Running head: Political Branding
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Consumer Branding in Politics:
A Comparison of Presidents Ronald Reagan and Barack Obama
Sarah Sonies
Candidate: MA Public Communication
American University
School of Communication
April 28, 2011
Political Branding
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Abstract
The case studies included in this capstone are designed to compare and contrast
two succinct brands of politicians. This paper analyzes each candidate’s brand and sets
out to indentify validity in media comparisons of Reagan and Obama by conducting a
case study of their brands during the time of their election. To properly analyze Reagan
and Obama’s brands, political branding is defined based on the literature on political
branding. This paper uses qualitative research methods to identify, compare and contrast
key elements of political branding different elections. The case studies in this paper
identify the voter demographics to whom each candidate’s brand appealed and then
analyzes the similarities and differences the role of media and celebrity each candidate
used in their political branding process to appeal to the public. In the examination of the
use of media in each brand, it is argued that the use of social media has changed the
political branding process by giving the candidate less control over the message.
Keywords: political branding, Ronald Reagan, Barack Obama, consumer identity
Political Branding
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Introduction
Consumer branding as a political narrative has always been prevalent in politics,
but has evolved over time with the advent of much more advanced technology and social
media. An analysis of consumer branding in political elections can provide insight into
how much of a candidate’s political success is based on their ability to enable their
audience to identify with them through a succinct commercial identity. In modern
politics, an understanding of contemporary consumer behavior is pivotal to building a
successful brand. A qualitative analysis of political branding as it applies to two case
studies is provided in this paper.
Political branding is the strategic use of consumer branding tactics in the building
of a political image (Scammell, 2007). Specifically, it refers to the tactics politicians use
to gain popularity and election. Political branding is not just the use of traditional
advertising, but is an all-encompassing marketing and image identity campaign
(Scammell, 2007).
Presidents Ronald Reagan and Barack Obama were selected for the case studies in
this paper on the basis of their succinct image-building strategies and tactics. Both
Reagan and Obama were able to brand themselves in a fashion that shows the use of
consumer branding in politics, or political branding. Additionally, both successfully
marketed their brands to voters of America. Reagan appealed to a more moderate sector
of middle-aged men and Obama appealed to the youth vote.
Reagan and Obama are often compared politically by the mainstream media as
two candidates who ran for president in similar economic environments and had the
ability to reach key voting demographics in each election. However, Reagan and Obama
Political Branding
are truly similar in their use of political branding to appeal to the public at the time of
their elections. Both Reagan and Obama shared the ability to utilize political branding
tactics to market themselves to the public. However, this study argues that many of the
additional comparisons of these two candidates by the media are too generalized. The
research was conducted to not only learn about both of these presidents’ brands, but to
analyze their similarities and differences. To best analyze consumer branding in politics,
two politicians who had similarly dynamic election years are studied.
The first part of the paper is a literature review that defines political branding. The
literature on branding explains the importance of branding by candidates in order to build
their base of supporters during their elections. Other parts of the literature review contain
a discussion of the use of branding tactics in politics as they apply to the case studies.
The candidates’ use of media to build their brand, the “celebrity status” that
surrounded both of these candidates and how those elements of their brands drew a
specific voting demographic are addressed within each case study as important elements
of each candidate’s political brand. The voting demographics each candidate’s brand
appealed to are examined to illustrate how each candidate’s brand appealed to such
different demographics of voters. One notable difference between the two men’s eras is
the uses and limitations of media; Reagan largely used television to build his brand,
whereas Obama had more advanced technology at his disposal and used social media.
The two presidential case studies provide a platform to study evident political branding
and the appeal of strong brands to voters.
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Political Branding
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Literature Review
History of Brand Usage and Implementation
The word “brand” has a history in the meaning of marketing (Jevons, 2005). The
Oxford English Dictionary traces the development of the word “brand” from the
Germanic word “brandr” which refers to the mark made by a hot iron, a usage first noted
in 1552 (Jevons, 2005). The earliest definition of “marketing” found by the Oxford
lexicographers was just after this date, in 1561, it is entirely possible that these two terms
were coined at around the same time (Jevons, 2005).
The modern usage of branding really came on to the scene about 30 years ago
(Crainer, 1995). The 1980s were the apotheosis of marketing, marked by the height of the
consumer-driven era (Crainer, 1995). Market research, spin, and advertising, all elements
of branding, were the key signifiers of marketed parties and candidates in the 1980s and
1990s (Scammell, 2007). The popularity of branding is caused by the rise of modern
consumerism and, in turn, the modern consumer. The rise of the brand is completely
aligned with the consumer activism of the 20th and 21st centuries (Scammell, 2007).
Consumers have a need to identify with a product image, and the 20th century saw the rise
of many consumer brands still prevalent today, such as Coca-Cola (Scammell, 2007).
Scammell gives four reasons for the rise of the contemporary brand. The first is
that recognition of a respected brand name translates into financial value; second,
growing distrust and skepticism about the efficacy of mass advertising; third, the
perception of increasing consumer power and new concerns for corporate social
responsibility; and fourth, consumer research, which insists on the importance of
emotional engagement in shopping behavior (Scammell, 2007).
Political Branding
The idea of branding has become more of a theory which is applied to cities,
nations and politicians by giving them a public identity through the use of consumer
branding strategies (Scammell, 2007). The increased use of consumer branding strategies
include accepting that branding is more than just advertising but encompasses a much
wider aspect of public relations, as it is important for public figures to build an image that
resonates well with the public through a more cohesive platform than advertising
(Scammell, 2007). Brands are used everywhere and not just as a way to sell a product
anymore because the theory of branding has become a way for a public figure to build an
identity to communicate to the public (Scammell, 2007).
Branding is the hallmark in the millennial generation and used by politicians in
image-building platforms. Politicians are encouraged to “consider themselves a brand”
and to use public relations strategies to appeal to the public (Scammell, 2007). Scammell
uses the example of Former British Prime Minister Tony Blair to demonstrate this
process. Blair’s Labour party feared the party was becoming increasingly susceptible to
brand and outside criticism by “disaffected or apathetic” voters as the incumbent political
party for the past eight years (Scammell, 2007). Blair’s people employed a public
relations campaign through a consulting agency specializing in branding to help improve
Blair’s public image, which was modeled after rebranding campaign conducted in the
early 1990s by President Bill Clinton (Scammell, 2007; Needham, 2005). Blair was then
rebranded as a more “Mature Tony” by incorporating his youthful hope and optimism
with an older, wizened politician to appeal to wavering public opinion of him (Scammell,
2007). Blair consistently insisted on taking difficult questions from “hostile journalists
and audience members” to show that he was not disconnected with his constituency and
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Political Branding
his willingness to consider himself a new brand helped him successfully identify with the
public in a positive manner (Scammell, 2007).
The complex nature of branding implies that branding is not simply a convenient
term for a marketing strategy and a fashionable term for image (Scammell, 2007).
Scammell argues that a good brand name for a company, candidate or product is very
necessary as consumers become more demanding and can easily relate to the modern
tactic of treating a political candidate as a product (2007). Consequently, all aspects of
brands, their definition, research, communication, and methods of economic evaluation,
have become increasingly sophisticated, to respond to demanding consumers.
The Meaning of Consumer Branding
Branding is the new form of political marketing (Scammell, 2007). A base
definition of branding is provided by Scammell as “in marketing, a brand is the
psychological representation of a product or organization: its symbolic rather than
tangible use-value” (2007). In image-building and marketing, the brand acts as a shortcut
to consumer choice, enabling name and image differentiation between broadly similar
products (Scammell, 2007). Brands are composed of loose sets of rich associations and
impressions recorded in the human mind in one or other sensory form (Chandler &
Owen, 2002). Brand imaging in politics appears to add a layer of emotional connection
that operates over and above the functional use-value of a product. Evidence of the need
for an emotional connection is provided in the rebranding of Blair, where he wanted to
connect on a more positive emotional level with the public to increase his approval
ratings (Scammell, 2007).
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Political Branding
The American Marketing Association defines a brand as “a name, term, sign,
symbol or design which is intended to identify the goods or services of one seller or
group of sellers and to differentiate them from those of their competitors” (Jevons, 2005).
Scammell further defines branding as “the psychological representation” of a product or
organization” (2007). This definition implies that the term “brand” has more of a
symbolic rather than tangible use-value. At a basic level, the brand acts as a shortcut to
consumer choice, enabling differentiation between broadly similar products (Jevons,
2005).
The definition of branding has evolved over time, with alternative concepts such
as value enhancement arising, meaning that branding is used in image campaigns
(Jevons, 2005). The meaning of branding is dependent on how a brand functions in the
modern age of complex advertising and marketing of a product or organization (Jevons,
2005). The definition of branding can be flexible depending on the context in which it is
applied, such as for a product or a politician (Jevons, 2005). Jevons argues that the
expanded definition of branding has helped to facilitate the use of branding and research
(2005). The expanded definition provides widespread flexibility to the term because
branding has gone from being simply a consumer advertising term and tactic to a fullfledged marketing identity strategy (Jevons, 2005).
Just as marketing is not merely the art of selling a product, branding is not
advertising (Jevons, 2005). Branding is continuing to increase in complexity from an
advertising tactic to a policy practice (Jevons, 2005). This use of branding falls into
political campaigns because essentially managers of all organizations are encouraged to
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Political Branding
think as though they are handling a branded product instead of a product simply to be
sold (Jevons, 2005).
Consumer Branding in Politics and Why We Think This Way
Much of the literature on political branding has discussed the important impact
political brands have on a candidate in an election. In the consumer politics field, brands
are made up of a collection of values, ideas and associations, feelings and emotions that
come together to make up a coherent identity or image (Chandler & Owen, 2002). One of
the larger aspects of branding literature explores the meaning of the cultural significance
and identity of all brands (Chandler & Owen, 2002).
Brands, from products to politicians, are a major phenomenon of modern-day
society and have become very important in sociological and cultural terms (Chandler &
Owen, 2002). The message for a successful brand must be simple, visual and memorable
(Chandler & Owen, 2002). To be successful, brands need a certain “charisma” about
them, like a political candidate, through which a consumer has a relationship (Chandler &
Owen, 2002). Brands authenticate a product and as a cultural icon, a brand must be
cohesive (Chandler & Owen, 2002).
Branding is now used in many contexts, and is growing extensively. Political
branding is referred to as a “big business” due to its widespread use among politicians in
elections (Jevons, 2005). Politicians, pop stars, sports and entertainment identities all
have a form of brand identity and can provide good examples of branding in their image
campaigns (Jevons, 2005). The brand identity associated with many public figures
consists of their public image, marketing and public relations ability and self-preservation
tactics (Jevons, 2005). The use of consumer branding in politics is usually referred to as a
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large-scale image-building campaign (Jevons, 2005). Jevons argues that a politician’s
brand is relevant and dependent on a successful public image and therefore relevant to
discussion (2005). Political branding has changed the use of branding from use in a
singular consumer context (Jevons, 2005). The modern use of branding in campaigns is
moving beyond the consumer goods industry that provided the incubator for branding
growth during the twentieth century; to being extensively used in political campaigns
(Jevons, 2005).
There is an argument that branding is a term only useful to the consumer
advertising industry. However, Lieb and Shah used consumer culture theory and other
cultural theories of branding to study President Barack Obama’s presidential run and
found that a successful brand is why his campaign resonated so well with voters in
contemporary United States culture (2010). Obama’s campaign found success with heavy
use of grassroots efforts (Lieb & Shah, 2010). Obama’s brand was genuine and appealed
to the public because the Obama campaign understood American culture; especially how
the youth culture consumes messages (Lieb & Shah, 2010). The power of the Obama
brand to personally connect with the public was demonstrated when Will.i.am of the
music group, Black Eyed Peas, produced a video where Obama’s actual words from the
speech Obama gave after winning the New Hampshire primary were set to music (Lieb &
Shah, 2010). The video was shot in a black-and-white documentary style and feature
appearances from various Obama supporters, showing the multi-faceted capacity of
Obama’s brand (Lieb & Shah, 2010). Obama’s messages were designed for modern
distribution systems, so that each message could be received in an individual’s personal
way, giving Obama an authentic brand image (Lieb & Shah, 2010).
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Political Branding
Brands exist simultaneously at a cultural and individual level (Chandler & Owen,
2002). This is important when discussing political branding because so much of
identification with a politician or a political party is about the identification of culture
(Chandler & Owen 2002). To be successful, brands need a certain “charisma” about
them, like a political candidate’s charm. The voter or “consumer” then has a relationship
with this candidate much like a commercial production (Chandler & Owen, 2002).
Brands influence consumer behavior and consumer experience by directly influencing
consumer perceptions and opinion (Chandler & Owen, 2002).
Using Strong Visual Images and a Unifying Message for Successful Brands
Mass media plays a very important role in the branding process. In his case study
of Ronald Reagan’s use of television in The Primetime Presidency of Ronald Reagan,
Robert E. Denton, Jr., says that television has strong effects on image-building strategies
(1988). Politicians use the medium to confirm public beliefs, rather than challenge the
public to innovative ideals (Denton, 1988). National audiences require generic appeals,
predictable responses and an agreeable image which makes the political candidate appear
likeable. The ability of political candidates to utilize television well is directly correlated
with the positive image the public has of a candidate (Denton, 1988). A presidential
candidate’s image must be well-crafted because the public image of a candidate is
interchangeable with a candidate’s brand.
Television places great importance on individualism, and gives political
candidates the ability to craft an individual brand image to appeal to the public (Denton,
1988). Television has been a successful medium for this because not only is it a hot
medium, it also emphasizes the traits of warmth, articulateness, and style which results in
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personal popularity, prestige and office legitimacy (Denton, 1988). Denton’s research
argues that a voter builds a relationship with a candidate, based on their impression of a
candidate’s image and brand (1988). A candidate’s use of television and other types of
media makes the brand of a candidate both relatable and charismatic.
Strong visual imaging is another important element in a politician’s brand. A
2005 study found that adults who viewed an advertisement with a positive and uplifting
message were more likely to be interested in the campaign and were found to be overall
more hopeful and excited (Seidman, 2010). The study was conducted in 1998 during the
Democratic gubernatorial primary in Massachusetts and also argued that in addition to
viewing positive and uplifting political images, negative images and threatening stimuli
made those surveyed more anxious (Seidman, 2010). Furthermore, people were more
interested in the campaign, more polarized for or against a candidate they previously
preferred or opposed, and more likely to vote after exposure to the positive visual and
aural stimuli in ads, but they did not pay any greater attention (i.e., recall) to information
about a candidate (Seidman, 2010).
Comparisons of Reagan and Obama
Presidents Ronald Reagan and Barack Obama have both been subjects of much
comparison in the news media, such as the TIME magazine cover article titled The Role
Model: What Obama Sees in Reagan, which discusses how Reagan has appeared to serve
as an inspiration for Obama’s policy rhetoric in the light of Reagan’s 100th birthday
centennial. It is argued that Obama emulated elements of Reagan’s branding, such as
rhetorical mannerisms that are very similar to “The Great Communicator” (Duffy &
Scherer, 2011). While they do not share a political party, these two candidates have many
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similarities and differences that make them ideal case studies for branding comparisons
because of the parallels drawn between the two candidates during their first-term
presidential elections (Duffy & Scherer, 2011).
The media argued that the Democrats should use the Republicans as an example
of how to build a strong brand. Prior to the 2008 election, marketing experts predicted the
Democratic party would benefit from building a positive brand by studying the branding
tactics that Reagan used (“Dems Must Now Manage Brand,” 2006). Reagan understood
how to sell a brand (the candidate) to the consumer (the voter) (“Dems Must Now
Manage Brand,” 2006). In the wake of their sweeping win the 2006 elections, the
Democratic party was called on the aspire to better brand management (“Dems Must
Now Manage Brand,” 2006). To build on their win, the author urged the Democrats begin
to think as marketers by “starting with the consumer” (“Dems Must Now Manage
Brand,” 2006). Democrats were urged to build a brand by standing for positives rather
than negatives to be able to carry their “momentum” and win the presidency in 2008
(“Dems Must Now Manage Brand,” 2006). The article predicted the need for a candidate
to have a strong and positive brand to win the presidency in 2008, and Barack Obama
was that candidate (“Dems Must Now Manage Brand,” 2006).
Reagan and Obama both ran for election during sinking economies (Tierney,
2011). The media coverage has drawn many comparisons between these two candidates,
with TIME Magazine devoting the cover of their Jan. 27 issue to several enterprise stories
discussed how Obama found Reagan’s presidency as a source of instruction (Tierney,
2011). Other comparisons discussed in the media also lie in their experiences in that first
set of midterm elections. Reagan’s “revolutionary” agenda coincided with a historic
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recession, massive employment and a humbling defeat in the 1982 midterms, whereas
Obama’s spending programs coincided with a historic recession, deep unemployment and
midterms that cost the Democrats control of Congress (Tierney, 2011). Both Reagan and
Obama have been faced with defeats in midterm elections and controversial
Congressional healthcare packages (Tierney, 2011).
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Research Methods
Scammell said the process of conducting research on branding should be mostly a
qualitative process (2007). Scammell notes that “brand research is primarily qualitative,
seeking of necessity to delve beneath the surface evidence of quantitative polling”
(2007). The justifications for picking these candidates come from careful study and
monitoring of both literature pieces and various media coverage of both of these
candidates.
The research methods applied to this capstone are qualitative, using scholarly
journal articles and books as well as a qualitative analysis of the news media. The journal
articles and studies used for this study come from various scholarly research journals and
databases such as Communication and Mass Media Complete, J-Stor and Social Science
Journals. The in-depth case study of the Reagan brand and the Obama brand uses
information from the mainstream media, books and scholarly journals to compare both
candidates’ political branding strategies.
There are four research questions explored in this study
RQ1: What is political branding and how is it used in presidential elections?
RQ2: Are media comparisons of two case studies of political branding using two
presidents compared often by the media, Reagan and Obama, valid in light of the
comparison of their use of political branding in their elections?
RQ3: What were common themes of each candidate’s brand?
RQ4: How did each president’s brand in their election process appeal to key
demographics of American voters?
Political Branding
The studies and evidence are not only a brief narrative of the history, definition
and use of modern political branding, but also identify the constant elements found
throughout the research of the type of qualities that identify a successful brand. The
research of corporate and political branding examines both the positive and negative
points of branding, in addition to the process of developing a message and image that a
political candidate can craft into a brand.
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Case Study: Ronald Wilson Reagan
Reagan’s Personal and Political Background
Ronald Wilson Reagan was the ultimate perpetuation of the American dream
(Canon, 2000). Reagan rose from a humble background to fame in a Hollywood acting
career followed by serving as the governor of California then with a two-term presidency.
Reagan was born to underprivileged parents, with a father who suffered from alcoholism
(Canon, 2000). Reagan went on to attend Eureka College after high school; where he was
known for his participation in many of the school theater productions and was described
as a “natural on stage” (Canon, 2000). After college, Reagan served as a sports announcer
in Iowa, which gave him the radio experience he would use to build his television and
movie career prior to his presidency (Canon, 2000). Reagan’s years in radio greatly aided
in the development of his language and vocal skills, giving Reagan the ability to make
reading from a script appear to be very natural (Denton, 1988). What helped him succeed
in his acting career would eventually give him the upper hand during televised debates
and appearances (Denton, 1988).
Reagan moved from acting to the political scene in the 1960s and got his political
start by publicly endorsing conservative presidential candidate Barry Goldwater in 1964
(Canon, 2000). Reagan then ran for governor of California in 1966 when he was 55years-old (Canon, 2000). He appealed to voters in the governor’s race and won by nearly
a million votes (Canon, 2000). Reagan was referenced as a good governor, but not a great
one; he skated by on his charm and negotiating skills (Canon, 2000). Reagan’s “theatrics
and cinematic visions” were better suited to him on a national platform than in California
(Canon, 2000). His eight-year term as governor led Reagan to aspire to carry out his
Political Branding
political agenda on a larger stage, so he perused the presidency (Canon, 2000). Reagan’s
presidential run in 1980 was his third attempt at running for president (Canon, 2000). He
was confident on relying on his advisors for directions and had a sense of his role in the
“production of the Reagan presidency” that led to the careful crafting of his image and
brand throughout the 1980 presidential election (Canon, 2000).
Reagan’s acting background enabled him to understand how to take direction and
follow a script, and he came across as “virile and Midwestern” in his popular appearances
(Canon, 2000). Reagan was the “wholesome citizen hero who inhabits our democratic
imaginations, an Everyman who was slow to anger but willing to fight for what was
right” (Canon, 2000). People who listened to Reagan tended to have confidence in him
and feel better about themselves (Canon, 2000). Reagan’s ability to present himself
publicly in this manner made the crafting of his brand simple for a person so accustomed
to a position in the public spotlight.
The Reagan Brand’s Demographic
Reagan had a visceral appeal to a generation torn between fast yuppie living and a
desire for a more structured America (Troy, 2005). Reagan’s call for capitalist prosperity
fostered the media-money culture that middle-class Americans valued (Troy, 2005).
Americans wanted to bury the 1960s and 1970s, and many baby-boomers became gogetters who valued fiscal conservatism (Troy, 2005). Reagan’s brand provided a
reassuring cross between fast-living and common-sense fiscal conservatism that was
appealing to voters (Troy, 2005). This perpetuation of the brand of a “common-sense
fiscal conservative” gave Reagan the ability to attract mostly white, middle-aged males
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older than 40 to the polls on election day. Many people embraced Reagan’s nationalism
because of its carefree, “wholly American” nature (Troy, 2005).
Reagan symbolized a completely new brand ethos of American politicians (Troy,
2005). Reagan’s brand represented the goals of many voters at the time (Denton, 1988).
Reagan made it possible for baby boomers to feel virtuous for criticizing the spend-thrift
ways of yuppies, revel in their fiscal conservatism and indulge in Reagan’s “common
sense conservatism” with his economic policies (Troy, 2005). The Reagan brand
symbolized a glorious America, where people should not only work hard for themselves,
but show off their hard work through their consumer purchases (Troy, 2005).
The element of branding and consumer culture in America emerged in full force
during the 1980s. The packaging of Ronald Reagan as the pivotal American candidate
had everything to do with the relevance of 1980s consumer brand America. In the 1980
presidential election, Reagan ran on a platform that encouraged consumerism, but for the
goal of American progress (Troy, 2005). Americans, encouraged by Reagan’s “gospel of
progress and prosperity,” happily indulged themselves in brand-name items and the
consumer industry (Troy, 2005). Shopping became an ingrained part of American culture,
with the familiar refrains of advertising jingles from beers like Budweiser uniting the
public and malls creating “homogenized, artificial environments” that helped franchisers
take over what had been an individually-owned “shopping America” (Troy, 2005).
Americans became intent on owning the latest, hottest and best brand (Troy, 2005).
The example of the launch of “New Coke” emphasizes how consumer and brandobsessed the 1980s were. The “centrality” of a soft drink to the identity of both New
Coke and Classic Coke advocates reflected Americans’ epic consumerism (Troy, 2005).
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Americans who were once wary of large, “all-consuming” chain stores became “salesearching, trend-spotting, franchise-hopping shoppers” (Troy, 2005). The dawn of
Reagan’s America became the brand of Reagan in a brand-obsessed country. Reagan
took the perfect opportunity to package himself as a consumer product in the age of
consumerism.
To have a successful presidential image, one has to successfully act the role of the
president by illustrating a “macho presidential style,” which the Reagan brand illustrated
well (Denton, 1988). Reagan established the ideal of a “heroic presidency” by his
reinforcement of traditional perceptions of U.S. myths and values (Denton, 1988).
Reagan represented a complete brand package (Denton, 1988). The Reagan brand was a
person who was “competitive in politics and life; sports-minded and athletic, possessing
of an air of certainty that never wavered; unemotional; strong and aggressive; not weak or
passive; powerful; and a ‘real man’ who was never feminine” (Denton, 1988). Reagan’s
winning brand was successful because of its appeal to a nation that valued success,
wealth and a strong advocate for the American dream (Denton, 1988). The macho style
that contributed to Reagan’s brand gave him an advantage over other candidates because
it gave him a strong brand identity.
The Reagan Brand in the 1980 Election
The Reagan years paved the path for politicians to use distinct consumer branding
tactics in political elections. In the early 1980s, images of corporate brands were
everywhere (Raphael, 2009). MTV had just launched and became the ideal for complete
media-integrated branding and corporate sponsorship was a major factor in branding
cities to sports stadiums to schools. In terms of major political branding in 1980s, Ronald
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Reagan was the “uber-brand” (Raphael, 2009). In the 1980s, Reagan offered Americans
the opportunity to help bring the world into focus (Troy, 2005). For some, it was the
miracle of America being revived from an economic recession, the fall of the Soviet
Union and the once “seemingly unassailable” Berlin Wall come down (Troy, 2005). For
others, Reagan’s vision represented a national aura based on personal capital that was
immoral, adolescent and dangerous (Troy, 2005). However, no matter the outlook, the
importance of the “Reagan generation” cannot be denied (Troy, 2005). Reagan’s vision
essentially represented his keystone contribution to the 1980s—a decade of “boom times”
and consumerism (Troy, 2005).
Reagan encouraged Americans to prosper and succeed, which served to boost
morale in a faltering economy. Upon accepting the presidential nomination at the
Republican National Convention in July of 1980, Reagan scoffed at the notion that the
United States was past its “prosperous zenith” (Canon, 2000). In the election, Reagan
defeated Carter with the battle cry of, “Are you better off than you were four years ago?”
(Canon, 2000). This slogan symbolized the high interest and inflation rates of the Carter
years and served as a negative rallying cry advocating prosperity and change (Canon,
2000). Reagan’s battle cry in the 1980 election built his brand of a reassuring, friendly
candidate who could be trusted to stabilize the American economy at a time of great
uncertainty (Canon, 2000). Reagan believed that America’s best days lay ahead and he
wanted to be the candidate to guide them there (Canon, 2000).
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Television and the Reagan Brand
Reagan used mostly television to sell his brand to the people by making the
medium become the message, meaning that the reality of his image for public perception
was as how Reagan wanted to appear (Denton, 1988). The Reagan brand was so
successful because Reagan and his staff knew how to utilize television to build an
identity that was appealing to Americans (Denton, 1988). Reagan’s election is often
referred to as a “mass-media showcase in an era where presidential campaigns are really
a matter of which candidate has the best control of the mass media” because of how well
Reagan used television (Denton, 1988). Ronald Reagan was a master of controlling the
hot medium of television because of his ability to come across as natural, collected and
friendly on television (Denton, 1988).
Reagan’s use television was one of his main tactics he used in the building of his
celebrity image in his brand. Reagan fully lived up to his nickname of “The Great
Communicator” by being able to perfectly mold himself to his preconceived public image
through his use of television (Denton, 1988). Reagan had an advantage on television
because of his acting background, which greatly helped him seem appealing on television
during the 1980 election. Reagan’s career base captivated the American audience with his
television persona; his mastery of television was his foundation for his powerful “brand”
(Raphael, 2009). Denton said Reagan’s use of television was vital to his brand because of
television’s image-building potential, “those who win presidential elections are those
who fulfill the role expectations of the American public. And role expectations have very
little to do with political issues or policies. Those who win are those who perform best on
television” (1988).
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Reagan’s use of television in building his brand was directly related to his
knowledge of the packaging of Hollywood (Tory, 2005). To survive in Hollywood,
Reagan had to project the necessary self-confidence to win the next role while struggling
with the actor’s insecurity that every completed job was his last (Troy, 2005). This
attitude helped Reagan in the 1980 presidential race because his confident aura that he
projected as an actor and celebrity showed off spectacularly when compared to his 1980
Democratic rival, President Jimmy Carter on television (Troy, 2005). When the two
candidates appeared together, Reagan’s welcoming personality radiated through on
television, especially during the presidential debates where Carter appeared “stiff and
morose” next to Reagan’s jovial nature (Denton, 1988).
Additionally, Democratic critique of the incumbent Carter administration helped
many Americans advance the Reagan revolution, an escape from the openness of the
1960s and 1970s, when people did not look kindly upon capitalism (Troy, 2005).
Reagan’s aggressive perpetuation of the American Dream of a friendly, but macho,
president gave Reagan superior media coverage compared to Carter because of Reagan’s
appeal on television and his fiscally conservative policies, which further encouraged the
public’s critique of the Carter White House (Denton, 1988). Reagan’s brand complied
well with a set and defined role of expectations associated with the presidency (Denton,
1988). The Reagan brand was a change from the free spirit, uncertainty and the frowning
on capitalism of the 1970s (Troy, 2005). Media culture in the 1980s perpetuated the idea
of the successful businessman by feeding the idea of the success of the business-oriented
(Troy, 2005).
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Political Branding
Reagan’s brand also had an influence on mainstream television shows, which
depicted Reagan’s vision of America through their various plots (Troy, 2005). In the
1960s and 1970s, many television plots branded businessmen as corrupt or greedy foils,
but Reagan’s brand validated businessmen, with his values based on those of John D.
Rockefeller and Andrew Carnegie (Troy, 2005). Television plots in the 1980s depicted
Reagan’s business and economic ideals through shows like Dynasty and the growth of
conservative organizations and periodicals (Troy, 2005).
The Reagan brand had a lasting effect on the popular culture of the 1980s by
inspiring a variety of television shows and movies designed on cracking down on crime
(Feur, 1995). The social problems modeled on television shows directed towards
Americans were intensely reflective of the popular frustrations across America and fueled
the “New Right engine” of the 1980s (Feur, 1995). Television shows like Hill Street
Blues and America’s Most Wanted aired for the first time during the “Reagan years” and
perpetuated “Reagan’s America” of wiping away crime and embracing American
conservatism (Feur, 1995). The generation of television dedicated to crime fighting and a
brighter, cleaner America is evidence of the lasting brand legacy that Reagan left on
America and American voters (Feur, 1995). The idea perpetuated in 1980s popular
culture of fighting crime and “protecting the family” represented the ideal norms of
American life and came from the Reagan brand that he identified to gain election (Feur,
1995). The Reagan brand defined a generation of pop culture, as well as a defining a new
generation of politics. The evidence of the generation speaks through the “educated
middle class” sector of America with whom Reagan’s message resonated greatly (Feur,
1995).
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Political Branding
Role of Celebrity in Reagan’s Brand
An acting career ultimately molded Reagan’s celebrity brand. After passing his
Hollywood screen test at the age of 26, he moved onto what he felt was his true calling;
acting (Canon, 2000). Reagan starred in King’s Row and a variety of other films before
moving onto the public stage in the 1960s. His acting career and radio experience laid the
foundation for his future political image (Canon, 2000). His ability to give concise sound
bites, understand how to give a speech and deliver a punchline to a joke were all tactics
which gave Reagan the ability to build such a successful brand (Canon, 2000). Ronald
Reagan had a very succinct celebrity metaphor that accompanied his brand. Reagan
enjoyed the name recognition in the political scene that stemmed from his acting career,
even though his name recognition made other politicians wary (Canon, 2000). Reagan’s
celebrity background gave him ample opportunity to build a celebrity role in his brand
that would appeal to his target audience.
Reagan combined a glamorous Hollywood slickness with a small-town devotion
to the presidency, and helped to shift the terms of the debate and candidacy platforms in
America (Troy, 2005). Popular culture of the 1980s presented the public with many
“glamorous” stories, and “Reaganism,” or perpetuation of the Reagan brand, shaped
many of them (Troy, 2005). Reagan was able to make business authority seem glamorous
by presenting the rise of “Celebrity CEO” at the end of an era of “Nader-like” antiauthoritarianism (Troy, 2005). Reagan was able to provide a certain element of celebrity
glamour to the political arena based on his strategic utilization of his celebrity experience
in his candidacy and business policies. Reagan’s acting skills, cinematic language and
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Political Branding
orchestrated settings resulted in the election and reelection of one of the most popular
presidents in national history (Denton, 1988).
The role of celebrity in the Reagan presidency was carefully crafted by Reagan
himself and served as a reminder of his Hollywood past as a successful actor. Reagan’s
1980 election offered positive and idealized images which offered an indirect celebrity
appeal to voters that Reagan controlled (Denton, 1988). Reagan identified and welcomed
a heroic image about his celebrity; an image that espoused faith, God and country and
was surrounded with patriotism (Denton, 1988). Reagan’s role of celebrity was that of the
romantic, American hero (Denton, 1988). Reagan’s grace with which he accepted the
packaging of his image contributed largely to the success of his brand, which was also
facilitated by his celebrity background.
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Political Branding
27
Case Study: Barack Hussein Obama
How Obama became the youth candidate and changed political branding with his use of
social media
Obama’s Personal and Political Background
Barack Hussein Obama was born in Hawaii in 1961 and was raised primarily by his
mother and his grandparents (Obama, 1995). Obama spent a margin of his childhood in
Indonesia before returning to Hawaii for school (Balz & Johnson, 2009). Obama then
went on to pursue his higher education with a scholarship to Occidental College in Los
Angeles where he began his career in grassroots organizing (Balz & Johnson, 2009).
Obama built his platform as a community organizer on the need for “change,” which
was very similar to his brand in the 2008 election (Obama, 1995). In the early days of his
community organizing, Obama responded to his college classmates’ inquiries about what
a community organizer did by “pronouncing the need for change” (Obama, 1995).
Obama said in first book, Dreams from my Father, there was a need for change
throughout the country and that “change won’t come from the top. Change will come
from mobilized grass roots” (1995).
Obama spent a majority of his early career years as a grassroots organizer on the
South Side of Chicago where he took on such projects as working towards a safer
Chicago public school system (Balz & Johnson, 2009). Obama then graduated from
Harvard Law School in 1991 and went on to work at firms specializing in civil rights law
(Balz & Johnson, 2009). He was also the first African-American to be named Editor in
Chief of Harvard Law Review (Balz & Johnson, 2009). In 1997, Obama was elected to
Political Branding
the Illinois State Senate and served until 2004 when he decided to run for national office
(Balz & Johnson, 2009).
Prior to his running for U.S. Senate in 2004, Obama was not well known outside
of the political sector (Balz & Johnson, 2009). He began to yearn for a bigger pond in
which to affect his political goals (Balz & Johnson, 2009). Obama first stepped into the
spotlight as a national political phenomenon when he was selected to be the keynote
speaker at the 2004 Democratic Convention (Balz & Johnson, 2009). In his moving
speech, Obama told the story of his own life and illustrated what would become his
signature message by urging the need for optimism and bipartisanship in government
(Balz & Johnson, 2009). His convention speech not only launched his national presence,
but also laid the presidential foundation for Obama’s brand of unity and hope for a better
future (Balz & Johnson, 2009).
Obama’s speech at the 2004 Democratic Convention completely changed his
career path as he began to attract a substantial amount of national attention (Balz &
Johnson, 2009). He was referred to as the “star” of the convention and it projected him to
national celebrity status (Balz & Johnson, 2009). Throughout his time in the U.S. Senate,
even though Obama passed no legislation and gave no major speeches, he was treated
like a “rockstar” (Balz & Johnson, 2009). Obama’s public political activity was distinctly
helpful to his public image and much of his activity was built around raising his national
profile in the case of a possible presidential run, including making a trip to Africa like
many other presidential hopefuls (Balz & Johnson, 2009).
Obama announced the possibility of his running for president on “Meet the Press”
in 2006, making Obama one of the more exciting Democratic presidential candidate
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Political Branding
possibilities for the 2008 election because of his novelty to the national political scene
(Balz & Johnson, 2009). At many of his public events and rallies, prior to officially
announcing his candidacy, he drew large crowds that were unusual for someone so early
in their political career (Balz & Johnson, 2009). Obama drew crowds interested in this
young, dynamic politician who was relatable to the American public. Obama’s personal
and political history has appealed to many Americans because of its “fairy-tale like” roots
(Balz & Johnson, 2009). Obama’s history represents a classic tale of humble roots and
triumph over adversity in touch with community needs (Balz & Johnson, 2009).
The Obama Brand’s Demographic
Youth voters identified with Obama’s brand as fresh and new in a time when
many young people were yearning for a change in the American presidential system
(Balz & Johnson, 2009). To an American public open to new ideas and people and
susceptible to the political idea of change, especially in difficult times, many things about
Obama symbolized a sharp break from the past, which was one of the reasons Obama had
such widespread national appeal (Balz & Johnson, 2009). Obama saw hope in the young
voters of the millennial generation, defined as individuals born between 1977 and 1997
(Schulte, 2007). This young demographic was part of a large surge in youth activity in
politics around the time of Obama’s election, because of their strong opinions on the war
in Iraq and increasingly liberal views on social issues (Schulte, 2007).
Walter Shapiro, political reporter and former Washington bureau chief for
Salon.com, who has covered the last eight presidential campaigns, attributes the
overwhelmingly positive nature of Obama’s brand in the 2008 election as a way to attract
a young generation who idealized bipartisanship.
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Political Branding
According to Shapiro:
The millennial generation … doesn’t like conflict, which is very much different
from the baby boomers. In fact, the millennial generation was such a perfect
target because younger voters were attracted to Obama because of the bringing
together nature of his campaign … as a consequence, Obama was always going to
do exceedingly well with voters under 30 years old (Personal Communication,
March, 23, 2011).
At the 2004 Democratic Convention, Obama’s speech, elements of which became
part of his signature brand, urged people to cease thinking of America as politically
divided. “There is not a liberal America and a conservative America—there is the United
States of America. There is not a black America and a white America and a Latino
America and an Asian America—there’s the United States of America” (Balz & Johnson,
2009).
Obama’s appeal to the youth vote is reflected in the voting results for the 2008
election. The results pinpoint this targeted segment of voters, ages 18 to 29, gave Obama
the largest percentage, 66 percent, achieved for this group since exit polling commenced
in 1972. In addition, 28 percent of voters in this age category reported that they had been
to a campaign event in a “battleground state”—the highest percentage of any age group in
2008. The turnout by young voters increased in many of these states; with an estimated
one-percent increase nationally (Keeter, Horowitz, & Tyson, 2008).
According to the mainstream media, Obama also carried the youth vote in the
Democratic primaries. While enthusiastic Democrats of all ages produced a 90 percent
increase in turnout for the first caucuses, the number of young voters in the primary
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Political Branding
elections was up 135 percent (Drehele, 2008). Obama’s appeal to youth branded him as
the youth candidate, which was reflected in the voter demographic results for the 2008
presidential election.
The Use of the Obama Brand in the 2008 Election
Obama’s 2008 election was the first consumer election, meaning Obama was a
consumer candidate instead of simply a candidate that appealed to consumers (Seidman,
2010). The Obama campaign used mostly positive visual designs to brand Obama, which
were designed in part to convince young people that he was inspiring, moderate and
unifying (Seidman, 2010). Many of the consumer branding tactics Obama used were
designed to appeal to this millennial generation (Seidman, 2010). These strategies and
tactics not only encouraged the millennial generation to vote, but were employed to
specifically gain their votes (Seidman, 2010).
The messaging in a brand must be consistent, and Obama’s brand was built on his use
of consistency in his marketing (Creamer, 2008). Obama’s brand was built with grand
gestures like ignoring “perceived ideals and norms of a target audience, a strong use of
social media and a consistent message” (Creamer, 2008). The strategies crucial to the
success of the marketing of Obama’s brand was the campaign’s understanding of groundlevel marketing (Creamer, 2008). Obama’s bold brand was considered to be a grand
gesture of the rejection of the former fears of the Democratic party strategy, which
assumed that red states could never be won (Creamer, 2008).
Through the networks that the Obama campaign built in 2008 through the techniques
of use of social media and message framing a so-called “Obama mega-brand” resulted
(Creamer, 2008). Obama’s marketing strategies resulted in a brand that was big enough
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Political Branding
to be anything to anyone, yet had an intimate-enough feel to inspire advocacy that raised
funds at record-breaking, almost obscene levels (Creamer, 2008). The Obama brand gave
birth to a massive network of on-the-ground supporters who were so crucial in the getout-the-vote effort that added incremental Democratic ballots (Creamer, 2008).
Visual Imaging and the Obama Brand
Obama’s overwhelmingly positive brand as a presidential candidate was partly due to
his strong use of visual imaging. A good brand is something that is constantly unique
and identifiable, with which people can form a connection (Seidman, 2010). The visual
images of Obama’s campaign accomplished all of these things as a successful brand logo
(Seidman, 2010). The positive visual design tactics that Obama used in his branding were
built on the foundation that positive visual images would make a positive impression of a
candidate’s brand on voters (Seidman, 2010).
The visual images Obama used aimed to evoke optimism and hope among voters and
served to build Obama’s brand as the candidate for optimism and hope. The visual
images Obama used during the campaign, specifically the symbolic logo of the campaign,
the blue “O” which stood for “Obama”, and the red-and-white stripes which stood for
flag and country, became a part of this brand and were used on everything from the
campaign’s official Facebook page to the official t-shirts sold by the campaign (Seidman,
2010). Obama’s brand in the 2008 election was one of hope and excitement for change.
Obama excited the public’s imagination not for deeds already accomplished, but for the
promise of ones to come (Conley, 2008).
Consumerism and strong visuals were consistently intermingled in the Obama
brand in the 2008 election. During the Democratic primary season for the 2008
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Political Branding
presidential election, the New York Times compared Obama and primary rival, Hillary
Clinton using their traditional image styles, each candidates use of new media and their
websites using the comparison of Mac vs. PC (Cohen, 2008). The New York Times used
the metaphor of a Mac computer for Obama to demonstrate how Obama was a “fresh”
brand (Cohen, 2008).
The New York Times analogy came from the Apple commercials with the young,
fresh-faced adult male as a Mac (simple, understated, yet ready to work) and a stuffy,
middle-aged gentleman who was “easily harassed” as a PC (Cohen, 2008). As indicated
by his website design, Obama was found to be Mac, showcasing Obama’s popularity and
successful branding as a fresh candidate easily able to win over a young demographic
(Cohen, 2008). Clinton was found to be a PC, showing Clinton’s traditional and
technologically simple ways of campaigning on her basic website (Cohen, 2008).
Obama’s website was labeled as more “harmonious” than Clinton’s, with plenty of white
space and soft blue palate that was easy on the eyes (Cohen, 2008). The design of
Obama’s website was simple but quite painstakingly done all the way down to the
taskbars, like Apple product packaging (Cohen, 2008). Whereas Clinton’s site was far
more traditional and used a conservative color scheme of dark blue with sharp lines
dividing content with basic, sharp, “cookie cutter icons” (Cohen, 2008).
“A candidate’s brand is something that is gently built upon and worked out with a
steady foundation,” but Clinton’s website contained too much of a brash “in-your-face”
technique (Cohen, 2008). Obama’s strategic use of visual imaging in his media tactics,
such as his sleek website, contributed to the distinct quality of his overall brand (Cohen,
2008). Both candidates were perceived as having relevant brands, but Obama stood out
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Political Branding
with his youthful appeal and use of social media to build a dynamic brand, a broad base
of support, and young core of activists (Lieb & Shah, 2010). The comparisons of these
two candidates represented the importance and the ability of the Internet and new media
to brand a candidate.
Obama’s Use of Social Media in his Brand
The 2008 presidential election was the first time social media was used, other than
a candidate’s personal website, in the branding process of a presidential election and
social media played a significant role in the branding of all political candidates (Metzgar
& Maruggi, 2009). The Obama campaign utilized the audience-friendly element of social
media very well (Metzgar & Maruggi, 2009). The Obama campaign had such a great
success with social media because they were able to take more freedoms with their
control of the message through the use of social media, which was dramatically different
from the Republican’s use of social media (Metzgar & Maruggi, 2009). Republicans in
2008 were not prepared for the necessity of the widespread use of social media because
Republicans did not want to lose control of the party message, whereas the Democrats
were less concerned with message control (Metzgar & Maruggi, 2009). Social media’s
strength lies in its cohesive nature and lack of strict hierarchies, meaning campaigns that
do not have a significant desire to have control over their message are more likely to see
the benefits of social media as applied to their campaign (Metzgar & Maruggi, 2009).
Social media was such a crucial and successful aspect of the Obama brand because it
provided a platform for widespread social networking (Mangold, 2009). Obama used the
social networking theory, which asserts that people, or consumers, enjoy networking with
people who have similar interests or desires to their own (Mangold, 2009). Organizations
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Political Branding
can manage the people’s desire to network by creating communities of like-minded
individuals (Mangold, 2009). The Obama campaign understood that people are more
likely to communicate through both word-of-mouth and social media when they are
engaged with the product, service, or idea (Mangold, 2009). This type of engagement
may come naturally for supporters of causes and political candidates (Mangold, 2009).
Obama used his online presence to gather supporters together, raise excitement and
provide information in a widespread, viral fashion (Mangold, 2009). Obama’s social
media strategies and tactics strengthened the Obama brand with their strong reach and
online marketing, which spread community awareness of the brand (Erwin, 2008).
The Obama campaign was referred to as “Obama brand evangelists” because of
how well they built Obama’s brand using social media, even though they exerted little
control over the message (Erwin, 2008). The Obama brand was free of control and
technologically advanced, which appealed to its target audience of young voters (Plouffe,
2008). The lack of message control worked well in the Obama campaign’s use of social
media (Plouffe, 2008). The Obama campaign’s email list was at 13 million people close
to Election Day, which essentially created an advanced version of a television network
that was able to move past television and communicate directly with no filter to a
significant number of voters (Pfouffe, 2008).
The Obama campaign did not invent anything completely new with its strategic
use of social media because it was built on the foundation of image-building and
networking (Carr, 2008). However, they added a very new element to building
connections by bolting together social networking applications in the form of a
movement (Carr, 2008). The Obama campaign created an unforeseen force to help raise
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Political Branding
money, organize locally, fight smear campaigns and get out the vote that helped them
emerge victorious first in the democratic primaries, then in the presidential election (Carr,
2008). As a result of the use of social media, Obama gained not just a political base, but a
database, with millions of names of supporters who could be engaged almost instantly
(Carr, 2008).
Role of Celebrity in Brand Obama
Prior to the 2008 election, Obama became a celebrity in his own right, and gained
popularity among youth voters unparalleled by any other candidate in that election.
Constant media coverage, magazine covers and iconographic images, made Obama an
overnight celebrity (Park, 2009). Obama’s newness to national politics and his dynamic
nature built on this celebrity (Alexander, 2010). The celebrity role in Brand Obama came
off as well to the public because of the Obama campaign’s overwhelmingly positive
marketing (Seidman, 2010). However, the popularity that Obama generated gave the
Republicans an opportunity to take this celebrity role in Obama’s brand and attempt
make it appear as a negative aspect (Alexander, 2010).
The Republicans took advantage of Obama’s popularity and used it negatively in
a national campaign advertisement to make Senator John McCain seem like a more
dependable candidate (Alexander, 2010). The McCain campaign was wary of Obama’s
popularity and desperate for a way to make voting for this new, popular candidate seem
more like a risk than a venture. Obama had even had success branding himself as a more
military-friendly candidate than McCain, an Armed Forces Veteran, by visiting troops in
Iraq and Afghanistan in July 2008 (Alexander, 2010). The success of Obama’s excursions
threatened McCain’s popularity with the military, a development that would be
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Political Branding
devastating to the McCain campaign (Alexander, 2010). The Republicans believed that
Obama could take the youth vote, but McCain should have his traditional target audience;
the military (Alexander, 2010).
Republicans were aware not only of Obama’s popularity, but his popularity with
young people. The McCain campaign’s advertisement portrayed Obama as a shallow
celebrity with no leadership experience to act as Commander in Chief (Alexander, 2010).
The ad played crowds from Obama’s campaign trail shouting his name repeatedly over
famous images of Britney Spears and Paris Hilton, with the words “he is the biggest
celebrity in the world, but is he ready to lead?” (Alexander, 2010). Branding Obama as
simply a “celebrity” and not an experienced politician in the campaign advertisement was
the GOP’s way of acknowledging Obama’s popular brand with youth voters (Alexander,
2010). If people saw Obama as simply an experienced famous celebrity figure, with no
real political credentials, then people would align Obama’s brand with youthful
celebrities like Linsday Lohan and Paris Hilton (Alexander, 2010). The McCain
campaign’s efforts to brand Obama as a high-profile, toxic celebrity with “hollow and
superficial travails” like Britney Spears, Hilton and Lohan was “dangerous” branding for
Obama, a candidate very popular with young voters (Alexander, 2010). This strategy was
designed to designate Obama’s brand as a “celebrity” candidate for young voters, making
him unelectable by other individuals of the population (Alexander, 2010). The idea to
brand Obama as an “egotistical celebrity” was an indication to how the overwhelming
novelty and popularity of Obama gave him a celebrity image, albeit not one necessarily
designed by the Obama campaign (Alexander, 2010).
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Political Branding
The results of a study of public opinion of Obama after the ad aired were initially
skeptical, with the ad eliciting media attention but did little to affect public opinion of
Obama (Alexander, 2010). However, the symbolism in the ad made an impression; less
than a week after the launch of the “Obama celebrity metaphor,” seven out of ten
Americans viewed the low-budget, quickly produced advertisement (Alexander, 2010).
The “Celebrity” ad from the McCain campaign, while branding Obama as a celebrity in
the pejorative sense, actually had little effect on the Obama brand (Park, 2009). Obama
was still able to build his celebrity brand in a positive manner and was able to appeal
charismatically to his audience, which further appealed to his celebrity role (Park, 2009).
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39
Discussion and Findings
The case-study comparison of political branding and its use by Reagan and Obama
argues that these two presidents had strong political brands at the time of their elections.
Reagan and Obama both understood the necessary means in which to successfully market
an image to the public. Both presidents had brands that were marketed to the public very
well in a time where voters were yearning for a change in the political atmosphere.
However, Reagan and Obama had brands appealed to two very different demographics of
voters, which suggests many of the comparisons initially made by the media were
overstated.
Obama and Reagan both had similar elements of consistency in their brands but used
different tactics and strategies to appeal to their demographics. The consumer branding
appeal that Obama and Reagan had to voters is a similarity between these two presidents,
but they differ dramatically in how they used political branding and the demographics to
which their brands appealed. The elements of this discussion include the relevant findings
in the case study comparison of these two presidents.
Voting Demographics and Political Brands
Media comparisons of Reagan and Obama argue that both Reagan and Obama
appealed to youth voters, but when their brands are examined, it was found that these
candidates appealed to two separate voter demographics. On Election Day in 1980, most
of those who voted for Reagan were middle class white males, those baby-boomers who
were exhausted from the uncertainty of the Carter administration (Troy, 2005). The
mainstream media reported that the hold Republican Party had on the youth vote in the
1980s was steadfast (Schulte, 2007). The political website, Real Clear Politics reported
Political Branding
that “as old as he was, Ronald Reagan was an aspirational candidate - the kind that would
naturally appeal to young people” (Canon, C. 2011). Additionally, Real Clear Politics has
compared Reagan’s voting demographic to Obama’s stating “the Youth Vote boosted the
Republican Party in the Reagan era, although Reagan won so big it was easy to miss”
(Canon, C. 2011). However, these findings are incorrect.
If the voting statistics from the 1980 election are further examined, youth voters
leaned more moderate and democratic and Reagan carried mostly the middle-age white
male demographic (Troy, 2005). According to national Congressional voting statistics
from 1980, approximately 60 percent of college freshman considered their political views
to be “moderate to liberal” and Reagan did not carry the youth vote (Stanley & Niemi,
1990). However, one similarity among voters in 1980 and 2008 were voting concerns. In
1980, a majority of Americans voters considered the biggest national concern to be the
economy (Stanley & Niemi, 1990). In 2008, 61 percent of voters saw the economy as the
nation's most important problem, about the same share as among the general public (Pew
Research Center, 2008).
The 2008 election saw record high voting numbers, which was very different
from previous elections. Statistics found that there were overwhelming numbers of youth
voting across the board. Young people between the ages of 18 and 29 cast approximately
22 to 24 million votes in the 2008 election, the third highest turnout since the voting age
was lowered to 18. (CIRCLE, 2008). The high youth voter turnout was attributed to an
increase in voter outreach to voters between the ages of 18 and 29, especially through
technology like social media (CIRCLE, 2010). The high voting rates, with their
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Political Branding
technology outreach effort, shows the Obama brand was a successful marketing tactic to
draw younger voters.
While Reagan carried the middle-class, middle-aged vote, Obama was by all
means the youth candidate with a brand that was very appealing to young voters. Youth
voting numbers were very high in 2008 and many of those votes went to Obama. Young
voters favored Obama over McCain 66 percent to 32 percent (CIRCLE, 2010). According
to the Pew Research Center, 66 percent of those under 30 voted for Obama in 2008
(2008). Obama did have a strong hold on the youth vote, and examination of the branding
tactics and strategies Reagan used finds that Reagan did not appeal to the youth vote
nearly as much as Obama did; a striking difference between the two presidents.
Television and Social Media: How the latter changed the face of political branding
Reagan and Obama both knew how to utilize media strategically to build their
brands. However their use of individual mediums differed exponentially. Obama’s use of
social media gave his campaign the ability to reach many people at once and connect
with people whom they would not have necessarily connected to without social media.
The emergence of social media was after Reagan’s time, but was an asset added to
Obama’s campaign because of its widespread reach. The widespread use of social media
by the Obama campaign changed political branding by allowing the campaign to reach
many more people at once by taking control of the message out of the hands of the
candidate and placing it into the hands of the individuals.
Reagan had complete control over his media use in the 1980 election, whereas the
Obama campaign did not and was still successful in political branding practices. Image
control was of prime importance to every element of Reagan’s staff and Reagan had
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Political Branding
control over every aspect of his image through the “medium is the message” element of
television (Denton, 1988). However, Obama’s use of social media actually gave his
campaign less control over the message; a move which garnered great success for his
campaign. Obama’s Internet team combined online enthusiasm with on-the-ground
mobilization by keeping their online communications open to users, which made
individuals feel a larger sense of involvement (Lynch, as cited in Thurber, 2008). In the
first days of the 2008 presidential campaign, Obama’s Internet team attempted to seek
control of a MySpace page that was independently created by an Obama supporter
(Lynch, as cited in Thurber, 2008). The campaign eventually conceded that eventually it
did best by letting a thousand followers bloom on their own with the use of social media
(Lynch, as cited in Thurber, 2008). It can be inferred that the use of social media gives
the presidential candidate less control over the message, and therefore less control over
the candidate’s brand. However, the loss of control does not necessarily damage the
brand as much as encourage audience participation in the political process. Obama’s
revolutionary use of social media changed political branding because it negated the
necessity for complete control over the message, and was still a successful branding
tactic.
Like Reagan, Obama also used the medium of television to build his political
brand as television is a prevalent tactic in politics, even with the increased use of new
media in the 2008 election (Seidman, 2010). The campaign ads were designed to solve
any doubts about his perceived heritage, and supposedly radical associations, focused
typically on one key issue or character trait of the candidate—or his or her opponent
(Seidman, 2010). The Obama campaign devised a number of spots that featured still and
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Political Branding
filmed footage of his Caucasian grandparents and mother and World War II scenes at
home and abroad as a metaphor for his grandfather’s service in the military (Seidman,
2010). These campaign ads used strong visual images to brand Obama in a controlled
medium, which was still a part of the Obama branding process despite the use of social
media. These images were similar to the strong visual images used by past presidential
candidates but one large difference between Reagan and Obama’s use of television is that
Reagan’s use of television in 1980 was mostly to build his rhetorical technique and
personal appearance. Reagan’s use of strong visual images, like that of Obama’s in 2008,
did not appear in his television commercials until the “Morning in America” campaign in
1984, which featured spots that proclaimed “it’s morning again in America,” showing a
wedding, a family moving into a new home, fertile fields and employed construction
workers (Denton, 1988).
While Obama did use television in his campaigning, it was similar to Reagan’s
use in that Obama knew how to present his brand to an audience, but the control elements
in each candidate’s brand varied greatly, with the use of social media setting a new
standard for how much control was permissible to be taken away from the candidate in
the image-building process. Reagan controlled all elements of his brand via television,
where the media virtually became the message whereas the Obama brand worked best
when the campaign exerted little control over the message.
Use of Celebrity Metaphor in the Political Branding Process
Political elections are won and lost based on stances on policies, demographics
and finances, a candidate’s use of metaphor, ability to attain voter’s symbolic
identification of the candidates brand and the narrative in the candidate’s message
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Political Branding
(Alexander, 2010). A candidate must strategically employ all of these elements in their
brand to have a successful election, and the role of the celebrity metaphor resonated well
with the Reagan and Obama brands. This study argues that both Reagan and Obama had
celebrity metaphor play a part in their brands, but the use of celebrity in each case study
was presented and received differently. Reagan and Obama both projected a certain air of
celebrity in which appealed to Americans and each was considered to be a celebrity in
their own right. This “celebrity image” also had a very succinct impact on their brands as
candidates. However the packaging of each candidate as celebrities was portrayed
differently in each candidate’s brand. The different element that the role of celebrity
played in each candidate’s celebrity election gave each a celebrity role to their brand in
their own right.
Reagan’s element of celebrity was very carefully packaged, much like the rest of
his brand, especially because Reagan was used to his name carrying recognition from his
acting past. However the celebrity element in Obama’s brand was a phenomenon of
constant media coverage of a candidate so new to the political scene. Reagan was used to
his celebrity appeal because he was a famous actor prior to his political life. Reagan
consistently referenced his Hollywood past and enjoyed the name recognition that
followed him into his political career and eventually his presidency. However, Obama
had a celebrity political brand because of his fresh appearance on the national political
scene and his identity as a youth candidate. Obama’s element of celebrity was
perpetuated by the media and by negative campaign ads which capitalized on the fanatic
media coverage and large crowds Obama drew to events
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45
Limitations
The large amount of content available on Reagan and Obama’s marketing and
political strategies provided a challenge on deciding what specific elements to include.
The large amount of content related to this topic set limitations because the amount of
time allocated did not allow for all aspects of information to be included. In addition, it is
possible that the amount of information analyzed was too general in an attempt to be allinclusive, making the significance of the results rather minimal.
Conclusion and Recommendations
This examination of political branding contributes to the consumer culture field of
political strategy and political communications research by arguing that political branding
is a strategic image-building tactic in presidential elections. The study provides a
reference to two large-scale uses of political branding and aims to illustrate how two
candidates have used consumer branding tactics in politics. Reagan and Obama had a
great deal of valuable marketing tactics to offer to the public, despite the differences in
brands. The comparison of these two case studies identifies and analyzes three common
elements in each brand; the role of the media, their voter demographic and the celebrity
metaphor based on mainstream media comparisons of the two candidates but finds
various differences between the two candidates within these common themes. Obama and
Reagan did share similar branding themes that the media illustrates and the differences in
each brand show the changes in political branding over time.
The recommendations for further research are designed to build on the subject
matter in this paper. It would be ideal to conduct more research on branding to propose
how the Democrats could strengthen their brand further in light of expanding use of
Political Branding
social media in future election cycles. Further message testing of social media should be
done to see if there have been any changes in how an audience prefers to interpret a
message since the last presidential election.
It is almost the end of Obama’s first term in office and he has announced he will
run in 2012. This research area would benefit from analyzing Obama’s brand in 2012
during and after the 2012 election to see how it has changed and evolved since Obama
first ran for president in 2008. There is a variety of future research potential in the field of
political branding, especially with the widespread use of new media in politics. This case
study of the use of consumer branding tactics by Reagan and Obama can be used as a
historical reference of the ways in which political branding has changed over time and
how its use appeals to the public.
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