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The International Journal of Human
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Human rights and building peace: the
case of Pakistani madrasas
Mohammed Abu-Nimer
a b
& Ayse Kadayifci
c d
a
Peace and Conflict Resolution Program, American University
b
The Peace-building and Development Institute
c
School of International Service, American University, Washington
d
Salam Institute for Peace and Justice
Available online: 24 Jun 2011
To cite this article: Mohammed Abu-Nimer & Ayse Kadayifci (2011): Human rights and building
peace: the case of Pakistani madrasas, The International Journal of Human Rights, 15:7, 1136-1159
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13642987.2010.535492
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The International Journal of Human Rights
Vol. 15, No. 7, October 2011, 1136 –1159
Human rights and building peace: the case of Pakistani madrasas
Mohammed Abu-Nimera∗ and Ayse Kadayifcib
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a
Peace and Conflict Resolution Program, American University, and The Peace-building
and Development Institute; bSchool of International Service, American University, Washington,
and Salam Institute for Peace and Justice
An increasing number of local, national and international nongovernmental organisations
(NGOs) are diligently working for the promotion and protection of human rights in the
Muslim societies, and not without success. However, at times, some of these NGOs are
perceived to be agents of ‘Western colonisation’ who attempt to undermine traditional
structures and customs. Such attitudes are particularly prevalent in many Muslim
countries such as Pakistan, which has suffered under colonial regimes for long periods
of time. Thus it becomes important to frame human rights and peace-building efforts
within the religio-cultural contexts of the community itself and to identify who can be
effective agents of peace building and human rights. This article argues that human
rights and peace building are inextricably linked and that any peace-building effort
must incorporate mechanisms to enhance human rights. One of the main ways in
which human rights can be enhanced in a conflict environment is to incorporate it in
the critical educational institutions. This article looks at the madrasa training
programme, undertaken by the International Center for Diplomacy (ICRD) in Pakistan
that included human rights education within an Islamic framework, as a case study,
and discusses its effectiveness and required areas of improvement.
Introduction
The twenty-first century has not yet brought peace and stability to the Muslim world. On the
contrary, violent conflict and war continues to cause great pain and suffering in many Muslim
states. Causes of conflicts in the Muslim world are diverse and complex. Many of these conflicts are intra-state where ethnic, sectarian or religious, and political differences are used to
justify violence (Algeria, Somalia, Pakistan, Afghanistan, etc). Many of these communities
lack basic human needs such as access to clean water, health services or economic livelihoods. Many of these states are governed by authoritarian regimes that do not represent
the will of their people, and thus suffer a crisis of legitimacy. Furthermore, torture, lack of
freedom of expression and participation has become serious issues in many of these
societies.1 Consequently, these conflicts are often related to human-rights issues. It is increasingly becoming clear that without establishing social, political and cultural institutions that
protect human dignity and rights, it is not possible to build sustainable peace.2
There are an increasing number of local, national and international nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs) who are diligently working for the promotion and protection of
human rights in the Muslim societies, and not without success.3 However, at times, some
∗
Corresponding author. Email: abunimer@american.edu
ISSN 1364-2987 print/ISSN 1744-053X online
# 2011 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/13642987.2010.535492
http://www.informaworld.com
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The International Journal of Human Rights
1137
of these NGOs are perceived to be agents of ‘Western colonialisation’, attempting to undermine traditional structures and customs, therefore they are not always trusted by the local
communities. Furthermore, in many Muslim contexts, human rights are perceived to be a
‘Western’ invention, thus alien to Islam.4 Such attitudes are particularly prevalent in
countries like Pakistan, which has suffered under colonial regimes for long periods of
time. For these reasons it becomes important to frame human rights and peace-building
efforts within the religio-cultural contexts of the community itself and to identify who
can be effective agents of peace-building and human rights for the community of peace
builders.5
Although the modern notion of human rights has been developed and articulated within
a Western context, many of the central ideas – such as human dignity, respect and protection of life, property and identity, among others – that underline it are shared by different
cultural traditions. Islamic tradition is no exception. Islam clearly recognises that, just by
being born human, each individual is endowed with inalienable rights, and urges
Muslims to respect and protect these rights.6 Framing human rights within an Islamic
framework will help Muslims to reconnect with this tradition and address human rights
issues in their communities. One of the main ways in which human rights can be enhanced
in a conflict environment is to incorporate it in the critical educational institutions, because
educational institutions play an important role in forming the behaviours and attitudes of
students.
This article will look at the madrasa reform programme undertaken by the International
Center for Diplomacy (ICRD) in Pakistan that included human rights education within an
Islamic framework as a case study, and will discuss its effectiveness and required areas of
improvement. It is important to emphasise that this article does not make a case for or
against madrasa reform in Pakistan. This article is built on the premise that human rights
and peace-building are inextricably linked, and that any peace building effort must
incorporate mechanisms to enhance human rights. This raises important questions: what
are the best avenues to enhance human rights in Muslim societies and who can accomplish
this legitimately and effectively? This article argues that values of human rights and diversity are integral parts of Islamic teachings, and thus can be part of the message of Islamic
education presented to students in the madrasas. Furthermore, it is both needed and feasible
to connect these authentic Islamic teachings of diversity, pluralism and human rights with
the existing Islamic education. In order to do that effectively, building basic awareness
among teachers in madrassas, and introducing new pedagogical approaches in teaching
them to their students is required. Therefore, this article examines the intervention efforts
of ICRD and aims to present some of the strengths and limitations of this effort in order
to initiate a constructive discussion on how human-rights education can be incorporated
into the madrasa education system effectively in a context like the Pakistani madrasa
system. After giving a brief background on the methodology the paper will develop the conceptual framework that links peace and human rights next. Following that, the paper will
provide background information about the Pakistani madrasa system within Pakistani
social, cultural and historical context. That section will be followed by a brief description
of the intervention programme being evaluated and a discussion on its effectiveness and
areas of improvement.
A note on methodology
As noted above, this article examines the effectiveness of the Madrasa Reform Project
towards building sustainable peace, and addressing discrimination by integrating principles
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M. Abu-Nimer and A. Kadayifci
and values of human rights, peace and diversity rooted in Islamic tradition. The analysis
presented in this article is based on an evaluation study conducted by the authors in Pakistan
and Washington, DC, where ICRD is located. The evaluation aimed to understand how effective the programme offered by ICRD was in enhancing awareness and understanding of interactive teaching methods, student centred pedagogy, diversity,and human rights values,
concepts and practices among the madrasa leaders and teachers. Towards that end, the
authors have employed a qualitative research method that included surveys, interviews
with various resource persons (nine experts who lectured and worked with the project),
seven focus group discussions (15 teachers in each group), and on-the-ground observations
conducted both in Washington, DC and Pakistan (visited two schools in Islamabad).
Sampling of this research aimed at reaching a group of Pakistanis who included local
ICRD partners, students, university professors, graduates of Red Mosque, and madrasa teachers and administrators who have participated in ICRD training workshops. Authors convened seven focus groups in Islamabad and Lahore, surveyed 57 teachers (who were
selected from a comprehensive list of the participants in the training workshops), interviewed various resources persons in Pakistan and Washington, DC including ICDR staff,
board members and other relevant actors with extensive knowledge of madrasa reform in
Pakistan. The survey sample included a relatively equal number of participants who
attended in the capacity of teacher and administrator (24 or 42.1per cent). There were
five participants who attended in the capacity as both a teacher and an administrator (8.8
per cent) and four people who identified themselves as ‘other’ (seven per cent). The teachers and administrators who participated in the training workshops and programmes
were affiliated with major sects: Sunni, Shia and the Sunni among them belonged to the
four sub-sects: Barelvi, Deobandi, Ahl-i-Hadith and Jamat-e-Islami. The average age of
the participants was 38 years old (however the ages ranged between 23 and 68 years old).
The participants of the focus groups were selected according to the following criteria:
1. participated in at least one workshop (four days and more);
2. belong to one of the different Wifaq madrasa; and
3. took part in their master trainer workshop.
Due to security concerns, availability of local coordinators and the resources available, full
random sampling was not possible for both the survey or focus group. Thus the selection
was mainly carried out by availability, regional representation and number of workshop
days (excluding those who participated in one day workshops only). As a result of the
above conditions, the local organisers’ efforts were critical in the selection of the participants and transporting them form one region to the location of the focus group.
In order to capture the local context and its dynamics and to gain access to many of these
teachers, the team of the evaluators included three local researchers (one of them graduated
from a madrasa system). Such combinations assisted in providing a contextual analysis of the
data, as understanding this project in an Islamic context is essential in order to be able to fully
assess its relevance and effectiveness.7 Despite these measures to capture the context, it must
be noted that there are many other factors and dynamics in the Pakistani context that influence
the effect of any intervention in a madrasa system, which are outside the scope of this article.
Linking peace building and human rights
The field of peace and conflict resolution is increasingly recognising that for peace to be
sustainable, it is not enough to focus only on direct, physical violence. It must also
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The International Journal of Human Rights
1139
address violence inherent in the way a society organises itself through institutions (i.e.
structural violence) and eliminate those cultural, religious, national and discursive
symbols that perpetuate and legitimise both direct and structural forms of violence.8
Scholars in the field also agree that individuals and groups have basic needs such as
food, clothing, shelter, dignity, recognition and identity, among others.9 If these needs
are not satisfied, this will lead to conflict.10 Thus conflict resolution according to these scholars is to find arrangements to respond to these deprived needs without being mutually
exclusive. Many of these needs are associated with certain rights, therefore, they form
the basis of human rights norms as articulated in international documents and treaties.11
It is clear, then, that deprivation of basic human needs leads to violations of human
rights, which, in turn, heightens the potential for violent conflict.12As observed by Michelle
Parlevliet, a state’s denial to protect human rights may prompt groups to use force to press
for their rights, which can create more conflict within and between states.13 In fact, the principles of human rights that were incorporated into many international treaties and what
became the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, were designed ‘to prevent recourse
to violence and to be a foundation of freedom, peace and justice in the world’.14
On the other hand, violent conflict may also lead to human rights violations, such as loss
of life, property, freedom and even dignity. However, this is often counterproductive as violations of human rights often deepen animosity and the desire to continue fighting. Furthermore, violent conflict often involves creation of enemy images and dehumanization, which
sets the stage for future human rights abuses.15 In addition, human rights abuses often cause
trauma among victims. Transforming conflictual relationships and building healthy
societies requires the healing of traumas, in addition to addressing the roots of conflict,
satisfying basic needs of the parties and pursuing justice.
For peace to be sustainable, then, we must develop social institutions and mechanisms
that satisfy basic human needs and uphold the dignity of each and every human being, and
address human rights abuses, because ‘if rights abuses are not addressed in the context of
the resolution of the current conflict, they can set the stage for future conflicts because unaddressed past grievances are so easy to manipulate’.16
Human rights education as a central component of peace building
Focusing on educational institutions is a critical component of building sustainable peace.
Educational institutions, such as schools and universities, play a crucial role in the dissemination of ideas and world views. These institutions not only educate students in social,
political, historical, religious and scientific issues, but also mould their identities and
implant either tolerance or hatred and violence into their consciousness.17 Therefore, in
order to establish peace that is a system based on good governance and human rights, it
is important to incorporate these values within the education system.
‘Human Rights Education (HRE) is based on the premise that human rights will reduce
violence within society, if understood as generally accepted principles and rules of society
expressed and adapted to a particular society and culture.18 Often linked conceptually and
in practice with civic education, conflict resolution programmes and democracy education,19 the goal of human rights education is to integrate international human rights standards and practices into people’s daily lives.20 Although, Tania Bernath, Tracey Holland
and Paul Martin observe strong empirical evidence that human rights education reduces
violence in conflict situations,21 they also find that, to be effective, human rights education
must address several factors relevant to communities in conflict or post-conflict situations.22
First of all, human rights education should address violence, fear, insecurity and a sense of
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M. Abu-Nimer and A. Kadayifci
powerlessness. It should also deal with social trauma, personal and group animosities, marginalization and patterns of discrimination.
Similar to other types of education, human rights education is most effective when it is
meaningful to the community and addresses their daily realities, and is derived from social
and cultural contexts. Therefore, it is particularly important to note that for these values to
be endorsed by the communities, and respond to their particular needs, it is important to
teach human rights in terms of local traditions.23 This requires human rights education to
be based on a thorough needs assessment and a thorough understanding of the local
culture, history, tradition and resources. In Muslim countries like Pakistan, human rights
education must take into consideration the particular needs of the society, the history of
colonialization, the relationship between different sects such as Shia and Sunni, and
relationships between Muslims and non-Muslims, as well as the relationship between
different schools of thought such as Wahhabi, Deobandi, Berelvi and Jamat-al Islami. Furthermore, human rights education must be linked to Islamic sources such as the Quran and
Hadith, and also to Islamic history and institutions as these inform the sources of legitimacy
that are critical for human rights education to be considered legitimate and applicable.
Islam and human rights
From an international legal perspective, human rights may be defined as the minimum standards of legal, civil and political freedoms that are granted universally via the United
Nations, or regionally through such bodies as the Council of Europe). In fact, they refer
to those basic standards without which people cannot live in dignity and are based on
the idea that regardless of race, nationality, class, gender or religion, all human beings
have inalienable rights. International documents such as the UN Universal Declaration of
Human Rights recognises and defines these rights, some of which include life, education,
health, employment, shelter, property and freedom of expression. Development and articulation of these rights reflect the philosophical, theoretical perspectives and particular experiences of the Western tradition, from which these values stem. There has been much debate
about the applicability and acceptance of the universality of these values in different cultural/religious contexts, especially in various Muslim communities. There is an increasing
agreement that for these norms to be effectively implemented there is a need to contextualise them within the religio-cultural tradition of the community. This view is supported by
A. An-Na’im who has observed in that regard that ‘[t]he implementation of international
human rights norms in any society requires thoughtful and well-informed engagement
with religion (broadly defined) because of its strong influence on human belief systems
and behaviour’ and that ‘religious considerations are too important for the majority of
people for human rights scholars and advocates to continue to dismiss them simply as irrelevant, insignificant, or problematic.’24
Western scholarship often has focused on the incompatibility of Islam with Human
Rights. ‘The impression that Islam is inherently incompatible with human rights has
been encouraged by the reservations that many Muslim countries have continued to enter
when they ratify human rights conventions.’25 Indeed, some of the countries with the
poorest human rights records are Muslim. Furthermore, there has been a strong resistance
to the idea of human rights in traditionalist Muslim communities like Pakistan. Due to the
perceived tension in respect to the concept of individual rights and the notion of the communal Muslim identity (ummah) ‘it is commonly believed among traditional Muslims that
universal human rights will destroy the integrity of Muslim communities when individual
rights are highlighted’.26
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Yet, over the last few decades in particular there is an increasing literature that focuses
on human rights from an Islamic perspective which argues that, although there are some
differences among the two traditions, Islamic tradition is compatible with Human Rights
norms stated in international documents, such as the UDHR.27 As Mashoud A. Badarin
observes, Muslim states have adopted various regional instruments such as the Arab
Charter on Human Rights, the Charter of the Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC),
the OIC Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam and the OIC Covenant on the
Rights of the Child in Islam, and the Beirut Declaration on the Regional Protection of
Human Rights, all of which respectively make references to Islam as a relevant factor in
the human rights discourse in the Muslim world:28
Most of the modern Islamic discourse on human rights revolves around religiously defined
social categories such as muslim and kafir (non-Muslim), rather than a universally inclusive
concept of humanity (adamiyyah).29
Implementation of these documents has been quite slow and many Muslim countries continue to suffer from grave human rights abuses, but these documents represent the most
recent progression of human rights debate among Muslims and scholars alike. Recep
Senturk argues that there is a common ground between Islamic and modern secular discourse
on human rights, therefore it is possible to relate them to each other in the present world.30
Islamic values and principles that underline the debate on human rights are derived from
Islamic sources such as the Quran and Hadith. In Islamic legal history, both the Sunni and
Shia jurists, such as Ibn Hanifa, Ibn Hanbal, among many others, have emphasized and
advocated the centrality of civil and human rights, and at the same time fought for
them.31 However, there is not a unified position on the nature and contents of human
rights among Muslims.32 Similar to the Western tradition, Islamic notions of human
rights are based on the idea that regardless of race, nationality, class, gender or religion,
all human beings have inalienable rights. Various values emphasised over and over in
the Quran such as justice, compassion, mercy, forgiveness, equality, peace and harmony
call for recognising the dignity of each human being and for respecting the rights of
others. From a Quranic perspective humans are endowed with special privileges and
responsibilities, while sharing with non-human creations the common existential condition
of submission to the divine. For example Quranic verse 17:70 states:
We have conferred dignity (we have honored) on the children of Adam, and borne them over
land and sea, and provided for them sustenance out of the good things of life, and favored them
far above most of our Creations.
Some of these rights include equality before law, protection of life and property, freedom of
thought, conscience, right for self determination and respect for dignity,33 among others.
However, the potential fulfilment of human dignity depends upon acceptance of certain
duties,34 increased responsibility, continual self-effacement and active pursuit of knowledge. Emphasising the importance of communal harmony, when individuals meet these
obligations they require certain rights and freedoms, which are prescribed in Islamic law.
However, neither Islamic states, nor their educational systems have tapped into the
Islamic foundations of human rights. Unearthing and reintroducing these values within
the context of the needs of modern Muslim societies is central to building sustainable
peace, which cannot be completed without addressing the human rights abuses in
Muslim communities.
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M. Abu-Nimer and A. Kadayifci
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Human rights education and Madrasas in Pakistan
Historically, as well as in our current era, Islamic tradition has recognised the centrality of
education both as a form of worship and as a means to moral, ethical and cultural socialization of the ummah (Muslim community). Especially, during the formative years of the
Islamic community, education was considered a high and noble ambition. For example,
the first Quranic revelation, which states: ‘Read in the name of Thy Lord who creates’
also advises the Prophet Mohammed to pray to Allah to increase his knowledge.35
Prophet Mohammed is also recorded to have said that ‘the learned men are his heirs, and
that with knowledge Allah raised [sic] a people and make them pioneers in whose paths
others will follow and whose examples other will take.’36 Another Hadith (Prophet’s
saying) that emphasises the centrality of knowledge and education ask Muslims to ‘seek
knowledge though it be in China.’37
Even though education – ‘which initially meant learning the Quran and developing a
system of piety around it’ – was considered as one of the central aspects of Islamic tradition
since the beginning of the Islamic community, ‘it was later in the first and second centuries of
Islam that scattered centers of learning grew up around persons of eminence.’38 Fazlur
Rahman states that during this period these eminent teachers would give a student a permit
(ijaza) to teach and copy down the prophet’s tradition, and deduce legal points from them.39
It is estimated that the first organised schools with established curricula were set up by the
Shi’a to impart knowledge and indoctrinate students and later on, when the Seljukids and
Ayyubids replaced the Shi’a states, they have established large Sunni madrasas or colleges.40
As noted by Abdalla et al. ‘historically, as well as in our current era, Islamic tradition has
recognized the centrality of education both as a form of worship and as a means to moral,
ethical, and cultural socialisation of the ummah (Muslim community).’41 As Makdisi
notes madrasa was the embodiment of Islam’s ideal religious orientation and traditionalism,
which combined law and traditionalism to develop a unique Islamic scholastic method.42
Also Wasim Ahmad emphasised that madrasas, as the centres of learning in the Muslim
world, not only taught Quranic subjects but included subjects such as philosophy, rhetoric,
grammar, mathematics and in some cases medicine and astronomy, among others.43
Theology became a regular subject of madrasas at a much later date eventually highlighting
religion and sectarian division.44 Interest in these areas of knowledge gradually declined,
heralding the decline of Islamic influence in the world and Islamic educational institutions
have been experiencing a sharp decline over the last few centuries in particular.45
Education once again became a central theme as a result of colonisation, where many
Muslim communities encountered Western hegemony and superiority in areas such as
military, sciences and education, among others.46 In order to close the gap between the
West, many Muslim communities have attempted to introduce modern secular educational
institutions.47 However Islamic educational institutions such as madrasas continued to
exist and resist modernisation efforts. As observed by Dzuhayatin:
Islamic educational systems have mainly been ‘transferring’ rather than ‘transforming’ Islamic
thought. As a result, Islamic thought has gradually become marginalized and alienated from the
developments of modern science. Thus it has not yet accommodated itself to contemporary
issues such as human rights, democracy, and pluralism.48
Madrasa education in Pakistan
The central role of Islamic educational institutions in general and madrasas in particular
became an important area of interest in the West particularly after the 11 September
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1143
attacks. Various scholars such as Jamal Malik have critically explored the link between
madrasa education and terrorism since then.49 Evidence has been proposed in support of
the allegations that those acts were influenced by a programme of religious ideology,
which was organised and mobilised at religious seminaries (i.e. madrasas) in Pakistan
and Afghanistan.50 Hence, as Tariq Rahman observes, ‘madrasas, which were earlier
associated with conservatism, ossification and stagnation of Islam are now seens as
hotbeds of militancy in the name of Islam.’51 For example, he observes that: ‘One thing
is clear, the growth of the Madrasas in Pakistan reflects the ascendance of religious extremism in the country.’52
It is important to note that the majority of madrasas, as the central educational
institutions since the formative years of Islam, do not preach aggression or violence.53
Indeed, as noted by William Dalrymple in his article ‘Inside the Madrasas’ in the 1 December
2005 issue of the New York Review of Books, Madrasas were the major source of religious and
scientific learning throughout much of Islamic history, just as church schools and universities
were in Europe.54 Curricula of madrasas are often ultra-conservative yet, largely pacifist.55
Furthermore, as Mumtaz Ahmad notes, although the curriculum of these madrasas remained
the same for over 150 years, anti-Western sentiment, militarism and radicalism are recent
tendencies that became manifest only after the 1990s,56 and for that reason it cannot be the
source of radicalism and militancy.57
Additionally, madrasas are an integral aspect of daily life in Pakistan, and play a key
role within the society by educating students from poorer areas. However, there are not
accurate statistics on how many of these schools actually exist. One report suggests that
this number is around 20,000, compared to around 137 at the time of partition.58 The
same report also states that the number of students studying at these madrasas is thought
to be around 1.7 million students mainly from poor rural families.59 Despite the fact that
there is no agreement on the number of madrasas or the number of students being educated
at these institutions, the debated numbers themselves indicate how widespread they are and
the key role they play in the Pakistani society.
Madrasas, in Pakistan, mainly consist of Quranic schools that teach exclusively Quran
and Islamic subjects. ‘The objective of the madrasa is to introduce Muslim children to basic
Qur’anic teachings, promote an Islamic ethos in society and groom students for religious
duties.’60 There are, however, madrasas that teach secular subjects and have female
students.61 There are five separate types or boards of madrasas in Pakistan: Wahhabi,
Deobandi, Barelvi, Jamat-i-Islami and Shia. In addition, there are three different kinds of
madrasas that offer different levels of education. The first one is maktab, which is geared
towards the illiterate and mainly to teach reading of the Quran. The second is the Hifz or
elementary level madrasas that focus on memorisation of the Quran. Finally, the third
level is the Dars-e-Nizamiya, which teaches – either in full or in part – a specialised curriculum called Dars-e-Nizami.62 Islamic exegesis and other advanced Islamic studies, such
as interpretation of the Quran and Hadith (Prophet’s deeds and sayings) and jurisprudence
are partially introduced in the eight years, however a more advanced Islamic education is
pursued though higher educational institutions such as ‘dar- ul uloom’.63
Madrasas in Pakistan also perform certain social, economic and psychological functions. As noted by Mumtaz Ahmad, Madrasas have been and remain one of the surest
paths of social mobility for the lower level occupational castes and artisans of the rural
areas of Pakistan for they provide, in most part, free Islamic education and teach how to
read and write mostly for poor students from rural areas.64 They also provide shelter,
food and safety for many rural immigrants into urban areas,65 and economic services to
poor families who cannot afford to care for their children.66 As a result often the most
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M. Abu-Nimer and A. Kadayifci
vulnerable, economically depressed and impressionable youth of Pakistan end up in the
madrasas.67 Because the dismal education they receive leaves them without any real
chance of taking part in the socio-economic growth of their country, many of these
young people see their best option as returning to the madrasa as a teacher or joining
various groups dissatisfied with their own government or the West, which they view as
anti-Islamic.
There have been various attempts to reform the madrasa system in Pakistan.68 However,
none of these attempts have been successful in reforming and modernising the system in a
systematic and comprehensive way. Pakistani society is faced with issues of sectarian conflict and violence as well as religious intolerance, negative perception of Western societies
and human rights violations. Women, in general, also suffer gravely from human rights
abuses and hardly have access to decision-making processes that involve their issues.69
The madrasa education system reflects these negative misperceptions and conflicts as
well. There is hardly any cooperation or communication between different types of
madrasas or other sects and religious communities with regards to curriculum, professional
development, teachers’ qualifications, alumni needs, etc. On the contrary, mistrust and
competition guide the interactions between them. Sectarian ideologies prevalent in these
institutions often leave little room for understanding or acceptance of other sects, religions
or cultures.70 Due to their isolation and lack of resources, madrasa students have less
opportunities to get a more balanced and nuanced picture of the non-Muslim world and
the West. Archaic educational tools and curricula focus on a narrow range of Islamic
topics. These topics rarely emphasise the Islamic principles of religious tolerance, coexistence and human rights. On the contrary, the madrasa education takes place in an
environment that often breeds suspicion, fear and intolerance towards other sects and
religious traditions, which makes it easier for these students to be persuaded by extremists.
Until recently, US policy towards madrasas focused on marginalisation and elimination
of these madrasas that were associated with an extremist interpretation of Islam. This
approach is supported by the ICG report (March 2007), which recommends closing all
madrasas linked with extremist organisations. There have also been various attempts to
reform these institutions to address modern challenges.71
These range between Pakistani governmental programmes to various local and
international NGOs. The majority of these programmes focused on the introduction of
secular sciences and subjects but did not focus on diversity, tolerance, peace or human
rights. Other programmes that attempt to introduce these themes did so from a secular
Western-based approach, which contributed to the fears of losing their Islamic identity
and their role as ‘gate-keepers’ in the society to define what Islam is.72 Therefore, these
institutions are often threatened by and resist any proposed change,73 especially if these
changes are coming from a non-Muslim context. One of the very few programmes that
aimed to address the issue of madrasas, extremism and human rights abuses from an
Islamic perspective by engaging with Islamic sources and heritage was the Center for
International Religion and Diplomacy’s Madrasa Reform Program.
ICRD Madrasa Reform Program and human rights74
ICRD’s Madrasa Reform Program was launched in February 2004 by ICRD to: (1) expand
the curriculums of the madrasas to include the social and scientific disciplines; (2) incorporate into those curriculums considerations of religious tolerance and human rights (with a
particular emphasis on women’s rights); (3) inspire changes in pedagogy to support the
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development of critical thinking skills; and (4) establish a related training program for
teachers.
The ICRD’s Madrasa Reform Program attempted to address the problem at its source,
and aimed to facilitate reform in a meaningful way. ICRD’s approach relied on engaging
madrasa leaders directly, and stimulated them to embrace change by tapping into religious
and cultural resources that were meaningful to the communities. The programme involved a
series of interactive workshops that included religious tolerance and dialogue; conflict,
peace and the role of Islam; human rights in Islam; women’s rights in Islam; change in
teaching methodology at Madrasas, among others.
These workshops took place in diverse regions of Pakistan including the NWFP, Baluchistan, Sindh, mainly Karachi, Punjab and Islamabad. The majority of the participants (59
per cent) were from the Baluchistan, a rarely contacted region especially by outsiders. It is
important to note that, while other madrasa reform programmes worked mainly with urban
schools, using English as the language of training or relying on Western models (thus limiting the type and number of participants), ICRD sought to reach out to rarely approached
regions such as the North Western Province Region of Pakistan. Thus, as a pioneering programme in the field of Islamic education and training, it was unique to engaging a rarely
approached group of madrasa teachers and administrators (both due to their religious and
ideological affiliation, and their geographical locations).
In addition to the workshops in Pakistan, ICRD also hosted the leaders of Pakistan’s top
Madrasa Oversight Board, the Ittihad Tanzeemat Madaris Deenia (ITMD), in August 2007
on a visit to study religious education in America. This board wields powerful influence
over the curriculums and certifying or approving exams of the majority of Pakistan’s
approximately 15,000 madrasas.75 During this trip madrasa leaders met with US government officials, educators and religious leaders to discuss madrasa reform and other topics.
ICRD also cooperated with the United States Institute for Peace (USIP) for a five day
workshop in Islamabad on Pakistani Religious Leaders Peace Dialogue in April 2007,
where 19 teachers were trained in peace education and conflict resolution and with the
Asia Foundation on Support for Free and Fair Elections in Pakistan between November
2007 and April 2008 in order to educate and train madrasa administrators in election
processes and democratisation.
Since 2004, the ICRD, in relation to the Madrasa Reform Program, has organised a total
of 132 events.76 These events include one pilot workshop, five policy seminars, 125 workshops, and two train-the-trainer workshops.77 One-hundred eighteen of these events
involved workshops of less than six days, while 14 of them involved workshops of more
than six days. During this period the total number of participants attending was 2,359.
Madrasa attendance was 1,207, while workshop attendance was 2,169.
Ninety-two per cent of the workshops included Deobandi and Ahle-Hadith sects (78 per
cent Deobandi and 14 per cent Ahle-Hadith). Overwhelming representation of the Deobandi sect is consistent with the sectarian distribution of the madrasa system in Pakistan.78
The Ahle Hadith/Salafi is a puritanical minority sect in Pakistan that is close to the Saudi
brand of Wahhabi Islam.79
As stated earlier, one of the main goals of the ICRD programme was to integrate principles of religious tolerance, co-existence and human rights into the madrasa curriculum, in
order to empower the participants to own the discourse on human rights and peace, and to
tackle tendencies towards intolerance and fear. Past reform movements have focused more
on modernising the madrasa system by introducing secular sciences. Introduction of concepts of peace, tolerance, human rights into the curriculum was not clearly articulated,
and there were hardly any training programmes offered to madrasas that directly introduced
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M. Abu-Nimer and A. Kadayifci
Figure 1. Introduction of Islamic principles and values of peace and human rights.
Note. Source: Salam Institute for Peace and Justice, ‘Evaluation of ICRD’s Madrasa Reform Project in
Pakistan’, unpublished report (Washington, DC: 2008).
these themes. ICRD’s programme included peace education and human rights training to
madrasa leaders and administrators by grounding the principles of tolerance, co-existence
and rights in the Islamic tradition and Islamic texts. Scholars and practitioners, which
included women and non-Muslims as well as members of different sects and schools of
thought, were specifically chosen to address these topics. Utilising Islamic values, principles, verses from the Quran and Hadith as well as historical examples as the basis of
dialogue, distinguished this programme from many others. All experts who worked with
these madrasa teachers confirmed that discovering the roots and basis of human rights in
Islamic culture and civilisation was the main framework used by the lecturers to convince
the madrasas to integrate the principles of human rights in their teaching or curriculum.80
This faith-based approach, based on respect, an understanding of the religious and cultural
sensibilities of the madrasas and connected to Islamic principles and values of tolerance,
human rights and peacemaking to issues that relate to their daily concerns, provided
space to discuss current issues, fears and concerns regarding madrasas in Pakistan, and
were among the strengths of the programme.
Obviously, this is a very limited sample, and the authors do not argue that ‘experts’ were
able to convince madrasa leaders to change their curriculum. Still, based on the teachers’
interviews and the experts’ interviews, the authors found out there were a certain number
of participants who integrated the basic concepts of human rights into their teaching in
the madrasa. This does not mean that the formal curriculum of the madrasa has been
modified or changed as this requires a more systematic approach, which includes different
segments of the educational system in Pakistan, including but not limited to the Madrasa
Boards (Wafaq). In fact, this was not the intention of the project as indicated in the
article and the ICRD project itself. However, in order to expand its impact, ICRD has
been coordinating and facilitating meetings between the various leading Madrasa Boards
(Wafaq-ul Madaris, Tanzeem-ul-Madaris), the ministry of education and other government
representatives in order to address the issue of mainstreaming the curriculum and integrating the madrassa into the Pakistani public school system. However, due to the scope of this
article, such efforts are not reported or addressed here.
Yet, it is important to note that the authors found promoting religious tolerance, human
rights awareness and dialogue were the most important concepts that participants have been
introduced to during the course of the programme.81 Many of the participants stated that
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after the workshops (both immediately after the workshop completed and in a follow-up
survey after two years of the first workshop), they became more open to meeting with
others, their perception of other sects and religious communities has changed, and they
have a better understanding of the West and the US. Engaging the madrasa administrators
and teachers in the design of the programme, as well as giving them the responsibility to
make the necessary institutional changes to include these themes in the education system
both added to the ownership of the program and empowered the participants to becoming
more active in these areas. Indeed, 61.4 per cent of the survey participants felt that the ICRD
programme empowered them by increasing their knowledge related to tolerance, dialogue
and rights. More importantly, 78.9 per cent of the participants felt that inclusion of concepts
of peace, tolerance and human rights into the curriculum was the most effective outcome of
their participation in the programme.
Indeed, 98 per cent of the survey participants felt that they ‘better understand the role of
Islam in promoting religious tolerance and dialogue’ and 59.6 per cent of them stated that
after their participation in the programme they have worked to teach and encourage others
to teach Islamic principles and practices of interreligious/intercultural dialogue, human
rights, women’s issues and conflict resolution. This number is consistent with the 59.6
per cent of the participants that indicated they have attended various follow-up meetings
as a result of their commitment to working on issues of human rights, intercultural/interreligious tolerance and curriculum development. Quoting a Quranic verse supporting dialogue, one of the interviewees, for instance, confessed that in the history of Ahl-e Hadith
they never left their schools to go to other groups or faith meetings, but after attending
the programme, participants went back to classes and began talking about these issues
with their students.82 Employing a more peaceful interpretation that recognises the humanity of others and respecting their rights was one of the consequences observed by the
authors. As stated by one of the resources persons: ‘the teacher can focus on the war and
qital [fighting], but also there are sources of peace and dialogue in Islam that can be
shared with the students: the peaceful interpretation.’83
For example, reinterpretation of the Quranic verse of ‘Wala AL Zalin’ – ‘Those who
went astray’ – in surat al-Fateha is a case in point. Interviewees noted that the verse was
often used to refer to other sects. However, participants shared with us that after attending
the workshops they ‘stopped referring to the other sects as zallin [those who went astray].’84
Sheik Mohammad Razin (a well known head of a local madrasa) also admitted that ‘after
the training I issued a statement to all faculty in the madrasa to stop teaching extreme narratives about the other sects.’85Another resource person noted: ‘I learned that when we are
teaching we shouldn’t be criticizing other religions and we need to teach more about
inter-religious understanding and harmony.’86 Participants also felt that they had learned
to address or discuss global issues and bring them to class.
Additionally, more than 70 per cent of the participants shared their willingness to do the
follow-up activities and apply their learning from the training, and that they would choose
to work on teaching and encouraging others to teach Islamic principles and practices of
interreligious/intercultural dialogue, human rights, democracy, women’s issues and conflict
resolution if there was an opportunity.
Despite the fact that any attitudinal survey is a ‘self reporting instrument,’ nevertheless,
it is clear that the various training workshops carried out by ICRD were perceived by the
teachers as beneficial in producing certain changes in perception, regarding the link
between Islam, peace and tolerance, and the need to utilise an interactive approach
towards teaching. Obviously, surveys cannot capture the behavioural aspects or to what
extent such changes are sustained in a constantly shifting conflict reality such as Pakistan.
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Improving relations with ‘the ‘other’
Often in segregated communities, dehumanisation of the ‘other’ facilitates human rights
abuses and violence towards the other. Therefore, recognition of the humanity of the
‘other’ is an important component of human rights promotion and education. Pakistani
society is quite segregated along sectarian, religious, ethnic or ideological lines. There is
hardly any contact between different groups. This segregation contributes to the conflict
and human rights abuses by keeping communities uninformed, misinformed and deepening
negative images. Tension and stereotyping characterise the relations between different
groups. Indeed, the Shia community in Pakistan is increasingly being targeted by militant
organizations and bombers.87 Especially in the madrasa context there are no opportunities
or safe spaces to meet others and learn more about their beliefs, their needs and experiences.
On the contrary, as stated by some of the interviewees, there are elements of hatred and
intolerance towards ‘others’, especially the US and the West in the Pakistani society,
which are also reflected in madrasas. This intolerance particularly impacts the nonMuslim communities of Pakistan such as Hindus and Christians. According to Bishop
Samuel two incidents of ‘blasphemy’ in Pakistan indicate the seriousness of the problem
of not recognizing the other. In one incident, a Hindu man was killed, and in another
incident a Christian person was arrested despite fake accusation. In reaction to these incidents madrasa teachers contributed to the ‘mob mentality’ that resulted in the lynching of
these people. ‘Even the Christian priests reacted emotionally after these events of lynching.’88 These incidents make it clear that teachers in madrasas have an important role in
spreading tolerance and human rights. For that reason how these principles of tolerance,
human rights and interfaith dialogue are integrated into the classroom is of critical importance. As stated by Bishop Samuel, interfaith work is only one aspect of ‘recognizing the
other’89 and promoting the rights of minorities as a central component of human rights.
In support of such assumptions, one of the main strategies adopted by the ICRD programme was to expose participants to different points of view by bringing them together
in a safe environment to discuss their challenges, learn about each other’s beliefs and
work together. Therefore workshops were designed to provide such space. For example,
they allowed the Shia, Deobandis and Christians to work together. Historical examples
and Islamic texts, such as Quranic verses, Sunna and Hadith, as well as rational arguments
based on facts that promote respect for human rights, each other’s needs, dialogue, tolerance
and understanding, were also introduced during these workshops to foster understanding
and dialogue between different sects. The programme also facilitated visits to mosques
from different sects, in addition to bringing together teachers and administrators, by inviting
guest speakers. These meetings were for many participants their first encounter with the
‘other’. Combined with a training programme rooted in their religio-cultural tradition,
this allowed participants to correct their misperceptions, develop a better understanding
of each other’s tradition and to discover their commonalities.
Despite its shortcomings, the programme seems to have had direct impact on individuals and contributed to building relationships between different schools of thought, Shia
and Sunni, and Muslims and non-Muslims as well as improving relations between
genders. For example, interviewees stressed that after the programme’s workshops, many
of the participants have worked to teach and encourage others to teach Islamic principles
and practices of interreligious/intercultural dialogue, human rights, women’s issues and
conflict resolution.
The next sections will look specifically at how these workshops have contributed to the
certain changes in perceptions and in some cases behaviours towards non-Muslims and
other sects, and created an awareness of women’s rights and issues respectively.
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Relations between Muslims and non-Muslims
One of the main objectives of the ICRD programme was to engage madrasa leaders in order to
change their negative perceptions towards non-Muslims (Hindus, Christians) and the West.
Often, these relations have been strained due to the political climate between India and Pakistan, especially over Kashmir. For that reason, the programme has incorporated themes that
promote inter-faith and inter-cultural dialogue, and invited non-Muslim speakers to address
the participants. Although any endeavour that aims to change negative perceptions is a longterm one, the programme has achieved considerable success with certain participants of their
programmes. Participants confirmed the programmes they have attended focused on interfaith harmony. There were lectures that urged that differences and hatred should be
reduced. There were visits to churches to know about their faith/practices,90 where they
met and talked with non-Muslims. For many participants, this was the first time they met a
Christian. Muslim participants were interested in learning about the Christians and asked
questions. As a result of this experience, participants discovered that meeting the ‘other’ is
important and positive. This was an important step, as stated by Rahman, ‘inviting Christians
to madrasas and listening to them had never happened before.’ 91
These findings were supported by survey respondents: 52.6 per cent of the participants
felt that the most effective outcome of the programme was the change of negative perceptions about non-Muslims and Western society and culture. This is consistent with the
responses regarding the most effective features of the programme, where 61.4 per cent of
the participants felt that encouraging dialogue between Muslims and non-Muslims in the
community has been one of the most effective features of the programme. Furthermore,
59.6 per cent of the survey participants indicated that as a result of their participation in
the programme, they have started teaching and encouraged others to teach Islamic principles and practices of inter-religious and inter-cultural dialogue; 43.9 per cent of them
indicated they have organized seminars and invited other scholars and non-Muslim
members of the community to talk about co-existence and peace among others.
Interviews also supported these survey responses. One participant conveyed the story of
how a Hindu shopkeeper in Noshki and his brother were abducted, and how the Muslim
Ulema played a role in their rescue.92 Another said:
We became aware of our perceptions of Jews and Christians, and their perceptions of us, and
also focused on what role media plays in shaping our perceptions of others. We wouldn’t get rid
of wrong perceptions of each other, until we talked to each other. The Prophet (PBUH) also
practiced dialogue to win hearts, but now people are converted into other faiths by force.
And this resulted in a strong reaction from the people who are being forced and one such
example is of a strong reaction from our side (Muslims). For example, one segment in the
West is forcing a violent reaction from us, only to prove that we are intolerant. The USA is
the third biggest nation in terms of funding to Pakistan, but still people of Pakistan hate
them. We people believe that the majority of the American people are innocent, but still one
segment inside America doesn’t want peace, and only due to that we hate them.93
The ICRD programme also seems to have contributed to the participants’ awareness of the
crucial role media plays in providing information relating to different people and their
cultures,94 and encouraged a more critical approach to media reports in newspapers or
broadcast news. Participation in these programmes seems to have impacted relations in a
positive way too.
This indicates that the programme was able to create a willingness to learn more about
other religious traditions, which is a very new and encouraging development. This view is
supported by one of the madrasa teachers at the Islamic University who acknowledged that:
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There is no mention of Jews or Christians in the entire curriculum used by Madrasa at all. How
can Muslim students not know anything about these religions? To understand Islam one has to
understand these people of the book.95
The authors observed that some of the members of the programme continued to interact
with non-Muslims after the programme. For example one of the focus group participants
stated:
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We used to hate other religions, but we learned about Christians and we did not care for them.
But after visiting their church and learning more about their lives, we established a relationship
with a Christian neighbor from Karachi and visited his house when a relative died. Before,
people did not want to shake hands with them.96
This was also supported by the answer to the question of whether participants have visited
other participants in non-Muslim communities, which found that 80 per cent of the participants have visited non-Muslims after the programmes,97 and 61.4 per cent of the participants feel they are committed to staying involved with issues of dialogue. These
participants insisted that:
We spread the message in our madrasa that not every white man (British) is our enemy but they
have politicians who exploit the situation and spread violence and negative images of Islam.
We also spread this into the general public through mosques.98
These results become more important, especially since there is a lack of opportunity to meet
Westerners and non-Muslims in the Pakistani context, and it suggests that the programme
impacted the perceptions and willingness of the participants to work on the issues of
dialogue and coexistence. These personal testimonies and comments express that there
have been some behavioural and perceptual changes regarding Westerners and other
non-Muslims, and that there has been some attempt to implement these changes in the
madrasa and other social contexts. However, it is not clear how these are being
implemented in the madrasas as a system or structure. The teachers could not give us
examples or concrete evidence about how their classes or their curriculum changed.99
This issue is very important to the sustainability of these changes. Without any concrete
evidence of change in the course material, how can this change be systematised and sustained? Nevertheless, it is important to note that these individual behavioural changes
took place in a difficult political reality and in conflict zones. Commitment of the participants to the programme, which was evident in their insistence on coming to the focus
group discussions despite death threats, shows that they are serious, willing to take risks,
and that they still want to work on tolerance and dialogue. Further, it is clear that they
wanted the organisers to focus more on human rights and religious/intercultural dialogue.
These testimonies of personal and behavioural changes are a result of the meeting with the
foreign envoys and exposure to the ‘other.’
Improved relations between different sects
The ICRD programme aimed at providing a safe space for participants from different sects
to come together and discuss various issues, thus fulfilling an important function in
Pakistani society. This exposure strategy aimed at providing contact between teachers
and administrators from different sects by inviting them to the same workshops. For
example, trainings allowed Shia and Deobandi to work together, which was a new approach
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for the participants. Historical examples and Islamic texts, such as Quranic verses, Sunna
and Hadith, as well as rational arguments based on facts that promote dialogue, tolerance
and understanding, were also introduced during these workshops to foster understanding
and dialogue between different sects. The programme also facilitated visits to mosques
from different sects in addition to bringing together teachers and administrators and by
inviting guest speakers.
It is clear that the programme positively influenced the sectarian relations on a micro
individual level of intervention. Exposure to other sects, spending time with them and interacting with each other seems to have helped dispel negative stereotypes, myths and images
on interpersonal and individual levels. The programme provided a rare space for the teachers
from different sects to gather and exchange their views about their madrasa and their sects as
well. Such an opportunity contributed to the correction of misperceptions among teachers
from different sects (mazahib) about each others’ religious ideology or theological differences. As a result, teachers and administrators were able to stay, eat and pray together.
This was an important step because as stated by one of the interviewees in Pakistan:
Before this programme, these religious from various sects could not sit together. One example
is that almost a decade ago Shias were considered non-Muslims by people from other sects of
Islam. There was an objection to the way Shia pray, and this debate happened between one Shia
and one Sunni participant. At that time the Shia participant decided to offer his prayer in front
of them to show others the way they pray. After this the Sunnis found out that the way Shia and
Sunni pray is almost the same, which helped foster better understanding between the two
sects.100
This sentiment was echoed by other focus group participants as well. For example, a participant stated that one of the important ideas they learned from the workshop was that dialogue with other sects is better than debates and tension with them.101 Another participant
admitted it changed his personal ways of dealing with these issues of sectarian differences.
Furthermore, according to our survey results all the participants agreed that promoting religious tolerance and dialogue was the most important concept they were exposed to when
participating in the programme. Again this was followed by tolerance of other’s opinion.
Some of the participants organised meetings and workshops with other sects and learned
more about their views.102
Again, it is safe to assume that the intervention programme was also successful in conveying the importance of working with others to face the problems in their communities as
77.2 per cent considered this to be one of the very important concepts they were exposed to
during the programme implementation. Furthermore, survey results indicate that promoting
human rights, religious tolerance and dialogue ranks highest among the most important
concepts the participants were exposed to. Clearly the programme impacted participant’s
perceptions of the other sects and contributed to the transformation of negative images.
The programme also had an impact on how differences between sects were taught in
madrasas as some of the participants stopped referring to the members of the other sects
as ‘those who have gone astray.’
Women’s issues and women’s rights
One of the central issues in Pakistan has been the human rights abuses towards women and
girls. Due to the cultural practice of strict segregation of sexes, women and men are often separated. Although there are madrasas for girls, madrasa administrators have not focused on
improving their quality. Furthermore, madrasas for boys did not focus on issues related to
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women and the rights of women according to Islam. Within this context the programme
initially focused on boys’ madrasas. Indeed, it was not possible to include training programmes
for girls in the first phases of the programme, because madrasa leaders were suspicious and did
not feel that it was necessary to include girls’ madrasas. Including women’s rights from an
Islamic perspective and bringing historical examples going back to the era of the Prophet’s
life as well as relating stories about the women companions of the Prophet allowed the organisers to initiate a discussion on these important issues. Moreover, participants were taken to
non-religious organisations such as Awarat that deal with women’s rights issues.
Consequently, over the course of the programme this perception and attitudes of excluding girls’ madrasas seem to have changed. Increasingly madrasa leaders demanded training
for girls’ madrasas in addition to boys’ madrasas, and the local organiser was invited to
conduct two training sessions for girls’ madrasas. Various influential madrasas, including
some of the madrasas that were initially opposed to training workshops for women,
seem to be interested in offering trainings for women’s madrasas. The women’s madrasas
that communicated an interest in participating in these workshops included the Jamia
Taleem-ul-Quran Wal-Hadith Lilbinat, one of the largest and most influential AhleHadith women’s madrasas; the Jamia Ummul Qura, a large women’s madrasa in Faisalabad
that provides leadership for 10 other madrasas; and other women’s madrasas in Baluchistan
and the NWFP.103 This interest was even conveyed to American representatives who visited
the program for monitoring purposes in April 2007.104
Because only a very small group of women were included in the training programmes
and because of issues of security and cultural restrictions, the authors were not able to interview any female participants, nor visit any female madrasas. However, the authors were able
to interview one of the female guest speakers to the training programmes who admitted:
I was shocked to be invited to speak to these madrasa teachers and they were equally shocked to
see me come to their program. They were exposed to non-Muslims in Pakistan and to women’s
rights.105
Indeed, one of the observers of the training programme, Nicolas Schmidle, was also surprised to see a woman, ‘dressed in hot pink’, had arrived to give a lecture on the compatibility
of liberalism and Adam Smith with Islam.106 It seems that the programme contributed to this
change by both including topics on women’s issues, inviting women lecturers and creating a
positive reputation for the organisers among madrasa administrators. The survey results supported the above statements in which 78.9 per cent of the participants felt women’s rights to
be one of the most important concepts they were exposed during the programme, and 57.9
per cent felt that a change of perception about women’s education and role in Muslim society
was the one of the most effective outcomes of their participation in the programme.
Our resource persons and focus group participants also confirmed the increase in
demands for training programmes for women’s madrasas, which were almost nonexistent
before. Furthermore, participants were also reported to have agreed to carry out more
research on sensitive issues such as gender and human rights.107 Some participants seem
to have taken a more constructive role in policy issue in this area as well. For instance:
When parliament issued new rules on women’s rights, the madrasas began shouting, but in
training we proposed that they draft a more scientific and well researched response and
discuss it. They also sent it to the parliament and it was discussed and gained significant attention from politicians. They gave the advantages and disadvantages. Your role as madrasa is to
perform such duty of giving a learned Islamic response to such issues. Parliament members do
not know religion.108
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Conclusion
This article should be viewed as an exploratory study that points to the importance of
investing in madrasa teachers training in Pakistan, due to the lack of resources and
opportunities allocated to professional development this group in particular and to the
madrasa system in Pakistan in general. In addition, the article aims to break the stereotypes or misperceptions that madrasa systems and teachers oppose human rights values
and concepts.
This article argues that human rights education in key local educational institutions is
critical for contributing to the process of creating sustainable peace. In Pakistan, madrasas
play important social, economic and educational roles. The programme of training of
madrasa teachers undertaken by ICRD attempted to contribute to fostering better relations
between different sects and religious groups by introducing Islamic sources of human
rights, tolerance, dialogue and peace building. It is clear that it has had certain considerable
outputs and direct short-term impact on individual participants’ views and attitudes. The
findings in this study confirm the conclusions or statements made by several scholars
who supported the hypothesis that human rights values and principles are compatible
with Islamic religious teachings, too.109
However, this study also emphasises that in order for human rights to be owned and
implemented, it is necessary to frame it from within the religio-cultural context of the community. In the case of Muslim communities, human rights education must be framed within
the Islamic framework and principles. Also, this study highlights that for human rights education programmes in Muslim educational institutions to be effective it is crucial to identify
a proper entry point to allow the building of credibility and trust with the teachers. In the
case of the madrasa programme, pedagogical concerns and improving teaching effectiveness were the main access points for introducing human rights education. Also, framing
human rights education within the Islamic teachings based on the Quran and the sayings
of the Prophet was indispensible for its effectiveness.
Furthermore, this study shows that linking human rights education training to the economic, political, professional, etc concerns and issues that participants face, rather than
focusing exclusively on legal components, is essential for the success of these programmes
in the context of the Muslim community. The madrasa programme explored in this paper
was successful in linking human rights education to the daily concerns of its participants.
This was another component that contributed to its relative effectiveness.
As indicated earlier, there is no single intervention programme that can succeed in
reforming the madrasa system in Pakistan or any other Muslim country for that matter.
Such change requires many local and international forces and factors. Thus, it is unrealistic
for ICRD or any other organisation or entity to claim its capacity to solely change the
madrasa system, but their efforts can contribute towards that desired outcome. Nevertheless, the specific ICRD programme also had various limitations and there is much room
for improvement. Some of these limitations included: (a) limited institutional curriculum
change, because many of the participants did not have the authority to influence their
madrasas; (b) major security concerns affected the impact of the intervention in such
context; (c) overcoming the Western identity label attached to ICRD in Pakistan limits
its ability to reach out further into the madrasa environment; (d) the lack of local partner
NGOs or a local office also limit ICRD capacity to affect the system or be sustainable;
and (e) lack of capacity building for local staff or trainers. Despite the above limitations,
ICRD has moved into attempts to institutionalise its training programme through local universities, a significant step in the direction of long-term impact.
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This article does not claim that there were actual systematic and structure changes on the
ground inside the schools and curriculum as a result of ICRD intervention. Also, it does not
claim that the self-reported behavioural changes among teachers were empirically verified.
Rather it focuses on a set of perception and attitudinal changes, which took place among
Madrasa teachers as a result of a series of training workshop conducted by an outside
group of experts. Furthermore, this article does not claim that all these reported changes
in perception have actually translated into behavioural changes in the classroom. No verification for such changes could have been done in such context. Thus, the article points out
that based on participants self-reporting, there were certain changes that took place in their
individual perceptions and attitudes regarding the need to incorporate human rights values
and concepts into their curriculum.
In conclusion, this case study illustrates that human rights education in the Muslim
community context that relies on Islamic madrasa education is possible through
capacity-building for teachers as well as administrators. Engaging such local community
leaders in education for human rights and diversity is an important step towards peace
and stability in all Muslim societies.
Notes
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
See Amnesty International Report, The State of the World’s Human Rights (London: Amnesty
International, 2008).
Edy Kaufman and Mohammed Abu-Nimer ‘Bridging Conflict Transformation and Human
Rights: Lessons from the Israeli –Palestinian Peace Process, in Human Rights and Conflict:
Exploring the Links between Rights, Law and Peacebuilding, eds. Jeffrey Helsing and Julie
Mertus (Washington DC:USIP Press, 2006).
Mohammed Abu Nimer and Kadayifci-Orellana, ‘Muslim Peace Building Actors in Africa and
the Balkans’, Peace and Change 33, no. 4 (2008), 549–581.
Abdullahi Ahmed An-Nàim and Francis M. Deng (eds.) Human Rights in Africa: CrossCultural Perspectives (Washington, DC: Brookings Institute, 1990).
Kaufman and Abu-Nimer, ‘Bridging Conflict Transformation and Human Rights’.
Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na’im, Towards an Islamic Reformation: Civil Liberties, Human Rights,
and International Law (Syracuse University Press: New York, 1990).
For more information on the evaluation methodology see Madrasa Report at Salam Institute
Website at http://www.salaminstitute.org (accessed 25 February 2011); also see Nimer and
Kadayifci-Orellana, op. cit.
Johan Galtung, ‘Violence, Peace and Peace Research’, Journal of Peace Research 6, no. 3
(1969), 167 –191.
See, Edward E Azar, The Management of Protracted Social Conflict: Theory and Cases
(Aldershot: Dartmouth, 1990); John Burton (ed.), Conflict: Human Needs Theory
(New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1990); Donna Hicks, ‘Conflict Resolution and Human
Rights Education: Broadening the Agenda’ in Human Rights Education for the Twenty First
Century, eds George J. Andreapoulos and Claude Richard Pierre (Philadelphia, PA: University
of Pennsylvania Press, 1997), 80–95.
See J. Burton, Conflict: Resolution and Prevention (London: Macmillan, 1990).
For example see Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948, Geneva Conventions and
Additional Protocols and Rome Statutes Gender Provisions.
Ghalib Galant and Victoria Maloka (UN rapporteurs), ‘National Human Rights Institutions,
Conflict Management and Peacebuilding in Africa’, Technical Seminar Report Center for Conflict Resolution, Cape Town, 2004, http://www.ccr.uct.ac.za/fileadmin/template/ccr/pdf/19._
NHRI_Report-D4.pdf (accessed on 20 February 2009).
Michelle Parlevliet, ‘Bridging the Divide: exploring the Relationship between Human Rights
and Conflict Management’, Track Two 11, no. 1 (2002): 28, cited in Julie Mertus and Jeffrey
W. Helsing ‘Introduction: Exploring the Intersection Between Human Rights and Conflict in
Human Rights and Conflict’, in Human Rights and Conflict: Exploring the Links Between
The International Journal of Human Rights
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
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19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
1155
Rights, Law and Peacebuilding, eds. Julie Mertus and Jeffrey Helsing (Washington, DC: USIP
Press), 4.
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1994.
Julie Mertus and Jeffrey Helsing (eds.), Human Rights and Conflict: Exploring the Links
Between Rights, Law and Peacebuilding (Washington, DC: USIP Press), 4.
Ellen L. Lund, ‘Understanding Human Rights Violations in Armed Conflict’ in Human Rights
and Conflict: Exploring the Links Between Rights, Law and Peacebuilding, eds. Julie Mertus
and Jeffrey Helsing (Washington, DC: USIP Press), 28.
Mohammed Abu Nimer and S. Ayse Kadayifci-Orellana, ‘Evaluation of ICRD’s Madrasa
Evaluation Program’, Salam Institute Report September 2008.
Tania Bernath, Tracey Holland and Paul Martin ‘How can human rights education contribute
to international peace-building?’, Current Issues in Comparative Education 2, no. 1 (1999):
14, http://www.tc.columbia.edu/cice/Archives/2.1/21bernath_holland_martin.pdf (accessed
25 February 2011).
A.C. Vergara and J.V. Estevez, ‘Justice, impunity and the transition to democracy: A Challenge
for Human Rights Education’, Journal of Moral Education 23, no. 3 (1994): 273–284.
Bernath, Holland and Martin, op. cit., 15.
Bernath, Holland and Martin, op. cit.,14.
Bernath, Holland and Martin, op. cit.,16.
Bernath, Holland and Martin, op. cit.,15.
A.A. An-Na’im, ‘Islam and Human Rights: Beyond the Universality Debate’, 94 ASIL
Proceedings (2000): 95– 101; 95, http://www.law.emory.edu/aannaim/pdfiles/dwnld13.pdf
(accessed 15 September 2009).
Ann Elizabeth Mayer, ‘The Islam and Human Rights Nexus: Shifting Dimensions’, Muslim
World Journal of Human Rights 4, no. 1 (2007), http://www.bepress.com/mwjhr/vol4/iss1/
art4 (accessed 25 February 2011).
Siti Ruhaini Dzuhayatin, ‘Mainstreaming Human Rights in the Curriculum of the Faculty of
Islamic Law’, Muslim World Journal of Human Rights 2, no. 1 (2005): 1, http://www.
bepress.com/mwjhr/vol2/iss1/art12 (accessed 25 February 2011); see also Peyman Habibullah,
‘Islam and Sources of Human Rights’ in Theoretical Foundations of Human Rights: Collected
Papers of the Second International Conference on Human Rights 17–18 May 2003 (Qom,
Iran: Mofid University Center For Human Rights Studies).
For example see A. A. An-Na’im, Towards an Islamic Reformation: Civil Liberties, Human
Rights and International Law (New York: Syracuse University Press, 1990);
M. Monshipouri, Islamism, Secularism and Human Rights in the Middle East (Boulder,
CO: L. Rienner Publishers, 1998); M. A. Baderin, International Human Rights and Islamic
Law (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003); A. A. Mayer, Islam and Human Rights: Tradition and Politics, 4th edn (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2006); D. Arzt, ‘The Application
of International Human Rights Law in Islamic States’, Human Rights Quarterly 12 (1990):
202 –230; S. A. Abu-Sahlieh, ‘Human Rights Conflicts between Islam and the West’, Third
World Legal Studies (1990): 257 –284; A. Sajoo, ‘Islam and Human Rights: Congruence or
Dichotomy’, Temple International and Comparative Law Journal 4, (1990): 23–34;
B. Tibi, ‘Islamic Law/Shari’a, Human Rights, Universal Morality and International
Relations’, Human Rights Quarterly 16 (1994): 277–299; F. Halliday, ‘Relativism and Universalism in Human Rights: The Case of the Islamic Middle East’, Political Studies,
pp. 152 –167; H. Bielefeldt, ‘Muslim Voices in the Human Rights Debate’, Human Rights
Quarterly 17 (1995): 587 –617; J. Morgan-Foster, ‘A New Perspective on the Universality
Debate: Reverse Moderate Relativism in the Islamic Context’, ILSA Journal of International
and Comparative Law, no. 35 (2003): 35–67; A. Chase, ‘The Tail and the Dog: Constructing
Islam and Human Rights in Political Context’ in Human Rights in the Arab World,
eds. A. Chase and A. Hamzawy (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006),
21 –36.
Mashood A. Baderin, ‘Islam and the Realization of Human Rights in the Muslim World: A
Reflection on Two Essential Approaches and Two Divergent Perspectives’, Muslim World
Journal of Human Rights 4, no.1 (2007), http://www.bepress.com/mwjhr/vol4/iss1/art5
(accessed 25 February 2011).
Recep Senturk, ‘Sociology of Rights: “I Am Therefore I Have Rights”: Human Rights in
Islam between Universalistic and Communalistic Perspectives’, Muslim World Journal of
1156
30.
31.
32.
33.
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34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
M. Abu-Nimer and A. Kadayifci
Human Rights 2, no. 1(2005): 29, http://www.bepress.com/mwjhr/vol2/iss1/art11 (accessed 25
February 2011).
Ibid., 3.
Ibid., 7.
Ibid., for universalistic and communitarian perspectives on human rights from an Islamic
perspective; also see Peyman, op. cit.
For more on human dignity in Islam see Rahim Nobahar, ‘Religion and Human Dignity’ in
Theoretical Foundations of Human Rights: Collected Papers of the Second International
Conference on Human Rights, 17 –18 May 2003 (Qom, Iran: Mofid University Center for
Human Rights Studies, 2003).
Senturk, op. cit.
Rahim Yar Abbasi (n.d.). ‘Educational Links Between Muslim Countries’, cited in A. Abdalla
et al., Improving the Quality of Islamic Education in Developing Countries: Innovative
Approaches (Washington, DC: CAII, 2006), http://www.creativeassociatesinternational.com/
CAIIStaff/Dashboard_GIROAdminCAIIStaff/DashBoard_CAIIAdminDatabase/Publications/
Abdula%20paper%20FINAL%20J-22-06%20_4_-pdf (accessed 3 March 2011).
Abbasi, op. cit.
Abbasi, op. cit
Fazlur Rahman, Islam and Modernity: Transformation of an Intellectual Tradition (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1984): 31.
Ibid.
Ibid. Also, for more information on Islamic education system, see George Makdisi, The Rise of
the Colleges: Institutions of Learning in Islam and in the West (Edinburgh: Edinburgh
University Press, 1981).
Abdalla, Abu Nimer, Nasser, Kadayifci el-Kilani and Kunkle (2006) ‘Implementing
Approaches to Improved Quality of Islamic Education in Developing Nations’, Creative
Associates International, Inc. (CAII): 4.
Makdisi 1981, xiii.
Wasim Ahmad, ‘The Syllabus and Mode of Teaching in Madrassas: An Appraisal’ in Teacher
Education in Turmoil, eds. Rajandra Pal Singh and Gopal Rana (Sterling Publishers: New
Delhi, 2002), 17.
Jamal Malik, ed., Madrasas in South Asia: Teaching Terror? (London and New York:
Routledge, 2008), 4.
For more information about history of madrasas see Jamal Malik. For more information on the
reasons of decline see Abdalla et al., op. cit., 5.
See Malik, op. cit.
See Abdalla et al., op. cit.; Malik, op. cit.
Dzuhayatin, op. cit., p. 1
Malik, op. cit.
Abu-Nimer and Kadayifci-Orellana, op. cit.
Tariq Rahman, ‘Madrasas: The Potential for Violence in Pakistan’, in Madrasas in South Asia:
Teaching Terror? Jamal Malik, ed. (London and New York: Routledge, 2008), 61.
Robert Looney, ‘Reforming Pakistan’s Educational System: The Challenge of the Madrassas’,
The Journal of Social, Political and Econonic Studies 28, no. 3 (2003): 257–274: 262.
For a more nuanced and multi-dimensional analysis of madrasas in South Asia in general and
Pakistan in particular see Malik, op. cit.
See also Abdalla, Amr, Mohammed Abu Nimer, Ilham Nasser, Ayse Kadayifci, Lynn Kunkle
and Saber el Kilani 2004. Implementing Approaches to Improved Quality of Islamic Education
in Developing Countries Creative Associates Internationa Inc.
Mumtaz Madrassa Ahmad, Education in Pakistan and Bangladesh, at http://www.globalwebpost.
com/farooqm/study_res/bangladesh/mumtaz_madrassah.pdf (accessed 23 February 2011).
Ibid.
Links between militarism and madrasas are beyond the scope of this article. For more
information on this topic see Tariq Rahman, op. cit; Robert Looney, ‘Reforming Pakistan’s
Educational System: The Challenge of the Madrassas’, The Journal of Social, Political and
Economic Studies 28, no. 3 (2003): 257– 274; Murtaza Ali Shah, ‘Madrassahs: Breeding
Grounds of Terrorism’, The Asian OutlookCom, cited in Robert Looney, ‘Reforming
Pakistan’s Educational System: The Challenge of the Madrassas’, Insania 13, no. 1 (2008),
The International Journal of Human Rights
58.
59.
60.
61.
62.
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63.
64.
65.
66.
67.
68.
69.
70.
71.
72.
73.
74.
75.
76.
77.
78.
79.
80.
81.
82.
83.
84.
85.
1157
151 –164; O. N. Mebrotra, ‘Madrassa in Pakistan: The Chief Promoter of Islamic Militancy
and Terrorism,’ Strategic Analysis 23, no.11 (2000); Pakistan: Afadrassas, Ertrenis,n and
ihe Ifiligary (Brussels: International Crisis Group, July 29, 2002).
Alastair Lawson ‘Pakistan’s Islamic schools in the spotlight’ BBC News (14 July 2005, http://
news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/4683073.stm (accessed 1 May 2008)
Ibid.
International Crisis Group Pakistan: Madrasas, Extremism and the Militarism ICG Asia Report
No 36 (29 July 2002), 1.
Suba Chandran ‘Madrasas in Pakistan-II: Breeding Ground for Islamic Militants’, at http://
www.ipcs.org/issues/articles/315-pak-suba.html (accessed 25 February 2011).
For more information see Mumtaz Ahmad, Madrassa Education in Pakistan and Bangladesh,
at http://www.globalwebpost.com/farooqm/study_res/bangladesh/mumtaz_madrassah.pdf
(accessed 20 August 2008).
Ibid., 104.
Ibid., 108.
Ibid.; also interviews with teachers and principals and observation of one madrasa in
Islamabad and Lahore (May 2008).
Focus group Islamabad 10 May 2008.
Rahman, op. cit., for an analysis on the correlation between poverty, underdevelopment and
rise of radicalism in madrasas.
See Ahmad, op. cit; Looney, op. cit; Christopher Candland ‘Pakistan’s Recent Experience in
Reforming Islamic Education’, in Madrasas in South Asia: Teaching Terror? Jamal Malik, ed.
(London and New York: Routledge, 2008).
See Amnesty International Report 2009, 231.
Most of the students of these madrasas have no contacts with other madrasas and lack any
exposure to the outside world, except what their teacher’s views of the world (interviews
Madrasa teacher, Islamabad, 2008). For more information on the role of madrasas in sectarian
conflicts see Saleem H. Ali, ‘Pakistani Madrasas and Rural Underdevelopment: An Empirical
Study of Ahmedpour East’ Madrasas in South Asia: Teaching Terror? Jamal Malik, ed.
(London and New York: Routledge, 2008), 102–112.
For more information on madrasa reforms in Pakistan see Abu-Nimer and Kadayifci-Orellana,
op. cit.; Khalid Rahman and Syed Rashad Bukhari, ‘Religious Education Institutions (REIs) in
The Muslim World’ 96, no. 2 (2006): 323 –339; 323; A.H. Nayyar,‘Madrasah Education
Frozen in Time’ in Education and the State: Fifty Years of Pakistan Pervez Hoodbhoy
ed.(Delhi: Oxford University Press: 2006).
Focus Group 2 Discussions 8 May 2008, Islamabad.
Interview notes.
The data presented here is based on on-the-ground observations, interviews, surveys and focus
groups conducted by the authors of this paper in Pakistan during May 2008, as well as the
archival data of ICRD. The authors conducted seven focus groups, 57 surveys and 15 interviews in Lahore and Islamabad, Pakistan to evaluate the impact and outcomes of the
Madrasa Reform Program undertaken by ICRD. Participants of these surveys, interviews
and focus groups were chosen among the madrasa teachers and administrators as well as
guest speakers who had attended the programme. Based on the objectives of the programme,
the authors prepared semi-structured interview questions and survey questions. Surveys were
conducted in Urdu, translated into English and analyzed with SPSS. For the summary of
report and more information on methodology see www.salaminstitute.org.
ICRD 18-month Report.
These numbers are based on the interviews with ICRD staff and ICRD reports.
For a full list of events see Annex F, Table F1 at the end this Report.
See ICG Report no. 36 p.1.
ICG Report no. 36 ft. 3.
Interviews with eight Pakistani experts who worked with this programme, Islamabad, 2008.
Abu Nimer, op. cit, Kadayifci-Orellana, op. cit.
Interview with staff, Lahore, May 2008.
Interview with two participants from Karachi, May 2008.
Focus Group 1, Islamabad, May 2008.
Ibid.
1158
86.
87.
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88.
89.
90.
91.
92.
93.
94.
95.
96.
97.
98.
99.
100.
101.
102.
103.
104.
105.
106.
107.
108.
109.
M. Abu-Nimer and A. Kadayifci
Interview with ahl al Hadith Madrasa leader, Lahore, May 2008.
See for example Farooq, Umar, ‘Trouble Grows for Pakistan’s Shia Community’, Asharq
Alawsat, 4 April 2009, http://www.aawsat.com/english/news.asp?section=3&id=16368
(accessed 14 September 2009).
Interview notes, Lahore 15 May 2008.
Ibid.
Focus Group 5, 16 May 2008 Islamabad.
Interview Notes, Islamabad, May 2008.
Focus Group 6, 16 May 2008.
Focus Group 6, 16 May 2008.
Focus Group 7, 16 May 2008.
Focus Group 1, 8 May 2008.
Focus Group 6 May 16, 2008.
For more details, see Abu Nimer and Kadayifci-Orellana, op. cit.
Focus Group 6, May 16, 2008.
See the next section on Effectiveness of the Program in terms of integration of principles of
peace, tolerance and coexistence into the curriculum.
Interview with a resource person Islamabad, May 10, 2008.
Focus Group 1, May 8, 2008.
Interview with ICRD staff May 10, 2008.
ICRD 18 month report
Based on ICRD 18 month report, their female staff was even invited to visit various female
madrasas including the Jamia Hafsa, run by the radical Red Mosque, before it was destroyed
in the violent clash with the Pakistani government in July 2007.
Interview with Asma Jahangir, Lahore, 12 May 2008.
Nicholas Schmidle, ‘Reforming Pakistan’s ‘Dens of Terror’, January 22 2007, at http://www.
truthdig.com/report/item/20070122_nicholas_schmidle_reforming_pakistans_dens_of_terror/
Interview Notes Islamabad, May 2008.
Interview Notes.
A. An-Na’im, Towards an Islamic Reformation: Civil Liberties, Human Rights and
International Law (New York: Syracuse University Press, 1990); M. Monshipouri, Islamism,
Secularism and Human Rights in the Middle East (Boulder, CO: L. Rienner Publishers, 1998);
M. A. Baderin, International Human Rights and Islamic Law (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2003); A. A. Mayer, Islam and Human Rights: Tradition and Politics, 4th ed,
(Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2006); D. Arzt, ‘The Application of International Human
Rights Law in Islamic States’, Human Rights Quarterly12 (1990): 202–230; A. Sajoo,
‘Islam and Human Rights: Congruence or Dichotomy’, Temple International and Comparative
Law Journal 4 (1990): 23 –34; B. Tibi, ‘Islamic Law/Shari’a, Human Rights, Universal Morality and International Relations’, Human Rights Quarterly 16 (1994): 277–299; H. Bielefeldt,
‘Muslim Voices in the Human Rights Debate’, Human Rights Quarterly 17 (1995): 587–617;
J. Morgan-Foster, ‘A New Perspective on the Universality Debate: Reverse Moderate
Relativism in the Islamic Context’, ILSA Journal of International and Comparative Law 10,
no. 35 (2003): 35–67; A. Chase, ‘The Tail and the Dog: Constructing Islam and Human
Rights in Political Context’, in Human Rights in the Arab World, A. Chase and A. Hamzawy
(eds.) (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), 21–36; S. Akhbarzadeand
B. MacQueen, Islam and Human Rights in Practice: Perspectives Across the Ummah
(Routledge Advances in Middle East and Islamic Studies) (New York: Routledge, 2008).
Notes on contributors
Mohammed Abu-Nimer is a full professor at American University’s School of International Service
in International Peace and Conflict Resolution in Washington, DC. He is the director of the Peacebuilding and Development Institute. Dr Abu-Nimer is also the founder and director of the Salam:
Peacebuilding and Justice Institute, and the co-founder and co-editor of The Journal of Peacebuilding
and Development. He has written, edited, and co-authored many books including: Peace-Building By,
Between and Beyond Muslims and Evangelical Christians, Reconciliation, Coexistence, and Justice:
Theory and Practice, Unity in Diversity: Interfaith Dialogue in the Middle East, and Peacebuilding
and Nonviolence in Islam.
The International Journal of Human Rights
1159
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S. Ayse Kadayifci-Orellana is one of the founding members and the associate director of Salam Institute for Peace and Justice and is an adjunct professor at the School of International Service at American University, Washington D.C. She is currently adjunct associate professor at the same institution.
She is also currently working with United States Institute of Peace on various projects. She has
authored Standing On an Isthmus: Islamic Narratives of War and Peace in the Palestinian Territories
and co-authored the edited the volume, Anthology on Islam and Peace and Conflict Resolution in
Islam: Precept and Practice. She has also written various book chapters and journal articles on
mediation and peace building, religion and conflict resolution, Islamic approaches to war and
peace, and Islam and nonviolence.