INSTITUTE FOR EUROPEAN STUDIES
JEAN MONNET EUROPEAN CENTRE OF
EXCELLENCE
UNIVERSITY OF MALTA
MSIDA MSD 2080 – MALTA
TEL: (356) 23402001, 23402998 FAX: (356) 23402651
E-MAIL: europeanstudies@um.edu.mt WEBSITE: http://www.um.edu.mt/europeanstudies
20 December 2012
An Evolving EU Engaging a Changing Mediterranean Region
Report of the Colloquium held on Thursday 20 December 2012
Organised with the support of the University of Malta and the LLP programme of the
European Union
The Institute for European Studies has been awarded a Jean Monnet Chair with a
project theme “An Evolving EU Engaging a Changing Mediterranean Region” as well as a
teaching module on “Agenda Setting in the EU”. This colloquium was called three months into
the project in order to consolidate the research agenda of the programme and to bring the
team leaders and participants together. A number of discussants were invited to the meeting
which was chaired by Professor Roderick Pace, holder of the Jean Monnet Chair and which took
place on 20 December 2012 at “Dar l-Ewropa” Valletta. The main participants were the
following:
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Professor Fulvio Attinà, Full Professor of International Relations and Jean Monnet
Professor of European Union Politics, Faculty of Political Sciences, University of
Catania, Italy;
Dr Marcello Carammia, Lecturer at the Institute for European Studies, University of
Malta, Malta;
Ms Moira Catania, Assistant Lecturer at the Institute for European Studies,
University of Malta, Malta;
Professor Aylin Güney, Associate Professor at the Department of International
Relations and Jean Monnet Chair in European Studies at Yaşar University, İzmir,
Turkey;
Dr Mark Harwood, Lecturer at the Institute for European Studies, University of
Malta, Malta;
Professor Magnús Árni Magnússon, Associate Professor at Bifröst University,
Iceland;
Mr Jean Micallef Grimaud, Assistant Lecturer at the Institute for European Studies,
University of Malta, Malta;
Mr Stefano Moncada, Assistant Lecturer at the Institute for European Studies,
University of Malta, Malta;
Dr Stelios Stavridis, ARAID Researcher at the University of Zaragoza, Spain.
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Mr Andre Vella (Ph.D. student at the Institute);
Ms Christianne Fenech (M.A. student at the Institute);
Mr Samuel Scicluna (M.A. student at the Institute);
Mr Kurt Sciberras (M.A. student at the Institute);
Ms Alaà Ben Mahmud (M.A. student at the Institute);
Ms Clara Di Prima (B.A. visiting student at the Institute);
The main objective of the Jean Monnet Project is to analyze and assess key
developments in the EU as it evolves further particularly in the light of the Lisbon Treaty and
enlargement as well as developments in the Mediterranean Region following the Arab Spring. A
further aim is to disseminate the findings of this project as widely as possible. For this reason,
the project’s output is being put on line. The Sub-themes of the Research Teams are listed
below together with a brief explanation.
The project’s output will be featured in the following publications:
1. Briefing Notes (not exceeding 2500 words)
2. Occasional Papers between 5,000 and 6,000 words including footnotes (use the
footnote method) on a relevant issue. Occasional Papers are either a final work or a
work in progress which has already attained a sufficient level of development.
3. Reports which shall consist of a brief account of the proceedings of colloquia,
workshops and conferences.
Publications uploaded on the Institute’s dedicated web-page after review and editing
are normally notified to all networks of which the Institute is a member, namely: TEPSA,
EuroMesco, FEMISE, EADI and others – including those on the Institute’s own database. The
scope of this is to ensure the broadest dissemination.
The Working Themes / Working Teams
The Working themes / teams are the following:
1. The State of the EU after Lisbon and its External Action in the Mediterranean;
2. State Building and Democratic Consolidation (Egypt, Libya and Tunisia);
3. Economic Change in Egypt, Libya and Tunisia.
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Cross Cutting Issues
4. Mediterranean Migration;
5. Climate Change and Development in the Mediterranean Region;
6. Energy Security and Alternatives;
7. Institutional Issues (Mediterranean, UfM Institutions, EIB, Parliamentary Co-operation).
REPORT OF THE PROCEEDINGS
What follows is a brief report of the discussion that took place. The project is ambitious
because it is meant to provide the necessary impetus for the Jean Monnet project and take it
beyond its three year life-time.
The report of each working theme/team follows in the sections below.
1. WK1
The State of the EU after Lisbon and its External Action in the Mediterranean
Co-ordinator Professor Roderick Pace, JM Chair and Director of the Institute for European
Studies, University of Malta
One of the main objectives of the Lisbon Treaty which came into effect on 1 December
2009 is to increase the Union’s capabilities in global affairs and gradually transform the Union
into a more coherent and consistent actor. The integration of the two arms of the Union’s
external policies under a High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security
Policy and a European External Action Service (EEAS) together with its assumption of a legal
personality (Article 47, TEU), provide the Union with the necessary tools to achieve this
objective. These institutions are still taking root and are a work in progress that is being
analyzed by many scholars and researchers.
However, the EU is changing in many other ways as a result of (i) the ongoing Euro-crisis
and its socio-political effects on the EU Mediterranean (or southern European); (ii) enlargement
and its impact on the identity and characteristics of the Union and (iii) the recent but persistent
calls for a new convention and closer European integration on Federalist Lines in response to
the Euro-crisis.
Presently, the EU member states are still facing economic problems and it is unlikely
that the economic recovery will begin before 2014 for most of the worst affected countries and
then there is no telling with precision how long it will take. Member states are divided on
economic policy, primarily on the question of whether to pursue more austerity in order to
strengthen the euro or to go for a more relaxed fiscal stance that may encourage growth – and
linked to this there is the issue of the size and thrust of the EU budget.
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At the same time, neither the EU nor the world which it confronts, are inert and static.
In the EU, the economic crisis has renewed interest in stronger federal integration, perhaps the
realization, finally, of the United States of Europe. It is however, unlikely that political elites
who must lead this process will abandon their fire-fighting tasks to ponder on the longer-term
(and persistent) objective of realizing the European federation. Not only that, but in the UK
support has been swelling for Britain to break away from the Union. Will Britain go? And, if it
does, would other countries follow it?
Looking at the Mediterranean region as a whole, one can observe that the two shores of
the “Mare Nostrum” are today united by common challenges such as the political and
economic crisis, and other longer term problems such as those posed by the negative effects of
climate change, migration management and energy resources. Each country exhibits both
common and unique characteristics in each respect. From an optimistic angle one can argue
that the crisis can be turned into an opportunity if the region’s governing elites can formulate
concrete objectives and pool their resources to make things happen. This requires better
governance at national and regional levels.
There is also huge concern about the sensitivity to the social problems which reform and
restructuring on both shores has led to, such as the growth in poverty and unemployment.
However, there is a real danger that these challenges can make political leaders more inwardoriented and less committed to regional cooperation while the situation calls for a new bout of
sustained and concerted activism at the multilateral/regional level so that the states of the
region can resolve their problems. Co-operation and not isolation are the keys to progress.
Research can focus on a number of questions which should also be reflected in the
papers submitted such as (not an exhaustive list): (a) to what extent are the crises on the two
shores of the Mediterranean inter-linked and (b) has the euro-crisis made the EU more inward
looking and hence weakened its ability to deal with the problems in the Mediterranean region,
its own backyard? (c) How are the socio-economic repercussions of the Euro-crisis affecting the
European integration project? (d) To what extent have the upheavals in the southern shore
countries weakened their ability to co-operate with the EU and participate in regional
initiatives.
In the light of this analysis, the subjects which will be pursued in this working Team are
the following: (1) Enlargement – What are the main challenges that this process faces? How will
enlargement affect the EU and its twin processes namely its closer integration towards a
federation of nation-states and a greater capacity to act in the world? (2) The EU constitutional
process – is there a momentum for a European Federation? Will the realization of this goal
strengthen the Union’s ability to act in world politics? (3) What are the new powers that the
Lisbon Treaty provides the Union with in the conduct of foreign policy, are they being fully
utilized? What is missing? (4) What new initiatives should be taken in this domain to improve
the EU’s foreign policy-making? What about democratic accountability by strengthening the
role of the European Parliament in foreign policy? Or, developing a foreign policy
vision/agenda? (5) Is it time to renew the effort toward a truly European defence structure that
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is capable of providing security and assurance to the citizens of Europe while enabling the EU to
act in defence of its own interests? (6) How can this changing Union play a more important role
in world politics and particularly in the Mediterranean Region? What was wrong with past and
current EU Mediterranean policies and how can they be improved?
2. WK2
State Building and Democratic Consolidation (Egypt, Libya and Tunisia)
Co-ordinator Dr Mark Harwood, Senior Lecturer, Institute for European Studies
The main issues of this working group are: (a) governance; (b) elections and (c) the
Constitutions that are being written as of now and linked to it (d) the role of religions. It is too
early to speak of an “Arab Spring” as such and perhaps more appropriate to refer to the “Arab
Revolt”. As the constitutional processes in Tunisia, Libya and Egypt have or are showing there
are a number of persistent challenges that have still to be overcome and the final object of the
emergence of democracy in these states still hangs in the balance. Some of the questions of
interest to this group include the criteria that should be employed in assessing the course of the
transformations that are taking place in the Arab World. Are they to be measured by reference
to the Western Liberal democratic model but should (obviously) provide more space to the
cultural dimension of the Arab countries and the influence that Islam has on their societies and
in particular in the majorities that have become predominant in these countries.
“Election watch” in these countries for signs of improvements in governance and
implementation of the changes, rule of law and the separation of powers.
The main aim of this working group is to analyse the changes underway in Egypt, Libya
and Tunisia since the advent of the Arab Spring. Commencing in Tunisia, the wave of political
agitation which quickly spread through North Africa and the Middle East has led to varied
outcomes. The analysis of this working group focuses on the nature of those changes in the
context of the three countries referenced. These three countries are useful case studies,
indicative of the different political systems which existed in the region prior to the Arab Spring
as well as showing marked differences in how the political struggle evolved in each country.
In addition to analysing the broad changes seen across these three countries since 2010,
particular focus needs to be given to the creation of new constitutions, the emergence of new
political actors and the construction of new political institutions. Of importance is the role of
social and economic actors in calling for political change and in participating in the construction
of post-revolutionary states. Related to this is the nature of the political models being proposed
and the suitability of western style democracy being imported wholesale into the region.
Though the principal focus of this working group is on the three countries referenced,
the wider political and economic scenario are also included, not merely in terms of the wider
regional developments seen across North Africa and the Middle East but also the involvement
of the international community during and after the revolutions. This important aspect cannot
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be overlooked due to the domino aspect of the Arab Spring and reflects a tendency to refer to
the recent political upheavals as the region’s own “1989 revolutions” when wholesale change
came to the Central and Eastern European Countries (CEECs).
The work of the group contributes to the overall work of the Project since it provides
the detailed background needed to better assess the EU’s engagement of the Mediterranean
region as well as highlighting the internal dynamics dominating the region. It should shed light
on a major criticism of the Barcelona Process that the latter was less a partnership and more an
exercise in dictation. This Working Group discusses the experience and needs of Egypt, Libya
and Tunisia during the Arab Spring, which should allow the other Working Groups to better
assess the effectiveness of the EU’s engagement of the region.
Working Group Topics
The Group’s work programme covers three broad research areas one each for the three
years so as to maintain the focus of the group. Since the changes associated with the Arab
Spring remain ongoing and because political change is a lengthy process which is manifested at
various level, it was decided to organise the group’s work through open-ended themes which
could then be adjusted and strengthened on an annual basis to reflect the developments in the
region. This allows for a more holistic view of the political changes underway in Egypt, Libya and
Tunisia while ensuring that any conclusions of the group reflect the political situation as it
stands over the three year period of the project.
The group has highlighted the following topics which are of interest for better
understanding the political changes underway in Egypt, Libya and Tunisia.
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The nature of the individual revolutions – the context within which political change
occured, the role of political parties, the use of violence, the importance of foreign
players, the role of civil society;
The post-revolutionary construction of constitutions;
The post-revolutionary political system;
The emergence and consolidation of political parties across the region;
Civil society before and after the Arab Spring;
Issues of democracy and democratic expectation;
Human Rights before and after the Arab Spring;
The introduction of social policies;
The application of greater political participation: going beyond the rhetoric, creating
real and functioning democratic societies.
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3. WK3
Economic Change in Egypt, Libya and Tunisia
Co-ordinator Dr Susanna Thede, Senior Lecturer, Institute for European Studies.1
Important developments are taking place both on the northern and southern shore of
the Mediterranean, which present economic challenges as well as opportunities for Egypt, Libya
and Tunisia. In particular, the sovereign debt crisis in the Euro Area has been particularly acute
in a number of southern EU countries: Greece, Portugal, Spain, Italy and Cyprus. At the same
time, the Arab Spring, whilst undoubtedly important from the political perspective, involves
short term economic disruptions, and the move towards democracy and better governance will
take time to bear positive economic effects. Whilst the southern European countries are
seeking an alternative economic model, which is less vulnerable to volatile financial markets
and to unrestrained fiscal spending, the countries on the southern shore of the Mediterranean
are building a new political model, which should also result in further economic progress and in
an improved standard of living for their populations.
General Working Theme Aims
The central aim of this working theme is to identify the main economic challenges and
opportunities faced by Egypt, Libya and Tunisia, in the context of the developments affecting
both the northern and the southern shore of the Mediterranean. This working theme will seek
to analyse how the structural problems faced by the southern European countries are affecting
the economies of North African countries. Secondly, this theme will also assess the economic
repercussions of the Arab Spring in these countries. Finally, this working theme will aim to
identify the prospects for economic integration in the Mediterranean between the EU and
North Africa, in the contexts of these developments.
Structure
The working theme is split into the following sub-themes:
1. Structural Problems in Euro zone Countries
The first sub-theme concerns the structural problems in the southern European
countries and at a broader level at the sovereign debt crisis in the Eurozone and the
consequent reforms in economic governance. The potential impact of these
developments on the EU’s economic relations with North African countries is also
analysed.
2. The Arab Spring and Economic Developments in North African Countries
The second sub-theme looks at the recent economic developments in the North
African countries, looking at the period before and after the Arab Spring. Prior to the
Arab Spring, in general, North African countries had registered a period of relative
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Dr Susanna Thede replaced Ms Moira Catania in February 2013, after the 20 December 2012 meeting.
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economic stability and progress. Nonetheless, the analysis seeks to establish
whether there were ‘economic origins’ to the political developments in these North
African countries. Furthermore, the economic developments following the Arab
Spring will be reviewed and the economic prospects of these countries assessed in a
comparative manner by looking at the transition experience in other regions.
3. Economic Integration in the Mediterranean Region
The third sub-theme focuses on economic integration between the developments in
the northern and southern shore of the Mediterranean. This sub-theme takes as its
starting point, the framework of the Economic and Financial pillar of the EuroMediterranean Partnership, launched in 1995. It examines the economic outcomes
of this partnership. Furthermore, the prospects for trade and investment relations
between the two regions in the context of the sovereign debt crisis in the Eurozone
and the political developments in the Arab countries are also relevant.
Discussion Topics and Questions
The following is a preliminary list of topics and questions which can be dealt with under
the three sub-themes identified above. This list is indicative and additional topics could be
introduced later on as work progresses on this working theme.
Sub-theme 1: Structural Problems in Euro zone Countries
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How have the problems faced by the southern European countries, namely Greece,
Spain, Portugal, Italy and Cyprus, affected their economic relations with North
African countries?
At a broader level, the transmission of economic shocks (financial and economic)
from the Euro zone to the North African countries will be analysed.
A specific focus will be made on how the EU is changing during the sovereign debt
crisis, with particular attention to the implications of the reforms in economic
governance. What are the implications of these developments on economic
relations between the EU and North African countries?
Has the sovereign debt crisis weakened the political influence of southern European
countries, which have tended to be more active in putting the Mediterranean region
on the EU’s policy agenda?
Sub-theme 2: The Arab Spring and Economic Developments in North African Countries
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What was the economic situation in Tunisia, Libya and Egypt before the Arab Spring?
Was economic progress being achieved? Where there any underlying problems of an
economic nature (e.g. income inequality, unemployment especially amongst the
educated component of the labour force) which contributed to the uprisings in
these countries?
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What disruptions to economic activity did the revolts bring about? Have these
effects been of a persistent nature – have the affected countries managed to reachieve economic stability? What economic policy effects did the Arab Spring have
on these countries?
What can be learnt from the experience of other regions in the world which have
been characterised by similar political transitions?
Sub-theme 3: Economic Integration in the Mediterranean Region
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What has been achieved from the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership in the economic
field, as regards bilateral trade integration between the EU and the Mediterranean
partners as well as regional integration amongst the Mediterranean partners?
What recent developments have been registered in trade and investment relations
between the North African countries and the EU? Have there been any effects from
the problems in southern Mediterranean members of the Eurozone?
What are the prospects for economic integration between the EU and North African
countries in the context of an evolving EU and the changes taking place in the
southern Mediterranean countries? The EU is evolving – enlargement to the East,
prospective membership of Iceland and Balkan countries; focus on internal problems
due to the sovereign debt crisis: Have these developments resulted in a shift away
from the Mediterranean in the EU’s external economic relations? Following the Arab
Spring, will the EU remain a crucial economic partner to North African countries, or
will their economic interest shift to other regions?
CROSS CUTTING ISSUES
4. WK4
Mediterranean Migration
Co-ordinator: Dr Marcello Carammia, Lecturer Institute for European Studies.
This working theme/team deals with international migration in Europe, with a special
focus on the Mediterranean region. It asks primarily how the changing environment of
migration impacted upon EU policies and institutions, but it also focuses on the challenges and
opportunities arising for countries of the Southern shore mainly by looking at EuroMediterranean relations.
The theme is split into three sub-themes:
1. Migration trends
- This sub-theme deals with migration dynamics in the Mediterranean. It focuses
mostly on the last decade, but locates these trends in the broader perspective of
post-WWII migration to Europe.
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2. EU responses
- This sub-theme focuses on EU’s responses to the changing migration
environment. It analyses the development of EU-level institutions, processes and
policies for dealing with migration. It focuses It focuses mostly on the last
decade, but locates these trends in the broader framework of post-1975
European cooperation in migration.
3. The impact on Euro-Med relations
- This sub-theme focuses on the incorporation of migration issues within EuroMediterranean relations. It focuses mostly on the last decade, but locates these
trends in the broader framework of Euro-Med relations.
QUESTIONS AND TOPICS
What follows is a provisional list of topics and questions that will be addressed. Where
appropriate the analysis will also focus on issues from a Maltese angle.
Sub-theme 1: Migration trends
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How relevant has migration from Mediterranean countries been in relation to
broader migratory flows? Has there been a change over time, and if this is the case
what were the main factors behind such change?
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How have EU Med countries been affected by migration from the Southern and
Eastern Mediterranean? How relevant was such Mediterranean-related migration in
turning these countries from countries of emigration to new immigration countries?
Subtheme 2: EU responses: how has the EU responded to the changing migration
environment?
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Agenda-setting: How did migration become a ‘European issue’? What were the
timing and dynamics behind the access in the EU’s policy agenda? What actors
institutions were responsible for putting migration on the EU’s agenda?
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Institutional developments. While migration became a ‘European issue’, the EU
developed a set of institutions and processes for discussing and taking decisions on
migration-related issues. How was the EU affected by these institutional
developments? (→ How did new insPtutions and processes layered over existing
ones?). And how in turn were EU responses to migration affected by institutional
developments? (→ How did EU migraPon policies change following the creaPon and
empowerment of new policy venues?).
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EU Mediterranean countries. Did Med EU members seek to influence the EU
migration agenda? Is there any evidence of a related commitment by Med MSs in
the European Council and the Council of Ministers?
Subtheme 3: The impact of migration on Euro-Med relations
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The Southern and Eastern Mediterranean is the source of a relevant component of
EU immigration – if not predominant in terms of fluxes, politically highly salient.
While migration from non-EU Mediterranean countries was attracting attention of
EU institutions, migration relations have been increasingly mainstreamed in EuroMediterranean relations. This sub-theme will analyse bilateral as well as multilateral
relations within Euro-Med processes, focusing on the form, timing, and content of
Euro-Med migration relations.
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Timing, form and content of Euro-Mediterranean migration relations. When did
migration issues gain relevance in Euro-Med relations, and how did they gain
relevance?
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Form: what specific institutions and processes were created within the framework of
Euro-Med relations? How were these institutions and processes affected by the
changing institutional environment of Euro-Med relations? How relevant was
migration in bilateral vs. multilateral relations?
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Content: what policies emerged within Euro-Med migration relations? How did
such policies change following changes in the EU (institutional developments
including enlargement) and in non-EU Mediterranean countries (political and
socio-economic changes – most recently with the Arab spring – and related
migration changes)?
5. WK5: CLIMATE CHANGE & DEVELOPMENT IN THE MEDITERRANEAN REGION
Co-ordinator: Mr Stefano Moncada Assistant Lecturer, Institute for European Studies
General Context for this Working Theme
There is a widespread acceptance that changes in climate will hit developing countries
the hardest, with the Mediterranean region being particularly adversely affected. The general
limited resource base of the Southern Mediterranean countries hinders adaptation and coping
ability. Climate change is likely to make it significantly more difficult to meet the challenge of
development in these countries. This is particularly true for those climate change impacts, such
as sea-level rise, water shortage and extreme weather events (floods, heat waves, droughts,
etc), which are already impacting negatively many economic sectors of the Mediterranean
region, and more in general its Social Ecological Systems (SES).
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The adoption of growth and development policies that do not integrate climate change
as a possible constrain, as well as an opportunity, have also been regarded as a significant
deterrent to achieve better standards of living, and more generally for the prosperity of a
country. Adaptation to climate change has been identified by the international community as
an essential policy response, and its integration into development planning is a key measure for
the effective achievement of development goals. However, there is still a high degree of
uncertainty on the approach to climate change adaptation that should be implemented in the
Mediterranean region, as well as on its interactions with the vast array of programmes and
funds being implemented.
The role that the European Union (EU) development and co-operation policy can play is
equally well documented. The 27 member states provide the world’s highest contribution to
Official Development Assistance (ODA), representing over half of global ODA, with a significant
part allocated to the Mediterranean region. Of this, approximately one-fourth is managed at EU
level, thus giving to the European Commission a distinctive position as a donor institution vis-àvis the adaptation and development efforts of Southern Mediterranean countries. The recent
political changes in the Mediterranean region, initiated with the Arab spring, can undoubtedly
result in a new set of opportunities to foster development as well as tackling climate change
concerns.
General Working Theme Aims
The central aims of this working team are to identify the main climate change impacts
affecting Southern Mediterranean countries, more specifically Malta, Libya, Egypt and Tunisia,
as well as to assess the effectiveness and responsiveness of the EU programmes, and financial
instruments, being employed in the countries listed above vis-à-vis climate change. The
research being conducted within this working theme aims at contributing to the academic and
policy debate over optimal concepts, and tools, to improve aid effectiveness, specifically within
the EU-Mediterranean area and in the field of climate change.
The working theme is split into the following sub-themes:
1. Climate Change Impacts in Southern Mediterranean Countries
This first sub-theme looks at climate change impacts affecting Malta, Libya, Tunisia
and Egypt. The overarching idea is to map, and critically evaluate, climate change
impacts on economic sectors and, more generally, on SES in order to provide a
systematic review of the additional challenges faced by those countries mentioned
above in their path towards development.
2. Climate Compatible Development in Southern Mediterranean Countries
This second sub-theme specifically looks at EU programmes and financial
instruments being implemented in Malta, Libya, Tunisia and Egypt with an
investigation into their effectiveness vis-à-vis climate change impacts. This specific
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research will attempt to assess the degree of climate compatibility of development
programmes and instruments promoted by the EU, as well as national and regional
authorities, in the countries mentioned above.
Research Questions, Methodologies and Tools
The following is a list of proposed questions, as well as methodologies and research
tools, which are proposed for adoption under the two sub-themes. This list is a preliminary
attempt to operationalize the specific needs of the research, with additional questions and
tools that can be introduced at a later stage and when work progresses on this research theme.
Sub-theme 1: Climate Change Impacts in Southern Mediterranean Countries
1.1 What are the most recent climate change projections, and relative impacts in the
Mediterranean area, with a particular reference to Malta, Libya, Tunisia and Egypt?
1.2 What are the levels of exposure and vulnerability faced by human and natural
systems in the Mediterranean area, with a particular reference to Malta, Libya,
Tunisia and Egypt?
1.3 Which strategies are being adopted by the EU and by the individual countries of
Malta, Libya, Tunisia and Egypt in order to avoid disaster losses and more in general
to adapt to climate change?
It is foreseen that to answer to the research questions listed above a thorough review of
the existing literature will be undertaken, with the aim to critically analyse, and present, current
climate change impacts in Malta, Libya, Tunisia and Egypt, as well as the policy responses
adopted by national, regional and international institutions in order to adapt to climate change.
Selected case studies, as well as comparative analysis might be performed in order to present a
more accurate evaluation.
Sub-theme 2: Climate Compatible Development in Southern Mediterranean Countries
2.1 To what degree do programmes and financial instruments promoted by the EU in
the countries of Malta, Libya, Tunisia and Egypt take into account climate change
impacts?
2.2 To what degree do programmes and financial instruments promoted by the EU in
the countries of Malta, Libya, Tunisia and Egypt increase their adaptive
capacity/resilience?
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An assessment of past and current EU-Mediterranean programmes and financial
instruments will be performed, using tools such as cost-benefit analysis, portfolio screening (or
climate lens) (UNDP-UNEP 2011, OECD 2009) and CRISTAL2 (IISD, IUCN et al. 2009), among
others, in order to evaluate the effectiveness of the initiatives undertaken vis-à-vis the
promotion of climate compatible development.
6. WK6
Energy Security and Alternatives
Co-ordinator Prof Roderick Pace
Two elements are important in this WK6, the issue of growing energy requirements in the
region, energy supplies and the search for alternative sources. One of the main questions which
is being asked in this context is the extent to which the Mediterranean Solar Plan offers realistic
alternative energy to meet the region’s needs. Another issue concerns the conflict between
traditional sources (petroleum, gas etc) and alternative energy sources. Political issues
surrounding security of supply and the relationship between energy security and meeting the
objectives of climate change are also explored.
7. WK7
Institutional Issues (Mediterranean, UfM Institutions, EIB, Parliamentary Cooperation)
Co-ordinator: Mr Jean Micallef Grimaud, Assistant Lecturer, Institute for European
Studies.
Introduction
The central aim of this theme is to analyse primarily whether institutions in the
Mediterranean, and particularly in the EU, play an important role in engaging and changing this
region. Secondly, the theme will go beyond analyzing whether such institutions do matter by
exploring how institutions engage to improve and positively change (if at all) this immensely
vast and diverse region.
Structure
The theme is split into three sub-themes:
1. Sub-theme 1: ‘EU-Mediterranean institutions’
This deals with institutions and institutional matters outside the remit of Article
13(1) TEU which introduces the formal EU institutions. This sub-theme focuses solely
on the importance of institutions and initiatives in the Mediterranean such as the
Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) institutions and Parliamentary co-operation
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CRISTAL is a community based risk screening tool for adaptation and livelihoods. For more information see
also http://www.iisd.org/cristaltool/
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processes and whether they that have had weight in the manner EU-Med relations
developed over the years.
2. Sub-theme 2: ‘EU institutions and governmental influence in relation to the
Mediterranean’
This deals with the EU institutions and EU governmental influence exerted (if any) in
these institutions in an effort to place the Mediterranean on the EU’s agenda.
3. Sub-theme 3: ‘EU-Mediterranean Enlargement Policy’
This deals with the historical impact of the EU widening process to its South –
respective Mediterranean EU enlargements – on the Mediterranean region as a
whole (the non-EU Mediterranean side). It also deals with the vital question of
whether imminent (Croatia on 1 July 2013) and possible future EU Mediterranean
enlargements (notably Turkey, but also candidate and potential candidate
Mediterranean countries in the Balkans such as Montenegro (candidate) and Albania
(potential candidate), amongst others) will have an impact on how the EU and its
institutions evolve and engage in the future the Mediterranean region.
Discussion Topics and Questions
The following non exhaustive list of topics and questions are hereby being divided
according to their sub-working themes as follows:
Sub-theme 1: ‘EU-Mediterranean institutions’
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Are institutions important and do they matter? - A theoretical account of
approaches that argue in favour of (or against) institutions (for instance, NI
approaches) and of their application to such a complex relationship as that of the
EU-Med.
-
What has triggered off the need on the part of the EU to intervene in the
Mediterranean region? - A historical account of EU-Med relations spanning from the
now remote Arab Dialogue to the Barcelona process and the latest UfM initiative.
Focus is on the historical and technical nature of the generally accepted ‘most
prominent’ EU-Mediterranean initiatives such as the Barcelona process with its three ‘baskets’
and the latest Union for the Mediterranean (UfM). Some questions that need to be asked are
the following:
-
Are there lessons to be learnt from these initiatives?
Have the institutions created by these initiatives left their mark in trying to
consolidate, engage and eventually change the Mediterranean?
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Why is it that these initiatives have generally failed to achieve the desired output
and what elements must be avoided and/ saved from these initiatives for the
future?
Sub-theme 2: ‘EU institutions and governmental influence in relation to the Mediterranean’
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Do EU Mediterranean governments have enough clout in the EU and in its
institutions to push for an EU-Mediterranean policy that matters?
-
Which EU states have an interest in the region and do they have enough voting
power in the Council?
- The fact that three of the largest EU states (France, Spain and Italy) are in the
Mediterranean and have a genuine interest in this region (have acted in the past
in this region and continue to do so bilaterally and through EU membership);
-
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Historic ties of other EU large states with the Mediterranean (the United
Kingdom above all);
-
A myriad of other EU states (small to medium) states that are geographically set
in the Mediterranean.
How do EU governments promote the Mediterranean region?
-
-
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The use of the Council Presidency
Has the Lisbon Treaty helped to make the EU more active in this region?
-
The appointment of a High Representative (‘Foreign Minister’) of the EU – Has
this had an impact on EU-Med relations?
-
The case of the North African revolutions - Lessons to be learnt for the EU and its
newly set External Action Service (EAS)?
The role of EU institutions other than the Council and the European Council such as
the European Commission, EP and the ECB in EU-Med relations.
-
What has been their role in trying to better EU engagement in this region and
have they succeeded in improving the relationship?
Sub-theme 3: ‘EU-Mediterranean Enlargement Policy’
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What has been the impact of successive EU ‘Mediterranean’ enlargements on EUMed relations throughout the years?
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Have these enlargements affected the EU domestic institutional balance and its
perspective towards the Mediterranean region?
-
Linked to the preceding question, will future EU enlargements that could develop in
a number of Mediterranean Balkan states acceding into the EU in the medium to
long term, effect this balance even further?
END OF REPORT
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