. From a
phonological perspective it is not necessary to distinguish between vowel qualities in
this area since the only two diphthongs in closed syllables are /ai/ and /au/. Therefore,
the only important movement is the F2 rise for /ai/ versus the F2 fall for /au/.
Figure 36 shows the sequence [aʊ̯] in a closed syllable. Both plain vowels [u] and
[o] are included here for comparison.
Figure 36. Diphthong [aʊ̯] in [bah.aʊ̯ʔ] ‘heart’
The [aʊ̯] sequence, like the [aɪ ̯] sequence above, does not move very far in the vowel
space. The [a] is farther back than plain vowel [a], and the [ʊ̯] stops at roughly the
place of articulation of plain vowel [o].
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6.3 Summary
The place of articulation of the two targets in vocoid sequences is quite similar to
their plain vowel counterparts. In both disyllabic sequences and diphthongs, /u/ is
articulated slightly farther back than /u/ as a plain vowel. /i/ in disyllabic sequences is
articulated slightly higher and farther forward than plain vowel /i/, but is at the same
place of articulation as plain vowel /i/ when it is part of a diphthong. Both /u/ and /i/
are lowered a great deal in diphthongs in closed syllables, with /u/ being articulated
close to the place of plain vowel /o/, and /i/ being even lower than plain vowel /e/.
The high central vowel [ɨ] shows an unusual pattern in sequences. In the disyllabic
sequence [ɨ.a], it is farther back than plain vowel [ɨ], while in the diphthong [aɨ ̯] it is
farther forward than plain vowel [ɨ].
All the data fits well with the syllabification patterns discussed in chapter 4. High
vocoids in disyllabic sequences occupy the same vowel space or a more extreme vowel
space than their plain vowel counterparts, while the same vocoids in diphthongs occupy
a place that is either the same or more centralized. With small variations, [a] occupies
the same place in all environments as it does not have a nonsyllabic realization and
always maintains prominence in the syllable nucleus.
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CHAPTER 7
CONCLUSION
The Enggano phoneme inventory consists of twelve consonants and fourteen vowels
in a seven-vowel oral system and an analogous seven-vowel nasal system. There are
seven possible syllable types. In contrast to earlier sources which stated that Enggano
stress is penultimate (Stokhof 1987; Kähler 1940), word stress was found to be
consistently final in both monomorphemic and polymorphemic words. Acoustic
measurements show that word stress is indicated by intensity in closed syllables. It is
not yet known whether duration or pitch plays a role in stress production and
perception in Enggano.
Allophonic processes include vowel intrusion in consonant clusters, place
assimilation of the fricative /x/, glottal consonant palatalization, and vowel
nasalization. Vowel intrusion occurs between consonants in sequences where the first
consonant of the sequence is a glottal stop. According to my analysis, the fricative /x/,
which only occurs finally, is realized as [x], [ç], or [s] depending on the preceding
vowel. My analysis of the fricatives is tentative and awaits further study. Glottal
consonants are optionally palatalized following a high front vowel. High vocoids in LH
glides are lowered in closed syllables, neutralizing contrast between high and mid
vowels in this position. Oral vowels are nasalized from adjoining nasal consonants.
Contrast between oral and nasal vowels is therefore neutralized in words with nasal
consonants.
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Vocoid sequences syllabify based on the preceding environment and the relative
height of the vocoids in the sequence. Two-vocoid sequences are disyllabic except LH
sequences, which are realized as diphthongs. Acoustic evidence shows that these two
types can be distinguished by overall duration of the sequences. Vocoid sequences after
medial glottal consonants [ʔ] and [h] are realized differently. Glottal consonants
syllabify in the coda of the previous syllable. Syllable-initial vocoids in non-LH
sequences are nonsyllabic onsets of the syllable, as in /kõʔĩã/ [kõʔ.jã] ‘tree sp.’. This
process does not affect LH sequences, or sequences where the preceding glottal
consonant is word initial.
Nasal vowels show a much greater range in the vowel space than oral vowels, and
consequently there is much more overlap between adjacent vowels. This range can be
attributed to variation between speakers in pronunciation of nasal vowels. Vocoids in
sequences are very similar in place of articulation to their plain vowel counterparts.
Vocoids in disyllabic sequences are generally in more extreme areas of the vowel space,
while those in diphthongs are more centralized than plain vowels.
There are several areas where further research in Enggano phonology is needed.
The fricatives [x], [ç] and [s] should be analyzed further, either to find the motivation
behind their seemingly odd distribution, or to find an alternative analysis that better
explains the data. Optional glottal consonant palatalization after /i/ is expected
morpheme-internally, but no definite examples have been established. If this is indeed a
gap, an explanation for the gap is needed. Beyond these specific issues, research in
Enggano morphophonology is likely to yield important insights into the basic
phonology as well.
Since it started coming into contact with other languages around one hundred years
ago, Enggano has since been greatly influenced by surrounding languages. Enggano
now has many loanwords, many of which have undergone extensive assimilation and
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are difficult to distinguish from native vocabulary. Newer loans adopt Enggano final
stress, but otherwise remain unassimilated. The Enggano people have maintained their
language with surprising resilience in the past fifty years. The language may well
continue to flourish in the next period of its history. It is hoped that this thesis will be a
small contribution to the ongoing study and development of the Enggano language.
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APPENDICES
Appendix A
Morphology
Verbs and adjectives are frequently inflected in Enggano. While this study does not
cover Enggano morphology, care must be taken to ensure that morphemic structure
does not account for any of the phonological phenomena discussed in the thesis. In this
appendix I present a preliminary analysis of affixes in the Enggano data to justify the
presentation in the body of the thesis as purely phonology and not morphophonology.
In finding affixation, I assume that words are monomorphemic unless there is
evidence otherwise. Of the 102 adjectives in the data, 69 of them begin [ka], [kaʔ], or
[ki] (or nasalized [kã], [kãʔ], or [kĩ] in words with nasal segments). I analyze these as
obligatory prefixes. There is independent evidence for /ka-/ and /kaʔ-/ as derivational
adjectival prefixes, as they can attach to verbs and nouns. This is shown in (1) and (2).
The affixed form is shown first, followed by the stem.
(1) /kapik/
/pik/
[ka-pik]
[pik]
‘torn’
‘open (v)’
(2) /kaʔ-hop/
/hop/
[kaʔə̆hop]
[hop]
‘having a hole’
‘hole’
The prefix /kaʔ-/ also attaches to borrowed words, as shown in (3) and (4).
(3) /kaʔ-kuniʔ/
/kuniŋ/
[kãʔə̆kũni ̃ʔ]
‘yellow’
‘yellow’ (Malay/Indonesian)
(4) /kaʔblau/
/blau/
[kaʔə̆blau̯]’
‘blue’
‘blue’ (Dutch)
Although there is no independent evidence for /ki-/ as an adjectival prefix, I analyze it
as such by analogy with the /ka-/ and /kaʔ-/ prefixes. Many adjectives in the data
99
begin with [ki], and many appear to have some type of reduplication of the stem as
with /ka-/ and /kaʔ-/ adjectives. A few examples are shown in (5).
(5) /ka-pɘ̃pɘ̃/
/kaʔ-bubu/
/ki-nenen/
/ki-nanap/
[kãpɘ̃pɘ̃]
[kaʔə̆bubu]
[kĩnẽnẽn]
[kĩnãnãp]
‘foggy’
‘round’
‘burned’
‘smooth’
The adjectives that do not have one of these three prefixes do not appear to have
affixation at all.
Verbs generally have one or two prefixes, and occasionally a suffix. All verbal
prefixes for which there is independent evidence in the data are shown in (6). For each
prefix, an example of the prefix on a verb is given, followed by an example of either the
verb stem on its own or the verb stem with another prefix.
(6) Prefix
babaʔiaiahkakaʔkahkikirkopapahʔa-
Example
/ba-bɘr/
/bɘr/
/baʔ-he/
/he/
/ia-kitaʔ/
/ba-kitaʔ/
/iah-roʔoa/
/ko-koʔoa/
/ka-bak/
/bak/
/kaʔ-he]
/he/
/kah-mih/
/pĩh/
/ki-baba/
/ba/
/kir-bɘr/
/bɘr/
/ko-koʔoa/
/pah-koʔoa/
/pa-dɘhɘ/
/dɘhɘ/
/pah-koʔoa/
/ko-koʔoa/
/ʔa-ba/
/ba/
[babɘr]
[bɘr]
[baʔə̆he]
[he]
[jakitaʔ]
[bakitaʔ]
[jahroʔ.o̯a]
[kokoʔ.o̯a]
[kabak]
[bak]
[kaʔə̆he]
[he]
[kãhmĩh]
[pĩh]
[kibaba]
[ba]
[kirbɘr]
[bɘr]
[kokoʔ.o̯a]
[pahkoʔ.o̯a]
[padɘhɘ]
[dɘhɘ]
[pahkoʔ.o̯a]
[kokoʔ.o̯a]
[ʔaba]
[ba]
‘buy’
‘buy’
‘hunt octopus’
‘octopus’
‘remember’
‘remember’
‘pray’
‘pray’
‘close eyes’
‘eyes’
‘hunt octopus’
‘octopus’
‘squeeze’
‘squeeze’
‘come’
‘come’
‘buy’
‘buy’
‘pray’
‘pray’
‘hear’
‘hear’
‘pray’
‘pray’
‘come’
‘come’
The prefixes /ki-/ and /pa-/ can occur together or separately, as shown in (7).
100
(7) /ki-pa-pe/
/ki-pe/
/pa-pe/
/pe/
[kipape]
[kipe]
[pa-pe]
[pe]
‘give’
‘give’
‘give’
‘give’
Besides the examples given here, there are many other verbs in the data that
contain these prefixes. The glosses for the various forms of the verbs are identical since
this is how they were given during elicitation. There is not enough information in the
data to determine what the prefixes are.
There are three verbal suffixes in the data. These were determined to be suffixes
since there are verbs that occur both with and without the suffixes. They are shown in
(8).
(8) –i
-ar
-aʔ
/pɨnaha-i/
/pɨnaha/
/ʔu-ar/
/ʔu/
/dahɨd-aʔ/
/dahɨd/
[pɨ ̃nãhãi]̯̃
[pɨ ̃nãhã]
[ʔu.ar]
[ʔu]
[dahɨdaʔ]
[dahɨd]
‘shake’
‘shake’
‘say’
‘say’
‘lean’
‘lean’
Besides the affixes discussed above, there are also inflectional possessive suffixes.
The exact shape of these suffixes is difficult to determine. Table 1 shows the phonetic
form of all possessed nouns in the data.
101
Table 1. Possessive suffixes on nouns
stem
1s 'my'
2s 'your'
3s 'his/her'
1p 'our'
2p 'your'
3p 'their'
English gloss
taç
tahiʔ
tahib
tahid(e)
tahik
tahidu
tahid(e)
bag
ʔiʔ
ʔib
ʔid(e)
ʔik
ʔidu
ʔid(e)
livestock
ʔũmũnũʔ
ʔũmũnũm
ʔũmũrki
age
ʔẽ.ãm
ʔãmĩʔ
pãĩnɘ̃n
pãĩnɘ̃nɘ̃ʔ
feeling
dar
daruʔ
husband
kũʔwãh
kũ.ãhãʔ
vehicle
karaç
karahaɪ ̯ʔ
cup
biç
biçʔu
bee
maç
mahiʔ
gold
pi
pi.aʔ
dar
ʔãmĩk
haruʔ
harub
daruʔ
dãrũm
fishing rod
pi.ak
garden
haruk
belonging to
husband
While the shape of these suffixes is not obvious from these few forms, this is not of
immediate concern since these forms are not incorporated into the analysis. Inflections
of stems ending in [ç] are potentially interesting for shedding further light on the
nature of this segment.
The phonological analysis in this thesis is based entirely on morpheme-internal
phenomena. All phonemes contrast within morphemes. Most vocoid sequences occur
morpheme-internally rather than across morpheme boundaries, and the analysis is
based only on these forms. Examples in the text are monomorphemic words whenever
possible. But since a large percentage of the words in the data contain affixation, this is
often not possible. When affixed words are used in examples, the phenomenon being
discussed is always within the stem and not adjacent to the affix. In summary, I can
state with reasonable confidence that the phonological phenomena discussed in the
thesis are not determined by morphemic structure.
102
Appendix B
Complete wordlist
All the words used in the study are listed below. The underlying and surface forms
of each word are given, with glosses in English and Indonesian. The Indonesian gloss is
included because this was the original gloss given by the speakers, who were bilingual
in Enggano and Indonesian. The comment column indicates words which are loanwords
(loan) or complex words (comp). A thorough morphological analysis was not
undertaken in this research, so the indication that a word is inflected is based on the
very preliminary analysis in Appendix A. Indications of morpheme boundaries should
be considered approximations, subject to further analysis. Inflected forms are marked as
‘comp’ only when a morpheme break is not indicated in the underlying form.
103
Complete Enggano wordlist
Underlying
ba
ba
ba-bip
babu
Surface
ba
ba
babip
babu
English
come
cassava sp.
to jab, slash
maid
ba-bɘr
bahauʔ
baiu
bakaui
bakaʔaur
ba-kitaʔ
barera
batar
ba-ʔa
baʔau
baʔ-he
baʔki
bah
bak
bak kahaʔ
ba-ʔueh
be
be
beia
bero
bed
babɘr
bah.aʊ̯ʔ
baju
bakawi
bakaʔ.aʊ̯r
bakitaʔ
barera
batar
baʔ.a
baʔ.au̯
baʔə̆he
baʔə̆ki
bah
bak
bak kah.aʔ
baʔweh
be
be
beja
bero
bed
bibi
bibi
biti
bip
bix
bohoi
bibi
bibi
biti
bip
biç
boh.oi ̯
bohoe
buai
buber
bui
bɘ
boh.o̯e
bu.ai ̯
buber
bu.i
bɘ
buy
heart
shirt
Jakarta
Bengkulu
remember
flag
pillow
die
guava
go octopus hunting
few
liver
eye
clock
sleep
dog
broth
table
river
Dutch (or
European in
general)
residence
diarrhea
iron
slash, jab
bee
rope made of
melinjo
wild
crocodile
climb up a tree
prison
water
104
Indonesian
datang
ubi jalar
membacok
pembantu rumah
tangga
membeli
hati
baju
Jakarta
Bengkulu
mengingat
bendera
bantal
mati
jambu
mencari gurita di laut
sedikit
hati
mata
jam
tidur
anjing
kuah
meja
sungai
Belanda
tempat/alamat tinggal
mencret
besi
(mem)bacok
lebah
tali dari melinjo
liar
buaya
memanjat pohon
penjara
air
Comment
loan
loan
loan
loan
loan
comp
loan
loan
loan
Underlying
bɘr
dadɘ
dahɨd-aʔ
dahɨd
dapah
dapiʔ
darum
daruʔ
dauoh
daʔarah
daʔikah
Surface
bɘr
dadɘ
dah.ɨdaʔ
dah.ɨd
dapah
dapiʔ
dãrũm
daruʔ
dawoh
daʔ.arah
daʔ.ikah
daʔkiar
dab
dak
dap
dar
deda
der
di
dibu
didu
didu
dit
dix
dix
doab
dohoa
doioʔ
doʔra
dop
dudiad
duduk
dupi
duri
dɘhɘ
dɘb
dɘr
dɘr
dɨa
hapɨʔ
hare
daʔə̆ki.ar
dab
dak
dap
dar
deda
der
di
dibu
didu
didu
dit
diç
diç
do.ab
doh.o̯a
dojoʔ
doʔə̆ra
dop
dudi.ad
duduk
dupi
duri
dɘh.ɘ
dɘb
dɘr
dɘr
dɨ.a
hapɨʔ
hare
English
buy
chili pepper
lean
lean
spices
mat
your husband
my husband
thunder
orphan
two days in the
future
all of them
right
mortar
fall
husband
window
climb up a tree
tongue
thousand
winnow
flat basket for rice
there
young leaf
earthquake
lightning
small boat
pot
sand
earth
durian fruit
burn
money
thorn
hear
goods
hold
river current
emerge in water
day
long ago
105
Indonesian
membeli
cabe
menyandar
menyandar
rempah
tikar
suami kamu
suami saya
petir
yatim piatu
lusa (akan datang)
semuanya
kanan
lesung
jatuh
suami
jendela
memanjat
lidah
ribu
menampi
nyiru
situ
daun muda
gempa bumi
kilat
perahu kecil
cumbung
pasir
bumi
durian
bakar
duit
duri
mendengar
barang
memegang
arus air sungai
timbul dalam air
hari
dulu
Comment
loan
comp
comp
comp
loan
loan
loan
loan
loan
loan
loan
Underlying
harub
haruk
haruʔ
haʔau
haʔku
hau
hau
hã
hamɘʔ
hanuʔ
hãpɘ̃ʔ
he
Surface
harub
haruk
haruʔ
haʔ.au
haʔə̆ku
hau
hau
hã
hãmɘ̃ʔ
hãnũʔ
hãpɘ̃ʔ
he
her
hẽ
hẽkũ
hẽõk
hẽk
hiur
hiɘr
hiɨr
hion
hĩũ
hĩũk
ho
ho
hop
hɘdik
hɨk
hɨn
iabaʔa
iaheʔ
ia-kitaʔ
iakoro
iakoʔoi
her
hẽ
hẽkũ
hẽõk
hẽk
hiur
hiɘr
hiɨr
hĩõn
hĩũ
hĩũk
ho
ho
hop
hɘdik
hɨk
hɨ ̃n
jabaʔ.a
jah.eʔ
jakitaʔ
jakoro
jakoʔ.oi ̯
iakuru
jakuru
ianome
iapaʔioi
janõmẽ
japaʔjoi ̯
iaru
jaru
English
yours
ours
mine
ocean
jungle
bite
man
who
they
throat
breathe
instrument for
octopus hunting
meat
stairs
place to sit
cockroach
sit
dust
earthworm
woman
scratch
fruit
louse
in
already
hole
turn around
cut
wife
death
ginger
remember
reconcilement
skin disease
around the eye
home of the
deceased
stream
traditional
wedding
needle
106
Indonesian
punya kamu
punya kita
punya saya
laut
hutan
gigit
laki-laki
siapa
mereka
leher
nafas
alat untuk mencari
gurita
daging
tangga
tempat duduk
kecoa
duduk
debu
cacing tanah
perempuan
menggaruk
buah
kutu
dalam
sudah
lubang
berputar
potong
istri
kematian
jahe
mengingat
perdamaian
penyakit yang tumbuh
di kulit mata
rumah orang yang
sudah menginggal
siring kecil
kawin adat
jarum
Comment
comp
comp
comp
loan
loan
Underlying
iatapux
iaʔa
ia-ʔitar
iaʔdɘb
iaʔkaʔaiʔ
iaʔkeʔei
iahmiʔ
iah-roʔoa
iar
iarkɨaʔaɨ
iaiʔ
ĩãkõ
iamakaʔoaʔ
ie
ii
iis
iiʔ
ĩĩʔĩ
Surface
jatapux
jaʔ.a
jaʔ.itar
jaʔə̆dɘb
jaʔə̆kaʔ.aɪ ̯ʔ
jaʔə̆keʔ.ei ̯
jãhmĩʔ
jahroʔ.o̯a
jar
jarkɨ.aʔ.aɨ ̯
jaɪ ̯ʔ
jãkõ
jãmãkãʔ.o̯ã ʔ̃
je
ji
jis
jiʔ
jĩʔ.ĩ
iihion
jĩhjõn
iohor
iohom
ioko
joh.or
jõh.õm
joko
ioroi
ioʔoʔ
ioʔoʔ
ioʔhoe
iok
iu
iubaʔ
iukua
iumuh
iub
iuk
iuk
iur
iurpuʔ
iuʔuis
ĩũkũʔ
ĩũʔũ
joroi ̯
joʔ.oʔ
joʔ.oʔ
joʔə̆ho.e
jok
ju
jubaʔ
juku.a
jũmũh
jub
juk
juk
jur
jurpuʔ
juʔwis
jũkũʔ
jũʔ.ũ
English
sickness
knife
play
old
war
a kind of boil
punishment
pray
don't
small fence
sew
corn
thought
vomit
behavior
word
buttocks
device for shaving
coconut
device for shaving
coconut
song
in a house
device for peeling
coconut
husk
spear
fruits
bed
shore
ocean
my house
pole
lid, plug
house
skin
money
head
knee
oar
wall
middle
107
Indonesian
penyakitan
pisau
(ber)main
lama
perang
penyakit sejenis bisul
hukuman
berdoa
jangan
pagar usuk, samping
menjahit
jagung
pikiran
muntah
tingkah laku
kata
pantat
alat untuk mengukur
kelapa
alat untuk mengukur
kelapa
nyanyian
dalam rumah
alat untuk mengupas
kelapa
sabut
galah untuk menjolot
buah-buah
tempat tidur
pantai
laut
rumah saya
galah
tutup, penyumbat
rumah
kulit
uang
kepala
lutut
dayung
dinding
tengah
Comment
loan
Underlying
ĩũʔpɨ ̃ãʔ
ium
ĩũʔ
iɘ
iɘmɘʔ
iɘb
iɘr
iɘnɘn
i ̃ɘ̃h
iɨdaʔ
iɨʔɨaʔ
iɨhɨan
ka
ka
ka
kaba kahaiʔ
kabakeʔ
Surface
jũʔə̆pɨ ̃.ãʔ
jũm
jũʔ
jɘ
jɘ̃mɘ̃ʔ
jɘb
jɘr
jɘ̃nɘ̃n
jɘ̃h
jɨdaʔ
jɨʔ.ɨ ̯aʔ
jɨ ̃h.ɨã̯̃ n
ka
ka
ka
kaba kah.aɪ ̯ʔ
kabakeʔ
kabarar
ka-bak
ka-beh
ka-beʔ
ka-bobohok
kabarar
kabak
kabeh
kabeʔ
kaboboh.ok
ka-bɨaʔ
ka-bɨx
ka-der
kadi
ka-diɨʔ
ka-dit
kaduʔ
kahaiʔ dibu
kahaiʔ kak
kahaiʔ mɘh
kahaiʔ ratuh
kabɨ.aʔ
kabɨx
kader
kadi
kadi.ɨʔ
kadit
kaduʔ
kah.aʔ.ɪ dibu
kah.aʔ.ɪ kak
kah.aʔ.ɪ mɘ̃h
kah.aʔ.ɪ
ratuh
kah.aɪʔ
kah.aʔ
kãh.ẽnũ
kãh.ĩkẽn
kah.ik
kahaiʔ
kahaʔ
kahenu
ka-hiken
ka-hik
English
fence
fly
stem
a kind of fruit tree
sweat
fire
price
a kind of sap
cold
life
rope
broom
come
close
feces
nine
a term of reference
for immediate
family
photo, picture
close eyes
steal
stand
exaggerate
Indonesian
pagar
lalat
gagang
satu jenis buah kayu
keringat
api
harga
sejenis getah
dingin
kehidupan
tali
sapu
datang
tutup
kotoran
sembilan
istilah untuk keluarga
dekat
Comment
loan
hatch
cook
soft
rope
cut down grass
boil
horn
one thousand
twenty
other
one hundred
foto, gambar
tutup mata
mencuri
berdiri
melebih-lebihkan
cerita
menetas
masak
lembek
tali
menebas rumput
mendidih
tanduk
seribu
dua puluh
lain
seratus
one
heat of the sun
long ago
bite
drizzle
satu
panas matahari
dulu
gigit
gerimis
108
comp
loan
loan
comp
comp
comp
comp
Underlying
ka-hũ
ka-hɘʔ
kahɨr
kahʔuis
kakabak
Surface
kãh.ũ
kah.ɘʔ
kah.ɨr
kahə̆ʔu.is
kakabak
ka-karai
ka-kãʔõ
kakeʔep
ka-kitaʔ
kakore
kakarai ̯
kãkãʔ.õ
kakeʔ.ep
kakitaʔ
kakore
ka-kɘ
ka-kɘi
kakɘ
kakɘi ̯
ka-kɨɘʔ
ka-leʔleʔ
kami
kakɨ.ɘʔ
kaleʔə̆leʔ
kãmĩ
ka-mɘn
ka-nen
kanimuʔ
ka-nih
ka-nik
ka-niʔ
ka-no
kano
ka-nɨ
kanɨa
kapa
kapareak
kãmɘ̃n
kãnẽn
kãnĩmũʔ
kãnĩh
kãnĩk
kãnĩʔ
kãnõ
kãnõ
kãnɨ ̃
kãnɨ ̃.ã
kapa
kapare.ak
kaper
kapi
ka-pik
ka-pux
ka-puʔ
ka-pɘ̃pɘ̃
ka-pɨ
kaper
kapi
kapik
kapux
kapuʔ
kãpɘ̃pɘ̃
kapɨ
English
dull
leaning
women (pl.)
sea crab
a term of reference
for someone who
has died
chase
daydream
chalk
remember
the name of an
Enggano clan
broken
in danger of
breaking
short
muddy
snail shell horn for
calling a
traditional
assembly
sweet
thin
sarong
fast
light
shy, bashful
eat
smoke
heavy
moon
child
dead banana
leaves
papaya
cow
torn
sick
collapsed
foggy
cold
109
Indonesian
tumpul
condong
perempuan
kepiting laut
sebutan untuk orang
yang sudah meninggal
dunia
mengusir
melamun
kapur sirih
mengingat
nama salah satu suku
di Enggano
patah
akan patah
Comment
pendek
becek (sawah)
alat untuk memanggil
masyarakat
manis
tipis
sarung
cepat
terang
malu
makan
asap
berat
bulan
anak
daun pisang mati
pepaya
sapi
sobek
sakit
roboh
kabut
dingin
loan
Underlying
karaʔai
karah
karah ʔeap
ka-rahrah
karaix
kare
kare
ka-rep
ka-rer
ka-riɘ
karix
ka-ro
karoa
ka-ropiʔ
ka-ruaʔ
ka-rɘʔ
ka-uaua
ka-ʔa
kaʔah
ka-ʔam
kaʔe
kaʔikah
ka-ʔok
ka-ʔu
kaʔudar
kaʔɘk
ka-ʔɘr
kaʔ-bari
kaʔ-be
kaʔ-bibik
kaʔ-blau
kaʔ-bubu
kaʔ-daix
kaʔ-dɨhɨ ̯ai
kaʔ-he
kaʔ-hori
kaʔ-hop
kaʔ-kaluʔ
kaʔken
kaʔ-kokohoi
Surface
karaʔ.ai ̯
karah
karah ʔe.ap
karahrah
karaç
kare
kare
karep
karer
kariɘ
kariç
karo
karo.a
karopiʔ
karu.aʔ
karɘʔ
kawawa
kaʔ.a
kaʔ.ah
English
a kind of tree
body
ring
rough, unfinished
porcelain cup
traditional dance
aluminium
boil
full stomach
work
ear
spoiled
pants
suck
go first
plant
open (adj.)
die
kind of fragrant
tree
kãʔ.ãm
forget
kaʔ.e
stone
kaʔ.ikah
yesterday
kaʔ.ok
hard
kaʔ.u
good
kaʔ.udar
residential area in
village
kaʔ.ɘk
low tide
kaʔ.ɘr
sharp
kaʔə̆bari
drizzle
kaʔə̆be
wet
kaʔə̆bibik
muddy
kaʔə̆blau̯
green
kaʔə̆bubu
round
kaʔə̆daç
white
kaʔə̆dɨh.ɨ ̯ai ̯
bitter
kaʔə̆he
go octopus hunting
kaʔə̆hori
handicapped
kaʔə̆hop
having a hole
kaʔə̆kaluʔ
rumpled
kãʔə̆kẽn
eye infection
kaʔə̆kokoh.oi ̯ old
110
Indonesian
sejenis kayu
badan
cincin
berigi-rigi
gelas beling
tarian adat
kaleng
bisul
kenyang
bekerja
telinga
busuk
celana
mengisap
duluan
menanam
terbuka
mati
kayu kasai
lupa
batu
kemarin
keras
bagus
pemukiman
masyarakat
air surut
tajam
gerimis
basah
becek (sawah)
hijau
bulat
putih
pahit
mencari gurita di laut
cacat
berlubang
kumal
bisul mata
buruk, keriput
Comment
comp
loan
Underlying
kaʔ-kuniʔ
kaʔ-kɘ̃h
kaʔ-man
kaʔ-niʔi
kaʔ-nihia
kaʔ-noke
kaʔ-nuʔ
kaʔnɘm
kaʔ-pix
kaʔ-riprip
kaʔruru
kaʔ-tahur
kaʔ-tok
kaʔhɨɘ
Surface
kãʔə̆kũni ̃ʔ
kãʔə̆kɘ̃h
kãʔə̆mãn
kãʔə̆ni ̃ʔ.ĩ
kãʔə̆ni ̃hjã
kãʔə̆nõkẽ
kãʔə̆nũʔ
kãʔə̆nɘ̃m
kaʔə̆piç
kaʔə̆riprip
kaʔə̆ruru
kaʔə̆tah.ur
kaʔə̆tok
kaʔə̆h.ɨ ̯ɘ
kah
kah-dih
kah-dɨaʔ
kah-mih
kah-ne
kah-nene
kah-pɘʔ
kah-re
kah-roʔoa
kahten
kah-ʔapɨaʔ
kais
kaiteʔ
kak
karbo
karkoʔoaix
karneno
karnomeaʔ
karnomeh
karpe
kaix
kaʔ
ka-ʔeaʔea
ka-ʔuar
kããh
ka-ham
kah
kahdih
kahdɨ.aʔ
kãhmĩh
kãhnẽ
kãhnẽnẽ
kahpɘʔ
kahre
kahroʔ.o̯a
kãhtẽn
kahʔapɨ.aʔ
kai ̯s
kai ̯teʔ
kak
karbo
karkoʔ.o̯aç
kãrnẽnõ
kãrnõmẽ.ãʔ
kãrnõmẽh
karpe
kaç
kaʔ
kaʔ.e̯aʔ.e̯a
kaʔwar
kã.ãh
kãh.ãm
English
yellow
black
fragrant
unsure
dream
dance
deep
friend
sudsy
muddy
extra high tide
hot (water)
red
a woman holding a
position in
traditional affairs
go, invite
clear a new field
sell
squeeze
wipe
flirt
breathe
kill
pray
disgusting
wave breaking
sound
good-bye
person
water buffalo
night
smooth
crawl, creep
greedy
handker-cheif
box
mouth
skinny
healthy
afraid
fish (v.)
111
Indonesian
kuning
hitam
harum
ragu-ragu
bermimpi
berjoget
dalam
kawan
berbuih
keruh
air pasang full
panas (air)
merah
perempuan berjasa di
adat
pergi, mengajak
menebas kebun baru
menjual
memeras
mengelap
menggoda
bernafas
membunuh
berdoa
jijik
ombak pecah
bunyi
selamat tinggal
orang
kerbau
malam
licin
menjalar
rakus
sapu tangan
kotak
mulut
kurus
sehat
takut
memancing
Comment
comp
loan
Underlying
ka-ham
kãhẽ
kãhĩp
Surface
kãh.ãm
kãh.ẽ
kãh.ĩp
English
fly (v.)
a sea creature
small wound, bite
ka-hõk
kãh.õk
dry over fire
ka-ĩõ
kãkõ
kãkõʔĩã
kãjõ
kãkõ
kãkõʔjã
kanaʔinɘ
kãnãʔ.ĩnɘ̃
kanaʔoa
kãnãʔ.õa̯ ̃
ka-nai
kanam
ka-pẽp
ka-pẽʔ
kãtã
ka-ʔãũ
kãʔẽ
kãnãi ̯̃
kãnãm
kãpẽp
kãpẽʔ
kãtã
kãʔ.ãũ̯
kãʔ.ẽ
kã-ʔĩ
ka-ʔɨ ̃ʔ
kaʔ-kĩh
kaʔ-kũãʔ
kãp
ke
keier
kekeʔ
kemaha
kãʔ.ĩ
kãʔ.ɨ ̃ʔ
kãʔə̆ki ̃h
kãʔə̆kũ.ãʔ
kãp
ke
kejer
kekeʔ
kẽmãh.ã
straight
kangkung
the name of a
village
the name of a
village
the name of a
village
all gone
salt
shallow
slanted
nut
fat
land given in place
of salary
fast
strong
dry
seed
tribal head
vomit
edible river plant
pound rice
hammock
kemahaʔ
keʔem
keʔep
keʔpan
kehiɨ
keʔ
keam
kẽʔẽh
ken
kẽp
kẽmãh.ãʔ
kẽʔ.ẽm
keʔ.ep
kẽʔə̆pãn
kehjɨ
keʔ
kẽ.ãm
kẽʔ.ẽh
kẽn
kẽp
count
hide
bird
not
thirsty
no
is not
cough
abcess
island
112
Indonesian
terbang
binatang laut
gigitan kecil yang ada
bisa
mengeringkan dengan
api
lurus
kangkung
nama kampung
Comment
loan
nama kampung
nama kampung
habis
garam
dangkal
miring
kacang
gemuk
bengkok
cepat
kuat
kering
biji
kepala suku
muntah
genjer
menumbuk
ayunan terbuat dari
tali
menghitung
bersembunyi
burung
bukan
haus
tidak
tidak ada
batuk
mata bisul
pulau
loan
loan
loan
Underlying
ki
ki
kiak
kiar
kiar
ki-baba
ki-bibi
ki-bibiʔ
ki-dadaʔɨɘh
Surface
ki
ki
ki.ak
ki.ar
ki.ar
kibaba
kibibi
kibibiʔ
kidadaʔ.ɨ ̯ɘh
ki-didik
ki-didix
ki-dɨa
kididik
kididiç
kidɨ.a
ki-ka
ki-kãʔũ
ki-keor
ki-ki
kiki
ki-kiar
ki-kitix
ki-kiʔ
ki-koh
ki-kɘhɘi
kikɨhɨr
ki-mama
ki-memek
ki-mɘ
ki-mɘmɘi
ki-nanap
kinaʔah
ki-nenen
ki-nono
ki-nonon
ki-nok
ki-noʔoe
kinu
ki-pa-pe
ki-pahnauaʔ
ki-paido
ki-pam
ki-pe
kika
kĩkãʔ.ũ
kikeor
kiki
kiki
kiki.ar
kikitiç
kikiʔ
kikoh
kikɘh.ɘi ̯
kikɨh.ɨr
kĩmãmã
kĩmẽmẽk
kĩmɘ̃
kĩmɘ̃mɘ̃i ̯̃
kĩnãnãp
kĩnãʔ.ãh
kĩnẽnẽn
kĩnõnõ
kĩnõnõn
kĩnõk
kĩnõʔ.o̯ẽ ̃
kĩnũ
kipape
kĩpãhnãwãʔ
kipaido
kĩpãm
kipe
English
he, she
wind
blood
stay
all
coming
have diarrhea
squirt
care for spouse of
deceased
diligent
clothes too big
emerge in the
water
he comes
nearly fainted
lost
to be
at
stay
step on
surprised
cassava
spilled
high tide
chew
defecate
give birth
overcast
flat, smooth, level
like this
burned
eat
miscarriage
dive
spilled
a kind of fish
give
hold a discussion
cry
full
give
113
Indonesian
dia
angin
darah
tinggal
semua
sedang datang
mencret
mencrot, menyembur
menjaga suami/istri
orang meninggal
rajin
pakaian kebesaran
timbul dalam air
dia datang
setengah pingsan
hilang
ada
di
tinggal
menginjak
terkejut
ubi kayu
tumpah
air pasang
mengunyah
beol
melahirkan
mendung
datar, rata
begini
hangus
makan
keguguran
menyelam
tumpah
nama ikan laut
memberikan
bermusyawarah
menangis
penuh
memberi
Comment
comp
Underlying
ki-pehiɘr
ki-pokah
ki-pop
ki-pu
kĩ-pɘ̃ʔ
kita
kitaha
ki-tahaʔ
kite
kiɘhɘr
kiʔaru
kiʔnen
ki-deok
ki-hiau
kir-bɘr
kir-dɘr
kir-koniʔi
kir-ʔu
kit
kit
kiʔ
kiʔia
ki-ʔiai
ki-ʔiop
ki-ʔu
kiʔiɘi
Surface
kipehjɘr
kipokah
kipop
kipu
kĩpɘ̃ʔ
kita
kitah.a
kitah.aʔ
kite
ki.ɘh.ɘr
kiʔ.aru
kĩʔə̆nẽn
kide.ok
kihjau
kirbɘr
kirdɘr
kĩrkõnĩʔ.ĩ
kirʔju
kit
kit
kiʔ
kiʔja
kiʔjai ̯
kiʔjop
kiʔju
kiʔjɘi ̯
kiʔuɘi
kiʔwɘi ̯
kĩhĩ
kĩh.ĩ
kĩkẽʔ
kĩpãʔãũp
kĩpãʔĩõp
kiʔ-kẽʔ
ki-hiam
ki-hĩẽk
kĩhkõʔ
kĩk
kin
kĩʔ
kĩʔ
kĩkẽʔ
kĩpãʔ.ãʊ̃p
kĩpãʔjõp
kĩʔə̆kẽʔ
kĩhjãm
kĩhjẽk
kĩhkõʔ
kĩk
kĩn
kĩʔ
kĩʔ
English
deaf
will go
bubble (v.)
run
weave
stomach
centipede
stab
a kind of tree
shore crab
and
be lined up
pinched
bite
buy
buy
tickle
say
try
shark
squirt
mosquito
can't reach
face downwards
say
the name of a
village
term of address for
young girl
small pieces of
rattan
a kind of sea snail
ten
eight
chop
itchy
sit
urinate on
necklace
tall
slap
chin
114
Indonesian
tuli
mau pergi
menggelembung
berlari
menganyam
perut
lipan
menikam
kayu merbau
kepiting pantai
dan
berjajar
terjepit
gigit
membeli
membeli
menggeli-gelikan
bilang
coba
ikan hiu
mencrot, menyembur
nyamuk
tidak sampai
telungkup
bilang
nama kampung
nok
rotan halus
kucing-kucing
sepuluh
delapan
mencincang
gatal
duduk
mengencingi
kalung
tinggi
menampar
dagu
Comment
comp
Underlying
kĩ-ʔĩãk
kĩʔĩãp
kĩ-ʔi ̃ɘ̃
kĩʔi ̃ɘ̃ki ̃ʔi ̃ɘ̃
Surface
kĩʔjãk
kĩʔjãp
kĩʔjɘ̃
kĩʔjɘ̃ki ̃ʔjɘ̃
ko
koar
ko
ko.ar
kokoʔoa
kokoʔ.o̯a
kokoiʔea
kome
koniʔi
kopiʔ
korea
koʔma
koʔmai
koʔmim
koʔnene
koheaʔ
koi
kok
kor
korti
koʔoeʔ
koan
kokon
kone
kõʔõĩʔ
kõʔkõʔ
kõp
kõʔ
kokoɪ ̯ʔ.e̯a
kõmẽ
kõnĩʔ.ĩ
kopiʔ
kore.a
kõʔə̆mã
kõʔə̆mãi ̯̃
kõʔə̆mi ̃m
kõʔə̆nẽnẽ
koh.e̯aʔ
koi ̯
kok
kor
korti
koʔ.o̯eʔ
kõ.ãn
kõkõn
kõnẽ
kõʔ.õɪʔ̯̃
kõʔə̆kõʔ
kõp
kõʔ
kõʔĩã
kõʔĩã
ku
kuaʔ
kudaʔai
kudiʔ
kunuʔun
kupar
kuruh
kõʔjã
kõʔjã
ku
ku.aʔ
kudaʔ.ai ̯
kudiʔ
kũnũʔ.ũn
kupar
kuruh
English
swim
grasshopper
paralyzed
a kind of sea
creature
hungry
type of kitchen
utensil
love for someone
lazy
bridge
ticklish
suck
seagull
porch
immigrant
star
flirt
small hut
pig
breast
lift
chair
devil
The Lord
visible
flirt
gray hair
sago palm
grave
traditional head
scarf
goiter
nut tree sp.
wood, tree
bark (v.)
preach
belt
fingernail
fence
skinny
115
Indonesian
berenang
belalang
lumpuh
satu jenis binatang
laut
lapar
sayang/kasih pada
seseorang
malas
jembatan
geli
mengisap
burung camar
teras
pendatang
bintang
menggoda
pondok kecil
babi
dada perempuan
angkat
kursi
setan
Tuhan
nampak
menggoda
uban
rumbia
kubur
ikat kepala (bahasa
adat)
bagok, tangkil
melinjo
kayu
menggonggong
khotbah
ikat pinggang
kuku
pagar
kurus
Comment
loan
loan
Underlying
kuti
kud
kup
kurdi
kuʔiaʔ
kũ
kũãhãʔ
kũãhãʔ
kuan
kũkũ
kumu
kũʔĩ
kũhũẽ
kũk
kũk
kun
kũʔ
kũʔũãh
kɘ
Surface
kuti
kud
kup
kurdi
kuʔjaʔ
kũ
kũ.ãh.ãʔ
kũ.ãh.ãʔ
kũ.ãn
kũkũ
kũmũ
kũʔ.ĩ
kũhwẽ
kũk
kũk
kũn
kũʔ
kũʔwãh
kɘ
English
key
horse
swell
facing outwards
push
count
count
my vehicle
when
follow
well
great grandparent
usefulness
pass gas
back
correct
climb onto
vehicle
edible tuber
kɘhɘi
kɘkɘ
kɘʔɘh
kɘr
kɘx
kɘʔ
kɘ̃
kɘ̃
kɨdaʔ
kɨʔɨk
kɨʔdɨx
kɨʔkah
kɨr
kɨx
labalaba
maha
maham
makoʔ
kɘh.ɘi ̯
kɘkɘ
kɘʔ.ɘh
kɘr
kɘx
kɘʔ
kɘ̃
kɘ̃
kɨdaʔ
kɨʔ.ɨk
kɨʔə̆dɨx
kɨʔə̆kah
kɨr
kɨx
labalaba
mãh.ã
mãh.ãm
mãkõʔ
spilled
go, travel
plant
swallow
mountain
plant
measure
try
tell
narrow
surprised
laugh
life
turtle
spider
do not know
fish
cup
mama
mamek
mamik
mãmã
mãmẽk
mãmĩk
chew
defecate
urinate
116
Indonesian
kunci
kuda
bengkak
tunggit
dorong
hitung
berhitung
kendaraan saya
kapan
ikutan
sumur
orang tua dari nenek
kegunaan
keluar angin
punggung
benar
naik kendaraan
kendaraan
ubi-ubian yang bisa
dimakan
tumpah
jalan-jalan
tanaman
menelan
gunung
menanam
ukur
coba
beritakan, sampaikan
sempit
terkejut
tertawa
kehidupan
penyu
laba-laba
tidak tahu
(me)mancing
cangkir terbuat dari
kaleng atau plastik
mengunyah
buang air besar
buang air kecil
Comment
loan
loan
comp
loan
loan
loan
Underlying
maʔau
man
maix
maʔ
me
mea
meh
mimi
minuʔ
moʔni
muo
mɘ
mɘk
nahai
namutan
nanaiaʔ
nanau
napu
naua
naʔah
naʔan
naʔau
naʔinɘ
Surface
mãʔ.ãũ̯
mãn
mãç
mãʔ
mẽ
mẽ.ã
mẽh
mĩmĩ
mĩnũʔ
mõʔə̆ni ̃
mũõ
mɘ̃
mɘ̃k
nãh.ãi ̯̃
nãmũtãn
nãnãjãʔ
nãnãũ̯
nãpũ
nãwã
nãʔ.ãh
nãʔ.ãn
nãʔ.ãũ
nãʔ.ĩnɘ̃
English
local people
man
gold
mother
why
cat
food
far
smell
where
flower
be born
many
allow
rambutan
ruin
lake
lamp
big toe
like that
later
climb
a kind of tree
nahʔem
naʔ
ne
nene
neneʔem
neneʔ
nepe
ni
nipon
nãhʔẽm
nãʔ
nẽ
nẽnẽ
nẽnẽʔ.ẽm
nẽnẽʔ
nẽpẽ
nĩ
nĩpõn
nipɘʔ
no
nomeʔ
note
noʔoe
noʔman
noh
noh
nĩpɘ̃ʔ
nõ
nõmẽʔ
nõtẽ
nõʔ.o̯ẽ ̃
nõʔə̆mãn
nõh
nõh
later
get
flu
bait
your grandmother
grandmother
a kind of cake
name
Japanese (or Asian
in general)
weave
eat
dig out a hole
bell
spilled
tomorrow
food
trash can
117
Indonesian
masyarakat setempat
laki-laki
emas
ibu
mengapa
kucing
makanan
jauh
mencium
mana
bunga
lahir
banyak
biar
rambutan
merusak
danau
lampu
jempol kaki
begitu
nanti
naik
putat (nama sejenis
kayu)
nanti dulu
ambil
flu
umpan
nenek kamu
nenek
sejenis kue
nama
Jepang
menganyam
makan
mengorek-orek lobang
lonceng
tumpah
besok
makanan
tempat sampah
Comment
loan
loan
loan
loan
loan
comp
loan
loan
loan
Underlying
nukoʔ
nuʔik
nuʔik nuʔ
nɘʔɘn
pa
pabuʔui
Surface
nũkõʔ
nũʔ.ĩk
nũʔ.ĩk nũʔ
nɘ̃ʔ.ɘ̃n
pa
pabuʔwi
padi
pa-dɘhɘ
pa-hahre
pa-himɘ
pa-hito
pa-hitɘi
pa-hobeʔ
pahu
pa-hɘdik
paiɘʔoi
pa-keʔem
pa-ki
pa-kikitix
pa-kõʔõãʔ
pa-lauaʔ
pamahaum
pa-pe
pa-pur
pa-pɨaʔ
pa-riʔ
parur
pa-tuʔ
pa-uap
pa-ʔitɘʔ
pa-ʔoaʔ
paʔpɘhɘr
pah-bɘ
pah-koʔoa
padi
padɘh.ɘ
pah.ahre
pãh.ĩmɘ̃
pah.ito
pah.itɘi ̯
pah.obeʔ
pah.u
pah.ɘdik
pajɘʔ.oi ̯
pakeʔ.em
paki
pakikitiç
pãkõʔ.o̯ã ʔ̃
palawaʔ
pãmãh.ãʊ̯̃m
pape
papur
papɨ.aʔ
pariʔ
parur
patuʔ
pawap
paʔ.itɘʔ
paʔ.o̯aʔ
paʔə̆pɘh.ɘr
pahbɘ
pahkoʔ.o̯a
English
cigarette
small
short
now
youth
the name of a
village
field rice
hear
kill
peer
spit
mock
date (v.)
angry
turn
nauseous
hide (trans.)
hide (trans.)
step on
know
split
afternoon
give
fight
I see
make
celebration
throw away
yawn
throw
shout
bad
hit
love someone
pahnamik
pãhnãmĩk
hardly visible
pah-nuaʔ
pah-pɨ
paido
painɘn
pãhnũ.ãʔ
pahpɨ
pai ̯do
pãinɘ̃
̯̃ n
hunt
see
cry
feelings
118
Indonesian
rokok
kecil
pendek
sekarang
anak muda
nama kampung
Comment
loan
padi
mendengar
membunuh
mengintai
meludah
mengejek
pacaran
marah
berbelok
mual
menyembunyikan
menyembunyikan
menginjak-injak
tahu
membelah
sore
memberi
berkelahi
saya melihat
buat
pesta
membuang
menguap
melempar
berteriak
jahat
memukul
sayang/kasih pada
seseorang
antara nampak dan
tidak
berburu
melihat
menangis
perasaan
loan
comp
Underlying
pap
parna
pau
Surface
pap
pãrnã
pau̯
English
cheek
paper
horizon (sea)
paix
paiʔ
paʔ
paʔob
pahuman
pãĩõ
pãĩũ
pa-kanaʔ
pa-na
pa-nauaʔ
pane
pãʔĩ
pãʔõ
pãʔõpã
pãĩk
pan
pãĩx
pãʔĩõp
pe
pẽʔẽ
pẽʔẽʔ
pẽʔ
pi
piak
piak
piar
piaʔ
pina
pinohoi
piri
pitoroʔ
piɘh
pik
pĩ
pĩh
po
poraʔ
poro
paç
paɪʔ
paʔ
paʔ.ob
pãh.ũmãn
pãjõ
pãjũ
pãkãnãʔ
pãnã
pãnãwãʔ
pãnẽ
pãʔ.ĩ
pãʔ.õ
pãʔ.õpã
pãɪk̯̃
pãn
pãç
pãʔjõp
pe
pẽʔ.ẽ
pẽʔ.ẽʔ
pẽʔ
pi
pi.ak
pi.ak
pi.ar
pi.aʔ
pĩnã
pĩnõh.õi ̯̃
piri
pitoroʔ
pi.ɘh
pik
pĩ
pĩh
po
poraʔ
poro
ash
throw
father
meet
morning
straight
umbrella
separate
speak
discuss
close
fast
silent, quiet
lined up
river shrimp
nose
pestle
hug
give
land crab
this
frog
garden
our garden
tired
leave
my garden
betel nut
naïve
plate
pencil
massage
open
jungle snail
squeeze
coconut
split
lie
Indonesian
pipi
kertas
permukaan laut yang
jauh
abu
melempar
bapak
bertemu
pagi
lurus
payung
berpisah
bicara
musyawarah
dekat
cepat
diam
bersusun
udang sungai
hidung
alu
pelukan
memberi
kepiting darat
ini
katak
kebun
kebun kita
letih, lesu
meninggalkan
kebun saya
pinang
pandir
piring
pensil
mengurut
buka
sejenis keong hutan
memeras
kelapa
membelah
bohong
119
Comment
loan
comp
comp
loan
loan
loan
Underlying
porpiʔ
Surface
porpiʔ
pu
pu
puah
puak
puka
purik
pururu
puk
pur
pur
purdu
pɘʔɘk
pɘix
pu
pu
pu.ah
pu.ak
puka
purik
pururu
puk
pur
pur
purdu
pɘʔ.ɘk
pɘi ̯s
pɘix
pɘk
pɘ̃ʔ
pɘ̃ʔ
pɘi ̯s
pɘk
pɘ̃ʔ
pɘ̃ʔ
pɨ
pɨah
pɨnaha
pɨnahai
pɨʔɨaʔ
pɨhɨaʔ
pɨ ̃ʔ
rakit
ratuh
roro
rusa
tabɨdaʔ
tahiʔ
tanaia
taru
tauah
tauud
tahaʔ
taix
tãpũ
pɨ
pɨ.ah
pɨ ̃nãh.ã
pɨ ̃nãh.ãi ̯̃
pɨʔ.ɨ ̯aʔ
pɨh.ɨ ̯aʔ
pɨ ̃ʔ
rakit
ratuh
roro
rusa
tabɨdaʔ
tah.iʔ
tãnãjã
taru
tawah
tawud
tah.aʔ
taç
tãpũ
English
cigarette paper
from nipa palm
leaves
run
male genitalia
stir
go
open
grow
hair
navel
boil
kill
roof
shoot
Padang (place,
people)
machete
dig a hole
shoot
the name of a
village
see
face
shake
shake
large rattan pieces
able
fireplace
raft
hundred
pick up
deer
jackfruit
my bag
naked
eggplant
rice field
year
write
bag
flour
120
Indonesian
bungkusan untuk
rokok dari daun nipa
lari
kelamin laki-laki
mengaduk
pergi
membuka
tumbuh
bulu
pusat
merebus
membunuh
atap
tembak
Padang
Comment
loan
parang
melobangi
menembak
nama kampung
melihat
wajah
menggoyangkan
menggoyangkan
rotan kasar
bisa
tempat masak
rakit
ratus
pungut
rusa
nangka
tas saya
telanjang
terong
sawah
tahun
menulis
tas
tepung terigu
loan
loan
loan
comp
loan
loan
loan
loan
loan
Underlying
teke
tena
tepaʔ
tereʔ
teror
teter
teʔ
tẽ
tikus
tipiʔ
tiri
tokoʔ
tubuʔ
tuo
tutiʔ
tuʔiah
uaʔ
ʔa
ʔa-ba
ʔa-beh
ʔabeh
ʔa-beʔ
ʔa-buaʔ
ʔa-bɘ
ʔabɨx
ʔa-diɨʔ
ʔaduʔ
ʔadɘhɘr
ʔa-hẽ
ʔa-hit
ʔa-ioiaʔ
ʔa-kenah
ʔa-kitaʔ
ʔakɘr
ʔakɨrib
ʔamik
Surface
teke
tẽnã
tepaʔ
tereʔ
teror
teter
teʔ
tẽ
tikus
tipiʔ
tiri
tokoʔ
tubuʔ
tu.o
tutiʔ
tuʔjah
waʔ
ʔa
ʔaba
ʔabeh
ʔabeh
ʔabeʔ
ʔabu.aʔ
ʔabɘ
ʔabɨx
ʔadi.ɨʔ
ʔaduʔ
ʔadɘh.ɘr
ʔãh.ẽ
ʔah.it
ʔajojaʔ
ʔãkẽnãh
ʔakitaʔ
ʔakɘr
ʔakɨrib
ʔãmĩk
English
cloves
happy
kick
tea kettle
egg
flashlight
here
metal roofing
rat
tweezers, pincers
betel leaf
hat
hit with fist
old
inject
for what
uncle
we
come
steal
bamboo
stand
wear, use
hit
already
cut down grass
towel
grass
wipe
spit
pay out (a rope)
choose
think
three
lips
our fishing rod
ʔa-nok
ʔãpẽʔẽãp
ʔa-piah
ʔapiah
ʔa-po
ʔãnõk
ʔãpẽʔ.e̯ã p
̃
ʔapi.ah
ʔapi.ah
ʔapo
wash
wing
graze
how many
blow
121
Indonesian
cengkeh
senang
tendang, sepak
ceret
telur
senter
sini
seng
tikus
sepit
daun sirih
topi
(men)tinju
tua
suntik
untuk apa
paman
kita/kami
datang
mencuri
bambu
berdiri
memakai
memukul
sudah
menebas
handuk
rumput
mengelap
meludah
ulur
memilih
pikir
tiga
bibir
pancing (kepunyaan
bersama)
mencuci
sayap
merumput
berapa
bertiup
Comment
loan
loan
loan
loan
loan
loan
loan
loan
loan
loan
loan
loan
comp
loan
Underlying
ʔapɘh
Surface
ʔapɘh
English
a term for someone
who has died
the livestock of a
deceased person
ʔaraʔiah
ʔaraʔjah
ʔareʔ
ʔari
ʔarib
ʔarib he ʔaru
ʔarop
ʔaru
ʔarɘ
ʔarɘh
ʔa-uah
ʔauan
ʔauaʔ
ʔahdih
ʔainɘn
ʔainɘn
ʔar
ʔarkix
ʔau
ʔaup
ʔa-ʔia
ʔa-ʔiur
ʔaiam
ʔaken
ʔakiʔakin
ʔamahai
ʔamak
ʔame
ʔareʔ
ʔari
ʔarib
ʔarib he ʔaru
ʔarop
ʔaru
ʔarɘ
ʔarɘh
ʔawah
ʔãwãn
ʔawaʔ
ʔahdih
ʔãinɘ̃
̯̃ n
ʔãinɘ̃
̯̃ n
ʔar
ʔarkiç
ʔau̯
ʔaʊ̯p
ʔaʔja
ʔaʔjur
ʔãjãm
ʔãkẽn
ʔãkĩʔ.ãkĩn
ʔãmãh.ãi ̯̃
ʔãmãk
ʔãmẽ
ʔamiʔ
ʔãmĩʔ
let's
you (pl.)
five
seven
underarm
two
how
fever
go
cloud
mangrove
clear a new field
feel
silent, quiet
close quarters
rice
agape
four
descend
progress
chicken
shark
six
bed
God
a kind of sea
mollusk
my fishing rod
ʔamiʔ
ʔamiʔiam
ʔamuh
ʔamuh nuʔ
ʔanima
ʔanoʔon
ʔãmĩʔ
ʔãmĩʔjãm
ʔãmũh
ʔãmũh nũʔ
ʔãnĩmã
ʔãnõʔ.õn
punishment
shoulder
big
long, wide
pandanus
heel
122
Indonesian
kata ganti untuk orang
yang sudah meninggal
ternak peliharaan
orang yang sudah
meninggal
ayo
kalian
lima
tujuh
ketiak
dua
bagaimana
demam
pergi
awan
bakau
menebas kebun baru
merasa
diam
himpit
beras, nasi
nganga
empat
turun
maju
ayam
ikan hiu
enam
ranjang
Allah
jenis kerang laut
Comment
pancing (kepunyaan
sendiri)
hukuman
bahu
besar
panjang, lebar
pandan
tumit
comp
comp
loan
loan
comp
Underlying
ʔanoʔ
Surface
ʔãnõʔ
ʔanuʔun
ʔanɘk
ʔanɘʔ
ʔanɨkɘ
ʔãnũʔ.ũn
ʔãnɘ̃k
ʔãnɘ̃ʔ
ʔãnɨ ̃kɘ̃
ʔanɨk
ʔanɨʔ
ʔãpũʔ
ʔatam
ʔam
ʔãʔkũhũãʔ
ʔe
ʔe
ʔea
ʔea kak
ʔeaka
ʔeai
ʔeap
ʔeaudauoh
ʔeber
ʔẽi ̃ɘ̃p
ʔekaʔ
ʔeko
ʔekoʔanu
ʔeno
ʔeok
ʔeok
ʔek
ʔer
ʔeʔea
ʔẽ
ʔeam
ʔẽãp
ʔẽãp
ʔẽõ
ʔẽõ
ʔẽõʔ
ʔẽk
ʔẽp
ʔãnɨ ̃k
ʔãnɨ ̃ʔ
ʔãpũʔ
ʔãtãm
ʔãm
ʔãʔə̆kũhwãʔ
ʔe
ʔe
ʔe.a
ʔe.a kak
ʔe.aka
ʔe.ai ̯
ʔe.ap
ʔe.au̯dawoh
ʔeber
ʔẽjɘ̃p
ʔekaʔ
ʔeko
ʔẽkõʔ.ãnũ
ʔẽnõ
ʔe.ok
ʔe.ok
ʔek
ʔer
ʔeʔ.e̯a
ʔẽ
ʔẽ.ãm
ʔẽ.ãp
ʔẽ.ãp
ʔẽ.õ
ʔẽ.õ
ʔẽ.õʔ
ʔẽk
ʔẽp
English
name of a subvillage in Malakoni
village
turtle
guest
friend
a kind of
caterpillar
pull
outside of Enggano
snake
sour
father
dry
stone
female genitalia
bone
hand planer
close
fish
hand/arm
sky
washbasin
grass
tooth
road
shore crab
dig
vein
hard
bathe
climb up a tree
bone
shove
fishing rod
root
thick
mud
a kind of sea snail
that
defecate
left
123
Indonesian
nama dusun di desa
Malakoni
Comment
kura-kura
tamu
teman
nama sejenis ulat
menarik
di luar pulau Enggano
ular
asam
bapak
menjemur
batu
kelamin perempuan
tulang
ketam, sugu
tutup
ikan
tangan
langit
baskom
rumput
gigi
jalan
umang-umang
menggali
urat
keras
mandi
memanjat
tulang
singkir
pancing
akar
tebal
lumpur
sejenis keong
itu
buang air besar
kiri
loan
comp
loan
Underlying
ʔẽʔ
ʔi
ʔiah
ʔinu
Surface
ʔẽʔ
ʔi
ʔi.ah
ʔĩnũ
Indonesian
ini
pijak
apa
mangkuk kecil untuk
mencuci tangan
di atas
di bawah
melempar
mengintai
mengejek
kita
ternak kita
minum
pisang
ternak saya
di mana
di sana
buang air kecil
berenang
di sini
di situ
mengorek-orek lobang
cabut
tarik
iya
pergi sama-sama
bilang
saya
mengatakan
obat
nama sejenis salak
ʔudɘp
ʔudɘx
ʔu.eh
ʔũmãh.ã
ʔũ
ʔũ.ẽ
ʔũmũnũm
English
this
pedal
what
small bowl with
water for washing
above
below
throw
peer
mock
we
our livestock
drink
banana
my livestock
where
there
urinate
swim
here
there
bore a hole
withdraw
pull
yes
go together
say
I
say
medicine
a kind of snakeskin
fruit
taro
shampoo
sleep
do not know
touch
cry
your (sg) age
ʔi-tem
ʔi-top
ʔitɘʔ
ʔiʔmɘ
ʔihtɘi
ʔik
ʔik
ʔit
ʔit
ʔiʔ
ʔi-ʔiah
ʔi-ʔuoʔ
ʔĩk
ʔĩʔĩãk
ʔi-ʔĩẽʔ
ʔi-ʔĩõʔ
ʔohmeʔ
ʔok
ʔor
ʔõ
ʔoneaʔ
ʔu
ʔu
ʔu-ar
ʔubeʔ
ʔubiʔ
ʔĩtẽm
ʔitop
ʔitɘʔ
ʔĩʔə̆mɘ̃
ʔihtɘi ̯
ʔik
ʔik
ʔit
ʔit
ʔiʔ
ʔiʔjah
ʔiʔwoʔ
ʔĩk
ʔĩʔjãk
ʔĩʔjẽʔ
ʔĩʔjõʔ
ʔõhmẽʔ
ʔok
ʔor
ʔõ
ʔõnẽ.ãʔ
ʔu
ʔu
ʔu.ar
ʔubeʔ
ʔubiʔ
ʔudɘp
ʔudɘx
ʔueh
ʔumaha
ʔũ
ʔũẽ
ʔumunum
ʔumunuʔ
ʔũmũnũʔ
my age
umur saya
124
talas
sampo
tidur
tidak tahu
senggol
menangis
umur kamu
Comment
comp
comp
comp,
loan
comp,
loan
Underlying
ʔũp
ʔɘ
ʔɘi
ʔɘi
Surface
ʔũp
ʔɘ
ʔɘi ̯
ʔɘi ̯
ʔɘr
ʔɘʔ
ʔɘm
ʔɘm
ʔɘr
ʔɘʔ
ʔɘ̃m
ʔɘ̃m
English
grandparent
draw water
OK
a call (hey!)
buy
you (sg)
wait
do, carry out
(imperative)
ʔɘmduparauʔ ʔɘ̃mduparaʊ̯ʔ be careful
ʔɨaʔ
ʔɨ.aʔ
tie
ʔɨdiaʔ
ʔɨdi.aʔ
sell
ʔɨki
ʔɨki
mango
ʔɨʔkah
ʔɨʔə̆kah
laugh
125
Indonesian
nenek
menimba
iya
kata yang dipakai
dengan orang jauh
tidak dikenal
membeli
kamu
tunggu
buat, melakukan
Comment
berhati-hatilah
mengikat
menjual
mangga
tertawa
comp
Appendix C
Duration of vowels and vocoid sequences
Table 1. Duration, intensity, pitch, and formants of stressed and unstressed vowels
Word
Duration (ms)
Intensity (dB)
Pitch (Hz)
F1 (Hz)
F2 (Hz)
1st
2nd
1st
2nd
1st
2nd
1st
2nd
1st
2nd
/tipiʔ/
[tipiʔ]
90
175
75
79
110
170
310
375
2100
2175
/kɨʔɨk/
[kɨʔɨk]
115
255
75
81
130
200
340
355
1525
1490
/tubuʔ/
[tubuʔ]
150
205
72
75
110
155
400
405
700
680
/kekeʔ/
[kekeʔ]
105
175
71
78
105
140
465
530
2135
2115
/kɘʔɘh/
[kɘʔɘh]
95
215
81
87
115
170
420
430
1360
1355
/kokon/
[kõkõn]
140
190
68
74
105
165
740
810
850
985
/dapah/
[dapah]
145
140
71
76
95
135
790
825
1285
1230
/bibi/
[bibi]
140
360
73
74
105
160
290
315
2110
2210
/kumu/
[kũmũ]
140
310
69
69
115
177
390
595
760
620
/nene/
[nẽnẽ]
170
385
71
71
105
165
560
560
2085
2195
/kɘkɘ/
[kɘkɘ]
130
345
85
85
115
185
425
460
1390
1325
/roro/
[roro]
180
375
80
80
115
175
580
630
980
985
/mama/
[mãmã]
130
390
76
76
90
150
820
805
1260
1345
126
Table 2. Duration of HL and LH vocoid sequences in final position (ms)
Closed HL
ia ʔapi.ah
ʔɨdi.aʔ
pi.ak
ua karu.aʔ
pu.ak
pu.ah
ea ʔone.aʔ
kapare.ak
oa do.ab
ko.ar
kõ.ãn
io
iɘ pi.ɘh
255
285
345
400
330
250
280
335
360
385
345
300
Closed LH
ai
jai ̯ʔ
pãik̯̃
kai ̯s
au ʔaʊ̯p
250
300
295
295
Open HL
ia
Open LH
ai kakarai ̯
kõʔə̆mãi ̯̃
kãnãi ̯̃
au
ua
juku.a 445
ea
`
kore.a 525
ao
oa
karo.a 615
ao
oi
ɘi
io
iɘ
kari.ɘ
oi
ɘi
pɘi ̯s
275
127
565
joroi ̯
ʔihtɘi ̯
kakɘi ̯
kĩmɘ̃mɘ̃i ̯̃
405
380
395
430
475
425
400
Table 3. Duration of HL and LH vocoid sequences in final position after glottal
consonant (ms)
Closed HL
ia
ua
ea
oa
Closed LH
ʔaraʔjah
255
kuʔjaʔ
jaʔkaʔ.ai ̯ʔ
210
330
kah.ai ̯ʔ
kĩʔjãp
225
kũʔwãh
280
koh.e̯aʔ
ai
Open HL
au
kiʔja
420
karaʔ.ai ̯
405
265
kõʔjã
360
ʔãmãh.ãi ̯̃
495
kabakah.ai ̯ʔ
185
kãʔə̆ni ̃hjã
390
nãh.ãi ̯̃
475
bah.aʊ̯ʔ
265
baʔ.au̯
495
pãmãh.ãʊ̯̃m
260
haʔ.au̯
480
kĩpãʔ.ãʊ̯̃p
225
maʔ.au̯
470
285
ia
Open LH
ua
ea
oa
au
kokoiʔ.e̯a
385
kaʔ.e̯aʔ.e̯a
390
pahkoʔ.o̯a
490
paʔ.o̯aʔ
255
karkoʔ.o̯aç
240
doh.o̯a
400
jamakaʔ.o̯aʔ
225
kokoʔ.o̯a
445
ie
ʔĩʔjẽʔ
245
ei
io
kiʔjop
285
oi
ʔĩʔjõʔ
270
jĩhjõn
235
kipehjɘr
310
iɘ
ao
kõʔ.õiʔ̯̃
265
ɘi
ai
ao
ie
ei
jaʔə̆keʔ.ei ̯ 425
io
oi
pajɘʔ.oi ̯
435
pinoh.oi ̯
480
kɘh.ɘi ̯
405
iɘ
kĩʔjɘ̃
520
kĩʔjɘ̃kiʔ̃ jɘ̃
445
ɘi
Table 4. Duration of same-height vocoid sequences in final position (ms)
Closed
iu
iɨ
eo
ui
oe
Closed Post-Glottal
ʔaʔjur
kide.ok
kike.or
Open
Open PostGlottal
320
kehjɨ
430
boh.o̯e
joʔə̆ho̯e
nõʔ.o̯ẽ ̃
435
430
440
320
335
juʔwis
kahə̆ʔwis
koʔ.o̯eʔ
295
250
305
128
bu.i
495
Table 5. Duration of plain vowels in closed and open final position
i
ɨ
ũ
ẽ
ɘ
õ
a
Plain vowels in closed syllables
pik
195
kɨʔ.ɨk
255
jũkũʔ
230
pẽʔ
220
kɘx
210
kõʔə̆kõʔ
200
kak
245
Plain vowels in open syllables
ʔɨki
440
pɨ
400
kikãʔ.ũ
390
ke
410
kapɘ̃pɘ̃
405
ʔẽnõ
395
baʔa
415
129
Appendix D
Vowel formant measurements
Table 1. F1 of oral vowels (Hz)
Word
Vowel
AK1
AK2
JS1
JS2
MK1
MK2
MR1
MR2
hɘdik
i
390
390
295
330
295
290
360
355
kɨx
ɨ
300
315
330
345
270
285
300
325
duduk
u
340
355
395
385
315
310
370
360
karep
e
485
480
545
570
480
455
490
500
kɘx
ɘ
470
470
410
450
370
365
375
395
kaʔə̆tok
o
550
515
625
595
520
515
530
550
kak
a
810
785
895
860
740
720
870
880
kaʔə̆tok
o
855
770
1015
910
835
865
1005
985
kak
a
1460
1440
1475
1465
1365
1350
1265
1455
Table 2. F2 of oral vowels (Hz)
Word
Vowel
AK1
AK2
JS1
JS2
MK1
MK2
MR1
MR2
hɘdik
i
2120
2155
2130
2185
2360
2240
2450
2460
kɨx
ɨ
1355
1100
1675
1165
1150
1380
1165
1195
duduk
u
885
910
1020
940
890
925
930
935
karep
e
2030
1675
1910
1795
1945
1905
2270
2045
130
kɘx
ɘ
1365
1325
1570
1580
1430
1225
1110
1170
Table 3. F1 of nasal vowels (Hz)26
Word
Vowel
AK1
AK2
JS1
JS2
MK1
MK2
MR1
MR2
kãʔə̆ki ̃h
ĩ
580
560
415
430
330
315
380
430
pɨ ̃ʔ
ɨ̃
430
455
385
450
375
395
400
380
kũk
ũ
485
495
485
485
390
415
350
410
kãʔə̆pẽp
ẽ
545
555
705
610
565
590
520
475
kãʔə̆kɘ̃h
ɘ̃
500
485
430
515
435
400
385
390
pɘ̃ʔ
ɘ̃
600
640
575
610
565
555
590
600
kõp
õ
580
565
755
725
410
380
675
640
kãp
ã
790
805
835
885
690
720
665
845
pɘ̃ʔ
ɘ̃
1255
1295
1225
1225
1280
1215
1250
1300
kõp
õ
725
725
895
1020
745
785
800
730
kãp
ã
1425
1365
1390
1485
1390
1465
1380
1415
Table 4. F2 of nasal vowels (Hz)
Word
Vowel
AK1
AK2
JS1
JS2
MK1
MK2
MR1
MR2
26
kãʔə̆ki ̃h
ĩ
2270
2225
2245
2260
1735
1970
1565
2450
pɨ ̃ʔ
ɨ̃
985
1050
1685
1190
1000
1190
965
1180
kũk
ũ
580
575
700
695
450
445
450
700
kãʔə̆pẽp
ẽ
1820
1580
1880
1750
2000
1735
2115
2300
kãʔə̆kɘ̃h
ɘ̃
1180
1240
1590
1670
1345
1215
1195
1200
All instances of [pɘ̃ʔ] come from speaker RJ, repeated in isolation.
131
Appendix E
Vocoid sequence formant measurements
Table 1. F1 of vocoid sequences in frames (Hz)
AK1
AK2
JS1
JS2
MK1
MK2
MR1
MR2
F1 1st
F1 2nd
F1 1st
F1 2nd
F1 1st
F1 2nd
F1 1st
F1 2nd
F1 1st
F1 2nd
F1 1st
F1 2nd
F1 1st
F1 2nd
F1 1st
F1 2nd
ki.ak
265
695
255
720
270
825
330
750
210
750
245
745
340
845
345
800
pɨ.ah
270
860
260
625
280
950
295
955
295
530
275
505
275
765
315
810
pu.ak
315
800
335
710
390
810
420
785
320
695
330
740
410
750
345
825
132
bah.aʊ̯ʔ
780
645
730
665
790
550
935
605
845
640
750
690
750
485
715
375
hi.ur
290
300
360
370
235
350
280
355
210
310
215
315
315
370
350
365
kahə̆ʔwis
320
320
305
340
415
330
390
340
365
185
360
295
345
365
335
365
Table 2. F2 of vocoid sequences in frames (Hz)
AK1
AK2
JS1
JS2
MK1
MK2
MR1
MR2
F2 1st
F2 2nd
F2 1st
F2 2nd
F2 1st
F2 2nd
F2 1st
F2 2nd
F2 1st
F2 2nd
F2 1st
F2 2nd
F2 1st
F2 2nd
F2 1st
F2 2nd
ki.ak
2355
1365
2245
1295
2165
1480
2225
1510
2470
1375
2640
1410
2680
1390
2665
1350
pɨ.ah
1120
1675
1145
1345
935
1730
930
1630
1120
1590
1080
1560
845
1380
840
1435
pu.ak
715
1220
645
1210
720
1315
480
1275
645
1270
660
1245
630
1125
625
1235
bah.aʊ̯ʔ
1150
960
1105
945
1110
795
1250
915
1300
980
1280
770
1120
875
1120
755
hi.ur
2280
740
2255
760
2110
800
2275
780
2595
650
2665
705
2530
875
2505
765
Table 3. F1 of vocoid sequences in isolation (Hz)
RJ1
RJ2
F1 1st
F1 2nd
F1 1st
F1 2nd
karaʔ.ai ̯
870
455
775
350
jarkɨaʔ.aɨ ̯
770
425
735
380
baʔ.au̯
755
445
780
275
paɪ ̯ʔ
570
765
605
740
Table 4. F2 of vocoid sequences in isolation (Hz)
RJ1
RJ2
F2 1st
F2 2nd
F2 1st
F2 2nd
karaʔ.ai ̯
1405
2290
1395
2280
jarkɨaʔ.aɨ ̯
1305
1415
1365
1405
133
baʔ.au̯
1205
830
1240
845
paɪ ̯ʔ
950
1715
1030
1605
kahə̆ʔwis
660
2345
730
2185
450
2215
570
2205
725
2060
775
2320
705
2455
740
2475
Appendix F
Tables of phonemes
Each phoneme is listed in a separate table below. Examples of each consonant are
given in initial, prestress, stressed and final position. Exmaples of each vowel are given
in prestress, final closed syllable, and final open syllable position. For all phonemes,
attempt is made to list include examples with oral, nasal and surface nasalized vowels.
When a phoneme is not attested in a certain context, the space for it is removed. Voiced
stops, for example, only occur in words with oral vowels. Only two examples are given
in each position rather than the usual four. Many consonants occur after another
consonant only across a morpheme boundary. When no morpheme-internal example of
a consonant cluster is attested, I include an example in a prefixed word.
Table 1. Phoneme /p/
Position
Initial
Prestress
Stressed
Final
Phonemic
/paix/
/pɨ/
/pãĩk/
/pinohoi/
/kĩpãʔĩõp/
/kã-pɘ̃pɘ̃/
/paʔpɘhɘr/
/ʔapo/
/pã-ʔõpã/
/karpe/
/kaʔ-pẽp/
/pauap/
/bip/
/kĩʔĩãp/
/ʔũp/
Phonetic
[paç]
[pɨ]
[pãɪk]
̯̃
[pĩnõh.õi]̯̃
[kipaʔjõp]
[kapɘ̃pɘ̃]
[paʔə̆pɘhɘr]
[ʔapo]
[pãʔ.õpã]
[karpe]
[kãʔə̆pep]
[pawap]
[bip]
[kĩʔjãp]
[ʔũp]
134
Gloss
‘ash’
‘see’
‘river shrimp’
‘naïve’
‘eight’
‘foggy’
‘bad’
‘blow’
‘lined up’
‘handkercheif’
‘shallow’
‘yawn’
‘slash’
‘grasshopper’
‘grandparent’
Table 2. Phoneme /b/
Position
Initial
Prestress
Stressed
Final
Phonemic
bak
bix
tabɨdaʔ
ʔabeh
kir-bɘr
dab
ʔakɨrib
Phonetic
bak
biç
tabɨdaʔ
ʔabeh
kirbɘr
dab
ʔakɨrib
Gloss
‘eye’
‘bee’
‘jackfruit’
‘bamboo’
‘buy’
‘right’
‘lips’
Table 3. Phoneme /t/
Position
Initial
Phonemic
/tahaʔ/
/tutiʔ/
/tãpũ/
/tẽ/
Phonetic
[tahaʔ]
[tutiʔ]
[tãpũ]
[tẽ]
Prestress
Stressed
/kitaha/
/kaʔ-tahur/
/kite/
[kitaha]
[kaʔə̆tah.ur]
[kite]
Final
/kãtã/
/korti/
/kahten/
/ʔit/
[kãtã]
[korti]
[kãhtẽn]
[ʔit]
Gloss
‘stab’
‘inject’ (loan)
‘flour’ (loan)
‘metal roofing’
(loan)
‘centipede’
‘hot’
‘Mollucan
ironwood’ (tree)
‘nut’ (loan)
‘chair’ (loan)
‘repulsive’
‘drink’
Table 4. Phoneme /d/
Position
Initial
Prestress
Stressed
Final
Phonemic
/dauoh/
/duduk/
/ʔadɘhɘr/
/kudaʔai/
/dadɘ/
/ʔahdih/
/dudiad/
/dahɨd/
Phonetic
[dawoh]
[duduk]
[ʔadɘhɘr]
[kudaʔ.ai ̯]
[dadɘ]
[ʔahdih]
[dudi.ad]
[dahɨd]
135
Gloss
‘thunder’
‘burn’
‘grass’
‘preach’
‘pepper’
‘clear a field’
‘durian’
‘lean’
Table 5. Phoneme /k/
Position
Initial
Prestress
Stressed
Final
Phonemic
/karah/
/kite/
/kããh/
/kũʔũãh/
/jakuru/
Phonetic
[karah]
[kite]
[kã.ãh]
[kũʔwãh]
[jakuru]
/ĩãmãkãʔõãʔ/
/iarkɨaʔaɨ/
/ʔãʔkũhũãʔ/
/kikoh/
/kĩkẽʔ/
/ʔɨʔkah/
/kĩʔkẽʔ/
/bak/
/hɘdik/
/ʔi-ʔĩãk/
/hĩũk/
[jãmãkãʔ.o̯ãʔ]
[jarkɨ.aʔ.aɨ ̯]
[ʔãʔə̆kũhwãʔ]
[kikoh]
[kĩkẽʔ]
[ʔɨʔə̆kah]
[kĩʔə̆kẽʔ]
[bak]
[hɘdik]
[ʔĩʔjãk]
[hĩ.ũk]
Gloss
‘body’
‘type of tree’
‘afraid’
‘transportation’
‘home of
deceased’
‘thought’
‘small fence’
‘dry (v.)’
‘type of tuber’
‘sea snail’
‘laugh’
‘chop’
‘eye’
‘turn around’
‘swim’
‘louse’
Table 6. Phoneme /ʔ/
Position
Initial
Prestress
Stressed
Final
Phonemic
/ʔauaʔ/
/ʔɨaʔ/
/ʔãpũʔ/
/ʔũp/
/daʔikah/
Phonetic
[ʔawaʔ]
[ʔɨ.aʔ]
[ʔãpũʔ]
[ʔũp]
[daʔikah]
/kĩʔi ̃ɘ̃ki ̃ʔi ̃ɘ̃/
[kĩʔjɘ̃ki ̃ʔjɘ̃]
/kah-ʔapɨaʔ/
/keʔep/
/kãʔẽ/
[kahʔapɨ.aʔ]
[keʔ.ep]
[kãʔ.ẽ]
/kahʔuis/
/nãhʔẽm/
/ʔa-kitaʔ/
/porpiʔ/
/ĩũʔpɨ ̃ãʔ/
/ʔãpũʔ/
[kahə̆ʔwis]
[nãhʔẽm]
[ʔakitaʔ]
[porpiʔ]
[jũʔə̆pɨ ̃.ãʔ]
[ʔãpũʔ]
136
Gloss
‘mangrove’
‘tie’
‘snake’
‘grandparent’
‘day after
tomorrow’
‘kind of sea
creature’
‘wave breaking’
‘bird’
‘village
employees’ land’
‘sea crab’
‘later’
‘think’
‘cigarette paper’
‘fence’
‘snake’
Table 7. Phoneme /m/
Position
Initial
Prestress
Stressed
Final
Phonemic
/maʔau/
/mimi/
/ʔamiʔiam/
/ʔohmeʔ/
/ianome/
/kipam/
/ium/
Phonetic
[mãʔ.ãũ̯]
[mĩmĩ]
[ʔãmĩʔjãm]
[ʔõhmẽʔ]
[jãnõmẽ]
[kĩpãm]
[jũm]
Gloss
‘local people’
‘far’
‘shoulder’
‘bore a hole’
‘stream’
‘full’
‘fly (n.)’
Table 8. Phoneme /n/
Position
Initial
Prestress
Stressed
Final
Phonemic
/naʔau/
/ni/
/karnomeh/
/ʔanuʔun/
/parna/
/ʔoneaʔ/
/nɘʔɘn/
/kin/
Phonetic
[nãʔãũ]
[nĩ]
[kãrnõmẽh]
[ʔãnũʔũn]
[pãrnã]
[ʔõnẽ.ãʔ]
[nɘ̃ʔɘ̃n]
[kĩn]
Gloss
‘climb’
‘name’
‘greedy’
‘turtle’
‘paper’ (loan)
‘go together’
‘now’
‘tall’
Table 9. Phoneme /x/
Position Phonemic
Final
/kaix/
/kɨx/
/pãĩx/
Phonetic
[kaç]
[kɨx]
[pãç]
137
Gloss
‘box’
‘turtle’
‘pestle’
Table 10. Phoneme /h/
Position
Initial
Prestress
Stressed
Final
Phonemic
/hau/
/hɨk/
/hã/
/hɨn/
/ʔadɘhɘr/
/pahuman/
/kaʔ-hori/
/dahɨd/
/pamahaum/
/kaʔhɨɘ/
/pɨah/
/ʔah-dih/
/kããh/
/pĩh/
Phonetic
[hau̯]
[hɨk]
[hã]
[hɨ ̃n]
[ʔadɘh.ɘr]
[pãh.ũmãn]
[kaʔə̆hori]
[dahɨd]
[pãmãh.ãʊm
̯̃ ]
[kaʔə̆hɨ.ɘ]
[pɨ.ah]
[ʔahdih]
[kã.ãh]
[pĩh]
Gloss
‘bite’
‘cut’
‘who’
‘wife’
‘grass’
‘morning’
‘handicapped’
‘lean’
‘afternoon’
‘female leader’
‘face’
‘clear a field’
‘afraid’
‘squeeze’
Table 11. Phoneme /r/
Position
Initial
Prestress
Stressed
Final
Phonemic
/ratuh/
/roro/
/ʔaraʔiah/
Phonetic
[ratuh]
[roro]
[ʔaraʔjah]
/iah-roʔoa/
/bero/
/kah-re/
/dar/
/kɨr/
[jahroʔ.o̯a]
[bero]
[kahre]
[dar]
[kɨr]
Gloss
‘hundred’ (loan)
‘pick up’
‘livestock of
deceased’
‘pray’
‘river’
‘kill’
‘husband’
‘life’
Table 12. Phoneme /l/
Position
Prestress
Stressed
Phonemic
/pa-lawaʔ/
/kaʔ-kaluʔ/
/ka-leʔleʔ/
Phonetic
[palawaʔ]
[kaʔə̆kaluʔ]
[kaleʔə̆leʔ]
138
Gloss
‘split’
‘rumpled’
‘muddy’
Table 13. Phoneme /i/
Position
Prestress
Final
(closed)
Final
(open)
Phonemic
/bibi/
/nipɘʔ/
/kokoiʔea/
/kiɘhɘr/
/ʔakɨrib/
/kanik/
/iuʔuix/
/kaix/
/bibi/
/ni/
/iaʔkeʔei/
/koi/
Phonetic
[bibi]
[nĩpɘ̃ʔ]
[kokoɪ ̯ʔ.e̯a]
[ki.ɘh.ɘr]
[ʔakɨrib]
[kãnĩk]
[juʔwis]
[kai ̯s]
[bibi]
[nĩ]
[jaʔə̆keʔ.ei ̯]
[koi ̯]
Gloss
‘residence’
‘weave’
‘lazy’
‘shore crab’
‘lips’
‘light’
‘oar’
‘sound’
‘diarrhea’
‘name’
‘kind of boil’
‘pig’
Table 14. Phoneme /ɨ/
Position
Prestress
Final
(closed)
Final
(open)
Phonemic
/pɨʔɨaʔ/
Phonetic
[pɨʔ.ɨ ̯aʔ]
/ʔanɨkɘ/
[ʔãnɨ ̃kɘ̃]
/pɨah/
/iarkɨaʔaɨ/
/ʔabɨx/
/kɨx/
/hiɨr/
/pɨ/
/iarkɨaʔaɨ/
[pɨ.ah]
[jarkɨ.aʔ.aɨ ̯]
[ʔabɨx]
[kɨx]
[hi.ɨr]
[pɨ]
[jarkɨ.aʔaɨ ̯]
139
Gloss
‘large rattan
pieces’
‘type of
caterpillar’
‘face’
‘small fence’
‘already’
‘turtle’
‘woman’
‘see’
‘small fence’
Table 15. Phoneme /u/
Position
Prestress
Final
(closed)
Final
(open)
Phonemic
/purdu/
/nukiʔ/
/puah/
/ʔeaudauoh/
/kapuʔ/
/ʔamuh/
/hiur/
/ʔaru/
/kinu/
/pau/
/baʔau/
Phonetic
[purdu]
[nũkĩʔ]
[pu.ah]
[ʔe.au̯dawoh]
[kapuʔ]
[ʔãmũh]
[hi.ur]
[ʔaru]
[kĩnũ]
[pau̯]
[baʔ.au̯]
Gloss
‘roof’
‘small’
‘stir’
‘sky’
‘collapsed’
‘money’
‘dust’
‘two’
‘angry’
‘distant horizon’
‘guava’
Table 16. Phoneme /e/
Position
Prestress
Final
(closed)
Final
(open)
Phonemic
/bero/
/kemaha/
/kideok/
/ka-ʔeaʔea/
/kaper/
/nomeʔ/
/ʔueh/
/ke/
/nene/
/bohoe/
/ioʔhoe/
Phonetic
[bero]
[kẽmãhã]
[kide.ok]
[kaʔ.e̯aʔ.e̯a]
[kaper]
[nõmẽʔ]
[ʔu.eh]
[ke]
[nẽnẽ]
[boh.o̯e]
[joʔə̆ho.e]
140
Gloss
‘river’
‘hammock’
‘pinched (adj.)’
‘skinny’
‘papaya’
‘dig out a hole’
‘sleep’
‘vomit’
‘bait’
‘wild’
‘bed’
Table 17. Phoneme /ɘ/
Position
Prestress
Final
(closed)
Final
(open)
Phonemic
/hɘdik/
/iɘmɘʔ/
/kiɘhɘr/
/ʔanɘʔ/
/kɘx/
/kakɨɘʔ/
/pɘix/
/bɘ/
/naʔinɘ/
/kaʔhɨɘ/
/kariɘ/
Phonetic
[hɘdik]
[jɘ̃mɘ̃ʔ]
[ki.ɘh.ɘr]
[ʔãnɘ̃ʔ]
[kɘx]
[kakɨ.ɘʔ]
[pɘi ̯s]
[bɘ]
[nãʔĩnɘ̃]
[kaʔə̆hɨ.ɘ]
[kari.ɘ]
Gloss
‘turn (v.)’
‘sweat (n.)’
‘shore crab’
‘friend’
‘mountain’
‘short’
‘machete’
‘water’
‘hear’
‘female leader’
‘work (n.)’
Table 18. Phoneme /o/
Position
Prestress
Final
(closed)
Final
(open)
Phonemic
/kome/
/doʔra/
/doab/
/kokoiʔea/
/noh/
/ʔarop/
/kikeor/
/ʔeno/
/ko/
/tuo/
Phonetic
[kõmẽ]
[doʔə̆ra]
[do.ab]
[kokoɪ ̯ʔ.e̯a]
[nõh]
[ʔarop]
[kike.or]
[ʔẽnõ]
[ko]
[tu.o]
141
Gloss
‘bridge’
‘sand’
‘lightning’
‘lazy’
‘food’
‘underarm’
‘lost’
‘dig’
‘hungry’
‘old’ (loan)
Table 19. Phoneme /a/
Position
Prestress
Final
(closed)
Final
(open)
Phonemic
/kano/
/haʔau/
/ʔeaka/
/paido/
/pan/
/kɨʔkah/
/ʔabuaʔ/
/kaix/
/ba/
/mama/
/dɨa/
/iukua/
Phonetic
[kãnõ]
[haʔ.au̯]
[ʔe.aka]
[pai ̯do]
[pãn]
[kɨʔə̆kah]
[ʔabu.aʔ]
[kai ̯s]
[ba]
[mãmã]
[dɨ.a]
[juku.a]
Gloss
‘smoke’
‘ocean’
‘close (v.)’
‘cry’
‘nose’
‘laugh’
‘wear’
‘sound’
‘come’
‘chew’
‘emerge’
‘pole’
Table 20. Phoneme /ĩ/
Position
Prestress
Phonemic
/kĩkẽʔ/
/ĩĩʔĩ/
/hĩũk/
/kĩʔĩɘ̃kĩʔĩɘ̃/
Phonetic
[kĩkẽʔ]
[jĩʔ.ĩ]
[hĩ.ũk]
[kĩʔjɘ̃kĩʔjɘ̃]
Final
(closed)
Final
(open)
/kĩʔ/
/kãhĩp/
/kãʔĩ/
[kĩʔ]
[kãh.ĩp]
[kãʔ.ĩ]
Gloss
‘sea snail’
‘type of tool’
‘louse’
‘type of sea
creature’
‘chin’
‘small wound’
‘fast’
Table 21. Phoneme /ɨ ̃/
Position
Prestress
Final
(closed)
Phonemic
/ĩũʔpɨ ̃ãʔ/
/pɨ ̃ʔ/
Phonetic
[jũʔə̆pɨ ̃.ãʔ]
[pɨ ̃ʔ]
142
Gloss
‘fence’
‘fireplace’
Table 22. Phoneme /ũ/
Position
Prestress
Final
(closed)
Final
(open)
Phonemic
/kũʔĩ/
Phonetic
[kũʔ.ĩ]
/ʔãʔkũhũãʔ/
/kũãhãʔ/
/kũk/
/ʔãpũʔ/
/hĩũk/
/kũʔũãh/
/kũkũ/
/hĩũ/
/kãʔãũ/
[ʔãʔə̆kũh.wãʔ]
[kũ.ãh.ãʔ]
[kũk]
[ʔãpũʔ]
[hĩ.ũk]
[kũʔ.wãh]
[kũkũ]
[hĩ.ũ]
[kãʔ.ãũ̯]
Gloss
‘great
grandparent’
‘dry (v.)’
‘count’
‘back’
‘snake’
‘louse’
‘vehicle’
‘follow’
‘fruit’
‘fat (adj.)’
Table 23. Phoneme /ẽ/
Position
Prestress
Final
(closed)
Final
(open)
Phonemic
/kẽʔẽh/
/hẽõk/
/pẽʔẽ/
/kẽp/
/kiʔ-kẽʔ/
/kãhẽ/
/ʔũẽ/
/kũhũẽ/
Phonetic
[kẽʔ.ẽh]
[hẽ.õk]
[pẽʔ.ẽ]
[kẽp]
[kĩʔə̆kẽʔ]
[kãh.ẽ]
[ʔũ.ẽ]
[kũh.wẽ]
Gloss
‘cough’
‘cockroach’
‘land crab’
‘island’
‘chop’
‘sea creature’
‘cry’
‘usefulness’
Table 24. Phoneme /ɘ̃/
Position
Prestress
Phonemic
/ka-pɘ̃pɘ̃/
/kĩʔĩɘ̃kĩʔĩɘ̃/
Phonetic
[kãpɘ̃pɘ̃]
[kĩʔjɘ̃ki ̃ʔjɘ̃]
Final
(closed)
/kaʔ-kɘ̃h/
/pɘ̃ʔ/
/ʔẽi ̃ɘ̃p/
/kɘ̃/
/kĩʔĩɘ̃kĩʔĩɘ̃/
[kãʔə̆kɘ̃h]
[pɘ̃ʔ]
[ʔẽjɘ̃p]
[kɘ̃]
[kĩʔjɘ̃ki ̃ʔjɘ̃]
Final
(open)
143
Gloss
‘foggy’
‘kind of sea
creature’
‘black’
‘shoot’
‘grass’
‘try’
‘kind of sea
creature’
Table 25. Phoneme /õ/
Position
Prestress
Final
(closed)
Final
(open)
Phonemic
/kõʔĩã/
/kõʔkõʔ/
/kõp/
/kã-hõk/
/pa-ʔĩõp/
/kõʔõĩʔ/
/pãʔõ/
/ʔẽõ/
Phonetic
[kõʔjã]
[kõʔə̆kõʔ]
[kõp]
[kãh.õk]
[pãʔjõp]
[kõʔ.õɪʔ]
̯̃
[pãʔ.õ]
[ʔẽ.õ]
Gloss
‘goiter’
‘sago palm’
‘grave’
‘dry over fire’
‘hug (v.)’
‘gray hair’
‘silent’
‘mud’
Table 26. Phoneme /ã/
Position
Prestress
Final
(closed)
Final
(open)
Phonemic
/kĩpãʔãũp/
/kãpẽp/
/kũãhãʔ/
/kããh/
/pãĩx/
/kãp/
/ʔẽãp/
/pãĩk/
/pã-ʔõpã/
/kõʔĩã/
/kãkõʔĩã/
Phonetic
[kĩpãʔ.ãʊp
̯̃ ]
[kãpẽp]
[kũ.ãh.ãʔ]
[kã.ãh]
[pãç]
[kãp]
[ʔẽ.ãp]
[pãɪk]
̯̃
[pãʔ.õpã]
[kõʔjã]
[kãkõʔjã]
144
Gloss
‘ten’
‘shallow’
‘count’
‘afraid’
‘pestle’
‘tribal head’
‘thick’
‘river shrimp’
‘lined up’
‘goiter’
(a village name)
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