Freie Universität Berlin
Institut für Ethnologie
Masterarbeit
im Masterstudiengang Sozial- und Kulturanthropologie
Renegotiating Female Beauty and Body Ideals in Contemporary
Mongolia
The Embodiment of Nation, Tradition and Modernity
Hedwig Amelia Waters
Matrikelnummer: 4462859
hedwigaw@gmail.com
Erstgutachter: Herr Prof. Dr. Hansjörg Dilger
Zweitgutachter: Frau Dr. Sina Emde
10.06.14
Contents
Transliteration of Cyrillic Khalkh.................................................................................................................................. 3
Explanation of Geography ............................................................................................................................................. 4
1.
Introduction ...........................................................................................................................................................5
1.1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
What is Beauty? ........................................................................................................................................... 6
1.1.1.
The Body Beautiful as Signifier of Society ......................................................................................... 6
1.1.2.
Beauty as Cultural, not Biological, Phenomenon ................................................................................ 7
1.1.3.
Mongolian Women as Symbols and Agents of Social Change ...........................................................9
Methods ..............................................................................................................................................................11
2.1.
Emotions as Field Data .............................................................................................................................. 12
2.2.
Positionality ............................................................................................................................................... 13
2.3.
Qualitative Ethnography and Discourse Analysis ...................................................................................... 14
Nationalism and Political Directives in Mongolian Society ............................................................................... 14
3.1.
The Soviet Origins of Mongolian Nationalism and Internationalism ........................................................15
3.2.
Reinventing History in the 1990 Democratic Revolution .......................................................................... 17
3.3.
Resource Nationalism ................................................................................................................................ 18
Emerging Discourses: Tradition versus Modernity ............................................................................................ 20
4.1.
Tradition and Modernity as Historical Cultural Constructs ....................................................................... 21
4.2.
Tradition and Modernity as Ideoscapes...................................................................................................... 23
The Good Woman as the Embodiment of Tradition ........................................................................................... 25
5.1.
The Good Woman as Herder ...................................................................................................................... 25
5.2.
АШЦОЧ’Ь BШНТОЬ КЧН NКЭТШЧКХТЬЦ .............................................................................................................26
5.2.2.
The Beautiful Good Woman as Symbol of Tradition ........................................................................ 28
5.2.3.
The Good Woman as Invented Tradition .......................................................................................... 28
5.3.
The Good Woman as Mother and Queen ................................................................................................... 30
5.3.2.
The Secret History and the Role of Female Queens .......................................................................... 30
5.3.3.
Idealization of Queens in Current Mongolia ..................................................................................... 32
5.3.4.
The Soviet Origins of the Motherhood Ideal ..................................................................................... 34
5.3.5.
The Beauty of Traditional Motherhood ............................................................................................. 34
5.4.
The Good Woman as Wife ......................................................................................................................... 35
5.4.2.
Gender Parallelism: The Ying to his Yang ........................................................................................ 35
5.4.3.
Beauty for the Husband ..................................................................................................................... 36
5.4.4.
The Tradition of Male Superiority..................................................................................................... 38
5.4.5.
The Nation-State as Male-Headed Patriline ...................................................................................... 39
5.5.
On Beauty in Traditional Discourse ...........................................................................................................40
5.5.2.
On Functional Beauty ........................................................................................................................ 40
5.5.3.
Internal Beauty .................................................................................................................................. 41
5.5.4.
On Collective Beauty ........................................................................................................................ 42
1
5.5.5.
The Physical Expression of Internal Value: The Shining Woman ....................................................43
5.5.6.
Health and Hard Work....................................................................................................................... 44
5.5.7.
Strong Bodies and Beautiful Faces .................................................................................................... 44
5.6.
6.
The New Woman ................................................................................................................................................ 47
6.1.
The Centrality of Consumption to New (Gendered) Identities ..........................................................50
6.1.3.
Consuming to Succeed ...................................................................................................................... 52
6.1.4.
Conspicuous Consumption ................................................................................................................53
The Failure of Masculinity ................................................................................................................55
6.2.3.
The Complexity of the Reverse Gender Gap ..................................................................................... 56
Individualism and the Body ....................................................................................................................... 58
6.3.2.
Nerelkhüü—Saving Face ................................................................................................................... 58
6.3.3.
The Body as Project .......................................................................................................................... 61
6.4.
On Beauty in the New Discourse ...............................................................................................................62
6.4.2.
Beauty Equals Body .......................................................................................................................... 62
6.4.3.
The Perfect Female Body ..................................................................................................................63
6.4.4.
Striving for Thinness ......................................................................................................................... 64
6.4.5.
Plastic Surgery—Fixing and Consuming the Body ........................................................................... 67
6.5.
9.
The New Woman as Breadwinner .............................................................................................................54
6.2.2.
6.3.
8.
The New Woman as Consumer ..................................................................................................................49
6.1.2.
6.2.
7.
Good Woman Beauty Norms as Reification of Traditional Gender Subjectivities .................................... 46
Good Woman Beauty Norms as Reification of Modern Gender Subjectivities ......................................... 69
Conclusion ..........................................................................................................................................................70
7.1.
Disputing Global Homogenization: The Historical Contingency of Beauty .............................................. 71
7.2.
The Mongolian Local Differentiations of Feminine Beauty ...................................................................... 72
7.3.
On Tradition and Modernity as Patrilineal Manifestations ........................................................................ 73
Appendix.............................................................................................................................................................75
8.1.
Odval Quote ............................................................................................................................................... 75
8.2.
Khövsgöl Survey Questions (English) .......................................................................................................75
8.3.
Khövsgöl Survey Questions (Mongolian) .................................................................................................. 76
8.4.
Selected Survey Answers from Khövsgöl survey (see 5.5.2.) .................................................................... 76
8.5.
Body Image Sample Survey (English) .......................................................................................................77
8.6.
Body Image Sample Survey (Mongolian) .................................................................................................. 82
8.7.
Summary of Major Results ........................................................................................................................ 87
8.8.
Interview Table .......................................................................................................................................... 88
References Cited ................................................................................................................................................. 92
2
Transliteration of Cyrillic Khalkh
The following transliteration system was designed by the Tibetan and Himalayan Library
(THL) at the University of Virginia. This resource was intended for scholarship purposes.
Mongolian statements throughout the paper will subsequently be transliterated according to the
following:
Cyrillic
THL Mongolian-Cyrillic Transliteration
Aa
Bb
Ww
Gg
Dd
Yeye
Yoyo
Jj
Zz
Ii
Ii
Kk
Ll
Mm
Nn
Oo
Öö
Pp
Rr
Ss
Tt
Uu
Üü
Ff
Khkh
Tsts
Chch
Shsh
Shchshch
Ii (НШОЬЧ’Э ШММЮЫ ТЧ аШЫФ)
Îî
Ee
Yuyu
YaYa
Read more:
http://www.thlib.org/tools/scripts/wiki/Transliteration%20Schemes%20Mongolian%20Cyrillic%
20Script.html#ixzz33UUqopIG
3
Explanation of Geography
(Note: Black stars represent fieldwork locations. Map source: ezilon.com)
1. Aimag—Administrative term for regional province. Mongolia currently has 23 aimags
and six were visited during fieldwork (see star locations). Many aimag centers—i.e.
regional capitals—are mentioned, incl. Dalanzadgad in Ömnögövi, and Arvaikheer in
Övörkhangai. Aimags (minus Ulaanbaatar) have an average population around 70,000,
but only a few thousand live in the aimag center (i.e. Dalanzadgad has a population
around 14,000).
2. Sum—Aimags are comprised of smaller districts known as sums. Khanbogd and
Kharkhorum in the following paper are sum centers, or the capitals of sum regions. Sums
have a population around 5,000, yet Khanbogd has more (7,000) due to mining activities.
3. City—ЭСО ‘МТЭв’ ЫОПОЫЬ ЭШ UХККЧЛККЭКЫ, ЭСО МКЩТЭКХ КЧН MШЧРШХТК’Ь ЮЫЛКЧ МОЧЭОЫ, аСТМС СКЬ
a population of around 1.5 million (National Statistical Office of Mongolia 2006) of a 2.7
million total (World Bank 2012). The city is also experiencing rapid migration from the
countryside, which has resulted in the explosion of shantytowns—known as yurt
districts—surrounding the city center.
4. Countryside—the remaining one million Mongolians are spread across a partition of land
four times larger than Germany. Semi-nomadic pastoralists are still common in the
countryside, but settled agricultural communities are growing.
4
1. Introduction
“BОКЮЭв аТХХ ЬКЯО ЭСО аШЫХН” РЫТЧЬ Цв ЧШЦКНТМ СШЦО stay father, Bold (meaning hero),
through missing front teeth. Through his misappropriation of a Dostoevsky quote, Bold—a yak
herder on the northern Mongolian steppe—pays homage to the unceasing power of beauty across
distance, cultures, and time. Unbeknownst to him, his choice of words reflects the surreptitious
sprОКН ШП ЭСШЮРСЭ ТЧЭШ ОЯОЧ ЭСО ЦШЬЭ ‘ЫОЦШЭО’ ШП ЭОЫЫКТЧЬ. HШаОЯОЫ, BШХН’Ь КММОЩЭКЧМО ТЧ ЭСО
societal necessity of beauty leaves two questions open to debate: What is beauty and how does it
save us?
This study aims to demonstrate how the micro-level body can exhibit a mirror of macrolevel processes; how actors use the instrument of the body to navigate, replicate or react against
societal vagaries. Through a chronological and multilayered analysis, this study will exemplify
how body ontology and beauty concepts represent the society of their genesis. Accordingly, as
Mongolian society changes, actors discover new ways to interpret, carve, and adorn their canvas
of corporeal flesh in accordance with emerging ethics, identity politics, belonging, and cultural
messages. Therefore, an analysis of current beauty archetypes—as the corporal, material
embodiment of a local system of values and norms—reveals fluctuations and adaptations in the
contemporary Mongolian social fabric.
According to fieldwork performed from spring 2011 to spring 2012, contemporary
Mongolian women have two overarching value discourses at their disposal. Due to the centrality
of feminine bodies to nationalist discourse, emerging streams of nationalist thought envisage
varying ideals for feminine behavior, decorum, and societal roles. The female apotheosis of
ethnicity-driven nationalist directives seems to revolve around ideals of tradition—which seems
to include a good woman as dutiful herder and/or patriline-loyal queen. On the contrary, civicoriented political discourses in Mongolia commonly describe an archetype of modernity—a new
woman as an educated, capable, hardworking career woman. These discourses can be
conceptualized as a discursive Venn diagram—although they build separate political value
systems (ideoscapes), contemporary Mongolian women can occupy varying spectrum locations
or reproduce both simultaneously. Thus, this paper aims to demonstrate how women use their
ЛШНТОЬ ЭШ ‘ЬКЯО’ ЬШМТОЭв КЧН НОПТЧО ЭСОЦЬОХЯОЬ; СШа ЛОКЮЭв ЩЫКxis reifies values, constructs
5
female subjectivities, signals belonging, and forges changing identities in a developing
Mongolia.
1.1.
What is Beauty?
1.1.1. The Body Beautiful as Signifier of Society
The body is a text of social meaning. At least according to Mary Douglas, who wrote in
her seminal work, Purity and Danger, ЭСКЭ КЧЭСЫШЩШХШРТЬЭЬ ЬСШЮХН ЛО “…ЩЫОЩКЫОН ЭШ ЬОО ТЧ ЭСО
body a symbol of society, and to see the power and dangers credited to social structure
ЫОЩЫШНЮМОН ТЧ ЬЦКХХ ШЧ ЭСО СЮЦКЧ ЛШНв” ([1966] 2002: 116). This idea that the macrocosm of a
society, including its dominant values and power relations, are replicated and expressed—either
consciously or unconsciously—on the micro-level of the body has come under fire as overly
simplistic in an increasingly complex world (Comaroff 1985). Yet, this concept has become one
of the fundamental tenets of current body theory by drawing the scholarly gaze away from the
body as naturalistic phenomenon and towards its role as sociocultural and historical construction.
Thus, according to Reischer and Koo (2004), the body beautiful—the physical
embodiment of aesthetic ideals—can be perceived as both symbol and agent of the local cultural
fabric. In the ethnographic record, the modification and altercation of body forms have been
frequently recorded as signifiers of group identification. For example, when a new person walks
ТЧЭШ К ЫШШЦ, К ПХЮЫЫв ШП ЬОЧЬКЭТШЧЬ КЧН ТЦЩЫОЬЬТШЧЬ ШЧ ЭСКЭ ЩОЫЬШЧ’Ь МШЦЩШЬЮЫО, МХШЭСТЧР ЬЭвХО,
tattoos, gait, facial expression, and more, race through our heads conveying meaning. We
МШРЧТЭТЯОХв ХТЧФ ЭСО ЦОЬЬКРОЬ ОбЩЫОЬЬОН ЭСЫШЮРС ЭСО ШЭСОЫ ЩОЫЬШЧ’Ь КЩЩОКЫКЧМО ЭШ ШЮЫ ШаЧ
previous experience, cultural models and categories (i.e. is this person a friend or foe?), which
determine our own reciprocal behavior. Our usage, expression, movement and portrayal of our
ЛШНТОЬ ЭСЮЬ ЫОЩЫОЬОЧЭ “МШЦЩХОб ЬШМТКХ ЭОМСЧТЪЮОЬ ПШЫ ЭСО ТЧЬМЫТЩЭТШЧ ШП ХШМКХТЭв ШЧЭШ ЛШНТОЬ”
(Appadurai 1996: 179); through our performance, we relay messages about our dominant values,
self-identification, and habitual behavior. Yet, actors are not only passive message boards, but
are actively aware of the symbols of different appearance choices, and modify and implement
based on personal desires—i.e. through counterculture clothing choices or style variations to
question norms. As a result, local actors enact the body beautiful as both symbolic identification
with values—“КЬ К МШЧНЮТЭ ШП ЬШМТКХ ЦОКЧТЧР” КЧН КЬ КРОЧЭТМ ОЯШМКЭТШЧ ШП МОЫЭКТЧ ЬЮЛУОМЭ
experiences—“КЬ КЧ КМЭТЯО ЩКЫЭТМТЩКЧЭ ШЫ КРОЧЭ ТЧ ЭСО ЬШМТКХ аШЫХН” (Reischer and Koo 2004:
298).
6
1.1.2. Beauty as Gendered Performativity
Because women have historically been predominantly associated with the body beautiful,
the pursuit of aesthetic attractiveness is a central component of the feminine subject experience
in most societies. Beauty—the dominant cultural aesthetic ideal—СКЬ ЛООЧ МКХХОН К “ЬЩОМТКХ
category of womОЧ’Ь ОбЩОЫТОЧМО” (BКЧЧОЫ [1983] 2005: 9). According to Judith Butler, the
association with women and the material form in the West can be traced to Aristotle, where a set
of etymologies linked matter with mater (material) and matrix (the womb) thus accenting
аШЦОЧ’Ь ЫОЩЫШНЮМЭТЯО ЫШХО (Butler 1993: 31). According to Foucault, changes in technology and
economics in eighteenth and nineteenth century Victorian Western society stimulated a change
from monarchal power to disciplinary power, where actors increasingly regulated their own
bodies along a spectrum of normalization to pathologization (Foucault [1975]: 1995). By
extension, JudiЭС BЮЭХОЫ КЫРЮОЬ ЭСКЭ FШЮМКЮХЭ’Ь МСКЧРТЧР ЩШаОЫ ЫОХКЭТШЧЬ СКЯО МШЧЬЭЫЮМЭОН
different subject categories for men and women and only through performativity—the physical
reiteration of norms linked to a gendered subject category—can a body be perceived as a subject
in society (Butler 1993: 2).1 Thus, through replicating and striving for the cultural construction
of beauty, subjects choose to go through the world performing, symbolizing, and embodying
womanhood (as conceived by local power relations) and subsequently actively (employ agency
to) experience life through the lens of the female subject.
1.1.2. Beauty as Cultural, not Biological, Phenomenon
This paper assumes that body and beauty ideals for women are culturally—and not
(predominantly) genetically—constructed. Social Darwinist or biological anthropological
attempts to find underlying genetic explanations for the feminine pursuit of beauty have been
inconclusive—studies on inborn preferences for thinness, hourglass figures, facial averageness,
and symmetry continue to be hotly contested.2 Furthermore, societies where beauty has been
BЮЭХОЫ КЧН FШЮМКЮХЭ’Ь ЭСОШЫТОЬ ШЧ ЭСО ЫОРЮХКЭШЫв ЩШаОЫ ШП ЛШНв КЧН ЛОКЮЭв ЧШЫЦЬ аОЫО ПШЫЦЮХКЭОН ЫОРКЫНТЧР
contemporary Western society. However, as I argue in later chapters, both the discourses of tradition and modernity
are reactions to contemporary cultural/political phenomena through globalization. Accordingly, the ideas of selfregulation and the importance of body and beauty norms for gender performativity applies to multiple cultural
settings.
2
A literature compilation on recent body image studieЬ ПШЮЧН ЭСКЭ “ОЯШХЮЭТШЧКЫв ОбЩХКЧКЭТШЧЬ ПШЫ…ПТЧНТЧРЬ КЫО
ЩЫШЛХОЦКЭТМ” КЧН КНЯТЬОЬ ХШШФТЧР КЭ ЬШМТШ-cultural explanations (Swami 2006: 48). For example, research by Singh
(1993) on universal heterosexual male preferences for .70 waist-to-hip ratios have been contested (Swami and Tovee
2005; Tassinary & Hansen 1998; Mo et al. 2013). Brown (1991) analyzed the Human Relations Area Files and
ПШЮЧН КЧ ШЯОЫаСОХЦТЧР СТЬЭШЫТМКХ ЩЫОПОЫОЧМО ПШЫ “ЩХЮЦЩЧОЬЬ” КЦШЧРЬЭ ЫОМШЫНОН ЬШМТОЭТОЬ (49). Symmetry has been
1
7
coded as a chiefly male pursuit (as among the Woodabe of Niger) (Bovin 2001), pervasive
(medial) body expectations for males (Hesse-Biber 1996; Murray et al. 1996), increasingly
muscular body ideals for men (Leit et al. 2002), and the current upsurge of beauty fixation
among “ЦОЭЫШЬОбЮКХ” AЬТКЧ males problematizes the claim for a genetic link between women
and beauty (Hua 2013: 153). Although societies share general perceptions of the body, beauty
ideals can therefore vary considerably amongst groups according to social, cultural, historical,
and/or environmental circumstances.
Beauty is much more than a genetic predisposition, but the material, physical
embodiment of the ideal subject created in a particular cultural setting. Consequently,
attractiveness, or the visual triggering of the aesthetic form, can be seen as a body considered
“ТНОШХШРТМКХХв КЩЩОКХТЧР аТЭСТЧ ЭСО ШЯОЫКЫМСТЧР ЬОЭ ШП ЯКХЮОЬ” (RОТЬМСОЫ КЧd Koo 2004: 300).3
For example, feminist scholars like Bordo have written about the firm, developed, well-muscled
body (2003: 195) and current Western standards of thinness as symbolic representations of
individualism, discipline, willpower, equality,4 and self-regulation.5 In contrast to the Western
ЛШЮЫРОШТЬ “ЭвЫКЧЧв ШП ЬХОЧНОЫЧОЬЬ” (ӨСОЫЧТЧ 1994), ЭСО КЧЭСЫШЩШХШРТЬЭ RОЛОММК PШЩОЧШО СКЬ
written about ideals of female plumpness amongst the Azawagh Arabs of Niger where fatness is
associated with womanhood (2004). The complex interlay of a status-driven society (historically
involved in slavery), harsh desert climate, and female expectations of domesticity and
shown to be correlated with universal attractiveness, yet it is unclear if the symmetry itself is considered attractive or
if it correlates with physical health (Fink & Penton-Voak 2002). Some studies have shown a preference for
averageness in a cultural setting, yet other studies—and also extreme beauty practices like corsets and footbinding—reflect an increased preference for faces when certain features are manipulated to become nonaverage
(Fink & Penton-Voak 2002). Recent studies also indicate that temporary affective states, like hunger, can affect
mate preference over time (Nelson and Morrison 2005; Pettijohn et al. 2005). Therefore, although some genetic
preferences might exist, current research is inconclusive, multifaceted, and continues to be debated.
3
The art historian, Van Damme, writes in Beauty in Context (1996) on the cognitive process actors undergo in the
КЩЩЫКТЬКХ ШП КЫЭ: “AОЬЭСОЭТМ ЩОЫМОЩЭТШЧ ТЬ ЭСОЫОЛв МШЧМОТЯОН КЬ К ЩЫШМОЬЬ ТЧ аСТМС ТЧЭОЫТШЫТгОН МЮХЭЮЫКХ ФЧШаХОНРО
becomes associated with perceived visual form in a double sense at least, namely via (i) the faculty of referential
thinking, leading to signification (the adding of evoke meaning or semantic components to form) and (ii) the process
of predication, leading to valuation (the adding of К ЪЮКХТЭКЭТЯО КЭЭЫТЛЮЭО ЭШ ПШЫЦ аТЭС ЦОКЧТЧР)” (132-3). He claims
ЭСКЭ К ЩШЬТЭТЯО МШРЧТЭТЯО КЬЬОЬЬЦОЧЭ ЭСОЧ ЫОЬЮХЭЬ ТП ‘НОЬТЫО’ ТЬ ОЯШФОН; ‘ЛОКЮЭв’ ТЬ ЭСЮЬ аСОЧ К ЯТЬЮКХ ПШЫЦ ОЯШФОЬ
desire according to cultural-specific referential thinking and valuation.
4
‘EЪЮКХТЭв’ ЫОПОЫЬ ЭШ ЛОХТОП ТЧ ЬОб/РОЧНОЫ ЩКЫТЭв, вОЭ КЬ аШЦОЧ РКТЧОН ОМШЧШЦТМ ПЫООНШЦЬ ТЧ ЭСО АОЬЭ, ЭСОТЫ МХШЭСТЧР
styles and norms for female attractiveness increasingly became more masculine (suits, shoulder pads, pants, trim,
lean) (Popenoe 2004: 2). Thus, the recent history of changes to Western female beauty and attire ideals can be
perceived as a history of female adaptation to the male standard.
5
A lean, trim body becomes the embodiment of market individualism, self-regulation and discipline, because a
subject must have the capital and will power for a gym membership, to eat right, to workout, get surgery, buy the
right clothes, etc., which is inscribed onto the body through constant maintenance.
8
reproduction among the Azawagh turn plumpness and sedateness into signs of womanliness.
Therefore, the differences in cultural ideals of gender roles and expectations, larger social
narratives, and power relations have molded the ideals of feminine beauty amongst Western
middle-class white Americans and Azawagh Arabs into vastly different physical embodiments.
Concepts of the female body beautiful thus frequently symbolize the physical embodiment of the
‘ТНОШХШРТМКХХв КЩЩОКХТЧР’ ПОЦТЧТЧО ЬЮЛУОМЭ аТЭСТЧ ЭСО МЮХЭЮЫКХХв-specific, environmental and
historical circumstances.
1.1.3. Mongolian Women as Symbols and Agents of Social Change
Similar to Western contexts, Mongolian women have also inherited this association with
the material and the beautiful. In this research, the word goo saikhan was used as a translation
for beauty. Specifically, the most common question used in the surveys and semi-structured
interviews (see ЦОЭСШНЬ ЬОМЭТШЧ) аКЬ: “yamar emegtei khüniig goo emegtei gekh we?” (What
ФТЧН ШП аШЦКЧ ТЬ МШЧЬТНОЫОН/НШ ЩОШЩХО МКХХ ЛОКЮЭТПЮХ?). TСО ЮЬКРО ШП ЭСО ЩСЫКЬО ‘ЛОКЮЭТПЮХ
аШЦКЧ’ аКЬ ЩЮЫЩШЬОПЮХХв ЬШmewhat vague in order to avoid bias and allow actors/informants to
present their own associations with the subject matter. According to the Concise Explanatory
Mongolian Dictionary (1966), goo and its variant goyo share a definition—as a good-looking
(üzesgelentei) and/or pleasant item (saikhan yum). However, according to the Comprehensive
Explanatory Mongolian Dictionary (2008), goyo ЦОКЧЬ “К ЛОКЮЭТПЮХ, ЧТМО ЭСТЧР,” ЭШ ЦКФО
oneself goyo ЦОКЧЬ ЭШ “ЦКФО ШЧОЬОХП ПКЧМв КЧН ОХОРКЧЭ,” аСТХО goo ЦОКЧЬ “ЧТМО ХШШking;
enjoyable for the mind; and ЩХОКЬЮЫКЛХОЧОЬЬ.” Thus, both words imply attractiveness, with goo
implying also agreeable feelings. The phrase beautiful woman was translated as goo emegtei,
which induced multiple interpretations (physicality and character traits), much like the English
word beauty. Other words actors frequently used for beautiful women included tögs emegtei (a
perfect, consummate woman), üzesgelentei (attractive) or simply saikhan (nice/pleasant).
Additionally, men are almost never described as goo. Although contemporary upper class, urban
Mongolian men also increasingly focus on appearance, the pursuit of beauty has historically been
a central component of the female Mongolian subject experience.
Thus, the central tenet of this paper is that contemporary Mongolian women
simultaneously symbolize and actively alter different value systems through their body and
beauty performance. With the switch to the market economy and introduction of democracy in
1990, Mongolia began a rapid process of economic, political and cultural reformulation. The
9
needs for unity in the new nation-state amalgamation clashed with the influx of ideas through
globalization; the result was the emergence of two overarching political/cultural discourses I
cursorily designate as tradition and modernity. In accordance with the beauty discussion,
women (and their appearance) have become crucial symbols and agents of these nationalistdriven discourses. Consequently, through replicating and striving for beauty, contemporary
Mongolian women choose to 1) categorize themselves as female Mongolian subjects and 2)
identify with and physically embody the overarching values and narratives of their respective
value maps. As a result, women occupy different subject positions on a spectrum between
tradition and modernity expressed through body praxis and beauty ideals; i.e. contemporary
women who associate with tradition tend to idolize a functionalist, qualitative view of beauty in
accordance with norms of filial piety and Mongolian agnatic loyalty. In contrast, women who
lean towards ideals of modernity increasingly instrumentalize the physical body as a project of
self-actualization and global market competitiveness. In comparison to traditional discourse,
‘ЦШНОЫЧ’6 definitions of beauty are more concerned with the physical, bodily pursuit of
attractiveness.
Consequently, the layout of this paper documents the historical development of female
beauty ideals by locating them within the larger historical and societal context(s). Chapter 2
describes the extensive quantitative and qualitative methods used in the investigation of this
topic. Chapter 3 describes the intense transformation underwent in Mongolian society in the last
century. This chapter focuses specifically on the development of nationalism(s) during the
MШЧРШХТКЧ PОШЩХО’Ь RОЩЮЛХТМ, ЭСОТЫ ТЧЬЭЫЮЦОЧЭКХТгКЭТШЧ ТЧ ЭСО ЩШЬЭ-socialist nation-state
formation process, and their contribution to the emergence of current nationalist strains. Chapter
4 presents the development of the current discourses of tradition and modernity, their potential
classification as ideoscapes, and their construction in the current nation-state. Chapter 5 presents
the gendered embodiment and physical reification of tradition through the archetype of the good
woman. Chapter 6 presents the discourse of modernity, including its personification through the
new woman. These two chapters demonstrate how ideological landscapes are expressed by
6
The word modern is occasionally written in single quotation marks to designate the difference between
contemporary (2012-2014) аШЦОЧ КЧН аШЦОЧ аСШ КЬМЫТЛО ЭШ ЦШНОЫЧТЭв НТЬМШЮЫЬО. ‘MШНОЫЧ’ ОЦЩСКЬТгОЬ ЭСО
КМЭШЫ’Ь ЬОХП-perception as a modern actor and/or a participant in the modern age (see 4.1.); whereas simply using the
word modern implies the present.
10
individual actors on their physical bodies and through beauty praxis. Finally, the entirety of the
paper is discussed and summarized in chapter 7.
2. Methods
This research documents a snapshot in time from 2011 to 2012. Through the awarding of
a Fulbright grant, I was able to investigate changing concepts of feminine beauty and body in
Mongolia from March 2011 until February 2012. During this period, two months—June and
July 2011—were spent in the Gobi desert (in the regions surrounding Khanbogd and
Dalanzadgad, Ömnögovi); August 2011 was spent in Arvaikheer, Övörkhangai; October 2011
was spent in Ulaan-Uul, Khövsgöl; and the remaining seven months were spent in Ulaanbaatar.
The three initially countryside months—June to August 2011—were spent in accompaniment of
Zola, a 24-year-old NGO worker who assisted in translation and data collection. Although I
initially planned to only spend one extended period of time in one remote location, the vagaries
of fieldwork forced me to go back and forth between Ulaanbaatar and countryside locations
several times. However, the result was that I lived with several families in various regions, and
consequently was exposed to individuals from a variety of social circumstances. The locations
are marked with black stars on map before the introduction.
The bulk of qualitative data was gathered through participant observation and interview
gathering with local families in various strata of both urban and rural locations. Participant
observation was performed in nine households for roughly two weeks each—in three nomadic
herder households (the regions surrounding Khanbogd, Arvaikheer, and Khövsgöl), in two sum
center households (in Khanbogd and Karakhorum) and in three aimag center households (two in
Dalanzadgad and one in Arvaikheer). For the weeks that I lived in each household, I tried to
fully integrate myself culturally through assumption of responsibilities and social life. During
the participant observation period, semi-structured interviews of varying lengths (between 40 and
90 minutes) were recorded with the household members. Additional interviews were performed
with third parties in both countryside locations and in Ulaanbaatar; in the countryside, additional
interviews were gathered that had relevance to the topic of beauty, i.e. with a hairdresser in
Khanbogd and a pageant trainer in Dalanzadgad. In Ulaanbaatar, interviews were organized
either through NGO contacts or through networks; i.e. the Princess Center organized several
interviews with single-mothers in the yurt districts, and Young Women for Change helped contact
11
various entertainers and plastic surgery patients. In total, 31 formal interviews and four informal
interviews contributed to the data. These interviewees included nomadic herders, sum center and
aimag center residents in the countryside of mostly low and middle class standing. In
Ulaanbaatar, I interviewed low and middle class residents in the yurt districts, and low to upper
class residents of the city center. Zola accompanied me for many of my countryside travels and
translated the first interviews that I recorded and later transcribed. I was accompanied by a
native speaker in all of my interviews in order for accuracy, but I reached advanced Mongolian
proficiency by the end of my research period. Consequently, I researched and interviewed fairly
independently. See the appendix (8.8.) for a full list of interviews, including demographics.
In addition to interview and observation data, I compiled two sets of surveys. The first
survey, a makeshift survey on beauty and nutrition, consisted of seven questions on the definition
of beauty, health, nutrition and appearance habits. I collected 20 of these surveys from local
nomadic herders—five adult males and 15 adult females—in the remote Ulaan-Ull region of
Khövgöl. The second survey consisted of beauty and body image questions, including on body
shape and size; eye, nose, and lip preferences; breast size; actress preferences; importance of
physicality; media and beauty maintenance habits.7 These surveys were distributed among
undergraduate students in various universities in the center of Ulaanbaatar (UB), in one high
school in a UB yurt district, and in universities in the aimag centers of Öndörkhaan in Hentii, and
Baruut-Urt in Sükhbaatar. In total, 240 urban surveys—157 female and 83 male—and 230—135
female and 95 male—countryside surveys were collected. The ages ranged from 14 to 50, but
the average age for the city respondents was 19.6 in the city and 20.9 in the countryside. English
translations of both surveys can be found in the appendix (8.2. and 8.5.)
2.1. Emotions as Field Data
IЧ ЭСО аШЫНЬ ШП ЭСО ТЧЧОЫ MШЧРШХТКЧ КЧЭСЫШЩШХШРТЬЭ, UЫКНвЧ BЮХКР, I аКЬ “ЫОМОТЯОН
КЦЛТРЮШЮЬХв,” (199ү: Ү) occasionally met with distrust, negative stereotypes, and violence. As I
will discuss in chapter 3, Mongolia is currently undergoing a wave of nationalist sentiment.
Partially as a result, lines between Mongolian traits, people and customs and foreign entities
were (literally) being drawn in the sand. Due to this climate of suspicion, I encountered anger,
not from informants, families and friends, but from multiple strangers. Due to the history of
7
See survey in appendix—8.5. and 8.6. Results were summarized in 8.7.
12
‘ЭЫКНТЭТШЧКХ ОЦЩТЫТМТЬЦ’ ТЧ ШЮЫ ПТОХН—based on a belief that the scientific-based methodology of
КЧЭСЫШЩШХШРв МШЮХН ЧЮХХТПв ОЦШЭТШЧЬ ЭСЮЬ ХОКНТЧР ЭШ ‘ЭЫЮО’ ШЛУОМЭТЯО ФЧШаХОНРО—anthropologists
have frequently disregarded their very real field-evoked emotions as unnecessary extras (Davies
2010: 8). I, too, ignored my resultant sadness at exclusion and despondency through emotional
repression during my fieldwork and for a year afterwards. Now two years in the past, I am able
to acknowledge the importance my emotions played in my passionate relation and engagement
with my research. Due to my experiences, I am not only more dedicated and reflective towards
the field of anthropology, I can viscerally empathize with the life-worlds of women and
minorities in Mongolia that would have been impossible had I chosen to ignore my feelings or let
them lead me away from the field. My research interest has thus been shaped, informed and
bolstered by my own experiences on the crossroads of nationalism, gender and globalization in
Mongolia.
2.2. Positionality
My experiences and fieldwork were indelibly marked by my position on the cusp of three
discourses: age, gender and nationalism. All three factors affected my research findings both
positively and negatively. Zola and I frequently experienced a rapid decrease in hospitality from
local communities, because we both did not fit the age profile associated with researchers.
However, my youth (25 years) enabled me to work with NGOs that focused on young women—
the cohort most directly affected by changing feminine values—and I was consequently viewed
as a peer. My status as a woman allowed increased access to the life worlds of women, but made
discussions with men more difficult. However, because my topic was viewed by local actors as a
‘ПОЦТЧТЧО’ ЭШЩТМ, ТЧНТЯТНЮКХЬ НТН ЧШЭ НТЬЭЫЮЬЭ Цв ЫОЬОКЫМС ПШМЮЬ КЧН МШЧЬТНОЫОН Цв ТЧЭОЫОЬЭ К
natural extension of my female subjectivity. Finally, as previously mentioned, my obvious
appearance as a Western foreigner elicited massive distrust while in areas indelibly affected by
mining activities. Yet, my foreigner status—and official documentation from the Mongolian
National University—allowed me to enter and pass out surveys in schools throughout Mongolia
with minimal bureaucratic resistance. Thus, my local categorization of female, young, and
Western framed my research scope and direction.
13
2.3. Qualitative Ethnography and Discourse Analysis
The following investigation aims to tease out the threads of meaning—the discourses—in
ЭСО ЦКЬЬТЯО УЮЦЛХО ШП ЭСО MШЧРШХТКЧ МЮХЭЮЫКХ ПКЛЫТМ. ӨХТППШЫН GООЫЭг’Ь ЧШа ПКЦШЮЬ
ТЧЭОЫЩЫОЭКЭТШЧ ШП МЮХЭЮЫО КЬ ЭОбЭ ЭШ ЛО ‘ЫОКН’ ЭСЫШЮРС ТЧ-depth and ethnographically rich fieldwork
is helpful in this regard (1973). Through the extensive interviews, survey responses, and
anecdotal experiences, I noted overarching frameworks and repetitious opinions that emerged
and reoccurred among different Mongolian actors in varying locations. Thus, my intention is not
to quantitatively delineate or categorize, but to describe the overarching, reappearing threads in
sentiments expressed by Mongolians. These frameworks, known as discourses in the
ethnographic literature, should be perceived as “ЬвЬЭОЦЬ ШП ЭСШЮРСЭЬ МШЦЩШЬОН ШП ТНОКЬ,
attitudes, courses of action, beliefs and practices that systematically construct the subjects and
the world of whicС ЭСОв ЬЩОКФ” (Foucault as cited in Lessa 2006: 285). Consequently, discourses
are identifiable by their ЮЧНОЫХвТЧР ЯКХЮОЬ ЭСКЭ ТЧПШЫЦ ЦЮХЭТЩХО КЬЩОМЭЬ ШП КЧ ТЧНТЯТНЮКХ’Ь ЫОКХТЭв
and are reified through sentiments, opinions and behavior. This work thus employs discourse
analysis—analyzing the use of language and the underlying messages in utterances—to identify
the metanarratives/discourses of tradition and modernity (Yates, Taylor, and Wetherell 2001).
ӨШЧЬОЪЮОЧЭХв, ЭСО ‘ЦОКЭ’ ШП ЭСТЬ ЩКЩОЫ ТЬ ЭСО ЪЮКХТЭКЭТЯО НКЭК—quotes, sentiments, and selfdescriptions of behavior. Therefore, my goal is to use rich ethnographic fieldwork—anecdotal,
qualitative and quantitative knowledge—to thus describe these iterative value frameworks shared
by independent actors in the contemporary Mongolian nation-state.
3. Nationalism and Political Directives in Mongolian Society
Although Mongolia underwent a political, social, and cultural metamorphosis with the
Democratic Revolution in 1990, many of the current political trends in Mongolia—including the
discourses of tradition and modernity—have their roots in Soviet-era policy (1924-1992). In
discussion of the contemporary nationalist glorification of Chinggis Khaan, the anthropologist
KКЛХШЧЬФТ ЬЭКЭОЬ ЭСКЭ ЬШМТКХТЬЭ ЯТОаЬ СКЯО “…ЧШЭ ЫОКХХв НТОН КЧв ЦШЫО ЭСКЧ К МКЭОЫЩТХХКЫ НТОЬ
whОЧ ТЭ ЛОМШЦОЬ К ЛЮЭЭОЫПХв” (2004: 2). This statement can be applied to most contemporary
politics; although the 1990 switch to a market economy and parliamentary democracy
represented a massive change in the Mongolian political landscape, many of the previous
sentiments did not disappear, but were altered and appropriated to serve the new political order.
By extension, current beauty concepts are not completely original results of globalization, but
14
embedded in the historical and political context. This section thus focuses on the chronological
development of different nationalist Mongolian strains, because 1) these sentiments influence the
contemporary construction of the narratives of tradition and modernity, and 2) because of the
importance of female bodies to nationalist discourses (see section 5.2.). In order to understand
the gender-specific requirements of tradition and modernity frameworks, we must locate the
origins of these discourses in the socialist-era policies of fraternal socialism and proletarian
internationalism, respectively.
3.1. The Soviet Origins of Mongolian Nationalism and Internationalism
Contrary to popular consensus among contemporary Mongolians, nationalist sentiment
has not always been a mainstay of Mongolian identity. In the Qing Dynasty (1691-1911) period,
(Outer)8 Mongolia was ruled by a Mongolian aristocracy that derived its legitimacy through its
descent from Chinggis KhaaЧ’Ь ХТЧОКРО. MШЧРШХТК аКЬ НТЯТНОН ТЧЭШ КЛШЮЭ К СЮЧНЫОН
principalities, each one ruled by an ancestor belonging to this lineage (a taij in Mongolian,
ЦОКЧТЧР ‘ЩЫТЧМО’) (SЧОКth 2010: 251). In his article Creating National Identity in Socialist
Mongolia, the anthropologist Chris Kaplonski argues though absence of contrary evidence—
unified nationalist sentiments did not occur in early 20th century texts. Instead, Kablonski
indicates that Mongolian ethnic groups were categorized and discussed as separate lineages
defined through their aimags (administrative units but now used to indicate states) or feudal
allegiance (1998: 38). Evidence of a unified, nationalistic consciousness was sparse, which he
ЬЮЩЩШЫЭЬ аТЭС К ЬЭКЭОЦОЧЭ MШЧРШХТКЧ ЬШМТКХТЬЭЬ аЫШЭО ЭШ ЭСО SШЯТОЭЬ ТЧ 1920: “‘…НОЯОХШЩЦОЧЭ ШП
national self-awareness of the ard ДМШЦЦШЧОЫЬЖ’ ТЬ ЬЭТХХ ТЧ ЭСО ПЮЭЮЫО” (өaniels 1994: 38). In his
book Truth, History and Politics in Mongolia (2004), СО КЫРЮОЬ ЭСКЭ MШЧРШХТКЧЬ’ ХШМЮЬ ШП
identity was historically centered on the homeland (nutag), meaning identity was derived from
where one literally lived (which fits the aimag and feudal identification paradigm). This
ОЪЮКЭТШЧ ШП ЭСО СШЦОХКЧН аТЭС ТНОЧЭТЭв “…ЩЫОНКЭОЬ ЭСО КЫЫТЯКХ ШП EЮЫШ-American styles of
nationalism, or indeeН КЧв ПШЫЦ ШП ЧКЭТШЧКХТЬЦ” (2004: 176) and its linkage with a nation-state
ЬвЬЭОЦ “…ТЬ К ЫОХКЭТЯОХв ЫОМОЧЭ КННТЭТШЧ ЭШ MШЧРШХТКЧ СТЬЭШЫТШРЫКЩСв” (1Ү5). AММШЫНТЧР ЭШ
Kablonski (1998) and others (Atwood 1994; Bulag 1998; Elverskog 2006; Munkh-Erdene 2006),
8
As opposed to Inner Mongolia, which is located in present day China. Inner Mongolia, by nature of its proximity
to Beijing, was directly controlled by Chinese forces; ultimately leading to the current administrative split between
Inner Mongolia as a provТЧМО ШП ЭСО PОШЩХО’Ь RОЩЮЛХТМ ШП ӨСТЧК, КЧН OЮЭОЫ MШЧРШХТК КЬ КЧ ТЧНОЩОЧНОЧЭ ЬЭКЭО.
15
Mongolian nationalism in its current form as linked to a nation-state apparatus that arose through
influence from the Soviets.
Contemporary Mongolian forms of nationalism have emerged based on patterns
ОЬЭКЛХТЬСОН НЮЫТЧР ЭСО Ү0 вОКЫЬ ШП SШЯТОЭ ТЧПХЮОЧМО ТЧ MШЧРШХТК. TСО MШЧРШХТКЧ PОШЩХО’Ь
Republic (MPR) became the аШЫХН’Ь second socialist state in 1924 and was economically,
politically, and culturally dependent on the USSR (Bulag 1998: 47). Two goals were pursued in
the Soviet-style state building process: fraternal socialism (aka patriotism) and proletarian
internationalism (Sneath 2010: 252). According to Soviet ethnography, the people and their state
apparatus had to go through a series of unilear evolutionary steps in order to reach the ultimate
culmination in the equitable Soviet state. Yet, according to Soviet historiography, the people had
to undergo a capitalist stage before true class consciousness could be reached; a progression that
did not coincide with the pre-Soviet widespread existence of feudalism and homeland-based
identity in Mongolia. A revolutionary class had to be created (Bulag 1998: 33-4). Accordingly,
Soviet and Mongolian propagandists and ethnologists set themselves to the task of developing a
unified class consciousness that fit the Soviet-inspired nation-state construction; a new
Mongolian historical periodization (Kaplonski 2004: 105), ethnographic classifications, words
(like ard tumen ПШЫ ‘ЭСО ЩОШЩХО’)9 and unified language were created and implemented (Bulag
1998: 33).10 This fraternal socialist stage, or the creation of nationalist consciousness uniting
localities in Mongolia, was largely successful.
The creation of nationalist consciousness was seen as an important step for a unified
socialist state, but was supposed to continue evolving into an international, overarching
Soviet/Marxist community: proletariat internationalism. Once a nationalist consciousness had
emerged in Mongolia, the Soviet-inspired government tried to curtail the nationalist fervency
that had resulted and refocus the energy in the interest of global solidarity. This second phase of
social engineering was supposed to creКЭО К “…ХШвКХЭв ЭШ КЧ ТЧЭОЫЧКЭТШЧКХ аШЫФПШЫМО” (BЮЦКК
9
Bulag (1998) lists the Soviet-created Mongolian language equivalents for clan (obog), tribe (aimag), nationality
(yastan), and nation (ündesten) that were created in the Soviet ethnogenesis. The people were supposed to undergo
К ЩЫШМОЬЬ ШП КаКЫОЧОЬЬ ШП ЭСОЬО МКЭОРШЫТОЬ, аСТМС аКЬ ЭСОЧ “…ОбЩОМЭОН ЭШ ЩОЫТЬС ТЧ МКЩТЭКХТЬЭ ШЫ ЬШМТКХТЬЭ ЬШМТОЭв”
(31-2).
10
It is important to note that the Khalkh dialect was enshrined in the Cyrillic script in the 1940s. The Khalkh were
an ethnic group that comprised several aimags in central Mongolia, and as the majority ethnic group, became the
‘ЧШЫЦ’ ПШЫ MШЧРШХТКЧЬ ТЧ ЭСО SШЯТОЭ ОЭСЧТМ СШЦШРОЧТгКЭТШЧ ЩЫШМОЬЬ. BЮХКР МКХХЬ ЭСТЬ ЩЫШМОЬЬ ШП МШЧЬЭruction of
MШЧРШХТКЧ ЧШЫЦКХТЭв ЛКЬОН ШЧ ЭСО KСКХФС ЦКУШЫТЭв “HКХС-ТгКЭТШЧ” (199ү: 34) (see also Tumursukh 2001: 127).
Carole Pegg writes about the forced repression of other ethic music types (1995).
16
2001: 55), which would replace nationalist identity with Soviet allegiance. Accordingly, a
textbook called The People’s Textbook written in 1948 was quickly recalled by the MPRP
ЛОМКЮЬО “...ТЭ ДНТНЖ ЧШЭ РТЯО К MКЫбТЬЭ КЩЩЫКТЬКХ ШП ЭСО МХКЬЬ ЧКЭЮЫО…ШП ӨСТЧРРТЬ
KСККЧ…ЬСШаДТЧРЖ ЭСКЭ ЬШЦО ЛКМФаКЫН ОХОЦОЧЭЬ ШП ДMШЧРШХТКЧЖ ТЧЭОХХТРОЧЭЬТК ДаОЫОЖ ЬЭТХХ ЦТЫОН
ТЧ ЧКЭТШЧКХТЬЭ ОРШТЬЦ” (as cited in Kaplonski 2001: 342). Similarly, displays of tradition,
homeland-oriented patriotism and a 1962 Chinggis Khaan celebration (343) were denounced as
“МСКЮЯТЧТЬЭТМ” (ündserkheg, КХЬШ ЭСО аШЫН ПШЫ ‘ЧКЭТШЧКХТЬЭТМ’). AММШЫНТЧРХв, ЭСО SШЯТОЭ ШЫЭСШНШбв
had successfully created a nationalist awareness, but was only partly able to channel this
consciousness into internationalist solidarity. However, the vestiges of both of these social
engineering projects remain in contemporary Mongolia.
3.2. Reinventing History in the 1990 Democratic Revolution
The 1990 Democratic Revolution saw the replacement of one version of history for
another. In the months leading up to the 1990 revolution, the MPRP had already begun
implementing Mongolian versions of perestroika and glasnost, in attempts to correct sociaХТЬЦ’Ь
“ОбМОЬЬОЬ” (KКЩХШЧЬФТ 2004: 51). ВОЭ, ЭСОЬО ЩШХТМТОЬ КЧН ТЧМЫОКЬТЧР ФЧШаХОНРО ЛЫШЮРСЭ ЛКМФ Лв
students studying abroad in the Soviet Union only led to increased widespread dissatisfaction
and distrust towards the version of history propagated by the MPRP. Availing themselves of the
rising sentiment that Mongolians had been spoon-fed a false version of history, democratic
ЩЫШЭОЬЭШЫЬ ТЧ ЭСО МТЭв ЬЭКЫЭОН МКХХТЧР ПШЫ К ЫОМХКЦКЭТШЧ ЭШ ЭСОТЫ “ЭЫЮО” СТЬЭШЫв (KКЩХШЧЬФТ 2004:
81). In order to create a nation-state and new political order, people need to be rallied around a
shared sense of identity. Because the previous identity and its corresponding history was
perceived as fictitious, the democratic protestors created a new historical set of symbols, because
ЭСО ШХН ЬШМТКХТЬЭ ШЧОЬ “НТН ЧШЭ ПЮХПТХХ ЭСО ЧКЭТШЧКХТЬЭ МЫТЭОЫТК” (BЮХКР 199ү: 232). АКЧЭТЧР ЭШ
distance themselves and repudiate the past 70 years of socialism, the self-proclaimed
“НОЦШМЫКЭТМ ПШЫМОЬ” ЛОРКЧ “ЫОЦОЦЛОЫТЧР” К СТЬЭШЫв ТЧ ШЩЩШЬТЭТШЧ ЭШ ЭСe socialist past (Kaplonski
2004: 81). Subsequently, the months and years following the Democratic Revolution saw a
renaissance (known as sergen mandalt) of everything perceived as pre-Soviet and traditional
(Humphrey 1992a); ЭСЮЬ ХОРТЭТЦТгТЧР ЭСО ‘ЭЫЮО’ historical superiority of the modern nation-state
in the process.
17
Nationalism, which had been partially created by Soviet ethnographers, was then
unleashed full force in the interests of nation-state formation. Accordingly, nationalist
sentiments were highly pervasive in contemporary Mongolia during my fieldwork (2011-2012).
Although constructed in opposition to the Soviet past, different strains of modern Mongolian
nationalism developed in accordance with the Soviet nationalist and internationalist social
engineering projects. The two main political camps after the Democratic Revolution in 1990
аОЫО ЭСО MШЧРШХТКЧ PОШЩХО’Ь PКЫЭв (MPP), ЭСО МШЧЭТЧЮКЭТШЧ ШП ЭСО SШЯТОЭ-era MPRP, and its
democratic opposition,11 who both utilized the rising tradition and ethnic-based nationalist
sentiment. Kaplonski explains that different forms of nationalist sentiment in Mongolia cannot
ЛО ПЮХХв НОХТЧОКЭОН ПЫШЦ КЧШЭСОЫ, ЛЮЭ ЫКЭСОЫ ЬСШЮХН ЛО ЯТОаОН КЬ “ШЯОЫХКЩЩТЧР КЧН ТЧЭОЫЬОМЭТЧР
МТЫМХОЬ ТЧ К VОЧЧ НТКРЫКЦ” (2001: 336). Although I do not wish to categorize the contemporary
Mongolian political parties into nationalism-type camps, the socialist MPP and the democratic
opposition12 can loosely be identified as exemplifying xenophobic and civic nationalism,
respectively (Tumursukh 2001; Bulag 1998: 256-7).13 Xenophobic nationalism primarily refers
to allegiance to the bloodline and ethnic Mongolian origins. Civic-oriented nationalism refers
first and foremost to allegiance to the Mongolian state apparatus, and views the 1990 peaceful
МСКЧРО ШП ЩШаОЫ КЬ К ЬТРЧ ШП MШЧРШХТК’Ь ТЧСОЫОЧЭ ЭШХОЫКЧМО КЧН ОЧХТРСЭОЧЦОЧЭ (TЮЦЮЫЬЮФС
2001: 128). Thus, both political directions serve national interests, yet one is more ethnic
nationalist and the other more internationalist in focus.
3.3. Resource Nationalism
As of 2014, Mongolian nationalism continues to deepen due to increased fears over
economic vagaries, mining, corruption, and wealth distribution. Due to the discovery of massive
coal, copper, gold, and uranium deposits,14 Mongolia drew increased attention from international
mining companies, in part because of the switch to a market economy in 1990. The opening of
11
Democratic Party, Mongolian National Progressive Party, and the Mongolian Social Democratic Party were all
formed by opposition groups in 1990.
12
As exemplified by the current Mongolian National Democratic Party (Tumursukh 2001:129)
13
GООЫЭг НОПТЧОЬ ЭаШ МШЧЭОЦЩШЫКЫв ПШЫЦЬ ШП ЧКЭТШЧКХТЬЦ: ‘TСО IЧНТРОЧШЮЬ АКв ШП LТПО’ КЧН ‘TСО SЩТЫТЭ ШП ЭСО AРО,’
ШЫ ‘ОЬЬОЧЭТКХТЬЦ’ КЧН ‘ОЩШМСКХТЬЦ.’ TСО ПТЫЬЭ ПШЫЦ ХШШФЬ ЭШаКЫНЬ КЮЭШМСЭСШЧШЮЬ ЦШЫОЬ ПШЫ ЭСО ЛКЬТЬ ШП ЧОа ТНОЧЭТЭв,
КЧН ЭСО ЬОМШЧН ЭШаКЫНЬ ЭСО ЩОЫМОТЯОН СТЬЭШЫТМКХ НТЫОМЭТШЧ КЧН ЧКЫЫКЭТЯО ШП ЭСО ЭТЦО. GООЫЭг’Ь ЭаШ ЬЭЫКЧds loosely
coincide with contemporary MonРШХТКЧ ЧКЭТШЧКХТЬЦ ПШЫЦЬ (19Ү3); КЧН SКСХТЧ’Ь (1999) “РХШЛКХ СШЦШРОЧТгКЭТШЧ”
ЯОЫЬЮЬ “ХШМКХ НТППОЫОЧЭТКЭТШЧ” НТМСШЭШЦв (ЬОО МСКЩЭОЫ 4).
14
The Mongolian government has estimated the worth of its deposits at 1.2 trillion dollars and the countryside
contains enough coal to fuel China for 50 years (Levin 2012).
18
OвЮ TШХРШТ (ШЫ ‘ЭЮЫЪЮШТЬО СТХХ’), which is believed to be the biggest copper mine in the world,
and the political wrestling between China and the U.S. over TawКЧ TШХРШТ (‘ПТЯО СТХХЬ’), К
massive coal deposit in the Gobi, have made Mongolians ask who has the right to these
resources? As one “Ninja miner” (frequently unemployed citizens who search for resources with
ЩКЧЬ ШЫ ЩТМФЬ) ЬЭКЭОН ТЧ К 2012 AХУКгООЫК ТЧЭОЫЯТОа: “АО ЬСШЮХН ЛО КХХШаОН ЭШ аШЫФ ТЧ ЭСО ЛТР
ЦТЧОЬ ЛЮЭ ЭСО ПШЫОТРЧ МШЦЩКЧТОЬ ЭСКЭ ЫЮЧ ЭСОЦ ШПЭОЧ ЮЬО ЭСОТЫ ШаЧ МШЮЧЭЫТОЬ’ ЩОШЩХО. When they
НШ СТЫО MШЧРШХТКЧЬ ЭСОв ЦТЬЭЫОКЭ ЭСОЦ КЧН ЩКв ЭСОЦ К ХШЭ ХОЬЬ.” TСОЬО РЫШаТЧР ПОКЫЬ КЧН
questions amongst the populace towards foreign investment are also tied to economic realities;
НЮО ЭШ MШЧРШХТК’Ь ХКЧНХШМФОН РОШРЫКЩСв, ӨСТЧК ЩКвЬ MШЧРШХТК 30 percent less for coal than on
the open market, taking advantage of its monopoly of land-based trade routes to and from
Mongolia (Levin 2012). In addition, the Mongolian economy has received a huge boost due to
the influx of mining money, yet very little of this wealth has trickled down to the average herder.
Although the economy grew by a startling 18 percent in 2011 the gap between rich and poor
continues to widen (CIA World Factbook 2013). Accordingly, several Neo-Nazi, right-wing,
swastika-wearing hate groups has arisen in Ulaanbaatar in recent years in reaction to these
concerns; Tsagaan Khas (ШЫ ‘аСТЭО ЬаКЬЭТФК’) ОЯОЧ МСКЦЩТШЧЬ ЭСО ОЧЯТЫШЧЦОЧЭКХТЬЭ МКЮЬО Лв
performing patrols of mining pits (Barria 2013). Accordingly, resource nationalism has given
new fire to the flame of fanatical, ethnic patriotism.
The contemporary cultivation of nationalist sentiment provides the context for the control
society establishes for аШЦОЧ’Ь ЛШНТОЬ, ТНОКХЬ КЧН КРОЧМв. SШЯТОЭ ТНОШХШРв КЧН ЩШХТЭТМКХ
maneuvering created two political vantage points—a nationalist and internationalist
perspective—that have been coopted and utilized by current political wings. Additionally, these
political angles coincide roughly with contemporary femininity ideals, which are then embodied
through beauty and body norms. As history was revamped to serve political goals, so to have
femininity ideals been appropriated to serve the two political directives. Thus, the following
chapters will illustrate how changing political values—the emerging civic-oriented and
xenophobic nationalisms—are intertwined with the contemporary discourses of tradition and
modernity.
19
4. Emerging Discourses: Tradition versus Modernity
Odval, a famous actress and beauty icon born in the 1940s—who came of age in the
Soviet-era movie scene of the 70s and 80s—lamented in our interview about the incipient
homogenization of global culture, including beauty ideals. When she watches TV, she said, she
sometimes sees the images of African women who have ideals of long, stretched necks and lip
plates, and finds it interesting. Unfortunately, according to her, the varying standards of beauty
are globally fusing into one tedious uniform ideal:
“That’s why I think how boring (uitgartai) it is all becoming; for example, if I lived in
America or Germany, than everything would be the same (yag l ijelkhen) and there is
nothing unique (yamar ch sonin yum baikhgui te). And everywhere are thin women
with the same clothing and the same face. And all of them have had cosmetic surgery
and their children watch the same movies, like Tom and Jerry, so if everything
became the same than I believe life would no longer be interesting…
That’s why I think that every person should develop themselves further and every
nation should maintain its originality. Not just every nation, but every person as an
individual should remain unique and be true to oneself. And this criteria just makes
you prettier and more attractive. Otherwise, we will all have the same eyes and same
nose after our operations…that’s how people have now become.”
Odval’Ь ПОКЫ ШП РХШЛКХ ЛОКЮЭв ЬЭКЧНКЫНТгКЭТШЧ ТЬ ЫОЦТЧТЬМОЧЭ ШП аСКЭ AЩЩКНЮЫКТ КЧЧШЮЧМОЬ КЬ
“ШЧО ШП ЭСО РЫКЧН МХТМСцЬ ШП ЬШМТКХ ЭСОШЫв” (1996: 179)—the fear of the disappearance of local
diversity with the advent of modernity. Her statement is thought-provoking for the two
juxtaposing categories it describes—first, the concept of a global wave of homogenization,
ТХХЮЬЭЫКЭОН ЭСЫШЮРС ОбЩЫОЬЬТШЧЬ ХТФО ‘ОЯОЫваСОЫО,’ ‘КХХ ШП ЭСОЦ,’ ‘ЬКЦО МХШЭСТЧР КЧН ЬКЦО ПКМО’—
and of unparalleled locality—НОПТЧОН ЭСЫШЮРС ‘ШЫТРТЧКХТЭв,’ ‘ЮЧТЪЮО,’ КЧН ‘ТЧНТЯТНЮКХ.’ HОЫ
statement therefore illustrates how the influx of values and information through globalization
СКЯО ХОН ЭШ ЭСО НОЯОХШЩЦОЧЭ ШП МШЧМОЩЭЬ ШП “РХШЛКХ СШЦШРОЧОТЭв КЧН ХШМКХ НТППОЫОЧЭТКЭТШЧ…ЭСО
latter as a response to the former in the name ШП ЧКЭТЯО МЮХЭЮЫКХ КЮЭШЧШЦв” (Sahlins 2005: 48) in
current Mongolia. Thus, as illustrated through Odval’Ь ПОКЫЬ, КЧ КаКЫОЧОЬЬ ШП ЭСО ПШЫОТРЧ, ЭСО
modern and the global is linked to a growing consciousness of the local, the traditional, and the
Mongolian.
The arrival of the specter of foreignness has made local Mongolian actors more aware of
indigenous concepts. In the aforementioned quote, Odval values the two paradigms
differently—ЭСО “РХШЛКХ СШЦШРОЧОТЭв” МШЧМОЩЭ ТЬ ЩОЫЯКНОН Лв ЭСО КНУОМЭТЯО ‘ЛШЫТЧР,’ аСТХО ЭСО
20
“ХШМКХ НТППОЫОЧЭТКЭТШЧ” МКЭОРШЫв ТЬ ПЫКЦОН КЬ “ЮЧТЪЮО” КЧН “ЭЫЮО ЭШ ШЧОЬОХП.” AММШЫНТЧР ЭШ
Sahlins, the expansion of Western capitalism and the instability of the fluid landscapes of
globalization have led to a growing awareness of indigenous cultures: “…one complement of the
new global ecumene is the so-called culturalism of very recent decades: the self-consciousness of
their ‘culture,’ as a value to be lived and defended, that has broken out all around the Third and
Fourth Worlds” (1999: x). Odval’Ь ПОКЫЬ ЫОРКЫНТЧР ЭСО ХШЬЬ ШП ТЧНТРОЧШЮЬ MШЧРШХТКЧ ЛОКЮЭв
ЫОПХОМЭ КЧ КаКЫОЧОЬЬ ШП МКЭОРШЫТОЬ ШП “SОХП” КЧН “OЭСОЫ;” “ХШМКХ” КЧН “ПШЫОТРЧ;” КЬ аОХХ КЬ СОЫ
personal preference for the local in resistance to perceived foreign intrusion.15 TСЮЬ, ЭСО “ХШМКХ
НТППОЫОЧЭТКЭТШЧ” МШЧМОЩЭ (i.e. tradition) is perceived by many contemporary Mongolian actors as a
positive, yet limited quality that must be contained, preserved and defended against modernity.
4.1. Tradition and Modernity as Historical Cultural Constructs
өОЬЩТЭО ЭСО ТЦЩХТМКЭТШЧЬ ШП ЭСО аШЫН ‘ЭЫКНТЭТШЧ,’ ideas of local/tradition and
foreign/modern have always been precarious concepts. The concept of tradition is used in
contemporary Mongolian discourse to designate pre-Soviet, feudal and/or Chinggisid cultural
mores (in Mongolian: ulaamjlalaar, yoc zanshilîn daguu) that arose around the reign of Chinggis
Khaan (12th-13th century) and were passed down through word of mouth until the arrival of the
Soviet Union. Yet, as Sahlins and Appadurai point out, this notion of a true, authentic, pristine
cultural stage is largely a construction.16 First, as previously illustrated, the current awareness of
local tradition arose in combination with a perceived Other— the foreign modern. Additionally,
such a portrayal of indigenous local culture presupposes a stagnant, ahistorical nature—the idea
that cultural change and dissemination only started when white Westerners arrived (Sahlins
1999: ii).17 In fact, as argued by Appadurai, the concept of locality is a fragile social concept;
15
Not all contemporary actors automatically perceive of foreign influences as bad—see subsequent discussions of
“ЭСО ЧОа аШЦКЧ”
16
As I later argue, current symbols of tradition are rooted in historical events, yet the historical fragments are
selectively utilized and instrumentalized in the interests of national discourse. Similarly, according to Hroch,
“IЧЭОХХОМЭЮКХЬ МКЧ ‘ТЧЯОЧЭ’ ЧКЭТШЧКХ МШЦЦЮЧТЭТОЬ ШЧХв ТП МОЫtain objective preconditions for the formation of a nation
КХЫОКНв ОбТЬЭ…FШЫ ЧКЭТШЧКХ МШЧЬМТШЮЬЧОЬЬ ЭШ КЫТЬО, ЭСОЫО ЦЮЬЭ ЛО ЬШЦОЭСТЧР ЭШ ЛОМШЦО КаКЫО ШП” (HЫШМС 1993: 4).
Therefore, ideas of tradition can have basis in past rituals and events, but be recreated and fashioned for modern
purposes.
17
According to Sahlins, contemporary anxieties on the loss of indigenous, local culture (as voiced by Odval) are
rooted in the 19th-century despondency theory—the belief that the clash between the primitive non-West and
civilized West would result in indigenous despondency and passive assumption of the new cultural regime. These
assumptions—as echoed by EB Tylor in Primitive Culture (1871) regarding the doom in store for cultural diversity
(Sahlins 1999: iv)—are vestiges of 18th-century Enlightenment philosophy, which supposed unilinear evolutionist
steps of cultural development (with Western civilization as the final culmination).
21
“as local subjects carry on the continuing task of reproducing their neighborhood, the
contingencies of history, environment, and imagination contain the potential for new contexts
(material, social, and imaginative) to be produced. In this way…that vagaries of social action
by local subjects [change] the conditions of the production of locality” (1996: 185). Essentially,
any cultural system that is formulated by cultural actors to deal with the historically-specific
economic and material stresses is in a constant state of flux and renegotiation in order to
accommodate accruing stresses or the whims of social actors.18 Therefore, the ideas of the local,
the indigenous, and by extension, the traditional, are not ahistorical at all, but were in the past,
and continue to be, in a constant state of production through the interpretation and adaptation by
cultural actors.
But the contemporary Mongolian КаКЫОЧОЬЬ ШП ‘ЭЫКНТЭТШЧ’ КЫШЬО ЭСЫШЮРС ТЭЬ УЮбЭКЩШЬТЭТШЧ
аТЭС ‘ЦШНОЫЧТЭв.’ IЧ Цв ТЧЭОЫЯТОаЬ, ЫОЬЩШЧНОЧЭЬ ЫОПОЫЫОН ЭШ ЦШНОЫЧТЭв КЬ ‘ЭСО ЭТЦО ЭСКЭ ТЬ
ЫОМОЧЭ/КЫШЮЧН ЧШа/ТЧ ЭСО ЬЮЫЫШЮЧНТЧРЬ’ (süüliin, odoo, orchin üye/tsag), although some
individuals still viewed current society as in a stage of transition between the past and the future
(shiljiltiin üye).19 Both of these depictions categorize modernity as an inevitable temporal
societal phase that Mongolia is either approaching or has arrived at.20 This sense of fatality was
highly palpable among my first homestay family in the Gobi Desert—when I asked Enkhjargal, a
45-year-old nomadic herder, why she had decided to change her clothing style and wear makeЮЩ, ЬСО ЭШХН ЦО ЭСКЭ СОЫ ЧОа СКЛТЭЬ аОЫО ‘ПТЭ ПШЫ ЦШНОЫЧТЭв’ (orchin üyedee taarsan). Her
resigned adaptation was indicative of her perception of modernity as an external, unstoppable
force. Thus, in addition to the growing consciousness of Mongol indigenity, globalization has
engendered the category of modernity as an overarching, temporal, historical, arriving force.
Consequently, the concomitant, dichotomous emergence of tradition and modernity
concepts reveals their mutual construction as an adaptation to historical circumstances. As
elucidated in the previous chapter, the fall of the Soviet Union and the opening of Mongolia to
foreign influence, market and global influences in 1990 heralded a florescence of concepts and
IЧ AЩЩКНЮЫКТ’Ь аШЫНЬ: “PЮЭ КЧШЭСОЫ аКв, ЭСТЬ ТЬ СШа ЭСО ЬЮЛУОМЭЬ ШП СТЬЭШЫв ЛОМШЦО СТЬЭШЫТМКХ ЬЮЛУОМЭЬ, ЬШ ЭСКЭ ЧШ
human community, however apparently stable, static, bounded, or isolated, can usefully be regarded as cool or
ШЮЭЬТНО СТЬЭШЫв” (1996: 185).
19
Although this phrase is usually used in reference to the time during or right after the Democratic Revolution and
the switch to a market economy (Bruun 1996)
20
Which is reminiscent of Enlightenment philosophy depicting development as steps on the ladder towards Western
civilization—see footnote #15
18
22
НОЦКЧНЬ ПШЫ ЭСО ЫОЭЮЫЧ ЭШ ‘ЭЫКНТЭТШЧ’ КПЭОЫ ЭСО ПШЫОТРЧ ЭвЫКЧЧв ШП ЬШМТКХТЬЦ. Protestors and
ЩШХТЭТМТКЧЬ НЮЫТЧР ЭСО өОЦШМЫКЭТМ RОЯШХЮЭТШЧ ЫОКМСОН ЛКМФ “КМЫШЬЬ ЭСО МСКЬЦ ШП SЭКХТЧТЬЦ” ЭШ
ЭСО “НООЩ ЩКЬЭ” (HЮЦЩСЫОв 1992a: 3Ү6), КЧН ЮЬОН ЬХШРКЧЬ ХТФО “MШЧРШХТК ПШЫ ЭСО MШЧРШХТКЧЬ”
(Kaplonski 2004: 64) to evoke nostalgic ideas of a true, authentic Mongolian culture that had
existed prior to the contaminating influence of the Soviet Union. Yet, this nationalist wave
splintered into two factions with varying perspectives—one defined as ethnic/local/tradition and
one defined as international/global/progressive/modern. Thus, both narratives of tradition and
modern arose out of a confluence of multiple conditions—including Mongolian history, Soviet
influence, contemporary needs of the post-socialist nation-state, and the pressures of
globalization.
4.2. Tradition and Modernity as Ideoscapes
Discourses of tradition and modernity represent two globalization-induced, historicallyinfluenced visions of Mongolian nationhood. Appadurai (1996) theorizes globalization as
comprised of amorphous, fluid, global cultural flows. These landscapes of globalization are not
bound by borders or nation-state categories, but comprise global streams of thought that can be
reassumed by local actors in personalized, indigenized ways. The five main landscapes that he
identifies are ethnoscapes (the flow of people, i.e. migration), technoscapes (the flow of
technology), finanscapes (flow of capital), mediascapes (flow of information), and ideoscapes
(flow of ideals and values). In his essay Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Economy
(1990), Appadurai uses the example of the master-term of democracy as an ideoscape: the term
democracy ОЯШФОЬ К “МШЧМКЭОЧКЭТШЧ ШП ТНОКЬ, ЭОЫЦЬ КЧН ТЦКРОЬ, ТЧМХЮНТЧР ‘ПЫООНШЦ’, ‘аОХПКЫО’,
‘ЫТРСЭЬ’, ‘ЬШЯОЫОТРЧЭв’ (299)” ЛЮЭ аСШЬО ЬЩОМТПТМ ОбЩЫОЬЬТШЧЬ ТЧ ХШМКХ МШЧЭОбЭЬ МСКЧРО (ЭСОв
ЛОМШЦО К “ХШШЬОХв ЬЭЫЮМЭЮЫОН ЬвЧШЩЭТМШЧ ШП ЩШХТЭТМЬ”) ЭСЫШЮРС ЭСОТЫ “НТКЬЩШЫК КЫШЮЧН ЭСО аШЫХН”
(300). Thus, the keyword democracy is linked globally to multiple images, ideas, visualization
and concepts that are locally reconfigured. Ideoscapes are therefore essentially discourses (see
chapter 2) surrounding political values (see chapter 3). Similarly, tradition and modernity also
represent two meta-narrative keywords/discourses/ideoscapes that have been reconfigured in
multiple settings throughout Asia, including in India, Malaysia, Indonesia, China and Vietnam.
In the case of Malaysia, globalization has also not resulted in an eradication of local culture, but
ТЧ К “ЩШЬЭ-ЦШНОЫЧТгКЭТШЧ ШП ЧКЭТШЧКХ ТНОЧЭТЭв”—multiple images of the ideal nation now flow
through the media and cyberspace resulting in multiple and competing ideas of national identity
23
(Stivens 1998: 18). Similarly, in post-socialist Mongolia, the increased flow of global
ТЧПШЫЦКЭТШЧ СКЬ КХХШаОН ЭСО ЫТЬО ШП ТНОКХТгОН ‘ЭЫКНТЭТШЧКХ’ КЧН ‘ЦШНОЫЧ’ ПШЫЦЬ ШП MШЧРШХТКЧ
nationhood. 21 Thus, tradition and modernity can be viewed as ideoscapes that are expressed at
the political/governmental level and in civil society as the nationalist directives of xenophobic
(traditional) and civic-oriented (modernity) nationalisms (discussed in chapter 2), respectively.
Tradition and modernity should therefore be conceptualized as two amorphous, fluid metanarratives of ideal visions of Mongolian nationhood.
Moreover, the pressures of nationalism(s) combined with globalized discourses have
engendered two contemporary ideals of femininity as the embodiment of values. In the
ethnographic compilation Gender and Power in Affluent Asia (1998), two different chapters
focus on the varying femininity ideals arising in the current Indonesian nation-state: a mother
role who births children and promotes the nation according to the family planning provisions
outlined by the government (Robinson 1998); and a worker archetype associated with modernity
and female economic self-sufficiency (Sen 1998). These femininity archetypes are varyingly
prevalent in different regions and groups—predominantly in middle-class urbanity and village
households in rural communities, respectively—but overlap in the same nation-state
constellation. Similarly, in post-socialist Mongolia, the feminine epitomes of the ideoscapes of
tradition and modernity should be viewed—ТЧ ХТЧО аТЭС AЩЩКНЮЫКТ’Ь ЭСОШЫв ШП globalization—as
fluid amalgamations of concepts that express themselves according to context. Such a
multifaceted perception allows an understanding of why some Mongolian nomadic herders might
conceive of themselves as modern and some Ulaanbaatar yurt district residents define their
worldview as traditional. Thus, the next section is dedicated to elucidating the various ways the
ideals of tradition and modernity—through the good woman and new woman, respectively—
found their expression ШЧ аШЦОЧ’Ь ЛШНТОЬ in interviews and during my fieldwork in Mongolia.
21
Although nationalism and globalization are commonly depicted in anthropological discourse as opposing forces
(Ariely 2012), various globalized influences have allowed the emergence of multiple strains of nationalism in
Mongolia. Globalization can also strengthen localized nationalisms. For example, Cory and Koçer argue (2012)
ЭСКЭ ЭСО TЮЫФТЬС РШЯОЫЧЦОЧЭ’Ь ТЧЭОРЫКЭТШЧ ШП ЧОШХТЛОЫКХ ОМШЧШЦТМ ЩШХТМТОЬ (ЭСЮЬ ЩЫШЯТНТЧР ХОЬЬ ЛОЧОПТЭЬ КЧН
economic stability) have lОН ЭШ ЭСО ЮЬКРО ШП МЮХЭЮЫКХ ХОРТЭТЦКЭТШЧ ЬЭЫКЭОРТОЬ (Т.О. IЬХКЦТгКЭТШЧ) ЭШ ЬОМЮЫО МТЭТгОЧЬ’
allegiance.
24
5. The Good Woman as the Embodiment of Tradition
In a 2012 television show honoring famous Mongolians, Tsogzolmaa, a Mongolian
КМЭЫОЬЬ, аКЬ КЬФОН ЭШ НОПТЧО аСКЭ К аШЦКЧ’Ь ЛОЬЭ ЪЮКХТЭТОЬ аОЫО. TЬШРгШХЦКК, аСШЬО КМЭТЧР
career hit its peak in 1945 during the Soviet era with the film Tsogt Taij (‘PЫТЧМО TЬШРЭ’), ТЬ
widely considered to be one of the most beautiful women in Mongolia; a designation that grants
СОЫ КЮЭСШЫТЭв ШЧ ЭСО ЭШЩТМ ШП MШЧРШХТКЧ ПОЦТЧТЧТЭв. IЧЬЭОКН ШП КЧЬаОЫТЧР аСКЭ К аШЦКЧ’Ь
qualities are, she chose to describe what a woman ought to be:
“A woman needs to be a woman. Some women have now become like men. Women
have to care for men, they have to pamper them. There is the saying, ‘A good women
gathers, a bad woman scatters.’ A good woman creates harmony amongst the
relatives, is affectionate and nurtures the man, creates a comfortable atmosphere, and
the woman holds the key to the family” (Anu Marketing 2012).
AММШЫНТЧР ЭШ TЬШРгШХЦКК, К ЩЫШЩОЫ аШЦКЧ’Ь ЬШМТОЭКХ ЩЮЫЩШЬО МШЧЬТЬЭЬ ШП СОЫ МШntribution as the
bulwark of the family. This role includes her secondary familial position as the nurturer of
children and enabler for her husband. Additionally, by stating that some women are currently
“ЛОМШЦТЧР ХТФО ЦОЧ,” TЬШРгШХЦКК НТЯТНОЬ МЮЫЫОЧЭ аШmen from their past counterparts, who
аОЫО ЬЮЩЩШЬОНХв ЦШЫО ХТФО “ЫОКХ” MШЧРШХТКЧ аШЦОЧ. HОЫ ЮЬКРО ШП ЭСО ЩСЫКЬО “РШШН аШЦКЧ” ТЬ
thus commonly used in Mongolia to refer to women that have traits linked to the past, to
tradition, mothering/wifely qualities, КЧН ЭШ КЧ ‘КЮЭСОЧЭТМ’ Mongolian identity.
5.1. The Good Woman as Herder
The good woman is frequently represented as the living personification of tradition and
authentic Mongolian nationhood in the contemporary form of a herder. In line with the
conceptualization of ideoscapes as fluid amalgamations, ideals of good/traditional femininity can
be found both in the city and the countryside—through the wives of MPP party politicians, new
migrants to the city, yurt district residents, and/or conservative civil society members. However,
in contemporary discourse, the good woman is most commonly embodied as a nomadic herder,
because current nomadism is seen as the most direct representation of lifestyles enacted during
ӨСТЧРРТЬ KСККЧ’Ь ЭТЦО. ӨШЧЬОЪЮОЧЭТКХХв, ЭСО РШШН аШЦКЧ ЭЫШЩО МКЧ ЛО ХТЧФОН ЭШ TЮЦЮЫЬЮФС’Ь
descriptions of the portrayal of women in xenophobic national identity discourse:
“Mongolia’s Asian-ness is invoked to portray the (young) Mongolian woman as a
‘pure and shy’ (read: dependent and obedient) traditional herdswoman (read:
uneducated but industrious) under firm parental authority or an established matron
25
with (preferably many) children under firm spousal authority who knows and
cherishes Mongolian nomadic customs; is competent both in traditional household
chores such as making cheese, sewing traditional clothes, and maintaining livestock;
and sees producing and raising children as her single-most important duty to the
country and the family” (Tumursukh 2001: 137)
The good woman is thus frequently portrayed as authentically Asian and a herder; a good wife,
mother, nurturer and caretaker; who focuses on her family and tradition; who is temperamentally
demure; and who represents ideals of genuine Mongolian nationhood according to xenophobic
nationalism.
5.2. АШЦОЧ’Ь BШНТОЬ КЧН NКЭТШЧКХТЬЦ
In contemporary Mongolia, the ideoscapes of tradition and modernity are both
intertwined with nationalism(s), which has implications for idealized forms of femininity.
Because nationalist22 narratives focus on the shared traits—whether historical, cultural, ethnic,
traditional or value-based—that a collective possesses, the awareness and maintenance of the
ЛШЮЧНКЫТОЬ ШП ЭСКЭ РЫШЮЩ ЛОМШЦО ТЦЩШЫЭКЧЭ ПШЫ ЭСО МШХХОМЭТЯТЭв’Ь МШЧЭТЧЮКЭТШЧ. АШЦОЧ, КЬ ЭСО
progenitors of children, thus determine the limits of the in-group through their marriage and
birthing choices. Consequently, nation(alist) discourses have frequently been concerned with the
control and maintenance of female bodies and sexuality.23 Currently, within Mongolian
xenopСШЛТМ ЧКЭТШЧКХТЬЭ МТЫМХОЬ КЧН ХКЫРОЫ ЭЫКНТЭТШЧКХ НТЬМШЮЫЬО, К аШЦКЧ’Ь ЩЫШМЫОКЭТЯО МСШТМО
follows a binary logic: either she is a patriot and propagates national blood with a Mongolian, or
ЬСО МШЦЦТЭЬ КЧ “КМЭ ШП ЭЫОКЬШЧ” аТЭС К ПШЫОТРЧОЫ (BТХХО 2009: 3). As a result, the word erliiz,
etymologically used to designate mixed-breed animals, is commonly used derogatorily to
ЫОЩЫОЬОЧЭ ‘ЦТбОН-ЛХШШН’ МСТХНЫОЧ. FЮЫЭСОЫЦШЫО, К MШЧРШХТКЧ КЩСШЫТЬЦ КЭЭОЬЭЬ ЭСКЭ “IП ЦОЧ
22
I refer to the classic nationalism theorist, Benedict Anderson, in defining nation as a community that is
“…НТЬЭТЧРЮТЬСОН, ЧШЭ Лв ТЭЬ ПКХЬТЭв/РОЧЮТЧОЧОЬЬ, ЛЮЭ Лв ЭСО ЬЭвХО ТЧ аСТМС ЭСОв КЫО ТЦКРТЧОН” (AЧНОЫЬШЧ [1991]
2006: 6). IЧ ШЭСОЫ аШЫНЬ, К ЧКЭТШЧ ТЬ ЭСО ЛОХТОП ЭСКЭ ШЧО ТЬ аТЭСТЧ К МШЦЦЮЧТЭв, К “НООЩ, СШЫТгШЧЭКХ МШЦЫКНОЬСТЩ,” (Ү)
that shares an identity; be it a joint past; cultural history and traditions; a contemporary set of values; or a vision for
К ЮЧТПТОН ПЮЭЮЫО. AЩЩКНЮЫКТ СКЬ ОбЩКЧНОН ШЧ ЭСТЬ ЧШЭТШЧ ШП ‘ТЦКРТЧОН МШЦЦЮЧТЭТОЬ’ аТЭС ЭСО ЭСОШЫв ШП ‘ТЦКРТЧОН
аШЫХНЬ.’ (1990: 296)
23
Anthias and Yuval-Davis (1989) cite five categories of the integration of womanhood with nationalism: (1) as
biological reproducers of members of ethnic collectives; (2) as reproducers of the boundaries of ethnic/national
groups; (3) as participating centrally in the ideological reproduction of the collectivity and as transmitters of its
culture; (4) as signifiers of ethnic/national differences; and (5) as participants in national, economic, political and
military struggles.
26
become depraved, the state perishes, if womeЧ ЛОМШЦО НОЩЫКЯОН, ЭСО ЧКЭТШЧ ЩОЫТЬСОЬ,”24 alluding
to fears of foreign paternity and ethnic continuation. The rise of nationalist discourse(s) in
contemporary Mongolia has consequently intensified the scrutiny and control of female
sexuality.
The increased concern surrounding female sexual behavior has foregrounded the female
body as a canvas for the projection of Mongolian values. This phenomenon—the coopting of
аШЦОЧ’Ь ЛШНТОЬ Лв ЧКЭТШЧКХТЬЭ НТЬМШЮЫЬОЬ КЬ К ЬТРЧТПТОЫ ШП ЛШЮЧНКЫТОЬ КЧН ЦШЫКХЬ—is not without
precedent; whether Bharat Mata (Mother India), Mother Ireland, Mother Russia, Marianne in
revolutionary France or Germania during the German Empire, the nation(-state) has frequently
been personified as a woman. In post-socialist Mongolia, two magazine caricatures reproduced
by Uradyn E. Bulag in his book, Nationalism and Hybridity in Mongolia, represent this gendered
nationalist consciousness in 1991 right after the Democratic Revolution: one of a pregnant
woman in the shape of ancient Mongolian script, and one of a woman as the borders of the
Mongolian state (Bulag 1998: 152-3). Similarly, Oyuunbileg, a 35-year-old woman living in the
вЮЫЭ НТЬЭЫТМЭЬ ШП UХККЧЛККЭКЫ, ЬЭКЭОН: “A аШЦКЧ ТЬ ЭСО ПКМО ШП ЭСО ЬЭКЭО. A аШЦКЧ ТЬ ЭСО
representation of the state. A аШЦКЧ СКЬ ЭШ ЛО МКЩКЛХО ТЧ ОЯОЫв ЫОРКЫН. SСО НШОЬЧ’Э СКЯО ЭШ ЛО
ЭСТЧ, ЛЮЭ ЬСО СКЬ ЭШ ЛО МХОКЧ.” AХХ ЭСЫОО ШП ЭСОЬО НОЩТМЭТШЧЬ ШП ПОЦКХО ЛШНТОЬ—either as pregnant
carriers of children, as a nation-state that can potentially be raped (i.e. exploited) by foreigners, 25
КЧН/ШЫ К “МХОКЧ” (ЫОКН: ЩЮЫО КЧН ЬОбЮКХХв-controlled) face of the state—ТЧНТМКЭО СШа аШЦОЧ’Ь
bodies are instrumentalized through their sexuality in nationalist discourses. Thus, the rise of
nationalism through globalization and the unifying needs of the post-socialist nation-state have
intensified the attention on, control, and awareness of female bodies as a symbol of the nation,
the boundaries of the in-group, and the superiority of Mongolia.
24
Ers sadarlaval uls mökhnö, ems sadarlaval ündesten mökhnö—this adage was quote in English in Vangansuren
(2007), but was mentioned in my conversations with Mongolians. This adage defines the state as the government
apparatus constructed to abut the nation—the ethnic and cultural lineage of a defined group of people. States
envisaged for one ethnic group—i.e. Mongolia for Mongolians—are described as nation-states.
25
Within xenophobic nationalism, fears regarding foreign usurpation initially focused on the influx of Chinese
workers (Bille 2009), yet increasingly included Caucasian Westerners due to the growing impact of Western-owned
mining companies.
27
5.2.2. The Beautiful Good Woman as Symbol of Tradition
A good woman is the physical beauty reification of traditional discourse. Both the good
woman and new woman are conceived as beautiful, but their respective beauty embodies
different values and norms; the good woman represents tradition (i.e. local differentiation;
xenophobic nationalism) and the new woman signifies global competitiveness and the market
(i.e. global homogenization; civic-oriented nationalism). According to tradition discourse, a
truly beautiful Mongolian woman thus embodies Mongolian mores and values; not those
propagated by the global community.26 For example, in the introductory quote of chapter 4,
Odval КНЯШМКЭОЬ ЫОЦКТЧТЧР ХШвКХ ЭШ ТЧНТРОЧШЮЬ, MШЧРШХТКЧ ПШЫЦЬ ШП ЛОКЮЭв: “NШЭ УЮЬЭ ОЯОЫв
nation, but every person as an individual should reЦКТЧ ЮЧТЪЮО КЧН ЛО ЭЫЮО ЭШ ШЧОЬОХП.” HОЫ
statement draws a comparison between the macro-level, national body and the micro-level,
female body. Similarly, according to a survey answer from one Khövsgöl СОЫНОЫ, “A ЛОКЮЭТПЮХ
аШЦКЧ ТЬ К ЫОПХОМЭТШЧ ШП СОЫ ЧКЭТШЧ’Ь ЧШЫЦЬ (МТЯТХТгКЭТШЧ) КЧН СОЫ ЬЭКЭЮЬ ТЧ ЭСО МШЦЦЮЧТЭв; ЬСО ТЬ
МЮХЭЮЫОН, ОНЮМКЭОН, КЧН СКЬ К ЬСКЩОХв, ЬЭЫШЧР ЛШНв.” TСЮЬ, ЛШЭС ТЧПШЫЦКЧЭЬ ЯТЬЮКХТгО MШЧРШХТКЧ
female beauty as a creation and epitome of autochthonous Mongolian norms. Specifically,
according to Khongorzol, К ЫОМОЧЭ МШЮЧЭЫвЬТНО ЦТРЫКЧЭ ЭШ ЭСО МТЭв, К аШЦКЧ’Ь аШЫЭС ТЧ ЭСО
countryside is gauged according to her abilities—i.e. if she can make milk products, if she can
cook, herd animals successfully and sew skillfully—as the living embodiment of traditional and
national values (yas ündes yoc zanshil). IЧ ОЬЬОЧМО, К РШШН аШЦКЧ’Ь ЛОКЮЭв ТЬ ХКЫРОХв
constructed around her loyalty to and efficacy within narratives of tradition (nomadism) and
nation.
5.2.3. The Good Woman as Invented Tradition
The good woman as an ancestor and extension of traditional Mongolian identity is an
example of an invented tradition, or a contemporary redefining of traditional culture in the
nation-state building process. The concept invention of tradition refers to the common
mechanism in nation-ЬЭКЭО МШЧЭОбЭЬ ШП МЫОКЭТЧР “ЭЫКНТЭТШЧЬ” ТЧ ШЫНОЫ ЭШ МШЧЬЭЫЮМЭ К ЬОЦЛХКЧМО ШП
unity (as per the 1990 Democratic Revolution—see chapter 3). Invented tradition, according to
26
TСО НОЬТРЧКЭТШЧ ШП ‘ЭЫКНТЭТШЧ’ ШЛЬМЮЫОЬ ЭСКЭ MШЧРШХТКЧ КМЭШЫЬ ШЧХв ЛОМКЦО КаКЫО ШП MШЧРШХТКЧ ЛОКЮЭв ЭСЫШЮРС
the comparison with foreignness through globalization (see chapter 4). Similarly, in contemporary China, Hua
(2013) discusses how hostesses chosen for the 2008 Beijing Olympics were punctiliously selected, regimentally
ЭЫКТЧОН, КЧН ЬЮЛУОМЭОН ЭШ ‘ЛОКЮЭв ЛШШЭ МКЦЩ’ ЬШ ЭСКЭ ЭСОв МШЮХН ЩСвЬТМКХХв ОЦЛШНв ЭСО ТЦКРО ШП ЭСО “ЧОа ‘ЦШНОЫЧ’
КЧН ‘ЛОКЮЭТПЮХ’ ӨСТЧК…ЫОКНв ЭШ ЭКФО ТЭЬ ЩХКМО КЦШЧР ЭСО ЫКЧФЬ ШП ЭСО аШЫХН’Ь РЫОКЭ ЧКЭТШЧЬ” (163).
28
HШЛЬЛКаЦ, ТЬ “…К ЬОЭ ШП ЩЫКМЭТМОЬ, ЧШЫЦКХХв РШЯОЫЧОН Лв ШЯОЫЭХв ШЫ ЭКМТЭХв КММОЩЭОН ЫЮХОЬ КЧН
of a ritual or symbolic nature, which seek to inculcate certain values and norms of behavior by
ЫОЩОЭТЭТШЧ, аСТМС КЮЭШЦКЭТМКХХв ТЦЩХТОЬ МШЧЭТЧЮТЭв аТЭС ЭСО ЩКЬЭ….they normally attempt to
ОЬЭКЛХТЬС МШЧЭТЧЮТЭв аТЭС К ЬЮТЭКЛХО СТЬЭШЫТМКХ ЩКЬЭ” (HШЛЬЛКаЦ 1992: 1). AММШЫНТЧРХв, invented
traditions are concepts of a shared past that are not necessarily observable through historical
documentation, but rather believed by the nation-state actors to be continuations of authentic
historical and behavioral artifacts.27 Nevertheless, invention does not imply complete fantasy;
these concepts are usually based on some aspect of recorded history that has been selected,
exaggerated and instrumentalized based on the needs of contemporary nationalism(s).
The waves of nationalism(s) that have arisen in the post-Soviet Mongolian nation-state28
СКЯО ЛТЫЭСОН ЭСО РШШН аШЦКЧ ТНОКХ; МШЧЭОЦЩШЫКЫв МКХХЬ ЭШ ЫОЭЮЫЧ ЭШ КЧ ‘КЮЭСОЧЭТМ’ ЩКЬЭ аОЫО КХЬo
МШЮЩХОН аТЭС МКХХЬ ПШЫ К ЫОЭЮЫЧ ЭШ ‘КЮЭСОЧЭТМ’ РОЧНОЫ ТНОКХЬ. TСТЬ ЫОЯТЭКХТгКЭТШЧ ТЧМХЮНОН К ЫОЭЮЫЧ
ЭШ “…ЭСО ЩКЭЫТКЫМСКХ ЬЭЫЮМЭЮЫО ШП ЩКЬЭШЫКХ ЬШМТОЭв… ДПЫКЦОНЖ КЬ К РОЧЮТЧО MШЧРШХТКЧ
characteristic that had only been pushed aside to allow the socialist state to assume higher
КЮЭСШЫТЭв” (BОЧаОХХ 2009: 112). TСЮЬ, ЫОЯТЭКХТгОН МШЧМОЩЭЬ ШП ЭЫКНТЭТШЧ ТЧМХЮНОН К ЫОЭЮЫЧ ЭШ ЭСО
ЩКЭЫТКЫМСКХ ЩКЬЭ; аШЦОЧ’Ь ЫШХОЬ аОЫО ЫОНОПТЧОН, аСТХО МШЧЬЭЫЮМЭОН КЬ МШЧЭТЧЮКХ, КЧМТОЧЭ КЧН
traditional. These nationalist reconfigurКЭТШЧЬ ШП СТЬЭШЫв ПЫКЦОН аШЦОЧ “…КЬ ЛТШХШРТМКХ
reproducers of members of [the Mongolian] etСЧТМ МШХХОМЭТЯО…” (ВЮЯКХ өКЯТЬ КЧН Anthias
1989: 7). Thus, good women are women, who supposedly like generations of women before
ЭСОЦ, аОЫО “ЭСО ‘ЦШЭСОЫЬ’ ШП ЭСО MШngol nation [that] shoulder a responsibility to perpetuate the
MШЧРШХ ЧКЭТШЧ, ТЭЬ МЮХЭЮЫО, ОЭМ.” (BЮХКР 199ү: 149). IЧ ЭСТЬ ЯОТЧ, Narantsatsral, an erudite writer
КЧН НТЫОМЭШЫ, ЭШХН ЦО: IЧ ЦШНОЫЧ MШЧРШХТК, “…СТЬЭШЫв ТЬ ЛОТЧР ЫОЯТЭКХТгОН ТЧ ШЫНОЫ ЭШ ОХОЯКte the
ЫШХО ШП ЦОЧ…AХХ ЭЫКНТЭТШЧ аКЬ ЫОЯТЭКХТгОН КЧН ЭСОЧ ЫОХТРТШЧ аКЬ ЫОЯТЭКХТгОН КЧН ЩОШЩХО ЬЭКЫЭОН ЭШ
say that women were dirty (buzar), impure, and thus women are barred from rituals and rites.
Today we see this exclusion in the government and in politТМЬ…” Accordingly, the good woman
archetype inculcates norms of demure femininity, consequently barring women from full
participation in certain spheres of society (like government) and in the interests of patrilineal
ОЭСЧТМ ЮЧТЭв (Лв МШЧЭЫШХХТЧР аШЦОЧ’Ь sexuality towards foreigners, etc.).
27
For example, the kilt-wearing, bagpipe-playing, clan-adulation of contemporary Scotsmen is framed as a historic
custom, but really came into being as a form of protest after Scotland became part of Great Britain (Trevor-Roper
1992: 15).
28
Especially in the Democratic Revolution—see section 3.2.
29
5.3. The Good Woman as Mother and Queen
AММШЫНТЧР ЭШ ЭЫКНТЭТШЧ НТЬМШЮЫЬО, К аШЦКЧ’Ь МСТОП ЫШХО МШЧЭЫТЛЮЭТШЧ ЭШ ЬШМТОЭв ТЬ
motherhood. Upon my first visit to Mongolia in 2007, I spent a few weeks living with nomadic
herders in Khövsgöl province. Because I could barely speak Mongolian at the time, they decided
to teach me a song as a means of communication and entertainment. The song my homestay
ПКЦТХв МСШЬО аКЬ МКХХОН “TСО MШЭСОЫ КЧН ЭСО MШЫЧТЧР”—a eulogy lauding the virtues of the
strong and steady mother, who rises like the sun and whose lullaby drives away the darkness.
The subsequent months, and never-ending stream of mother songs (the recent pop-hit while I
аКЬ ТЧ MШЧРШХТК ТЧ 2012 аКЬ “HКЩЩв BТЫЭСНКв MШЦ” Лв ЭСО РТЫХ ЛКЧН Anemone), made me
quickly aware of the adulation of motherhood in contemporary Mongolia. When asked
regarding the origins of this mother adulation, many informants and friends mentioned the
idealization of Mongolian queens in portrayals of maternity in the Secret History—a 13th-century
МСЫШЧТМХО ШП GОЧРСТЬ KСККЧ’Ь ЫТЬО ЭШ power. However, in line with the interpretation of good
women as invented tradition, I argue that the motherhood ideal in its current intensity arose
during the socialist era and with current traditional (nationalist) discourses. Therefore, in order
to КЧКХвгО ЦШЭСОЫСШШН’Ь МЮЫЫОЧЭ МШЧЬЭЫЮМЭТШЧ, I аТХХ ЛОРТЧ аТЭС К НОЬМЫТЩЭТШЧ ШП ЭСО СТЬЭШЫТМ
depiction of Mongolian queens according to the Secret History.
5.3.2. The Secret History and the Role of Female Queens
The single most revered historical text in contemporary Mongolia is The Secret History
of the Mongols, the 13th century chronicle of Chinggis KhaКЧ’Ь “РШХНОЧ ХТЧОКРО” (Onon 2001).
This tome—a mixture of anecdotal hyperbole and historical events29—was written after the death
of Chinggis Khaan, in order to record his historical deeds and rise to power. Yet, the copy that
survives today is based on a Chinese translation from the 14th century, since the original edition
has not been found.30 Nevertheless, the Secret History represents an important historical
29
Although the complete historical factuality of the text can be debated, the Secret History is nevertheless an
original source of folklore originated in the 13 th century. I include this work because it is currently the most
significant original Mongolian source affecting modern-НКв ТЧЭОЫЩЫОЭКЭТШЧЬ ШП ‘КЮЭСОЧЭТМ’ MШЧРШХТКЧ РОЧНОЫ
relations.
30
Accordingly, the historical veracity of the Secret History has been questioned. A 17th century chronicler,
Lubsandanjin, wrote a similar version of ӨСТЧРРТЬ’ feats: the Golden Chronicle. Based on congruity between the
Secret History and Golden Chronicle, Lubsandanjin is believed to have had an original copy of the Secret History as
his disposal while writing his work (Onon 2001: 21). However, inconsistencies between the texts, as well as
historical inaccuracies in the Secret History, have led many scholars to surmise that the available edition of the
Secret History was revised sometime in the 13th century for political expediency (23-4).
30
document for its current political weight; i.e. in 2004, a political decree by the incumbent
president Natsagiin Bagabandi advised all Mongolian households to place a copy of the Secret
History for veneration purposes in the northernmost section of the household (khoimor or alter
position) (Office of the Mongolian President 2010). Subsequently, the government did the same
with a gold-platted version in the capitol building. Consequently, although versions of
femininity in the Secret History do not correlate with other traveler reports,31 and the origins and
current integrity of the document are debatable, depictions of femininity in the Secret History are
worth debating due to their historical clout.
All female protagonists that appear in the Secret History are related to Chinggis Khaan
and are important due to their kinship proximity to him. The three main women commonly
referred to in contemporary discussions on the Secret History are Alan Goa, the 10th generation
ancestor of Chinggis, Hoelun,32 his mother, and Borte, his wife. The historical account opens
with a story on Alan Goa, who was impregnated by a golden dog after the death of her husband.
Alan Goa is famously known to have given each of her bickering sons an arrow shaft. When
instructed, they each easily broke the shaft. She then gave each a bundle of five arrows, which
ЭСОв МШЮХНЧ’Э ЛЫОКФ. IЧ ЭСТЬ ЦКЧЧОЫ, ЬСО ОбМХКТЦОН, ТП ЭСОв ЬЭКв ЭШРОЭСОЫ ХТФО ПТЯО КЫЫШаЬ ЭСОв КЫО
unbreakable, but separately they can be snapped like twigs. Alan Goa does not tell her sons what
to think, but leads them to the answer. As a result, she remains strong and steady in the
background—ever helping and leading, but not playing the lead part. This fable is commonly
referred to as an example of the wisdom of the elderly maternal archetype.
This model of the sagacious and strong mother is also prevalent in the descriptions of
Hoelun and Borte. After the death of her husband, rival patriarchs seize control of the clan from
Hoelun, forcing half to move and leaving the infirm, elderly, women and children behind.
EЧЫКРОН, HШОХЮЧ “ЫКТЬОН ЭСО ПХКР КЧН ЬОЭ ШЮЭ ШЧ СШЫЬОЛКМФ… ДЭШЖ ПОЭМС… ЛКМФ СКХП ЭСО ЩОШЩХО”
(OЧШЧ 2001: 65). BШЫЭО, ӨСТЧРРТЬ’ аТПО, аКЬ ФТНЧКЩЩОН Лв К ЫТЯКХ МХКЧ, КЧН МКЦО ЛКМФ ЩЫОРЧКЧЭ.
31
According to various 13th-century travelogues—Rubruk, Polo, del Carpini (Saad 2005; Polo 1908; da Pian del
Carpini 1996)—non-aristocratic Mongolian women were chiefly responsible for the onerous task of economic
provisioning and household maintenance—including relocation of the yurt, most herding, milk product production,
subsistence, trading, etc. (see also Humphrey 1992b: 180). Due to their standing as the lineage head, men could take
several wives (Polo 1908: 64); each wife received a separate yurt and was responsible for their singular economic
household unit. АШЦОЧ’Ь self-sufficiency—and not their maternity—are emphasized in these reports.
32
ӨСТЧРРТЬ KСККЧ’Ь ЦШЭСОЫ ТЬ ПЫОЪЮОЧЭХв ЫОПОЫЫОН ЭШ КЬ HШОХЮЧ ТЧ АОЬЭОЫЧ аЫТЭТЧРЬ; СОЫ ЧКЦО ТЬ аЫТЭЭОЧ КЬ Hö'ОХün
by Enkhjargal (2001), and would be transliterated according to the aforementioned scheme as Öölün Ekh.
31
Later in liПО аСОЧ ЭСО ЬШЧ’Ь ЩКЭОЫЧТЭв ТЬ ЪЮОЬЭТШЧОН, ӨСТЧРРТЬ ЛОРТЧЬ К ЦШЧШХШРЮО ШЧ ЭСО
ЬТРЧТПТМКЧМО ШП К ЦШЭСОЫ’Ь аШЦЛ, СОЫ ЬКМЫТПТМО КЧН ЬЭЫОЧРЭС ПШЫ СОЫ ЬШЧЬ:
“Whenever she swallowed, she gave you half her [food]. Her throat chocking, she
gave you all her [food], and went hungry. Pulling you up by your shoulders, [she
asked:] ‘How [shall I] make you equal with [other] men?’… Is she not now thinking
that she wants the best for you? Our wise lady has a heart as bright as the sun, as
wide as the lake” (245).
ChinggТЬ’ НТКЭЫТЛО, аСТМС МКЧ ЛО ТЧЭОЫЩЫОЭОН КЬ КЧ ШНО ЭШ ЦШЭСОЫСШШН, ЬЮЦЦКЫТгОЬ ЭСО МОЧЭЫКХ
view of femininity present throughout the Secret History. Alan Goa, Hoelun and Borte all are
portrayed as enduring, self-sacrificing nurturers, who suffer in order to provide for the family.
Yet, they are also depicted as women who are intelligent, wise and capable of hoisting the banner
(as Hoelun did when she was abandoned) until her son takes over power. Thus, women in the
modern version of the Secret History are depicted as supporters and enablers to the continued
royal patrilineal lineage.
5.3.3. Idealization of Queens in Current Mongolia
Most modern proponents of the good woman archetype commonly refer to the
aforementioned 13th century queens as the role models for contemporary idealization of
motherhood. Contrary to Western depictions of maternal womanhood, the queens are seen as
sagacious, capable actors, who chose to use their wisdom and resourcefulness to raise judicious
sons and support their husbands (Enkhtsetseg 2010; Okada 2007). Good women, like the
queens, should wholeheartedly and unreservedly dedicate their energies to the nurturance and
preservation of the patriline: family and nation. Subsequently, many actors within contemporary
political, social and cЮХЭЮЫКХ НТЬМШЮЫЬО СКЯО МКХХОН ПШЫ аШЦОЧ’Ь ЫОЭЮЫЧ ЭШ КЮЭСОЧЭТМ ПОЦТЧТЧТЭв КЬ
represented by the ancient queens. The most publically vocal of these groups is the Queen
Wisdom (khatan ukhaan) movement led by Dr. Z Bat-Otgon, who has founded an academy and
held several meetings in the Mongolian parliament building dedicated to the dissemination of
knowledge on royal female behavior.33
33
Unfortunately, a thorough discussion of Queen Wisdom exceeds the scope of this paper, because it is chiefly a
political phenomenon amongst educated, urban women. Thus, allusions to the queens were a commonplace
occurrence, but only women in my immediate friendship group discussed Queen Wisdom. However, this should not
detract from the political clout and resonance the movement has found in politicized circles. Accordingly, BatOtgon has written an entire series of books on the topic, had a TV show in 2011, and even held a televised
conference in parliament extolling the maternal, feminine power of the ancient queens and the necessity for
contemporary аШЦОЧ ЭШ ЫОХОКЫЧ ЭСТЬ “ХШЬЭ” ЩШаОЫ (BКЭ-Otgon 2011).
32
This recourse to ancient femininity does not only occur in the abstract political sphere,
but has found its expression in quotidian discourse. The parable of Alan Goa and her five sons is
famous throughout Mongolia and was a common answer to my interview question on proper
gender roles. When I asked Khongorzol,34 my first nomadic homestay father, how he felt about
МШЧЭОЦЩШЫКЫв МСКЧРОЬ ТЧ РОЧНОЫ ЫШХОЬ, СО ЭШХН ЦО СО аКЬЧ’Э ЩКЫЭТМЮХКЫХв КХКЫЦОН. TСО ЪЮООЧЬ ТЧ
ancient times had also been wise, intelligent, aЧН МКЩКЛХО, СО ЬКТН, КЧН ЭСЮЬ “…ЦКвЛО ТЭ’Ь ЭТЦО
ПШЫ аШЦОЧ ЭШ ЭКФО ШЯОЫ…ХТФО ТЧ ЭСО ЭЫКНТЭТШЧ.” Bв ‘ЭКФТЧР ШЯОЫ,’ Khongorzol implies that
women should once again rule from the sidelines like the queens did in their time; as facilitators
and nurturers to the patriline, but not as the heads of household themselves. Likewise, Odval35
told me that my understanding that women in Mongolia were currently gaining more rights and
freedoms was erroneous; that actually women in Mongolia had always been equal with men and
СКН ЧОЯОЫ ЛООЧ ЭЫОКЭОН ‘ЩШШЫХв’ (ХТЭ: “…ХТФО ЭСО ЬХКЯО ШП ЬХКЯОЬ ШЫ ЭСО НТЫЭ ПЫШЦ ЭСО ДвЮЫЭЖ
ОЧЭЫКЧМО”). IЧ ПКМЭ, “…ТП вШЮ ХШШФ КЭ ЭСО SОМЫОЭ HТЬЭШЫв, аСТМС ЛОРКЧ аТЭС ЦШЭСОЫ AХКЧ GШК,
Borte and Hoelun, they were together with the kings and did everything in reciprocity with them,
ХТФО вТЧР КЧН вКЧР…ЬЭКЫЭТЧР ПЫШЦ ОКЫХв СТЬЭШЫв, аШЦОЧ аОЫО ЧОЯОЫ ХОПЭ ШЮЭ, ЧОЯОЫ ХШМФОН ЮЩ, КЧН
MШЧРШХТКЧ ЭЫКНТЭТШЧЬ СШЧШЫ К аШЦКЧ РЫОКЭХв.” AЬ ТЧ ЭСТЬ ЪЮШЭО ПЫШЦ Odval, passages and
depictions of womanhood in the Secret History are routinely appropriated and selectively
implemented in everyday debates on traditional gender appropriateness.
It is debatable whether motherhood was in fact the lynchpin of female subjectivity prior
to the socialist era in Mongolia. The Secret History is a chronicle of a patriline and thus—not
surprisingly—ПШМЮЬОЬ ШЧ аШЦОЧ’Ь МШЧЭЫТЛЮЭТШЧЬ КЬ ЦШЭСОЫЬ. FЮЫЭСОЫЦШЫО, ЭСО НОЬМЫТЩЭТШЧЬ ШП
queens in the Secret History are viewed and quoted by contemporary actors as historical
evidence for the tradition of motherhood. However, the book was most likely redacted after its
inception; the anthropologist Jack Weatherford even claims that entire politically sensitive
passages on women were cut out in the 13th century. Additionally, inconsistencies between the
Secret History and other documentation of 13th century Mongolian womanhood,36 as well as the
state-mandated pronatalism during the socialist era allude to recent construction of motherhood
34
See table in 8.8. for more information on Khongorzol—#2
See #27 in interview table in appendix (8.8.)
36
The Secret History ПШМЮЬОЬ ШЧ аШЦОЧ’Ь ЫШХОЬ КЬ аТЯОЬ КЧН ЦШЭСОЫЬ. AММШЫНТЧР ЭШ ЭСО Ikh Zasag, Chinggis
KСККЧ’Ь 13th-century legal code, women were effectively livestock-tradable, movable property of agnatic clans
(Riasanovsky [1937] 1997). Polygyny was also widely accepted and—as a result—women frequently kept and
maintained their own yurt—economic household—upon marriage. See also footnote #29.
35
33
idealization (i.e. the invention of this tradition) in the interest of current nationalism(s). Yet,
these multiple ambiguities are elided in order to create the semblance of a continuous, unified
tradition discourse. The good woman thus represents the very powerful and enticing concept
that through willing subordination and adherence to maternal principles contemporary women
are actually replicating the wisdom of ancient queens.
5.3.4. The Soviet Origins of the Motherhood Ideal
The current maternal model originated in Soviet discourse that mobilized women to have
children as a duty to the proletariat. In the 1950s, at the same time that nationalist discourse was
rising in Mongolia due to efforts by the Soviets (see chapter 3), benefits and prizes for mothers
were introduced. Women that had six or more children received a medal—“TСО FТЫЬЭ OЫНОЫ ШП
GХШЫТШЮЬ MШЭСОЫСШШН”37—аТЭС ЭСО ОЪЮТЯКХОЧЭ ШП К ЦШЧЭС’Ь аКРОЬ (JКвКЫКЦ 2011; Altangerel
2013: 123). АШЦОЧ аТЭС ПШЮЫ ШЫ ЦШЫО МСТХНЫОЧ ЫОМОТЯОН “TСО SОМШЧН OЫНОЫ ШП GХШЫТШЮЬ
MШЭСОЫСШШН” КХЬШ аТЭС ЦШЧОЭКЫв ТЧМОЧЭТЯОЬ. TСОЬО ЛОЧОПТЭЬ and prizes continue to this day.
FЮЫЭСОЫЦШЫО, АШЦОЧ’Ь өКв, ЭСО MКЫМС үth national holiday, was also instigated by Soviet policy.
Although this day is officially a day for all women, it remains a yearly event for the distribution
of motherhood prizes. In fact, the current president of Mongolia, T. Elbegdorj, began his 2012
АШЦОЧ’Ь өКв ЬЩООМС аТЭС ЭСО ЬКХЮЭКЭТШЧ: “өОКЫ MШЭСОЫЬ” (2012). Thus, the Soviet policy of
promoting child birth to populate the revolution has been carried over and reinvented in
modernity. In the nation-state building process the associations of motherhood were decoupled
from Soviet policies and reinterpreted as linked to Chinggis Khaan and his lineage. Because the
ethnic group was reformulated as a closed, limited entity that needed to be preserved and
МШЧЭТЧЮОН (ЬОО ЩЫОЯТШЮЬ НТЬМЮЬЬТШЧ ШП ПОЦКХО ЬОбЮКХТЭв), ЭСО ТЧЬЭЫЮЦОЧЭЬ ШП ЭСО РЫШЮЩ’Ь
prolongation, the wombs of women, had to be controlled. Accordingly, the fires of ethnic
ЧКЭТШЧКХТЬЦ СКЯО ОХОЯКЭОН К аШЦКЧ’Ь ЫШХОЬ КЬ ЦШЭСОЫ КЧН procreator to utmost national
importance.
5.3.5. The Beauty of Traditional Motherhood
This adulation of motherhood is pervasive in tradition discourse. In addition to the state
designation of distinguished mother for multiple children, a woman who has three or more sons
37
Known as aldart ekhiin odon in Mongolian. According to Altangerel (2013), the first order is for women with six
or more children, who consequently receive 200,000 Tögrög annually. The second order receives 100,000 a year for
four or more children (123).
34
is known as a sacred daughter-in-law (darkhan ber) (see also Altangerel 2013: 58), because she
has successfully continued the male lineage. Both Oyuunbileg and Bolormaa said that a
аШЦКЧ’Ь ЫШХО ТЧ ЬШМТОЭв аКЬ ЭШ ЛО К ЦШЭСОЫ (sain ezegtei) and to raise children well (ür hüükhdee
sain khün bolgoj ösgökh) to be conscientious people (ukhamsartai khün bolgokh). Even a
аШЦКЧ’Ь ЛОКЮЭв ТЬ К ЫОПХОМЭТШЧ ШП СОЫ МКЩКЛТХТЭТОЬ ШП К ЦШЭСОЫ. Narantsatsral, when discussing
МТЫМЮХКЭТЧР НТЬМШЮЫЬО КЫШЮЧН аШЦОЧ’Ь roles, mentioned that a perfect woman (tögs emegtei) had
to have children. Women without children were said to have the face of a witch (shulmiin
törkhtei), and be heartless and cold (aimaar khatuu muukhai setgeltei). A woman is only
perceived as such once she has a child; the act of birthing purifies her (ariucaj baina) of her
ugliness and turns her into a true woman (jinkhen emegtei boldog). Furthermore, she believes
that as a writer, her opinion would be worthless (üne tsengui) ТП ЬСО НТНЧ’Э СКЯО К child.
Physically, traditional mothers have strong, fleshy bodies (see subsequent sections on body
descriptions) with wide hips for birthing. Consequently, Jargal, a 40-year-old countryside
resident, mentioned that his physical female ideal had small breasts, a thin waist and large hips.
According to him, large hips indicated fertility, while small breasts eased herding and housework
abilities. This sentiment was echoed in my body image survey: countryside responses indicated
a statistically significant preference for the female body silhouette with large hips, over the
hourglass (which was the dominant preference in the city) and thin figures. Thus, motherhood
preferences were even etched into ideals of female body and beauty.
5.4. The Good Woman as Wife
5.4.2. Gender Parallelism: The Ying to his Yang
A good woman is seen as the gender and familial complement to a man—she is the ying
to his yang (see quote from Odval ТЧ “IНОКХТгКЭТШЧ ШП QЮООЧЬ”). ВОЭ, аСОЧ КЬФОН аСКЭ К
аШЦКЧ’Ь ЫШХО аКЬ МШЦЩЫТЬОН ШП (ТЧ ШЭСОЫ аШrds: what is ying?), Odval responded with a
Mongolian proverb: How you enter the house depends on the name of the husband, but how you
leave depends on the name of the wife.38 What is implied here is that the reputation of the head
ШП ЭСО СШЮЬО, ЭСО СЮЬЛКЧН, аТХХ НОЭОЫЦТЧО ТП КЧН СШа вШЮ КЫО ЫОМОТЯОН, ЛЮЭ ТЭ ТЬ ЭСО аШЦКЧ’Ь
ability that will determine the comfort and length of your stay. Essentially, current concepts of
38
Nökhriinkh n nereer gert orood, ekhneriinkh n nereer gerees gardag—this sentiment echoes a maxim
promulgated by Chinggis Khaan—“good husbands are known by their good аТЯОЬ,” because they need to maintain
the household and responsibilities while he is away, thus safeguarding his reputation (Riasanovsky [1937] 1997: 88).
35
traditional domestic roles revolve around the belief in gender parallelism (Leacock 1978) where
men and women have separated, complementing spheres that nevertheless overlap. Yet, as the
ЫОПОЫОЧМО ЦКТЧЭКТЧЬ, К РШШН аШЦКЧ’Ь ШЛХТРКЭТШЧЬ МШЧЬТЬЭ МСТОПХв ШП НШЦОЬЭТМ cultivation and
household maintenance.
My first countryside nomadic family—Khongorzol, 50, and Enkhjargal, 4539—were the
paragon of traditional gender complementarity. When asked about gender roles in society,
Khongorzol КЧЬаОЫОН ЭСКЭ К ЦКЧ’Ь ЫШХО аКЬ ЭШ Лe the head of the family and to do the heavy,
hard labor, while a woman was supposed to take care of the home, kids and husband. He
emphasized that the two of them maintained a shared, flexible gender division; they both helped
and complemented each other’Ь КЛТХТЭТОЬ, ЛЮЭ СКН ЭСОТЫ ЦКТЧ МСШЫОЬ.40 Enkhjargal, in her answer,
ПШМЮЬОН ШЧ К аШЦКЧ’Ь НШЦОЬЭТМ ЫОЬЩШЧЬТЛТХТЭТОЬ: ЬСО СКН ЭШ МШШФ КЧН МХОКЧ, ЛО ЩЫШЮН ШП ЭСО
condition of her house, and constantly strive to keep the utensils near the hearth clean. The
hearth of a yurt is widely symbolic in Mongolian; the fire that burns in the middle is a
representation of the strength and vigor of the family in the hearts of its members. Enkhjargal
saw herself as the protector of the hearth; frequently admonishing me when I committed taboos
like (almost) touching the oven with my foot or trying to discard a kleenex into it.41 In this way,
many contemporary Mongolians who believe in the preservation of tradition and nation also
strive for gender complementarity: where men and women have separate but nominally equal
tasks that can be shared in the interests of family efficiency and harmony. Thus, like with the
ПТЫО, ЭСО РШШН аШЦКЧ ТЬ К РШШН аТПО КЧН ЦШЭСОЫ аСШ МШЦЩХОЦОЧЭЬ ЭСО СЮЬЛКЧН’Ь ЫШХОЬ, НОНТМКЭОЬ
herself to the wellbeing of her children, shares in the tasks of daily functioning, and continually
tends to her domestic obligations.
5.4.3. Beauty for the Husband
As a result of traditional beliefs in gender complementarity, women must also strive for
beauty for their husband’Ь ЛОЧОПТЭ. A аШЦКЧ’Ь КЩЩОКЫКЧМО, ЭСЫШЮРС СОЫ ЫШХО КЬ ЭСО МШЮЧЭОЫЩКЫЭ ЭШ
the male head of house, becomes a symbol for the strength and functioning of the nuclear family
39
See #1 and 2 in interview table in appendix (8.8.).
He tried to bolster this statement by claiming that he could cook if Enkhjargal was away and the need arose;
however, when such a situation occurred, Khongorzol МШЮХНЧ’Э ЭОХХ Zola and me where the pots were in our very tiny
yurt.
41
Both of which are objects that are seen as dirty and could adulterate the purity of the fire
40
36
unit.42 AЬ ОбЩЫОЬЬОН Лв TЬШРгШХЦКК, аШЦОЧ ЦЮЬЭ “МЫОКЭО К МШЦПШЫЭКЛХО КЭЦШЬЩСОЫО…ТЧ ЭСО
ПКЦТХв” КЧН “ЧЮЫЭЮЫО ЭСО ЦКЧ,” аСТМС ТЧМХЮНОЬ ЬЭКвТЧР РШШН-looking to allure him, as well as
publically reflect well upon him.43 For example, Khongorzol mentioned that women must
maintain attractiveness so that their husbands can be proud of them, because guests frequently
enter and visit the yurt (a sentiment echoed in the proverb quoted by Odval). This pressure for
women to look beautiful in consideratТШЧ ПШЫ СОЫ СЮЬЛКЧН’Ь ЫОЩЮЭКЭТШЧ аКЬ ОбЩЫОЬЬОН Лв OвЮФК,
a 35-year-old hairdresser in Dalanzadgad, who frequently trained women for competitive
hairstyle pageants. According to Oyuka, female aesthetics were important for social factors;
women had to make a good first impression, so that others could immediately categorize them as
either an ekhner, gergii, or awgai. The worst of these three wifely categories—awgai—contains
the world gai meaning despair and indicates a bad wife. The second category—ekhner—is the
average wife, who has a bad destiny and looks like a witch.44 However, her saving grace is that
she is a good mother. Finally, the ideal, shining, virtuous woman is a gergii, who is both
simultaneously beautiful and a good mother.45 Therefore, physical attractiveness is a necessary
component of wifely duties; not only does she embody perfect maternal womanhood, her
appearance simultaneously administers to the needs of her husband as a symbol of his ability, the
42
In the ethnographic compilation Gender and Power in Affluent Asia, Stivens (1998) describes the recent rise of the
“AЬТКЧ FКЦТХв НТЬМШЮЫЬО” КЬ К ЫОЬЮХЭ ШП РХШЛКХТгКЭТШЧ-ТЧНЮМОН НОЬТЫОЬ ЭШ ЫОЬЮЬМТЭКЭО ЭЫКНТЭТШЧКХ РОЧНОЫ ЧШЫЦЬ: “…ЭСТЬ
ЦКЬМЮХТЧТЭв ТЬ ЭШ ЛО ЭОЦЩОЫОН Лв К МШЦЩХОЦОЧЭКЫв ТНОКХТгОН ПОЦТЧТЧТЭв ХШМКЭОН ТЧ ЦШНОЫЧ ПКЦТХв ХТПО ‘ОКЬЭОЫЧ’ ЬЭвХe
[that] draws on long-standing notions of relative male-female equality and complementary within popular and
scholarly ideologies...In the Asian Family discourse women are the bearers of this vision of family, its keepers, its
producers; the family is the bulwark against the social costs of modernity (and of dissent) and the dangers of
fragmenting national and personal identities produced in the current (post)modern order. The autonomous and
sexualized modern woman threatens to break this complementary duaХТЬЦ…” (1Ү). Similarly, gender
МШЦЩХОЦОЧЭКЫв ТНОКХЬ ТЧ MШЧРШХТК КЫО КХЬШ ТЧЭОЫЭаТЧОН аТЭС “ХШМКХ НТППОЫОЧЭТКЭТШЧ” ЭЫКНТЭТШЧ НТЬМШЮЫЬОЬ ЭСКЭ КЫШЬО
through fears of globalization.
43
Serii, a 20-year-old single-mother and ger district resident, mentioned that women had the responsibility to look
good for all men (yamar ch eregtei khünd saikhan kharagdaj baikh yostoi). Jargal and Batbayar, two countryside
men, both mentioned that women must stay beautiful to find husbands more quickly.
44
I ПШЮЧН OвЮФК’Ь МХКssification scheme particularly enlightening due to her cognitive linkage of wifely categories
to appearance; however, within current colloquial discourse, ekhner is considered an honorable term that can be
morphemically split into ekh or mother and ner or name.
45
Curiously, Bulag expresses confusion in Nationalism and Hybridity in Mongolia over the socialist era usage of the
historically honorable term awgai ТЧ К НОЫТЬТЯО ЬКЭТЫТМКХ ЬЭКЭОЦОЧЭ ЫОРКЫНТЧР ЭСО ТЧМЮЦЛОЧЭ ЩЫТЦО ЦТЧТЬЭОЫ’Ь
subordination to his Russian wife. However, many new interpretations for old words arose during this era, including
the reminting of the term khüükhen as a harmless term for girl to prostitute (Rinchen 1968, as cited in Bulag 1998:
145; see also Terbish 2013: 251). However, my informants used the world awgai negatively—implying colloquial
that to get (aw) a wife meant to receive despair (gai)—reflecting a possible new contemporary negative construction
of the word.
37
family, and reproductive/sexual potencв. OЧМО КРКТЧ, К аШЦКЧ’Ь ЛШНв КЧН ЩСвЬТМКХ
attractiveness becomes a reflection of a macro-sphere—whether of the state or the patriline.
5.4.4. The Tradition of Male Superiority
Paradoxically, the current concepts of traditional gender complementarity also encompass
a tacit assumption in the superiority of the husband. Although both women and men are
expected to perform certain duties in collaboration with one another, ultimate authority still rests
with the male head of household. Thus, when I asked Odval why only three of 74 Mongolian
parliament seats were occupied by women (in 2012), she replied:
“I also think this is connected to tradition. In this country and in general Mongolian women have
regarded their husbands as higher and superior. The husbands in return highly respected and cherished
their wives. But these days the most successful/esteemed men are propelled to the top. This is our
psychology, and women also consider their sons superior…yes, this is tradition”46
This perception that male dominance over women is a historical Mongolian cultural artifact (i.e.
ТЧ MШЧРШХТКЧЬ’ МЮХЭЮЫКХ “ЩЬвМСШХШРв”) ТЬ ОЦЛШЬЬОН ТЧ ЬКвТЧРЬ ХТФО “EЯОЧ ТП ЭСО ЦКЧ ТЬ ЛКН, СО ТЬ
ЬЭТХХ ЛОЭЭОЫ ЭСКЧ ЭСО аШЦКЧ; ОЯОЧ ТП ЭСО ЬКННХО ТЬ ЛКН, ТЭ ТЬ ЬЭТХХ ШЧ ЭШЩ ШП ЭСО СШЫЬО”; “Blood
НШОЬЧ’Э ПХШа ПЫШЦ К ЫОЬЩОМЭ аШЫЭСв ЩОЫЬШЧ’Ь ЧШЬО” (ТЦЩХвТЧР ЭСКЭ ШЛОНТОЧЭ аТЯОЬ НШЧ’Э РОЭ СТЭ);
КЧН “A ЯТХО ЦКЬЭОЫ ТЬ СТЬ ЬОЫЯКЧЭ’Ь СОЫШ, К ЯТХО ЦКЧ ТЬ СТЬ аТПО’Ь СОЫШ.”47 However, Odval
continued to explain the paradox between gender complementarity and husband dominance
traditions by delineating between respect born of love, and deference/adoration born of love.
According to her, tradition stipulated that both man and wife love each other and share in duties;
however, this complementary activity resulted in respect from the family for the woman, but
КНЦТЫКЭТШЧ ПЫШЦ ЭСО ПКЦТХв ПШЫ ЭСО ЦКЧ: “КНЮХКЭТШЧ ТЬ К НТППОЫОЧЭ МКЭОРШЫв/ХОЯОХ ЭСКЧ ЫОЬЩОМЭ”
(deedlene gekheer arai neg öör baikh shig baigaa yum). In line with the conceptualization of the
good woman as a post-socialist invented tradition, Narantsatsral claims that the tradition of male
authority was revitalized in combination with the florescence of tradition (sergen mandalt)48 in
post-1990 MongoХТК: “IЭ ТЬ ЯОЫв СКЫН ПШЫ аШЦОЧ ТЧ МЮЫЫОЧЭ MШЧРШХТК КЧН ЭСОЫО КЫО ЦКЧв
problems, so people long for the past. History was revitalized and with it the role of men was
ОХОЯКЭОН КРКТЧ, ХТФО ТЭ аКЬ 100 вОКЫЬ КРШ” (tüükh sergengüüt eregteichüüdiin khündettei üüreg
46
See appendix (8.1.) for full quote in Mongolian
Er muu ch emiin deer, emeel muu ch morin deer; Khündetgevel zokhukh khünii khamraas zoc garakh; Adgiin
noyon albatdaa baatar, adgiin er awgaidaa baatar
48
See 3.2.
47
38
dakhiad l deeshilekhchikhsen).49 Thus, in combination with the idolization of queen roles for
traditional women—as a placeholder, enabler and/or nurturer to the patriline—traditional, good
women in contemporary Mongolia are expected to praise and defer ultimate power to the familial
head. Her beauty consequently reflects on the husband.
5.4.5. The Nation-State as Male-Headed Patriline
The nuclear family, headed by the husband, is seen as a direct, micro-level reflection of
national and state power. As mentioned by Narantsatsral in discussion of a recent article
МШЧЭКТЧТЧР ЬЭКЭОЦОЧЭЬ Лв К ЦКХО ЩКЫХТКЦОЧЭ ЦОЦЛОЫ’Ь аТПО, ТЧПХЮОЧЭТКХ ЦОЧ—as representatives
of the national Mongolian patriline—are not expected to carry out household chores or get
involved in demeaning, quotidian activities; accordingly, if a woman lets her husband cook for
her, then the woman will lose her karma and bring shame on the family (khiimor lundaa man
unana). TСО ЬОЧЭТЦОЧЭЬ ОбЩЫОЬЬОН Лв ЭСО ЩКЫХТКЦОЧЭ ЦОЦЛОЫ’Ь аТПО ТХХЮЬЭЫКЭО ЭСО МШЧМОЩЭЮКХ
linkage of the nuclear family аТЭС ЭСО ЬЭКЭО. FШЫ ОбКЦЩХО, ЭСО КНКРО “OЯОЫ вШЮ К РШЯОЫЧЦОЧЭ,
ЧОбЭ ЭШ вШЮ КЧ КЮЭСШЫТЭв”50 implies that women are subordinate on both the macro and micro
societal levels; they heed the husband within the nuclear family and comply with the (male) state
in societal dealings. Consequently, men and women are metaphorically linked to the state and
lower populace, respectively. Thus, an influential man, who also builds the overarching
structure of state and national power, must be elevated by his wife, because his ability to lead
depends on it. Thus, women have earned respect in society, but do not rule/direct themselves.
This gendered conceptual division also partially explains the current difficulties women have in
obtaining power positions in current Mongolia (see subsequent section on new women).51 Thus,
ЭЫКНТЭТШЧКХ НТЬМШЮЫЬО’Ь КЩЩОКХЬ ЭШ РОЧНОЫ МШЦЩХОЦОЧЭКЫТЭв ТЧ МЮЫЫОЧЭ MШЧРШХТК МШЦЛТЧО ЭаШ
outwardly contradictory concepts; they allow women to be simultaneously conceptualized as
equal (in difference) and subordinate counterparts to husbands.
49
Travel documents from the beginning of the 20th century actually reflect relative sexual and familial freedoms for
nomadic women within the patrilineal nomadic framework (Tegbish 2013; Ma 1949; Consten 1919). Although it is
debatable how restricted women actually were 100 years ago, Narantsatsral’Ь ЪЮШЭО МХОКЫХв ЫОПХОМЭЬ КЧ КаКЫОЧОЬЬ ШП
the modern invention of gender traditions.
50
Deeree törtei, dergedee zasagtai
51
According to Narantsatsral, the renaissance of tradition in the post-socialist Mongolian state is reproduced within
ЭСО РШЯОЫЧЦОЧЭ ЛЮТХНТЧР ТЧ UB: “АШЦОЧ КЫО ОбМХЮНОН Лв ЭЫКНТЭТШЧ (yoslol) and people now experience this
ШЬЭЫКМТЬЦ ЭСЫШЮРС РШЯОЫЧЦОЧЭ КЧН ЩШХТЭТМЬ… КЧН аТЭСТЧ ЭСО РШЯОЫЧЦОЧЭ ЭСОЫО ТЬ Кn area for worship (töriin
takhilga) ЭСКЭ ТЬ ПШЫЛТННОЧ ЭШ аШЦОЧ…ЬШ КЫО аШЦОЧ ОбЩОМЭОН ЭШ ЬЭКЧН КЭ ЭСО ХШаОЬЭ ОЧН ШП ЭСТЬ КЫОК аСОЧ ЭСОв КЫО
ОХОМЭОН ЭШ РШЯОЫЧЦОЧЭ?”
39
5.5. On Beauty in Traditional Discourse
Among countryside nomads and within traditional discourse, beauty is both internal and
external and highly linked to health, collectivity, and functioning within nomadic culture. One
of the greatest surprises to me while carrying out surveys amongst herders and in the
countryside, was a markedly internal focus to answers on feminine beauty. As I explained in the
introduction, the term for beauty that I used in my interviews and research—goo saikhan—can
be interpreted flexibly by contemporary actors, much like the English counterpart beauty. What
I ПШЮЧН КЬЭШЮЧНТЧР КЛШЮЭ КЧЬаОЫЬ ЭШ Цв ЪЮОЬЭТШЧ “АСКЭ ФТЧН ШП аШЦКЧ ТЬ МШЧЬТНОЫОН
ЛОКЮЭТПЮХ?” (Yamar emegtei khüniig goo emegtei gekh we?) on the 20 nomadic surveys in
Khövsgöl and the 230 countryside student surveys in Öndörkhaan and Baruun-Urt was a marked
focus on personality, abilities and morals. As the following section explains, nomadic herders
did have an awareness and standard for aesthetic attractiveness. However, these ideals were
composed of qualities of functionalism, collectivity, health, and internal worth that differed from
conceptualizations of beauty in modern/urban/new discourse.
5.5.2. On Functional Beauty
Within tradition disМШЮЫЬО, К аШЦКЧ’Ь ОбЭОЫЧКХ ЛОКЮЭв ТЬ К ЬТРЧТПТОЫ ШП СОЫ КЛТХТЭв ЭШ
function within the rigors of nomadic culture. In order to paint an overarching impression of the
myriad values, concepts, and foci that comprise the discourse on female attractiveness among
СОЫНОЫЬ, I аТХХ ЪЮШЭО К ПОа ЬЮЫЯОв КЧЬаОЫЬ ЭШ Цв ЪЮОЬЭТШЧ “АСКЭ ЦКФОЬ К ЛОКЮЭТПЮХ аШЦКЧ?”
written by herders in Khövsgöl province:
Question: What kind of woman is considered beautiful?
Answer #1 (Female): “A woman with a good demeanor, who is clean, diligent,
hardworking, demure and mannerly”
Answer #2 (Female): “In addition to having a nice, serene face, a beautiful woman
has a nice temperament, is very ethical (literally: is with culture), knows how to sew,
is educated, clean and neat”
Answer #3 (Female): “Many beautiful Mongolian women have done quite well at
international “Miss” pageants. Mongolian women are talented, capable, wise,
accomplished, and beautiful…According to society, a beautiful woman is socially
cultured, is an indicator of (literally: answers to civilization/society) civil behavior,
and is capable.”
Answer #4 (Male): “Scholarly, hardworking, industrious, clean, orderly, demure and
soft disposition”
40
Answer #5 (Male): “A beautiful woman is a reflection of her nation’s norms (literally:
answers to civilization) and status in her community; she is cultured, education, and
has a shapely, strong body”52
Upon first glance, a few overarching themes emerge from the fabric of traditional discourse
regarding female aesthetic attractiveness. The aforementioned quotes repeatedly mention
hardwork, demureness, diligence, education, capability, and societal/collective dependence in
descriptions of feminine beauty. These qualities are viewed as intertwined with physical
attributes (i.e. strong bodies and nice faces), yet are the chief components of beauty. Thus,
internality is emphasized over physicality. Additionally, all of the aforementioned traditional
ЪЮКХТЭТОЬ ОбЩОНТЭО аШЦОЧ’Ь КЛТХТЭв ЭШ ПЮЧМЭТШЧ (ЭШ ‘КЧЬаОЫ’) within the female gender roles
assigned by nomadic society.
5.5.3. Internal Beauty
Actors both in the countryside and city who ascribed to traditional discourse stressed that
beautiful women did not necessarily have to be physically alluring. Odval describes the focus on
internal beauty as a remnant of Mongolian tradition:
“A good demeanor and intelligent mind are highly regarded according to
tradition…On average, my Mongolian people don’t massively focus on the external
appearance, which is vestigial of our traditions and still lingers to this day.
Percentage wise, it’s about 50/50…People say that the atmosphere and the
functioning of the family is dependent on the woman. Therefore, a woman has to pay
attention to both her external appearance and clothing, as well as her spiritual and
mental beauty…I believe this tradition emerged very long ago and all Mongolians
have been taught it until this day (Mongolchuud büür ertneesee surgakhchichsan, ter l
ulamjlal odoo khurtel baikhaa gej)”
Odval repeatedly emphasizes that Mongolian tradition (ulamjlal) stipulates a predominant focus
on female internal moral character. By extension, many Mongolian actors stressed that good
women do not have to be physically attractive to be considered beautiful: i.e. Serii, a 20-year-old
single-mother in the yurt districts, explicitly stated that beautiful women were “intelligent and
pretty, but don’t necessarily have to be [pretty]. They behave well, are open, communicative, and
have a good rapport with others. If she respects others, then she is a beautiful woman. Even an
‘ugly’ woman with a good character can be beautiful (muukhai khüükhen saikhan aashtai bol
goyo khüükhen baij bolno). Khongorzol, the aforementioned nomadic herder mentioned as the
ТНОКХ ШП ЦКХО РОЧНОЫ МШЦЩХОЦОЧЭКЫТЭв, КХЬШ КРЫООЬ ЭСКЭ аШЦОЧ НШЧ’Э СКЯО ЭШ ЛО ЩЫОЭЭв ЭШ ЛО
52
See appendix for full quotes in Mongolian—8.4.
41
beautiful, but that if they are a good worker, can cook, are a good talker and socializer and smile
congenially for guests, they are considered beautiful. In this manner, traditional discourse
repeatedly stresses the power of internal and social character to override any physical
‘ЬСШЫЭМШЦТЧРЬ.’
5.5.4. On Collective Beauty
One explanation for the focus on female internality and capabilities in traditional
НТЬМШЮЫЬО ТЬ ЭСО ОЬЬОЧЭТКХТЭв ШП аШЦКЧ’Ь ХКЛШЫ ПШЫ ЭСО ПЮЧМЭТШЧТЧР КЧН ЬЮЫЯТЯКХ ШП ЭСО ЧШЦКНТМ
household. Historically, pre-socialist Mongolian women were expected to run the household
while men were away at war,53 and socialist women were venerated as workers and mothers in
the interest of the Soviet revolution;54 ЭСЮЬ, аШЦОЧ’Ь ХКЛШЫ СКЬ ЛООЧ МЫЮМТКХ ПШЫ СТЬЭШЫТМКХ
collective survival. In 1995, the anthropologist Anne Becker published an ethnography on the
contemporary Fijian conception of the body as the embodiment of social relationships. She
КЫРЮОН ЭСКЭ FТУТКЧЬ МШЧМОТЯОН ШП ЭСО ЛШНв КЬ КЧ ТЧНТМКЭШЫ ШП КЧ ТЧНТЯТНЮКХ’Ь МЮХЭЮЫКХ
embeddedness, which disallows a view of the self as individual and autonomous. Similarly,
according to traditional Mongolian discourse, an individual—in this case, a woman—is never
completely autonomous nor detached from social relations. As substantiated through previous
quotes on the female body as societal reification, contemporary Mongolian traditional/nomadic
КМЭШЫЬ ЩОЫМОТЯО аШЦКЧ’Ь ЛОКЮЭв КЬ К ЬвЦЛШХ ШП СОЫ ТЧЭОЫКМЭТШЧ аТЭС СОЫ СЮЬЛКЧН, СОЫ ПКЦТХв, СОЫ
nation, her patriline, and her community. Nevertheless, these norms of sociability and
collectivity are changing. Oyuunbileg, a 31-year-old yurt-district resident, nostalgically related
that when she was a child during socialism, people used to pool money when a neighbor got sick
ШЫ ЭШ ЩКв ПШЫ ПЮЧОЫКХ МШЬЭЬ; ТЧНТЯТНЮКХЬ КМЭОН КММШЫНТЧР ЭШ ЭСО ЦШЭЭШ “Each individual for society,
and the soМТОЭв ПШЫ КХХ”55 implying that each individual was expected to think collectively. By
extension, Oyuunbileg’Ь ТНОКХ ШП К ЛОКЮЭТПЮХ аШЦКЧ ПШМЮЬОН ШЧ КЧ ТЧНТЯТНЮКХ ЭСКЭ ХТЯОН СШЧОЬЭХв
Chinggis KhaaЧ’Ь own 13th-century legal code, the Ikh Zasag, clearly states that women “…КММШЦЩКЧвТЧР the
troops [should] do the work and perform the duties of the men, while the latter were absent ПТРСЭТЧР” (Riasanovsky
1997: 84).
54
Additionally, because of the low population dОЧЬТЭв ШП MШЧРШХТК, ЭСО MШЧРШХТКЧ PОШЩХО’Ь PКЫЭв (MPP) ОЧКМЭОН К
pronatalist policy, including the conferral of honors to women with multiple children, and the compulsory retirement
ШП ЦШЭСОЫ’Ь аТЭС ХКЫРО ПКЦТХТОЬ КЭ 45 (Burn and Oidov 2001: 16). According to Narantsatsral, who grew up in the
Ү0Ь ТЧ UХККЧЛККЭКЫ, “ЭСО РШКХ ШП ЬШМТКХТЬЦ аКЬ ЭШ ЫОКМС МШЦЦЮЧТЬЦ КЧН ЭСКЭ ЦОКЧЭ ЭСКЭ ЦКЧв ЩОШЩХО СКН ЭШ ЛО ТЧ
the working class (ajilchin anga). There was therefore no differentiation made between women and men, and both
СКН ЭШ аШЫФ…аШЦОЧ аОЫО ЬООЧ КЬ ЛКЛв-producing machines (khüükhed üildwerlegch)”.
55
Neg n niitiin tölöö, niit n negiin tölöö
53
42
and conscientiously (ünen shudarga guizetgekh) in the interests of other people. Therefore, the
modern conceptualization of traditional ideals as inwardly-focused, work-oriented, and
qualitative could simultaneously be conceived as an extension of socialist and nomadic ideology
and/or a reaction to the perceived external superficiality and anonymity of modern influences.
5.5.5. The Physical Expression of Internal Value: The Shining Woman
A focus on internal beauty within traditional discourse does not preclude an awareness of
aesthetic preference. As the Khövsgöl survey answers suggest, even the most remote nomadic
herder communities harbor concepts of physical beauty that are intertwined with social norms
and needs. As noted in the introduction to this paper, Bold, a nomad in Khövsgöl province,
(unwittingly) quoted Dostoevsky and demonstrated an awareness of beauty Лв ЬКвТЧР “BОКЮЭв
аТХХ ЬКЯО ЭСО аШЫХН.”56 Additionally, another herder in the same region answered on the survey
ЭСКЭ К ЛОКЮЭТПЮХ аШЦКЧ ‘ЩЮХХОН ЭСО ОвО’ (nüdend tusakh). Herders clearly had a
conceptualization of physical attributes, yet they were considered secondary corporeal
embodiments of internal character. Thus, a frequent trope I heard emerge in traditional discourse
аКЬ ЭСКЭ РШШН аШЦОЧ ‘ЬСТЧОН,’57 i.e. that the integrity of their heart gave them an attractive,
КХХЮЫТЧР ЪЮКХТЭв. A РШШН аШЦКЧ’Ь ЭЫЮО ЩСвЬТМКХ ЛОКЮЭв ЭСЮЬ ЬЭОЦЦОН (Т.О. ‘ЬСТЧОН ШЮЭ’) ПЫШЦ СОЫ
adherence to tradition and inner virtue. Accordingly, Khongorzol told me that beautiful women
were those that woke up early and went for early walks; the early rising and movement was
supposed to clear the mind, make the bones stronger, make women shine, and clear their skin.
However, the early rising of women is a necessity in nomadic pastoralist households, where
gender roles stipulate that the wife both lights the hearth and extinguishes the fire at night (she is
the first to rise and the last to sleep). Additionally, many people expressed the sentiment that a
аШЦКЧ’Ь ТЧЭОЫЧКХ ЛОКЮЭв аКЬ ЯТЬТЛХО ШЧ ЭСО ПКМО КЧН ЬФТЧ; КММШЫНТЧР ЭШ Kushi,58 a 55-year-old
countryside nurse, women who followed traditional eating patterns were healthy, which was then
visible on the skin near their uterus. By extension, Oyuunbileg stated that being thin and tall was
ЩШТЧЭХОЬЬ КЬ ХШЧР КЬ вШЮ аОЫО ТЧЭОЫЧКХХв ЮРХв: “ЩШаНОЫТЧР вШЮЫ ПКМО аШЧ’Э ЦКФО вШЮЫ ЬТМФЧОЬЬ
ТЧЯТЬТЛХО.” AММШЫНТЧР ЭШ СОЫ, КЧ ШЩЭТЦТЬЭТМ ЦТЧНЬОЭ КЧН К РШШН ЬШЮХ КЭЭЫКМЭЬ ЩШЬТЭТve
56
Ironically enough, the herder—the 52-year-old Bold—who quoted Dostoevsky barely knew himself where Russia,
much less the United States, was located. Despite the relative isolation of his nomadic community, Soviet
influences probably spread throughout the countryside during the socialist era and persevered to this day. This is an
example of how individuals, unbeknownst to themselves, occasionally participate in globalization.
57
Sergelen tsowoo, gyalalzsan—alive, vivacious, shining, resplendent, etc.
58
#7 in interview table in appendix (8.8.)
43
manifestations in life and comprises true beauty. In this way, the aforementioned beauty traits of
demureness, calm, good demeanor, etc. mentioned in traditional discourse are reified through
physicality. Especially in the case of Khongorzol and early rising, the justification of beauty
masks and reinforces the underlying requirements of gender norms among Mongolian nomads.
5.5.6. Health and Hard Work
A РШШН аШЦКЧ’Ь ЩСвЬТМКХ ЛОКЮЭв аКЬ КХЬШ ЯТewed as a reification of health. In my
Khövsgöl surveys, several herders answered that a beautiful woman was a healthy woman.59
Yet, health was defined as community involvement, embeddedness in social relations and nature,
and adherence to female gender roles of hard work. Thus, according to various herder surveys,
“Эhe most important part of being all-КЫШЮЧН СОКХЭСв ТЬ К МШЦПШЫЭКЛХО ОЧЯТЫШЧЦОЧЭ”; “ТП вШЮ аШЫФ
СКЫН КЧН аОХХ, вШЮ КЫО СОКХЭСв”; “ЛОКЮЭТПЮХ ЦОКЧЬ ЛОТЧР СОКХЭСв аТЭС ЧШ ЬТМФЧОЬЬ ШЫ аШЫЫТОЬ”; “ТЧ
ШЫНОЫ ЭШ ЛО ЛОКЮЭТПЮХ, аО аОКЫ МХОКЧ МХШЭСТЧР, КЧН НШ ШЮЫ аШЫФ”; КЧН “К ЛОКЮЭТПЮХ аШЦКЧ ТЬ К
аШЦКЧ аСШ НШОЬ ОЯОЫвЭСТЧР.” TСОЬО ЬЮЫЯОвЬ КХЬШ ПЫОЪЮОЧЭХв ЦОЧЭТШЧОН ЭСО ЧОМОЬЬТЭв ШП
consuming natural (i.e. dairy and meat products directly from animals) foodstuffs to maintain
health and happiness. Therefore, traditional discourse stipulates that bodily health depends on
the performance of nomadic duties and work, and adherence to community and familial
principles. The observance of nomadic gender roles is thus physicКХХв ЫОТПТОН ЭСЫШЮРС К аШЦКЧ’Ь
health, body, face, skin, and general ХЮЦТЧОЬМОЧМО (‘ЬСТЧТЧР’ ЪЮКХТЭв). Therefore, although
traditional discourse rhetorically focuses on internal values, these values are seen to be
ЩСвЬТМКХХв ОЦЛШНТОН ЭСЫШЮРС К аШЦКЧ’Ь ЩСвЬТМКХ ЛОКЮЭв.
5.5.7. Strong Bodies and Beautiful Faces
In praбТЬ, МШЮЧЭЫвЬТНО аШЦОЧ’Ь КОЬЭСОЭТМ ОвО ПШМЮЬОЬ ШЧ ПКМО КЧН ЬФТЧ, КЬ ШЩЩШЬОН ЭШ ЭСТЧ
bodies. Historically, both nomadic Mongolian men and women wore a traditional garment, a
deel—a large wraparound coat that insulates warmth, incorporates functionality, and conceals a
large portion of the body. AММШЫНТЧР ЭШ PХКЧШ ӨКЫЩТЧТ’Ь 13th-century travel report, married
Mongolian women were only recognizable as such based on hair and adornment and not through
59
Erüül khüniig goo emegtei gene; Emegtei khün bükhen saikhan baikhig khüsdeg; Goo saikhan baikhiin tüld erüül
baikh.
44
body form. 60 Furthermore, white skin, red cheeks/lips,61 and functional attire62 were idealized
during the socialist era. Therefore, whether due to traditional lifestyle stresses, historical
clothing styles, and/or a perpetuation of socialist norms, current countryside and traditional
ideals of physical beauty focus on face and skin and/or functionality. For example, Khongorzol
was a 35-year-old yurt-district resident who had moved from the countryside two years prior to
our interview. When I asked her, as a former countryside resident and nomadic herder, regarding
the differences between urban and countryside norms of beauty, ЬСО ЬКТН: “ДӨШЮЧЭЫвЬТНО аШЦОЧ
use] a lot of make-ЮЩ. TСКЭ ТЬ ЭСО ЦШЬЭ ТЦЩШЫЭКЧЭ ДОХОЦОЧЭЖ. TСОв НШЧ’Э ЭЫв ЭШ ЛО ЭКХХ КЧН ЭСТЧ,
ЭСОв МКЫО ЦШЫО КЛШЮЭ ЭСОТЫ ПКМО.” Nergui (33), a resident of Kharkhorum sum, mentioned that
beauty ideals were changing as a result of societal changes; however, historically, being wellbehaved and family-oriented was beautiful, which included having a nice face, clean skin, big
eyes, and dark eyebrows.63 NШЦКНТМ СОЫНОЫЬ’ МШЧЬЭКЧЭ ОбЩШЬЮЫО ЭШ ЭСО ОХОЦОЧЭЬ ЫОЬЮХЭОН ТЧ КЧ
acute awareness of skin; Boke, Kushi, Enkhtuyaa, and Enkhjargal (all countryside women)
referenced their skin as their chief beauty concern. Bolormaa, a resident of Khanbogd, and
Khongorzol, a herder, both mentioned the beauty of dark skin as opposed to white; Bolormaa
ТНОКХТгОН “СОКХЭСв, СКЧНЬШЦО ЛЫШаЧ ЬФТЧ” (khörslög bor airs). TСЮЬ, МШЮЧЭЫвЬТНО ЫОЬТНОЧЭЬ’
fixation on skin (whether white or brown) can be interpreted as a confluence of socialist norms,
nomadic necessities, environmental factors, and functional idealization.
Traditional discourse and countryside norms for female bodies exhibit greater flexibility
in body sizes (than within modern discourse) and extoll strong, capable, healthy women. Once
again, athletically thin bodies were idealized during the socialist era for their health, strength and
60
Subsequently, inducing del Carpini to remark in the 13th century that men and women looked the same until
marriage due to their similar appearance and clothing (1996: 41).
61
In a 2005 online interview with the fashion magazine Gyalbaa, Tzogzolmaa, a renowned actress born in 1924,
claimed that socialist-ОЫК аШЦОЧ “ШЧХв ЫОКХХв ХШШФОН КЭ ЭСО ПКМО КЧН МХШЭСТЧР. IЭ’Ь ЧШЭ ХТФО ЧШа. АОХХ-defined
ОвОЛЫШаЬ, ЫОН МСООФЬ ХТФО ПЫЮТЭ…аОЫО sung about. A woman with a big face, narrow eyebrows, and red cheeks was
ОЬЭООЦОН КЬ ЛОКЮЭТПЮХ.” AННТЭТШЧКХХв, К ЩОКМОПЮХ НТЬЩШЬТЭТШЧ (uujuu setgeltei) was important and a lot of make-up
and being overtly thin were inappropriate (demii). Additionally, Odval (born in the 1940s) agreed that during her
вШЮЭС “ЫШЮЧН ПКМОЬ, МШЦЩХОбТШЧЬ аСТЭО КЬ ЬЧШа, КЧН К ЫОН-МСООФОН аШЦКЧ аКЬ ХШШФОН КЭ К ХШЭ.”
62
According to Oyuunbileg, body and appearance standards have changed considerably between the socialist and
post-socialist era mostly due to clothing: “People used to only wear Russian clothing [like bakal] (note: army boots),
the deel, and Russian coats, but people wear all sorts of things these days and use more products. People change
theiЫ СКТЫ ЧШа ЭШШ.” AХЭСШugh deels were adorned for special occasions, everyday attire focused on functionality
with little differentiation between genders.
63
According to her, women now focus on every aspect of body. Nergui, as a worker in the Khakhorum museum, is
thus very aware of modernity and globalization influences, and perceives the juxtaposition between
countryside/tradition and urban/modern ideals.
45
worker capabilities. Current nomadic ideals continue to adulate strong female bodies; themes of
“ЩЫШЩШЫЭТШЧКХТЭв” КЧН “аОХХ-ЧШЮЫТЬСЦОЧЭ” repeatedly emerged from descriptions of ideal
feminine bodily attractiveness. Hence, Bolormaa ЬЭКЭОН: “I ЛОХТОЯО ОКМС аШЦКЧ ЬСШЮХН СКЯО ЭСО
figure that suits her, with weight (literally: ‘meat’ or makhlag) КЧН ПКЭ, КЧН аТЭС ЛОКЮЭТПЮХ ЬФТЧ.”
Similarly, Khongorzol ОЮХШРТгОН аШЦОЧ аТЭС “ЦОКЭ ЭСКЭ ПТЭЬ ЭСОТЫ ЛШНв” (biidee tarsan makhtai).
However, contrary to (most) Western interpretations of this statement, Khongorzol was not
praising corpulence, but rather athleticism (goolig) КЬ К ЦКЫФ ШП К аШЦКЧ’Ь КЛТХТЭв ЭШ ЩОЫПШЫЦ
household chores and hold her own amongst the rigors of nomadism. According to Batbayar,
КЧШЭСОЫ ЧШЦКНТМ СОЫНОЫ, СТЬ аТПО’Ь ТНОКХ аОТРСЭ аКЬ ПЮХХ-figured, because it was more
comfortable to cuddle with and provided warmth. On the flip side, Khongorzol described urban
ЦШНОХЬ КЬ “ЦОХЭОН МКЧНХОЬ,” ЛОМКЮЬО ЭСОТЫ РКЮЧtness represented an inability to lift heavy
objects, and impending sickness in old age. Batbayar and Jargal both described urban models as
“ЛЫОКФКЛХО.” TСЮЬ, ЭСО ЩЫОШММЮЩКЭТШЧ аТЭС ЬФТЧ КЧН СОКХЭСв ЛШНТОЬ КЦШЧР МШЮЧЭЫвЬТНО СОЫНОЫЬ
and within traditional discourse must be seen in the context of the physical demands and gender
requirements stipulated by nomadic lifestyles.
5.6. Good Woman Beauty Norms as Reification of Traditional Gender Subjectivities
Ideals of beauty within traditional discourse encompass values that increase survival and
success within nomadic lifestyles, as well as allow the continuation of a patriline (whether on
local or nation-state level). Pre-socialist women were expected to singlehandedly maintain the
nomadic household (due either to polygyny, war, and/or Lamaism); and socialist era women
were expected to participate fully as workers and mothers.64 Mongolian women have always
been expected to render hard work. Additionally, except within the official promulgations of
socialist propaganda, women were historically encouraged to birth children and promote the
patriline (yet, even within socialist rhetoric, women needed to bear progeny for the revolution).
Thus, the invented tradition of the good woman comprises an amalgamation of current nationstate needs for unity, fears of otherness, the rigors and patrilineal legacy of nomadic lifestyles,
and the continuance of socialist era norms. The beauty concepts within traditional discourse thus
correlate with this amalgamation of influences, which is as much a product of globalization and
МШЧЭОЦЩШЫКЫв ЬШМТОЭв (НОЬЩТЭО ЭСО ШЛЬМЮЫТЧР ЭОЫЦ ‘ЭЫКНТЭТШЧ’) КЬ ЦШНОЫЧ/ЧОа/ЮЫЛКЧ ЛОКЮЭв.
64
See footnotes #49 and #50
46
Returning to beauty, good women embody qualities that encourage ethnically-oriented,
patrilineal nomadism and nationalism. The herder survey answers mentioned towards the
beginning of this section included words like hardworking, demure, mannerly, clean, diligent,
intelligent, serene, educated, neat, societally-acceptable, civil, moral, nice, capable, soft,
industrious, strong and harmonious. Women who personify all of these traits are easily tractable
in the context of a patrilineal, nomadic society; they work hard; struggle and buttress the family
in the face of environmental and physical hardship; are intelligent actors who can hold their own;
are dedicated to and continue the patriline; subordinate themselves towards elders/agnatic kin
(i.e. get along with everyone); КЧН НШ ЧШЭ КЭЭОЦЩЭ ЭШ ШЯОЫЫТНО ЭСО ЦКХО’Ь КЮЭСШЫТЭв. BШНв
thinness norms are less central within this context, whereas motherhood ideals and reproductive
faculties are elevated in importance. As we will see in the next section, these ideals stand at odds
with the growing awareness of modernity, newness, individualism, democracy and the market
emerging in middle and upper class Ulaanbaatar.
6. The New Woman
The 2012 Miss World beauty pageant was held in Ordos, Inner Mongolia in China. The
Mongolian entry to this competition was Bayarmaa Khuselbaatar, who described her experiences
comparing herself to women from all over the world. When asked in an interview what set her
apart from others, she proudly explained:
“Asian people are shy people. A Nepalese miss [contestant] entering a competition
with me said that she could enter with me. She thought, ‘If she’s Asian she will be
reserved.’ We were in the same group for two months. Before I went back to
Mongolia, she said to me: ‘I don’t think you are Asian. I get the impression that you
are hot-headed, energetic, and self-confident, just like a European.’” (Enkhbold
2012)
Bayarmaa ТЬ МХОКЫХв ЩЫШЮН ШП ЛОТЧР MШЧРШХТКЧ, ЛЮЭ КХЬШ ЛШКЬЭЬ КЛШЮЭ ЛОТЧР ЩОЫМОТЯОН КЬ “ЧШЭ
AЬТКЧ” КЧН “УЮЬЭ ХТФО К EЮЫШЩОКЧ.” АТЭСТЧ ЭСОЬО ЬЭКЭОЦОЧЭЬ ХТОЬ К ЛОХТОП ЭСКЭ AЬТКЧ аШЦОЧ КЫО
passive and old-fashioned, while European women are modern and progressive. Therefore,
Bayarmaa is eager to assert that she, like most modern Mongolian women, is not perceived as
Asian, but as progressive, like in European countries. This mental demarcation of European as
modern, and Asian as traditional, mirrors new political goals in the contemporary Mongolian
nation-state.
47
Consequently, a second idealized feminine archetype has emerged in post-socialist
MШЧРШХТК КЬ К ЫОЬЮХЭ ШП МТЭТгОЧЬ’ НОЬТЫОЬ ЭШ ЛОМШЦО КМФЧШаХОНРОН ЦШНОЫЧ global actors: the new
woman. During my fieldwork, Cosmopolitan Magazine had recently started publishing a
Mongolian edition, including opening an Ulaanbaatar headquarters. In addition to being invited
to a job interview in their offices, I met and befriended many of their employees, who were also
quite active in Mongolian civil society as activists and artists. These young women embodied
the antithesis of the РШШН аШЦКЧ МШЧМОЩЭ; МХТМСцН ТЦКРОЫв ШП ‘ПЮЧ, ПОКЫХОЬЬ, ПОЦЦО’ КЧН ЬОбand-the-city-esque middle-class socialites could accurately describe these women. They held
ЦШЧЭСХв ЛКХХЬ ШЫ ЦКЬЬТЯО ЩКЫЭТОЬ ТЧ UХККЧЛККЭКЫ’Ь СШЭЭОЬЭ МХЮЛЬ КЧН СШЭОХЬ, СКН ШММКЬТШЧКХ ЩСШЭШЬСШШЭТЧРЬ, аООФХв МШМФЭКТХ ЧТРСЭЬ ТЧ UB’Ь SФв ӨХЮЛ (ЭСО СТРСОЬЭ ЫОЬЭКЮЫКЧЭ ТЧ ЭСО МШЮЧЭЫв) КЧН
went to great ends to maintain a well-manicured appearance of success, upward mobility and
sexiness. Many of them were well-versed in at least one European language and had studied or
traveled more extensively abroad than within their own country. In contrast to the idealized
notion of maternal, herder, good woman femininity, these women embodied the ideals of the
free-market and democracy: they were independent, willful, driven, international, sexy, careeroriented, middle/upper class consumers.
While some Mongolians wish for a return to traditional values, others struggle with a
backwards conceptualization of Asian tradition and strive to create an image of a liberated,
modern Mongolia. Within contemporary Mongolian politics, democratically oriented political
parties are manifestations of civic-oriented national identity: ЭСО ЛОХТОП ЭСКЭ MШЧРШХТК’Ь ЩОКМОПЮХ
1990 revolution and democratic uniqueness demonstrate a dedication to progressive politics
unТЪЮО ТЧ AЬТК ШЫ ЭСО ‘НОЯОХШЩТЧР’ world (see 3.2.). Undarya Tumursukh has used this
designation to describe the allegiance of various modern Mongolian political parties to the values
of democracy and freedom that the Mongolian state supposedly symbolizes (2001). Although
ЬЭТХХ К ‘ЧКЭТШЧКХ ТНОЧЭТЭв’ in the sense of loyalty to an overarching, state-focused political
ideology, civic-oriented national identity is not blood and ethnicity based like its counterpart.
These attempts at portraying Mongolian national identity as democratic and liberating also have
had an effect on the portrayals of contemporary women, in order to promote the image of a
forward-looking, tolerant Mongolia.
When Bayarmaa figuratively separated herself from other Asian contestants, she was
employing the cosmopolitan portrayal of Mongolian women supported by civic-oriented national
48
identity politics. According to Tumursukh, the portrayal of “Mongolian women as highly educated,
professional, and independent is a way of marking Mongolia’s difference from ‘backward and
authoritarian’ Asian states and by extension, its similarity to ‘progressive and democratic’ Western
states’” (Tumursukh 2001: 129). IЧ Цв ТЧЭОЫЯТОаЬ, I ЫОЩОКЭОНХв СОКЫН ЭСО КНУОМЭТЯО “EЮЫШЩОКЧ”
as a synonym for modern and superior;65 I was also frequently told that Mongolians are
European, because they were part of the Soviet Union.66 The appraisal of Mongolian women as
European in civic society represented КЧ КЭЭОЦЩЭ ЭШ ОЦЩСКЬТгО MШЧРШХТК’Ь ЩЫШРЫОЬЬТЯТЭв,
development and superiority vis-à-vis other Asian nations. According to this viewpoint, modern,
developed nations had modern, developed women. Therefore, the Europeanized, non-Asian,
Mongolian woman is an archetypal representation of MШЧРШХТК’Ь ЦШНОЫЧТЭв КЧН КЫЫТЯКХ ШЧ ЭСО
world stage.
6.1. The New Woman as Consumer
Alpha.mn, a new Mongolian lifestyle magazine and blog, sends reporters out weekly to
survey the streets of inner Ulaanbaatar. When they catch sight of their target, a well-dressed,
fashionable Mongolian, they stop and take a picture. Each week a new set of photos goes on the
online fashion blog, which is greeted in the Mongolian blogsphere by a barrage of excitement,
tweets, and style comparisons. Frequently, these photos are taken in front of Central Tower: a
giant business complex adjacent to the central Sukhbaatar Square that houses several high-end
shops, restaurants, law firms and the Canadian embassy. The largest shop windows visible from
outside are the Burberry and Louis Vuitton stores—which opened in 2009—lined with expensive
purses and advertising offering consumer dreams of globalized elegance and wealth. These
stores are surprisingly rarely empty—especially considering that the entire country of Mongolia
has a population of 3 million people. How can these luxury stores afford to stay solvent in a
I.О. MКЧв MШЧРШХТКЧЬ I ОЧМШЮЧЭОЫОН ЩЫОПОЫЫОН ПШЫОТРЧ, “EЮЫШЩОКЧ” РШШНЬ ЭШ ТЧНТРОЧШЮЬ РШШНЬ. European
products were perceived as superior in quality (chanartai) in comparison to local goods. However, this designation
did not apply to Chinese goods, which were often viewed as poorly constructed and unhealthy—i.e. I was told in
Khanbogd never to buy fruit, because all local perishables were imported from China and likely to be bad.
Additionally, the Swedish cosmetics company Oriflame enjoyed great success both in the countryside and in
Ulaanbaatar during my fieldwork; when I asked one nomad why she used this particular company, she curtly
КЧЬаОЫОН ЭСКЭ ЭСО ЩЫШНЮМЭЬ аОЫО ПЫШЦ SаОНОЧ КЧН ЭСЮЬ СКН ЭШ ЛО РШШН. ӨШЧЬОЪЮОЧЭХв, ‘EЮЫШЩОКЧ’ ТЬ МШЧМОЩЭЮКХТгОН
in many circles as both superior and modern.
66
I.e. expressed by both Oyuunaa and Narantsatsral, two urban women—see interview table in appendix (8.8.)
They also both mentioned that Mongolians were European, because of Turkish, and not Asian, descent.
65
49
market that small? Because of the current wave in consumption patterns amongst the new rich
(shine bayachuud) in Ulaanbaatar (Orch 2011).
Through conspicuous consumption, Mongolians show that they belong to the wealthy and
market successful. In section 3.3., I discussed the rapid economic growth Mongolia is currently
undergoing, including the massive discrepancy between rich and poor that has accompanied it.
Nevertheless, the mining boom has consecutively increased the disposable income of Mongolian
families over the last six years. Consequently, expensive items have become symbols used by
Mongolians to advertise their prosperity and individualization in the new market economy. The
new woman thus reflects middle and upper class women—the nouveau riche—with the
employment, resources and buying power to display their wealth. However, this phenomenon
also pertains to all members of Mongolian society; even the poor want to look rich. As the
fashion blog and opening of Cosmopolitan Magazine attest, ideals of self-actualization through
consumption have become a big business in Mongolia. Although this pertains to both genders,
marketing strategies and globalized influences deliver (especially) women messages of success
through consumption and appearance. The purchase and careful piecing together of expensive
УОаОХЫв, МХШЭСТЧР, ЬСШОЬ КЧН КММОЬЬШЫТОЬ КХХШаЬ ЭСО ‘ЦШНОЫЧ аШЦКЧ’ ЭШ МЫОКЭО СОЫ ШаЧ
individualized identity that screams success and competence in the new market economy.
6.1.2. The Centrality of Consumption to New (Gendered) Identities
Similarly, urban and/or middle-upper class Mongolian women increasingly invest time
and capital into their physical bodies as an expression of their individualized identity. According
to Narantsatsral, Mongolians start spending large amounts of resources on their physical
appearance once they enter the middle/upper echelons of society:
“Individuals in the middle-class upwards are constantly mindful of their plastic
surgery options (kosmetik khagalgaa), their beauty products (goo saikhnî kheregsel),
nutrition (uuj idekh) and fitness. The difference between people before and after they
begin working on their appearance it highly noticeable (amar medegddeg ur d n
yamar baisan odoo yamar bolson).”
The maintenance of various aspects of appearance and the consumption of health and beauty
resources is viewed as a necessary component of joining the emerging Mongolian social and
career elite.
50
АШЦОЧ КХЬШ МШЧЬЮЦО ЭШ ТЧЯШФО КЧН ЩОЫПШЫЦ ‘ЦШНОЫЧ’ ПОЦКХО ЬЮЛУОМЭТЯТЭТОЬ. TСЮЬ,
although consumption is central ЭШ ЛШЭС ‘ЧОа’ ТНОЧЭТЭТОЬ ПШЫ ЛШЭС ЦОЧ КЧН аШЦОЧ, ОКМС РОЧНОЫ
construction employs different consumption patterns. For example, while in Arvaikheer, an
aimag center, I asked a cosmetics-line representative why she believed women needed to
maintain their apЩОКЫКЧМО. SСО ЬЧКЩЩОН КЭ ЦО, “ОЯОЧ ТП ЬСО СКЬ ЧШ ЦШЧОв, К аШЦКЧ ЧООНЬ СОЫ
ХТЩЬЭТМФ!”—implying that a woman is not a woman without lipstick. Upon further discussion, my
research partner, Zola, agreed with this statement; actually, she recalled, that if she dressed up,
wore certain clothing and used a lot of makeup, she never had to pay for a meal or drinks in
Ulaanbaatar. Through her consumption of feminine products and matching gender performance,
Zola was then viewed as a woman and was treated accordingly by men (through the purveyance
of drinks). For Oyuunaa, a 29-year-old Ulaanbaatar native, changing her consumption patterns
when she left high school served as a rite of passage into womanhood:
“In high school, I was one of these geeks, I mean I was *really* a geek. I had long
hair, wore no makeup, no fancy clothing, nothing [decorative] you know. I was like a
man with long hair. I was really geeky, so I never got attention from anyone, people
just talked to me because I was a good student, and my personality was fine…In high
school, my parents told me what to wear and I didn’t have any rights to choose my
own clothing, which I didn’t like. But when I went to university, my mom allowed me
to cut my hair, I had my eyes operated on…and it was very good opportunity for me to
change myself and become my own person and find myself…so I went to Korea [to
study] and I wore short dresses, sexy clothing, I started to wear makeup, change my
hairstyles, and I changed and found myself (literally: found my own Oyuunaa) and am
very confident with this…If I hadn’t gone I would be a very very, you know, poor
person”
OвЮЮЧКК’Ь ЪЮШЭО ТЬ ТЧНТМКЭТЯО ШП ЭСО ЩШаОЫ ШП ПОЦТЧТЧО ХТЧОЬ ШП МШЧЬЮЦЩЭТШЧ ЭШ МЫОКЭО КЧ ТЦКРО
of a female subject in modern Mongolian society. Through the consumption of various products
and subsequent alteration of her physical image, Oyuunaa undergoes self-actualization and no
ХШЧРОЫ ЯТОаЬ СОЫЬОХП КЬ ‘К ЦКЧ аТЭС ХШЧР СКТЫ,’ ЛЮЭ К ЬОХП-confident modern woman; she is now
capable of enacting her individual rights and making her own choices. Therefore, a central
МШЦЩШЧОЧЭ ШП ЭСО ЧОа аШЦКЧ’Ь ТНОЧЭТЭв ТЬ ЛШЭС СОЫ ПШМЮЬ ШЧ ЭСО ТЧНТЯТНЮКХТгОН ЛШНв КЬ ЩЫШУОМЭ
КЧН ЭСО ЧООН ЭШ МШЧЭТЧЮКХХв МШЧЬЮЦО ТЭОЦЬ КЧН ЫОЬШЮЫМОЬ ЭШ МШЧЬТЬЭОЧЭХв ‘ЮЩНКЭО,’ МЫОКЭО КЧН
forge her identity as a progressive, new, and upwardly mobile woman.
51
6.1.3. Consuming to Succeed
Within the discourses of the democratization and meritocracy, women who ascribe to
modernity discourse increasingly believe that consuming in the interest of beauty and physical
appearance holds the key to their ultimate success. Similar to other contemporary Asian settings
(Yang 2011; Hua 2013), women in contemporary Mongolia have received the message that their
appearance is the key to their career; as previously mentioned, Narantsatsral exclaimed: “People
only listen to you if you are more attractive than they are… and then I understood that if I, as a writer,
wanted people to hear my words, I had to be attractive.” The discourse commonly found within
Western product advertisements that the purchase of a certain product will guarantee later
happiness (Bordo 2003) has also seeped into the Mongolian market and created a rumor frenzy.
For example, when I asked Odtsetseg why she believed women strived to be beautiful in
contemporary society, she answer:
“I think it is related to social needs. Prior to 1990, Mongolian society was communist,
so everyone had a job and once they did their job—even as a cleaner—they got
enough money to live off of. But now economically surviving has gotten harder and
expenses are skyrocketing and women see famous girls on TV who win competitions
and then later hear that she got married to a millionaire. All these beautiful young
girls internalize these stories and start believing that if they are beautiful they can
marry a rich man and live happily ever after.”
According to Odtsetseg, many contemporary, urban women believe that maintaining their
physical beauty will result in eventual career and/or romantic success. Mongolian womenoriented job advertisements frequently include stipulations for height and age; further supporting
the belief that appearance is important for female professional achievement. According to
NКЫКЧЭЬКЭЬЫКХ, “ЬШМТОЭв НОЦКЧНЬ К аШЦКЧ аСШ ТЬ 1.Үү ШЫ ү0 ДЦОЭОЫЬ ЭКХХЖ.” TСТЬ statement is not
an exaggeration; during my research, Zola decided to pursue a part time job as a waitress. She
had to go through a training program to get a job, which told her height, high-heel inch, and hair
length requirements for waitresses. I also heard from several women (including my Mongolian
teacher) that it was near to impossible for a woman over 35 to find a job; a statement
collaborated by age statutes in job postings.67 Therefore, women are actively (through job
requirements) and passively (through social stigma and comparison) targeted by the rhetoric that
67
Job postings geared especially towards women on the online platform biznetwork.mn contain many more age
requirements for women than for men; they are usually capped at 35 years. Although this perception is based on
random sampling and not necessarily representative of the larger job market, this preponderance of female age
requirements echoes the sentiments of my research informants.
52
consuming for beauty and body maintenance will augment their life, career and/or romantic
success. The new woman has to look like she is successful as defined by appearance standards,
because then she probably will be—a self-fulfilling prophecy.
6.1.4. Conspicuous Consumption
Another expression of the promise of happiness through consumption is the Mongolian
mania for brand items. The sociologist Thorsten Veblen wrote in 1899 on the behavioral
characteristics of the emerging American nouveau riche in the Second Industrial Revolution
(2005). He coined the term conspicuous consumption to describe their predilection to accrue
luxury goods and accoutrements as a display of upward mobility and social class belonging.
UХККЧЛККЭКЫ’Ь ЧШЮЯОКЮ ЫТМСО ЛОСКЯОЬ ЬТЦТХКЫХв. AЬ ЦОЧЭТШЧОН ТЧ the introduction to this section,
the current success of fashion stores like Burburry and Louis Vuitton in Mongolia is due to the
social status these brand names carry—anyone who is anyone has a Louis Vuitton bag.
According to a 2013 report by the Asian Pacific Investment Partners (APIP), high end brands are
conscious of this growing market in Mongolia; as a result, Guess, Armani, Tommy Hilfiger,
Hugo Boss and more have recently (2012-14) opened Ulaanbaatar branches (Sawyer and
ө’AЦТМШ 2013). ӨШЧЬОЪЮОЧЭХв, Narantsatsral relayed to me how her daughter, who was
studying in Australia, begged her to not buy a Louis Vuitton purse:
“All Mongolians buy Louis Vuitton, please don’t do the same! Every person is
supposed to have their own opinion and wear clothing according to their personality,
but if everyone wears the same thing, then you lose your individuality (ööriin üzel
bodoltoi). So please don’t wear it, she said. But these items are still new and so
everyone aspires (khoshuurakh) to buy one.”
Another currenЭ ЦКЧТПОЬЭКЭТШЧ ШП МШЧЬЩТМЮШЮЬ МШЧЬЮЦЩЭТШЧ ТЬ ЭСО ТЦЩШЫЭКЧМО ШП КЧ ТЧНТЯТНЮКХ’Ь
mobile phone number;68 which, according to Narantsatsral, even incited the chairperson of a
Mongolian petroleum company to have a mobile phone personally constructed out of gold.
Consequently, consumption patterns, and the flaunting of luxury items, allow an individual to
68
According to rumors I heard from Zola and other informants, when mobile phones were first offered by
Mobicom—the first Mongolian mobile provider—they were really expensive. The first numbers contained easily
memorable numbers and all began with multiple ones (i.e. 1112). These days, one can tell from the phone number if
it is a pre or post-paid phone. Post-paid, aka contractual, phone numbers are considered preferential, because they
indicate that the user probably has a job and/or enough money to pay a set price every month. Thus, when Zola,
who had multiple mobile phones (as most Mongolians do to take advantage of the inner-company service benefits),
would use her contractual phone with a professional number, our calls were received and returned more readily.
53
concurrently construct an individualized image as a member of a class and person of societal
worth—ЬШЦОШЧО вШЮ ‘ЧООН’ ЭШ ФЧШа.
6.2. The New Woman as Breadwinner
In addition to ideals of modernity and progressivity, the cosmopolitan, modern new
woman is also a phenomenon of globalized market values and stresses. Development
indicators69 ШПЭОЧ МТЭО ЭСО “ЫОЯОЫЬО РОЧНОЫ РКЩ”—the higher rates of education for women than
men—ТЧ MШЧРШХТК КЬ К ЬТРЧ ШП ЭСО МШЮЧЭЫв’Ь РОЧНОЫ ЩЫШРЫОЬЬ; ПШЫ ОбКЦЩХО, ТЧ 200Ү, ЦШЫО
women than men were enrolled in primary, secondary, and tertiary education (Hausmann, Tyson
and Zahidi 2012). At first glance, these statistics seem like an indication of gender equitability in
the country, yet only represent a part of the complex gender relations in the market. In fact, the
current education push for women is linked to an underlying gender stereotype in the years
ЩЫОМОНТЧР ЭСО ЭЫКЧЬТЭТШЧ ЭШ К ЦКЫФОЭ ОМШЧШЦв. өЮЫТЧР MШЧРШХТК’Ь ЯОЫЬТШЧ ШП ЩОЫОЬЭЫШТФК,
schinchlel, and the years prior to the reconfiguration of the Mongolian economy, pastoralists
increasingly sent their daughters to school in the hopes that their futures would be better with
increased schooling. According to Odval, ЦОЧ аОЫО “ЧОРХОМЭОН” (hayadag) in the years before
1990, because they had been kept to labor at home with the assumption that a man could make
his way in life without education; he would be fine one way or the other. Women, on the other
hand, were considered more vulnerable.70 As a result, when the market economy emerged, the
belief that a woman had to be educated and must work to support her family was widely
accepted—a notion that has continued until this day.
IЧ МШЧЭОЦЩШЫКЫв MШЧРШХТК, аШЦОЧ’Ь СТРС ОНЮМКЭТШЧ ЫКЭОЬ СКЯО ТЧМЫОКЬТЧРХв ОЧКЛХОН
them to serve as breadwinner and primary supporter of the family. According to Oyuunbileg, a
longtime yurt-district resident who grew up in the countryside:
“These days there are now those types of women who are capable of everything—like
they were molded from clay for the job (literally: tailored; tegsh bükh yum n
zokhitschikhson). Always wearing nice clothing. And they have a good reputation
AЬ ОЩТЭШЦТгОН ЭСЫШЮРС ЭСО КЧЧЮКХ ЫОХОКЬО ШП ЭСО АШЫХН EМШЧШЦТМ FШЫЮЦ’Ь “GХШЛКХ GОЧНОЫ GКЩ RОЩШЫЭ” and the
UЧТЭОН NКЭТШЧЬ’ “HЮЦКЧ өОЯОХШЩЦОЧЭ IЧНОб”
70
This sentiment that men were ‘ЧОРХОМЭОН’ Лв ЭСОТЫ ЩКЫОЧЭЬ between 1970 and the end of the 1980s was echoed in
an ethnographic study on contemporary single-mother families (Altangerel 2013). According to her doctoral thesis
and in personal communication, Altangerel (2014) explained how socialist-era parents worried about their
daughters, due to pre-socialist spread of illiteracy among women. Haunted by the memories of the past, parents
аОЫО ОКРОЫ ЭШ СКЯО ЭСОТЫ НКЮРСЭОЫЬ ОНЮМКЭОН, ЛОМКЮЬО аШЦОЧ аОЫО “ЩСвЬТМКХХв аОКФ КЧН ЧШЭ КЬ ЬЭЫШЧР КЬ ЛШвЬ”
(2013: 159), whereas men always had the well-paid option of becoming a driver or nomad.
69
54
with their colleagues. And even in the rest of the country. We should look up to them
as an example and a lot of women emulate them and make it to the top. Recently, a
comedy I saw showed a woman who sat in the corner with hanging breasts and no bra
and said “I can’t” and “I’m not worth anything.” Women can’t be like that. And I
believe women like that have decreased in number in recent years. Women just have
to play a strong role in society.”
Oyuunbileg expresses her awareness of a new type of renaissance woman, who must not feel
ЬШЫЫв ПШЫ СОЫЬОХП КЧН ЬТЭ аТЭС ‘СКЧРТЧР ЛЫОКЬЭЬ,’ ЛЮЭ ЦЮЬЭ ЛО ЩЫШРЫОЬЬТЯО, МКЫООЫ-oriented, skilled,
and serve as an inspirational beacon for others. Her dОЬТРЧКЭТШЧ ШП аШЦОЧ аСШ ‘КЫО МКЩКЛХО ШП
ОЯОЫвЭСТЧР’ КХХЮНОЬ ЭШ ЭСО РЫШаТЧР ЩЫОЬОЧМО ТЧ MШЧРШХТК ШП ЛШЭС ПОЦКХО ОЦЩХШвООЬ КЧН ЬТЧРХОmother families. A late 1990Ь ЬЮЫЯОв НШЧО Лв К ХШМКХ UХККЧЛККЭКЫ NGO, ЭСО АШЦОЧ’Ь
Information and Research Centre, found in the sample that 36.0% of women generated a
significant part of the family income; 33.1% earned the majority of it; and 25.6% grossed an
КЦШЮЧЭ ОЪЮКХ ЭШ ЭСОТЫ СЮЬЛКЧНЬ’ (VКЧРКЧЬЮЫОЧ 200Ү). FЮЫЭСОЫЦШЫО, ЭСО ЧЮЦЛОЫ ШП КЧН ЬШМТОЭКХ
discourse around female-headed single parent households have steadily increased since the 1990
transition (Altangerel 2013). Accordingly, women currently make significant contributions to
household incomes and are increasingly the sole breadwinner. Consequently, modern, new,
highly-educated women are expected to tackle any task, and be formidable both in the local
workplace, at home, and internationally.
6.2.2. The Failure of Masculinity
In comparison to the rising star of these new women, many contemporary men are seen
as shirking away from responsibility to succumb to alcohol and lethargy (Altangerel 2013: 169).
The growing awareness of women in the workforce has contributed to a masculinity inferiority
complex and gender instability, including higher rates of alcohol abuse and domestic violence
towards women (Enkhjargalbileg et al. 2009). The new woman is associated with the
contemporary female breadwinner who would rather allocate her own funds than be dependent
on a dysfunctional (archaagui) husband: “the strong, self-confident, and decisive women who
lately have been voting with their feet. These women believe a divorce-or not marrying in the
first place-is preferable to the domestic violence, alcoholism, and crime that can arise from
many men’s hopelessness” (Lhagvasuren 2003). Similarly, according to Bolormaa,
МШЧЭОЦЩШЫКЫв аШЦОЧ КЫО “now dominant in every regard. Women direct both home and family
and men are scorned. They raise the kids and are the head of the household. A woman can do
everything.” АШЦОЧ ЦЮЬЭ ЬЭОЩ ЮЩ ЭШ ЭСО ЩХКЭО КЧН НТЫОМЭ ЬШМТОЭв, ЛОМКЮЬО “ЭСО ЪЮКХТЭв ШП ЦОЧ
55
СКЬ РШЭЭОЧ аШЫЬО” (eregtei khümüüsiin muukhai chanar n ikheschikhsen). MОЧ НШЧ’Э ФЧШа СШа
to value life and instead chase after money (amidraliig khairlaya gesen khün baikhgui, yag l
möngönii tölöö yawsan). Therefore, both Oyuunbileg and Bolormaa ЮЬОН ЭСО ЩСЫКЬО ‘аШЦОЧ
МКЧ НШ ОЯОЫвЭСТЧР’ (bügdiig khiij chadana) to describe the roles of contemporary, new women
who must become providers in lieu of men. In my direct experience, Gerel,71 a 27-year-old jeep
driver, disappeared on a drinking binge for days while I stayed with his family. When he
returned, he admitted to having deep insecurities regarding the fact that his wife had a job and
ran the house, while he could never find any work. And Togtokhjargal, a 24-year-old female
herder I first met in 2007, still lived with her parents and exclaimed to me that she was
ТЧНОЩОЧНОЧЭ КЧН аШЮХН ЧОЯОЫ РОЭ ЦКЫЫТОН, “ЛОМКЮЬО КХХ ЦОЧ КЫО НЫЮЧФКЫНЬ.” TСТЬ ЧОаПШЮЧН
dominance of women is subsequently perceived as both a consequence of the emerging
discourses on gender parity and market equality, but also a necessity due to contemЩШЫКЫв ЦОЧ’Ь
breakdown of power and general negligence.
6.2.3. The Complexity of the Reverse Gender Gap
Despite the higher education rates for Mongolian women, they continue to populate
mostly low-tiered jobs and suffer higher job precariousness than men. According to
Narantsatsral, when one walks around in Mongolia, one sees women workers everywhere, but
“ТЧ ЩШаОЫ ЩШЬТЭТШЧЬ КЧН ТЧ РШЯОЫЧЦОЧЭ ШЧО ШЧХв ЬООЬ ЦОЧ”.72 Despite their qualifications, she
continued, women always seemed to end up in service positions (guitsetgeh ajil khiideg).
Bolormaa also was cognizant of different gendered labor classifications while working in a
mining company, because female employees were almost exclusively employed in customer
service positions, while men were overwhelmingly hired to excavate.73 Her observances on
gendered labor segregation are statistically documented: i.e. as of 2007, 64.5% of educational
sector workers are female, 71.3% in the social welfare sector, and 63% of judges are female
(although only 12% of Supreme Court judges) (Vangansuren 2007; Senderjav 2007). The
difference in female presence between lower and higher court judges echoes a pervasive
phenomenon in the upper echelons of institutions—a dearth of women. For example, even
though the number of female political candidates tripled in the decade after the democratic
71
#6 in interview table
Yag erkh medliig khemjeed, ikh khurald gekhed dan ererteichüüd bolchikhood baigaa yum
73
This was partly due to a 1999-200ү ЦТЧТЬЭОЫТКХ НОМЫОО ЭСКЭ МШЧЭКТЧОН ОбЭОЧЬТЯО ЩЫШСТЛТЭТШЧЬ ЭШ аШЦОЧ’Ь ХКЛШЫ ТЧ
certain industrial sectors for health and safety reasons (Khan, Brink and Baasanjav 2013: 22).
72
56
ЭЫКЧЬТЭТШЧ, аШЦОЧ’Ь ОХОМЭТШЧ МСКЧМОЬ СКЯО РШЭЭОЧ аШЫЬО (Burn and Oidov 2001: 55). During my
fieldwork in 2011-12, only 3 of 76 parliament members were female.74 Thus, although current
women seem to dominate historically male economic and educational domains, this façade
masks underlying persevering asymmetrical gender relations.
The perceived instability and vagaries of employment have induced many women to
overcompensate through education and work effort. In a study on education rates and the
efficacy of higher education reforms in post-transition Mongolia, Satoko Yano writes that
“…while men are at higher risk of being overeducated,75 once they have paid jobs their wages
are less sensitive to their education status (adequately educated, overeducated, or
undereducated) compared to women” (2012: 194). Based on her data, Yano posits that despite
the higher rates of female education, women experience persistent disparity in wages, are more
sensitive to job-ОНЮМКЭТШЧ ЦКЭМСОЬ ЭСКЧ ЦОЧ (136), КЧН “ЦКв ЛО ЩЮЫЬЮТЧР ЦШЫО ОНЮМКЭТШЧ ТЧ
ШЫНОЫ ЭШ МШЦЩОЧЬКЭО ЭСОТЫ аКРО НТППОЫОЧМОЬ” (194). Mв Ъualitative interviews support this
conclusion. For example, Bolormaa expressed the sentiment that the societal burden on
contemporary Mongolian women continues to grow (emegtei khünii achaalal ikhsej baina),
ЛОМКЮЬО ЭСОв СКЯО ЭШ аШЫФ “ХТФО ЬХКЯОЬ” (bool shig ajildaga) to earn the same amount as and stay
competitive with men.76 Additionally, Oyuunbileg ЮЬОН К ЩШХТЭТМКХ ЭОЫЦ, ‘аСТЭО ОЧЯв,’ (tsagaan
ataarkhal) to demonstrate how a successful career woman constantly push themselves to succeed
against all odds:
“A woman needs to be able to really exert herself to do the right thing. She has to
really put in the effort to obtain an important position in her career. This white envy
has to be there and if a woman feels this pressure, than she continues to better herself.
Women should always be ready to compete and should endeavor to improve
themselves. That’s what I believe”
74
This dramatic low in female parliament members incited the passing of 20 percent quota starting in the June 2012
parliamentary election.
75
This seemingly contradictory statement is a result of the composition of data, which included both informal
(herding) and formal employment sectors. Large numbers of men work in the informal herding sector and are thus
overeducated, because their economic occupation has no education requirement (Yano 2012: 192).
76
As an example of effort overcompensation from Bolormaa: “ВОКС, аШЦОЧ ЧШа ЫОКХХв СКЯО ЭШ аШЫФ ЦЮМС СКЫНer
ЭСКЧ ЦОЧ. FШЫ ОбКЦЩХО, ТП К ЦКЧ СКЬ ЭШ ПТб К ЧКТХ ТЧ ЭСО аКХХ, ЭСОЧ СО’ХХ МШЦО КЧН НШ ШЧХв ЭСКЭ. BЮЭ ТЧ МШЦЩКЫТЬШЧ, К
woman will come at six in the morning after breakfast, and will go to the family, and clean the house, and wash the
clothing, and hang ЮЩ ЭСО МХШЭСТЧР ТЧ ЭСО ОЯОЧТЧР, КЧН аТХХ МСКЧРО ЭСО ЛОН ЬСООЭЬ.”
57
Thus, she reflects an awareness of the difficult position and stresses new women face in their
career and everyday lives, but believes women need to channel the pressure into a selfТЦЩЫШЯОЦОЧЭ НЫТЯО. TСЮЬ, MШЧРШХТК’Ь ОбОЦЩХКЫв ЫОЩЮЭКЭТШЧ ЭСЫШЮРС ЭСО ЫОЯОЫЬО РОЧНОЫ РКЩ
МШЧМОКХЬ К МШЦЩХОб ЩТМЭЮЫО ШП аКРО НТЬЩКЫТЭв, ПОЦКХО УШЛ ТЧЬЭКЛТХТЭв, КЧН аШЦОЧ’Ь ОНЮМКЭТШЧ КЧН
effort overcompensation. Within modernity discourse, new women frequently embody
breadwinners who take this societal pressure and turn it into a catapult to success.
6.3. Individualism and the Body
Many contemporary Mongolians have perceived a palpable shift from collectivism to
individualism since the transition to a market economy. In chapter 4, I discussed Oyuunbileg’Ь
fears that modern actors were losing sight of the socialist-ОЫК ЦШЭЭШ “EКМС ТЧНТЯТНЮКХ ПШЫ ЬШМТОЭв,
КЧН ЬШМТОЭв ПШЫ КХХ.” ӨШЦЩКЫОН ЭШ ЭСО ЬСКЫОН ЫОЬЩШЧЬТЛТХТЭТОЬ ШП ЬШМТКХТЬЦ, Oyuunbileg believes
“these days [society] is different. Everything is judged so superficially and when you talk to someone they
think ‘how can this person be a benefit to me’…how can I use the position of this civil servant in my
favor” (alban tushaal ashiglakh). АСТХО ЫОХКвТЧР КЧ КЧОМНШЭО ЫОРКЫНТЧР К ПЫТОЧН’Ь ЮЧЬЮММОЬЬПЮХ
workplace romances, Narantsatsral ЬТЦТХКЫХв МХКТЦЬ ЭСКЭ ЭСОв ПКТХОН ЛОМКЮЬО “ЛШЭС аШЦОЧ аОЫО
ШЧХв ТЧЭОЫОЬЭОН ТЧ ЦШЧОв” (ed khöröngö sonirkhdog). Additionally, Narantsatsral (who used to
СКЯО К ЦШЫО ЦКЬМЮХТЧО КЩЩОКЫКЧМО), МСКЧРОН СОЫ ШЮЭаКЫН ЩЫОЬОЧЭКЭТШЧ “ЛОМКЮЬe people only
ХШШФ КЭ ЩЫОЭЭв ЩОШЩХО КЬ ЫШХО ЦШНОХЬ КЧН КНЦТЫО ЭСОЦ…ЧШЭ ЫКРРОН ХШШФТЧР (navsaisan) people
ХТФО I аКЬ.” IЧ КННТЭТШЧ ЭШ КЧ ТЧМЫОКЬОН МШЧЬМТШЮЬЧОЬЬ ШП ТЧНТЯТНЮКХ ЛШНТОЬ КЧН КЩЩОКЫКЧМО
(discussed in coming section), both women share an underlying fear of anonymity and
superficiality resulting from the market economy. On the other hand, the increased awareness of
ТЧНТЯТНЮКХ ЧООНЬ ТЬ КХЬШ ЫОПХОМЭОН ЭСЫШЮРС ЯКЫвТЧР КЧЬаОЫЬ ЭШ ЭСО ЪЮОЬЭТШЧ “АСв НШОЬ К аШЦКЧ
ЧООН ЭШ ЛО ЛОКЮЭТПЮХ”; аСТХЬЭ ЭЫКНТЭТШЧКХТЬЭЬ ЩОЫМОТЯО аШЦОЧ’Ь ЛОКЮЭв КЬ К НЮЭв ЭШ ЭСО ЧКЭТШЧ,
husband, community, etc., urban and/or affluent women frequently answer with comments on
personal satisfaction—i.e. for herself, for self-confidence, to make herself feel good, etc. In
essence, the perceived dissolution of old social networks of belonging have augmented the
pressure on women to focus on the individual body as a signifier of market success, societal
values, and personal rights.
6.3.2. Nerelkhüü—Saving Face
As opposed to the qualitative/traditiШЧКХ ЫОРЮХКЭШЫЬ ШЧ РШШН аШЦОЧ’Ь ЛОСКЯТШЫ, ‘ЦШНОЫЧ’
women increasingly discipline their individual bodies for fear of external social repercussions.
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AММШЫНТЧР ЭШ ЭСО ЬШМТШХШРТЬЭ AЧЭСШЧв GТННОЧЬ, ШЧО ЦКЫФ ШП ЭСО МЮХЭЮЫО ШП ‘СТРС ЦШНОЫЧТЭв’ ТЬ К
switch in the central constituents of self-identity from one based on traditions—i.e. nation, ethnic
group, class, religion—to the individualized body:
“In many settings of pre-modern cultures, appearance was largely standardized in
terms of traditional criteria. Modes of facial adornment or dress, for example, have
always been to some degree a means of individualization; yet the extent to which this
was either possible or desired was usually quite limited. Appearance primarily
designated social identity rather than personal identity” (1991: 99).
However, in modern society, bodily appearance is no longer intertwined in a network of
traditional values; the physical appearance of the individualized body increasingly becomes a
ЦКЫФОЫ ШП ЩОЫЬШЧКХ ТНОЧЭТЭв КЧН МШЦЩЫТЬОЬ ЭСО “МОЧЭЫКХ ОХОЦОЧЭ ШП ЭСО ЫОПХОxive project of the
ЬОХП” (100). AННТЭТШЧКХХв, ТЧ Discipline and Punish, Foucault wrote extensively on the need for
‘НШМТХО ЛШНТОЬ’ ТЧ ЦКЫФОЭ ТЧНЮЬЭЫТКХТгКЭТШЧ КЧН ЦШНОЫЧ МШЮЫЭ ЬвЬЭОЦЬ: ЬЭКЧНКЫНТгОН, ЬОХПdisciplined, compliant individuals that expedite the market process and regulate one another in
absence of coercive power.77 Although writing about Western culture, court systems, and the
ЦКЫФОЭ, GТННОЧЬ КЧН FШЮМКЮХЭ’Ь ТЧНТЯТНЮКХТгОН, ЬОХП-regulating bodies apply to the
democratization, globalization and individualization process in Mongolia. Consequently, women
who ascribe to modernity discourse increasingly view their physical bodies as a signifier of their
self and their value within society; by extension, they self-discipline and control their external
bodies and behavior in fear of an abstract observing social gaze. The Mongolian concept of
nerelkhüü (ХТЭОЫКХХв ЦОКЧЬ ‘ЩЫОЭОЧЬТШЧ’ ЛЮЭ ЭЫКЧЬХКЭОН ПТРЮЫКЭТЯОХв КЬ ‘ЬКЯТЧР ПКМО’) ЫОПОЫЬ ЭШ ЭСТЬ
increased awareness of the hurtful gossip of others and the need to project a calm, successful
ТЦКРО ЭШ ЭСО ЫОЬЭ ШП ЬШМТОЭв. SКвТЧРЬ ХТФО “IЭ’Ь ЛОЭЭОЫ ЭШ ЛЫОКФ вШЮЫ ЛШЧОЬ ЭСКЧ ЭШ ЛЫОКФ вШЮЫ
77
According to Foucault, 17th and 18th century Europe saw the decline of monarchal power and the disappearance of
punishment as public spectacle implemented on the body. With the rise of court systems, concepts of mental illness,
and extenuating circumstances in juridical disputes, people werО ТЧМЫОКЬТЧРХв УЮНРОН ЧШЭ ШЧХв “…ДШЧЖ ‘МЫТЦОЬ’ КЧН
‘ШППОЧМОЬ’…НОПТЧОН Лв ЭСО МШНО, ЛЮЭ УЮНРЦОЧЭ ДаКЬЖ КХЬШ ЩКЬЬОН ШЧ ЭСО ЩКЬЬТШЧЬ, ТЧЬЭТЧМЭЬ, КЧШЦКХТОЬ, ТЧПТЫЦТЭТОЬ,
ЦКХКНУЮЬЭЦОЧЭЬ, ОППОМЭЬ ШП ОЧЯТЫШЧЦОЧЭ ШЫ СОЫОНТЭв…” ОЭМ. ([1977] 1995: 17). This new form of judgment allowed
the gaze of power to move from specific spheres to everyday practice. No longer judged on one act alone, the
ТЧНТЯТНЮКХ ЩОЫЬШЧ КЬ ЫОЩЫОЬОЧЭОН ЭСЫШЮРС ЭСОТЫ ЛШНв аКЬ ТЧМЫОКЬТЧРХв ЩЮХХОН ТЧЭШ ЭСО РЫТЩ ШП ЬШМТКХ МШЧЭЫШХ: “TСО
human body аКЬ ОЧЭОЫТЧР К ЦКМСТЧОЫв ШП ЩШаОЫ ЭСКЭ ОбЩХШЫОЬ ТЭ, ЛЫОКФЬ ТЭ НШаЧ КЧН ЫОКЫЫКЧРОЬ ТЭ.” AММШЫНТЧР ЭШ
Foucault, the result of these new power relations was the complete control of everyday body functions and actions as
represented by docile bodies: “…ЭСО Лody that is manipulated, shaped, trained, which obeys, responds, becomes
ЬФТХХПЮХ КЧН ТЧМЫОКЬОЬ ТЭЬ ПШЫМОЬ ДКММШЫНТЧР ЭШ ЬШМТОЭКХ ТЧЭОЫОЬЭЬЖ” ([1977] 1995: 136). According to Foucault, every
ЦОЦЛОЫ ШП ‘ЦШНОЫЧ’ ЬШМТОЭв СКЬ К НШМТХО ЛШНв: аО КХХ ЬОХП-restrict, control and move our bodies in accordance with
norms created through power.
59
ЧКЦО” КЧН “АКЭМС вШЮЫ ЫОЩЮЭКЭТШЧ КЧН вШЮ’ХХ ЦШХЭ ХТФО К ЩОКМШМФ”78 reflect the importance
within Mongolian society of maintaining good societal standing.
AППХЮОЧЭ, ‘ЦШНОЫЧ’ women frequently control their external experience through fears of
hypothetical (and existing) gossip and loss of societal standing. When discussing the recent
changes in appearance in Khanbogd, Bolormaa, who works as a hairdresser, said that locals had
been influenced by children who had moved to the city and then returned after their studies. The
return of local children and the influx of foreigners made residents acquire new tastes for fear of
seeming ugly in comparison.79 Khongorzol, who moved to the city from the countryside two
вОКЫЬ ОКЫХТОЫ, ЪЮТМФХв ЛОМКЦО КаКЫО ШП ЭСО ТЧМЫОКЬОН КЩЩОКЫКЧМО ЩЫОЬЬЮЫОЬ ТЧ ЭСО МТЭв: “IЧ ЭСО
МТЭв, аО МКЧ’Э ЫОКХХв ЛО ЮЧФОЦЩЭ КЧН ЮЧШЫНОЫХв (nawsaiikh) ХТФО ТЧ ЭСО МШЮЧЭЫв.” AННТЭТШЧКХХв,
Odtsetseg and Narantsatsral, both career women in the entertainment industry, felt intense
pressure to regulate their physical appearance whenever they left the house. When asked why
looking good was important to her job as a singer, she answered:
“I have to [pay attention to beauty]. Because I’m well-known, I’m not famous but
people just know me. Like they say: ‘oh there’s Odtsetseg, look at her, is she really
that small?’ etc. Frequently, I don’t want to put on makeup and just want to go
shopping and be myself, but I can’t, because when I walk through crowds of people I
can literally hear them talking next to me about how small I am, and if I really didn’t
put on makeup today. Like some people say ‘oh my, she must be so poor now’ (note:
after leaving her previous band) or ‘look at those jeans or cheap clothes she’s
wearing’ although I might like it. But I can’t wear what I want because Mongolians
see me with these relaxed outfits and they think I’m poor and whisper ‘did you see
her??!’”
Odtsetseg is not alone in her hyperawareness of the gossip swirling around her external image
and reputation. Narantsatsral also decided to switch to more feminine clothing after hearsay
regarding her appearance traveled back to her:
“Six years ago, I went shopping with my daughter in the supermarket and, because I
had really bad migraines, I just entered the store with jeans and a jacket and was very
tired. I ended up running into a friend with her 13-year-old son in this disheveled
state. A few days later, my friend called me up and told me that her son had seen me
and asked if I had really been *that* Narantsatsral, and was apparently very
disappointed in me and my appearance (manai khüü ayagui uramgui baina lee), and
this comment really bothered me for a long time.”
78
Ner khugarakhaar yas khugar; Khün nereer, togos ödöö
Olon khün irj baina ter dotor khün muukhai yawaad baikhîg khüsekhgui ter dotor goyo khümüüs irj baina
adilkhan kharagdakhîg bodno
79
60
The threat of either hypothetical, inevitable or current slander regarding their looks—and by
extension, their societal worth and social standing—drives new, urban women to become
cognizant of normative appearance and to self-regulate accordingly.
6.3.3. The Body as Project
In combination with increased individualization, dissolution of traditional value systems,
and focus on the individual physical appearance, “new” women increasingly view their body as a
work in progress. Through the incisions of plastic surgery, the exertion of exercise, and the
regulations of diet, an individual has increased control over their external projection. Thus,
technological and medical advances have resulted in a crisis of the body; it is no longer clear
where the body stops and the individual starts. The sociologist Chris Shilling characterized this
corporeal predicament as the body as project:
“In the affluent West, there is a tendency for the body to be seen as an entity which is
in the process of becoming; a project which should be worked at and accomplished as
part of an individual’s self-identity. This differs from how the body was decorated,
inscribed and altered in traditional societies as it is a more reflexive process, and is
less bound up with inherited models of socially acceptable bodies which were forged
through rituals in communal ceremonies. Recognizing that the body has become a
project for many modern persons entails accepting that its appearance, size, shape
and even its contents, are potentially open to reconstruction in line with the designs
of its owner. Treating the body as a project…involves a practical recognition of the
significance of bodies; both as personal resources and as social symbols which give
off messages about a person’s self-identity. In this context, bodies become malleable
entities which can be shaped and honed by the vigilance and hard work of their
owners” (2003: 6)
TСТЬ ЛШНв ‘ТЧ ЭСО ЩЫШМОЬЬ ШП ЛОМШЦТЧР’ ТЬ К ЫОТПТМКЭТШЧ ШП ЭСО НТЬМШЮЫЬО ШП МСШТМО ТЧ ЭСО ЦКЫФОЭeconomy; individuals have more choices for physical appearance and adorn their bodies
accordingly. Therefore, the body—and our usage of it—increasingly becomes a tool for
personal expression. Yet, as alluded by Foucault in the previous section, our range of choices
are not totally free, but determined by society, interlaced with various social meanings, and
controlled through power and other actors. However, through the action of consumption, we
determine the message about ourselves and our systems of belonging we wish to project to the
world. Similarly, Jonathan Friedman notes the remarkable power of capitalist consumption to
construct new, post-modern identТЭТОЬ: ЭСО аОХХЬЩЫТЧР ШП ЦКЫФОЭ МСШТМОЬ “ЫОЧНОЫДЬЖ КЧв ЩКЫЭТМЮХКЫ
set of consumer-based distinctions obsolete after relatively short periods of stability. In other
аШЫНЬ, МШЧЬЮЦЩЭТШЧ ТЬ МОЧЭЫКХ ЭШ ЭСО МШЧЬЭКЧЭ ЬОКЫМС ПШЫ КЧН ЭСО МШЧЬЭЫЮМЭТШЧ ШП ЭСО ‘ЧОа’,
61
ТЧМХЮНТЧР ЧОа ТНОЧЭТЭТОЬ, ЭСКЭ ТЬ ЭСО СКХХЦКЫФ ШП ЦШНОЫЧТЭв КЧН ЩШЬЭЦШНОЫЧТЭв” (Friedman as
quoted in Stivens 1998: 5). Consequently, through the action of picking, choosing and
consuming market options, new women undergo a reflexive process of character construction
and increasingly make the physical body the material expression of their internal identity. The
ЩЫШУОМЭ ШП ЧОа аШЦОЧ’Ь ЛШНТОЬ ТЬ ЫОТПТОН КЧН ЬОЭ ПШЫЭС ЭСЫШЮРС МШЧЬЮЦЩЭТШЧ.
6.4. On Beauty in the New Discourse
6.4.2. Beauty Equals Body
In addition to the survey I disseminated to herders in Khövsgöl, I passed out body image
ЬЮЫЯОвЬ ЭШ ЬЭЮНОЧЭЬ ТЧ ЛШЭС ЭСО МШЮЧЭЫвЬТНО КЧН МТЭв аТЭС ЭСО ТЧЭЫШНЮМЭШЫв ЪЮОЬЭТШЧ: “АСКЭ НШОЬ ТЭ
ЦОКЧ ЭШ ЛО К ЛОКЮЭТПЮХ аШЦКЧ?” IЧ МШЦЩКЫТЬШЧ ЭШ ЭСО МШЮЧЭЫвЬТНО СОЫНОЫ КЧЬаОЫЬ ШП “ЬМСШХКЫХв,
СКЫНаШЫФТЧР, ТЧНЮЬЭЫТШЮЬ, МХОКЧ…” ОЭМ., К 20-year-old male student at the National University in
Mongolia wrote the following:
“168-175 cm tall. Has the right body shape. Slightly oval face. The mouth, nose, and
eyes have the right symmetry (are proportional). The teeth are straight. Intelligent,
and carries herself correctly.”
Although countryside nomads also clearly had norms of aesthetic attractiveness, the term “goo
saikhan” (as discussed in introduction), or beauty, produced many accolades regarding collective
functioning, internal character, and herding ability. In comparison, the term beauty elicited
statements of meticulous physical measurements and uncompromising exactitudes from this and
many other urban students. Additionally, on the 11th of September, 2011, I helped coordinate a
body image workshop with ЭСО ХШМКХ аШЦОЧ’Ь NGO, Young Women for Change, on strategies for
ЧОРШЭТКЭТЧР МШЧПХТМЭТЧР ТНОКХЬ ШП ЛОКЮЭв ТЧ ‘ЦШНОЫЧТгТЧР’ MШЧРШХТК. АО ЛОРКЧ аТЭС ЭСО ОбОЫМТЬО
“өОЬМЫТЛО К BОКЮЭТПЮХ АШЦКЧ” аСОЫО ЭСО ПЮХХ ЫШШЦ ШП аШЦОЧ аКЬ ЬЮЩЩШЬОН ЭШ ПЫООХв ЬСШЮЭ ШЮЭ
traits for us to write down or draw out. The aim of this exercise in Western contexts is to show
the unrealistic, unobtainable nature of many internalized and culturally glorified beauty ideals. I
did not know what to expect with this group of young, female, middle/upper class Mongolian
urbanites; however, without much discussion, a unceasing stream of body traits came from every
side of the room: “tall, thin, long hair, big boobs, a butt like an apple, wide hips, long legs, black hair,
double-eyelids, big eyes, wide eyebrows, a large nose, brown eyebrows, red lips, white skin…” The
barrage of descriptions went on for five minutes while one NGO member concurrently drew a
sФОЭМС ЭШ ЦКЭМС ЭСО РТЫХЬ’ НОЬМЫТЩЭТШЧЬ; ЭСО ОЧН ЫОЬЮХЭ ЦЮМС ЫОЬОЦЛХОН К BКЫЛТО НШХХ аТЭС ЛХКМФ
62
hair. Because the exercise description mentioned drawing a beautiful woman, most of the
participants were most likely prompted to offer physical designations. However, I was surprised
Лв ЛШЭС ЭСО ЬЭЮНОЧЭ ЬЮЫЯОв ЬЩОМТПТМТЭв КЧН ЭСО NGO ЩКЫЭТМТЩКЧЭЬ’ КХКМЫТЭв, аСТМС ЫОПХОМЭОН К ЯТОа
of the body more physically compartmentalized and discriminating than among herders and
within traditional discourse.
The new woman overwhelmingly associates beauty with the physical, material body. As
mentioned in section ii of the Good Woman, Odval believes that beauty ideals among the
average Mongolian is comprised of 50 percent internal and 50 percent external traits—“On
average, my Mongolian people don’t massively focus on the external appearance, which is
vestigial of our traditions and still lingers to this day. Percentage wise, it’s about 50/50”
HШаОЯОЫ, ЫТРСЭ КПЭОЫаКЫНЬ ЬСО КНЦТЭЬ, “ЛЮЭ, РОЧОЫКХХв, ЭСО ОбЭОЫЧКХ ПШМЮЬ ТЬ РЫШаТЧР” (Er n bol
gadna öngörüü khuw bol nemegdej baigaa). Instead of chiefly relying on traditional forms of
Mongolian feminine beauty and character, Odval observes that Mongolian girls “are now
aspiring to be thin, have long legs, and be slender, they are really trying to conform themselves
to this [globalized] standard, I feel.” Although I argue in chapter 4 that both the good,
traditional and new, modern standards are a result of globalization, Odval’Ь ЬЭКЭОЦОЧЭЬ ЫОПХОМЭ К
conceptual linkage of the new/foreign/modern/global with the physical body. As a result, new
discourse increasingly describes beauty as strictly corporeal.
6.4.3. The Perfect Female Body
According to the survey distributed among 470 rural and urban students, the ideals for
feminine beauty and body combine local Mongolian preferences with traits perceived as foreign,
including Western and South Korean. My informants and the results from the body image
survey reflected an urban preference (among men and women) for thin women with hourglass
figures—НОЬМЫТЛОН КЬ “К РЮТЭКЫ ЬСКЩО” Лв JКЫРКХ, “90-60-90” Лв ЭСО ПКЬСТШЧКЛХв КаКЫО
Narantsatsral, КЧН “BОвШЧМО” Лв Odtsetseg. However, countryside residents preferred a female
figure with large hips over overall curvaceous woman,80 possible reflecting differences in
80
In the urban sample, 60% of respondents preferred an hourglass figure to large upper body (0%), overall slim
(15%), and large lower body/hipped women (25%). In contrast, 39% of countryside respondents chose a large lower
body/hipped woman compared to 37% for curvaceous, 21% for generally thin, and 3% for large upper body. Thus,
while both samples reflected strong preferences for curvaceous women, small breasted/large hipped women were
considered especially attractive in the countryside sample.
63
values.81 Other ideals reflected in the body image survey (which included questions to eyes,
body shape, body size, face shape, etc.) were oval faces,82 large (foreign double-eyelid) eyes,83
beauty idealization of foreign movie stars and singers, and either proportional or long-legged
bodies.84 The number one beauty starlet in the surveys was Angelina Jolie. However,
countryside residents were much more likely to express Asian idol preferences, including K-pop
(South Korean band) stars. Thus, although countryside residents preferred Mongolian women,
their frequent mentioning of South Korean actresses and singers reflects a multifarious process
of cultural diffusion and globalization.85 Remarkably, there was very little difference on the
overall weight preferences between city and countryside residents—probably reflecting the
mobility of migrants, media and the inability to link one discourse to one geographic local.
However, there were differences in the internalization of this body ideal, which will be discussed
in the subsequent section.
6.4.4. Striving for Thinness
By far the most pervasive emerging body ideal was the adoration of thin bodies
(turankhai, goolig). When asked regarding her personal beauty ideals, Khongorzol, a recent
ЭЫКЧЬЩХКЧЭ ЭШ ЭСО МТЭв, ЬКТН: “I ЭСТЧФ ЛОКЮЭТПЮХ аШЦОЧ КЫО ЭКХХ КЧН ЭСТЧ (öndör turankhai) like you
ДК АОЬЭОЫЧ аШЦКЧЖ.” ВОЭ, ЬСО ЩОЫМОТЯОН ЭСТЬ НОЬТЫО КЬ КЧ ЮЧЫОКМСКЛХО ТНОКХ: “PОШЩХО ХТФО ЮЬ аТХХ
ЧОЯОЫ ЛО КЛХО ЭШ ЛО ЭКХХ КЧН ЭСТЧ…ДЛЮЭЖ вОЬ, ТП I МШuld perform magic (id shidtei bol), I would like
ЭШ ХШШФ ДЭКХХ КЧН ЭСТЧЖ ХТФО вШЮ.” Enkhjargal, a herder in a region greatly affected by mining
81
A 2007 study in three European countries—England, Portugal, and Spain—compared the importance of female
body mass index (BMI) and waist-to-hip ratios (WHR) in their perceived attractiveness (Swami et al. 2007). The
study found that BMI was more important than WHR; the Portuguese and Spanish samples were dependent on
WHR, but not the British sample. This discrepancy led the authors to contemplate cultural differences that might
corroborate their findings—i.e. the increased focus on the buttocks in Latin culture, a relaxed relationship with
weight, and/or differences in gender-role stereotyping.
82
62% of the 157 women surveyed in Ulaanbaatar preferred oval faces, and 53% of the 135 countryside women.
However, countryside women also expressed a strong preference (19%) for round faces, whereas 3% of urban
аШЦОЧ МСШЬО ЭСТЬ ШЩЭТШЧ. RШЮЧН ПКМОЬ КЫО ЬЭЫШЧРХв КЬЬШМТКЭОН аТЭС ‘ЭЫКНТЭТШЧКХ’ ЛОКЮЭв ТНОКХЬ ТЧ MШЧРШХТК КЧН
could indicate a possible protraction of this preference among nomads and/or rural residents.
83
The survey included images of both eyes perceived as foreign with double-eyelids and eyes perceived as Asian
with double-eyelids. Consequently, preferences for double-eyelids versus foreign eyes were controlled for.
Respondents still overwhelmingly preferred foreign (non-Asian) eyes with double-eyelids.
84
49% to 41% percent of 289 women; with little difference between city and countryside percentages. See appendix
for sample survey—8.5. and 8.6.
85
Countryside residents also commonly chose round faces and large hips as ideal forms, which indicate adherence
ЭШ ЛШНв ЭЫКТЭЬ КЬЬШМТКЭОН аТЭС ‘ЭЫКНТЭТШЧ.’ TСЮЬ, МШЮЧЭЫвЬТНО/МТЭв ЧШЫЦЬ МКЧЧШЭ ЛО ОКЬТХв МКЭОРШЫТгОН ТЧ К
tradition/modern dichotomy and/or local/foreign, because the diffusion of perceived Mongolian, South Korean, and
Western ideals fits no linear path.
64
activity, also began considering new body ideals once she received a television; when asked if
she ever compareН СОЫЬОХП ЭШ ЦШНОХЬ ШЧ TV ШЫ ТЧ ЦКРКгТЧОЬ, ЬСО ЫОЬЩШЧНОН, “I ЦОКЧ, ЫОКХХв. I
ЬОО ЭСШЬО РТЫХЬ КЧН ЭСТЧФ, СШа НТН ЭСОв РОЭ ЭСКЭ ЭСТЧ КЧН ЭКХХ? I аКЧЭ ЭШ ЛО ХТФО ЭСКЭ…ЛОПШЫО ДTVЖ I
НТНЧ’Э ФЧШа КЛШЮЭ аШЦОЧ ПЫШЦ ЭСО МТЭв.”86 Narantsatsral expresses exasperation as this
burgeoning desire among Mongolians for thin bodies, which she also views as unrealistic.
AММШЫНТЧР ЭШ СОЫ, ‘ОЯОЫвШЧО’ ТЧ MШЧРШХТКЧ ЬШМТОЭв ЧШа ХШЯОЬ ЦШНОХЬ КЧН КЬЩТЫОЬ (
) to
be thin:
“Many average Mongolians really idealize both [the fashion models] Otgerel and
Purevsuren, although some also really despise them. [The idealizers] think ‘how can
we become as beautiful as the two of them.’ Although it is obvious that [models] sit
the entire day and administer to their face, but the average individual really feels this
pressure (daramtai).”
Consequently, despite awareness of the improbable nature of these desires, women who ascribe
to new discourses frequently idealize and strive for thin bodies.
This longing for thinness is driven by the cultural values of success, upward mobility, and
modernity associated with this body form. In writing about middle-class American society,
Susan Bordo (2003) describes how the discipline ideals of the market have become reified
through standards of skinniness and the reduction of fat:
“Increasingly, the size and shape of the body have come to operate as a market of
personal, internal order—as a symbol for the emotional, moral, or spiritual state of
the individual…when associations of fat and lower-class status exist, they are usually
mediated by moral qualities—fat being perceived as indicative of laziness, lack of
discipline…and absence of all those ‘managerial’ abilities that…confer upward
mobility” (2003: 193-15).
Although the U.S. and Mongolia are comprised of different social fabrics, new Mongolian
women have also begun associating thinness with qualities of hard work, discipline and
capability. For example, Enkhjargal КНЦТЭЬ ЭСКЭ СОЫ МСКЧРТЧР ЛОКЮЭв КЬЩТЫКЭТШЧЬ аОЫО “ПТЭ ПШЫ
ЦШНОЫЧТЭв” (orchin üedee taarsan)—implying her association of thin, model bodies with
concepts of progressivity and the modern era. Remarkably, Narantsatsral also exclaims that
MШЧРШХТКЧЬ СКЯО ЫОМОЧЭХв ЬЭКЫЭОН ЭШ МКХХ ШЯОЫаОТРСЭ ТЧНТЯТНЮКХЬ “ЮЬОХОЬЬ” (archaagui)—a term
86
Obviously, women vary in their readiness to adopt new beauty ideals. Bolormaa, for example, who lives in the
same region as Oyuunbileg, КЧЬаОЫОН: “TСОв СКЯО ЫОМОЧЭХв ЬЭКЫЭОН ЬСШаТЧР ПШЫОТРЧ ДTV ЬСШаЬЖ, Лut those are
ПШЫОТРЧ аШЦОЧ, КЧН I СКЯО ЭШ ЛО ЦвЬОХП” (öörööröö l baikh). Thus, various discourses overlap in the same region
and paint a complex picture of the traditional versus modern dichotomy.
65
that represents the exact opposite of the hardworking ideals prevalent throughout Mongolia.
TСОЫОПШЫО, ЬТЦТХКЫ ЭШ BШЫНШ’Ь МШЦЦОЧЭЬ ШЧ U.S. ЦТННХО-class culture, Mongolian new women
increasingly associate thin, svelte, feminine bodies with values of work, discipline, modernity
and capability.
The emergent view of the body as an ongoing project allows new women to incorporate
unrealistic beauty standards with their material bodies. When I asked Oyuunaa, whose female
circle of friends all grew up in middle-class Ulaanbaatar, whether most of her friends were
content with their bodies, she answered:
“No, definitely not. It’s quite strange, actually, because it depends on who you are
talking about, but many of my skinniest friends are the most concerned about their
body size. For example, I have these two girlfriends…and both of them are really
small, skinny, petite, and they complain ‘oh, I’m fatter than you; I’m taller than you;
No, I’m shorter than you are; my legs are not as attractive as your legs’ and I’m like
‘shut up girls, stop comparing yourself to me.’”
OвЮЮЧКК’Ь descriptions sound eerily like fat talk—self-disparaging, self-objectifying comments
that commonly occur among (mostly adolescent female) peer groups that use weight as a
reference point for feelings. First coined by the anthropologist Mimi Nichter (2001) regarding
North American teenagers, fat talk is seen as a prosocial event (through reciprocally propping up
egos of the participants), but is a result of positive associations with thinness and a view of the
(usually female) body as a signifier of personal worth. Even Oyuunaa, who described herself as
a confident, self-КЬЬЮЫОН ТЧНТЯТНЮКХ КНЦТЭЭОН: “AХХ ЭСО РТЫХЬ КЫО ХТФО ЭСТЬ. AХХ РТЫХЬ, ОЯОЧ ЦО. I КХЬШ
want to lose more weiРСЭ КЧН КЦ ЧШЭ ЭСКЭ МШЦПШЫЭКЛХО аТЭС Цв ЛШНв.” TСЮЬ, ТЧ МШЦЩКЫТЬШЧ ЭШ
traditional discourse and norms of internal character among nomads, new (esp. career-oriented
and urban) women increasingly associate their societal worth with the size of their physical,
material body.
According to the results of the survey, urban Mongolian women are more greatly affected
by thinness ideals than their countryside counterparts. As previously mentioned (in methods
section), the body image survey I disseminated included a row of body silhouettes with
progressively larger sizes. Inspired by a study by Fallon and Rozin (1985), I asked participants
to circle their ideal female body size, and also asked women to additionally indicate which ideal
they estimated men would choose. Women in the city and countryside chose an average ideal
66
body size of 3.1 with slight variations between regions (3.04 for countryside, 3.1 for city).87
However, men overwhelming and consistently—regardless of location—chose a body ideal of
3.4, thus indicating that Mongolian women have ideals of female body size statistically lower
than men.88 Additionally, women in the countryside estimated that men would desire a female
body size that fits their ideal—3.0. City women, on the contrary, believed that men would desire
a body size that was lower than what they believed was ideal (2.9). This discrepancy between
what urban women believed was ideal and what they believed men desired might indicate a
cognizance of external pressures to be thin. As independently stated by Narantsatsral, who was
unaware of this survey:
“Men actually don’t like the extremely thin women, their ribs stick out
(kherziichikheed), but when women just talk to each other, than they always mention
that they want to lose weight. But if you listen more deeply, then they also say that
[being too thin] is horrible, ugly, and emaciated. ‘She looks like she is about to die of
hunger.’ That’s why it is actually the psychological pressure (setgel züin daramt),
and these comments contradict one another, but worldwide people have spread this
idea that thinness is pretty.”
Narantsatsral alludes again to the idea that thinness along upper class Mongolian women is
considered a modern virtue that is globally pervasive. Additionally, the survey results indicate
ЭСКЭ ЦОЧ ЭСЫШЮРСШЮЭ MШЧРШХТК НОЬТЫОН аШЦОЧ ЭСКЭ аОЫО ХКЫРОЫ ЭСКЧ аШЦОЧ’Ь ШаЧ ТНОКХЬ—a
finding in accordance with NКЫКЧЭЬКЭЬЫКХ’Ь statements. Although it is impossible to make a clear
appraisal based on this one study, the results—in combination with NКЫКЧЭЬКЭЬЫКХ’Ь
observations—might allude to an awareness (i.e. internalized pressure) among women that
thinness is associated with modernity, and that participation in forms of fat/thinness talk is a
mark of participation in new/modern discourses. Nevertheless, the survey strongly indicates that
men are less affected by feminine norms of thinness than Mongolian women.
6.4.5. Plastic Surgery—Fixing and Consuming the Body
The confusion over the limits of the body, the focus on physical appearance, and the
promises of consumption have paved the way for the emergence of plastic surgery. Middle and
upper class Mongolian women (and men!) increasingly view certain cosmetic operations—
87
88
See sample survey in 8.5. with body silhouettes
Based on an anova t-test with a p-value < .05
67
especially eyelid operations—as a necessity akin to buying a Louis Vuitton bag. In line with the
perception of the body as a project, Oyuunbileg discusses her opinion on plastic surgery:
“I have stayed away from it until now because I am scared. But I am a woman. So
occasionally I have these thoughts that maybe I could have something fixed (literally:
readjusted/repaired).”89
Her designation of the body as an item to be repaired reflects both the concept of the body as
project (that needs updating) and as object (that can easily be altered). She continues by stating
thaЭ ЮЬЮКХХв ШЧХв ЭСО ‘аОХХ ЬТЭЮКЭОН’ MШЧРШХТКЧЬ МКЧ РШ ЭШ ЭСО ЫОЩЮЭКЛХО МШЬЦОЭТМ ЬКХШЧЬ КЧН ЭСЮЬ
РОЭ К ‘СТРС ЪЮКХТЭв’ ЩЫШНЮМЭ ПШЫ ЭСОТЫ ЦШЧОв: “IЭ’Ь ХТФО СШа ЩОШЩХО ЬКв ЭСКЭ ЭСОЫО ТЬ ЭСО ПТЫЬЭ ЭвЩО
of flour, the top brand, and then the second and then the third. The same exists for beauty
ДЬЮЫРОЫвЖ ЬКХШЧЬ; ЩОШЩХО ЬКв ЭСКЭ BШХШЫ ТЬ ЭСО ЛОЬЭ.” SТЦТХКЫ ЭШ ЛЮвТЧР К ЛЫКЧН ЧКЦО ЩЮЫЬО ШЫ ЭСО
hottest cosmetics, urban Mongolians with the financial resources are frequently aware of the best
cosmetic salons, the best product, and the hottest surgeries.
AННТЭТШЧКХХв, ЭСОЬО ШЩОЫКЭТШЧЬ КЫО ‘МШЧЬЮЦОН’ КЬ К аКв ЭШ НОЦШЧЬЭЫКЭО КЧН/ШЫ ОЧКМЭ ШЧО’Ь
career success; and to display individuality. In my interview with Narantsatsral, she listed
several current Mongolian politicians, business figures, entertainment stars and models and the
surgery rumors surrounding each. According to her, many prominent Mongolian stars have had
their eyes enlarged (dawkhraa khiilgesen) and received Botox shots (ürchleegee tatuulchikhsan).
According to her, “even the average person, as soon as they get a steady job and begin to earn money,
starts to get operations (engiin khümüüs am dral n saijirwal zasuuldag)—in my group of friends, even
people who are jobless get their eyelids done.” Similarly, Ganchimeg Altangerel (2013b), while
doing fieldwork among single-mothers in Mongolia, related the story of one woman, Naran, who
underwent eyelid surgery to improve her employment chances:
“The employers are now highly selective; they now have a selection process (songon
shalgaruuldag). It is really hard for me to get a job as a lawyer. I continue to educate
myself: I read books, like specialist books. I go to courses for computer
programming…External appearance is also very important for the employers. They
only see your outside appearance (gadaad üzemj khardag). So I have to change my
look to fit the requirements. That’s why I had my eyelids operated.”
AХЭСШЮРС ОЦЩХШвОЫЬ ПКХХ ЬСШЫЭ ШП аЫТЭТЧР ‘ОвОХТН ЬЮЫРОЫв’ ТЧ ЭСО УШЛ ЫОЪЮТЫОЦОЧЭЬ, NКЫКЧ believes
that her success is appearance-МШЧЭТЧРОЧЭ; ТП ЬСО НШОЬ ЧШЭ СКЯО ЭСО ‘ХШШФ’—including the
89
End tendee neg yumaa yazluulchikh ya gej boddog
68
necessary consumption items like clothing, purse, and eyelid surgery—then she will not succeed.
Similarly, as previously mentioned, Oyuunaa underwent a period of self-actualization through
consumption. One critical component of transformation was her decision to undergo eyelid
surgery:
“I think it was the best investment I could do to myself. Through changing my eyes
and getting this operation I really increased my confidence. Before that, I had some
problems; even though I was one of the top students, I was a bit diffident and shy and
ashamed of my eye.”
Oyuunaa views her operation as a key moment that allowed her to become her true, confident
self. Thus, cШЬЦОЭТМ ЬЮЫРОЫв ШЩОЫКЭТШЧЬ КЫО ЫОРКЫНОН КЬ ЧОМОЬЬКЫв МКЩТЭКХ ‘ТЧЯОЬЭЦОЧЭЬ’ ТЧ ШЫНОЫ
to express both individuality and success potential in the market economy.
6.5. Good Woman Beauty Norms as Reification of Modern Gender Subjectivities
The new woman is Mongolia’Ь ЬСТЧТЧР РХШЫв ШЧ ЭСО РХШЛКХ ЬЭКРО. HОЫ ЬЮММОЬЬПЮХ МКЫООЫ;
her diverse (often international and polyglot) education; her belief in meritocratic success; her
dedication to the ideals of equality and opportunity; and her style and grace are signifiers of
MШЧРШХТК’Ь ЫКЧФ КЦШЧР ЭСО аШЫХН’Ь ЦШЬЭ ЩЫШРЫОЬЬТЯО, ЦШНОЫЧ ЧКЭТШЧЬ. IЧ МШЦЩКЫТЬШЧ ЭШ ЭСО
РШШН аШЦКЧ’Ь КХХОРТКЧМО ЭШ ОЭСЧТМТЭв, СЮЬЛКЧН КЧН ПКЦТХв ХТЧОКРО, ЭСО ЧОа аШЦКЧ’Ь ЧКЭТШЧКХТЬЦ
is directed towards the Mongolian nation-state as a defender of democratic human rights and
provider of equal (market) opportunities. The anthropologist Maila Stivens described the recent
ОЦОЫРОЧМО ШП ЦТННХО КЧН ЮЩЩОЫ МХКЬЬ AЬТКЧ аШЦОЧ КЬ “К МЫТЭТМКХ ЦКЬЬ ШП ОНЮМКЭОН аШЦОЧ аСШ
begin to articulate their new discontents in modeЫЧТЬЭ ЭОЫЦЬ” КЧН МШЧЬОЪЮОЧЭХв “КЫО
ЬТЦЮХЭКЧОШЮЬХв МЫОКЭТЧР, ХТЯТЧР ТЧ КЧН МШЧЭОЬЭТЧР ЭСОТЫ ШаЧ…МЮХЭЮЫКХ ПШЫЦЬ” (1998: 22).
Similarly, the members of Young Women for Change and other NGOs I encountered during my
fieldwork frequently invoked discourses of legality, human rights, equal opportunity and
ПЫООНШЦ(Ь) ЭШ ЩЫШЦШЭО аШЦОЧ’Ь ТЬЬЮОЬ (Т.О. ЦКФО ЭСО ЬЭКЭО ХТЯО ЮЩ ЭШ ТЭЬ МШЧЬЭТЭЮЭТШЧКХ ЩЫШЦТЬО).
These discourses frequently provide new women with opportunities for personal expression and
legal maneuverability; yet, they redefine women as citizens and bound to a nation-state polity.
Nevertheless, new women enjoy increased personal freedoms in comparison to good women.
However, increased individualization, shifting focus on the body, the pressures of
consumerism, and appearance maintenance have limited women in other respects. During my
fieldwork, I asked many male and female herders if they believed city or countryside women had
69
more freedom. Many, including Khongorzol, answered that countryside women were free to
allocate their time and movements at will—they did not have the stress, the accumulated
obligations, and the temporal/spatial compartmentalization that urban women experienced. This
metaphor can also be applied to the body; new women increasingly discipline, regulate, restrict,
cut up, adorn, alter, and mold their bodies. On the one hand, these increased market choices
result in increased self-actualization and expression, but on the other hand, constant upkeep, selfМОЧЬЮЫО, КЧН ЬЭЫТЯТЧР ПШЫ ЮЧШЛЭКТЧКЛХО ТНОКХЬ. ӨШЧЬОЪЮОЧЭХв, ЯТЬТШЧЬ ШП MШЧРШХТК’Ь ЩЫШРЫОЬЬТЯТЭв
КЧН КЛТХТЭв ЭШ МШЦЩОЭО ШЧ ЭСО аШЫХН ЦКЫФОЭ СКЯО ЛООЧ ЫОТПТОН ЭСЫШЮРС аШЦОЧ’Ь ЛШНТОЬ; ЭСО ЧОа
аШЦКЧ’Ь КЛТХТЭв ЭШ ЦТЦТМ ЭСО ПШЫЦЬ ШП ЛОКЮЭв ПШЮЧН ШЧ ЭСe catwalks of London, Paris, and Milan
indicates MШЧРШХТК’Ь ascension into global modernity.
7. Conclusion
PЫТЧМО MвЬСФТЧ, ЭСО ЯКТЧРХШЫТШЮЬ ЩЫШЭКРШЧТЬЭ ШП өШЬЭШвОЯЬФв’Ь The Idiot, lives his life
according to the aphorТЬЦ “BОКЮЭв АТХХ SКЯО ЭСО АШЫХН” ([1868/9] 2003) This mantra
ЫОЩЫОЬОЧЭЬ ЭСО СОЫШ’Ь ТЧЭОЫЧКХ ЬЭЫЮРРХО ЭШ ТЧМШЫЩШЫКЭО ЭСО КЛЬЭЫКМЭ ЪЮТбШЭТМ ТНОКХЬ ШП ЬШМТОЭв
(perfection, truth, justice) with its imperfect material realities (pain, inequality, ugliness). Beauty
thus serves as the beacon to perfection—the light on the horizon that humans strive for in hopes
of creating a faultless world. In contemporary Mongolia, the body beautiful also serves as a
redeeming lodestar to society—a way to materialize and embody the values modern Mongolians
envision. However, the vagaries of experience have created two narrative guides in the current
social fabric.
Contemporary Mongolian female bodies have increasingly become the reification of the
Mongolian ideological constructs of tradition and modernity. Both tradition and modernity—as
nationalist discourses with origins in socialist propaganda, reformulated in the 1990 Democratic
Revolution, and coopted by current parliamentary political parties—represent two contemporary,
uniquely Mongolian, historically-developed visions of nationhood. Nationalism, an inherently
patrilineal discourse in the Mongolian context due to its concern with the continuation of a
group, has increasingly shifted the definition of beauty to a female-regulatory one. The beautiful
female body—the giver of life and the nurturer of men—serves as the symbol of national
discourse as the epitome of value, behavior, role, decorum, and societal enactment. As stated by
Tumursukh (2001) in her discussion of the various forms of current Mongolian nationalism(s),
70
ЭЫКНТЭТШЧ КЧН ЦШНОЫЧТЭв ЛШЭС “…МШЧЬЭЫЮМЭ КЧН ЩЫШУОМЭ КЧ ТЦКРО ШП К ‘ЫОКХ’ MШЧРШХТКЧ аШЦКЧ,
аСТМС СКЬ ЦКЭОЫТКХ ОППОМЭЬ ШЧ ПХОЬС КЧН ЛХШШН MШЧРШХТКЧ аШЦОЧ” (139). Thus, by striving for
beauty, a woman concurrently symbolizes and molds herself into the likeness of idealized
femininity according to her value construct. The beautiful Mongolian woman becomes the
inspiration for the direction of future society.
7.1. Disputing Global Homogenization: The Historical Contingency of Beauty
Tradition and modernity are dichotomous and relative. They are concepts in a constant
state of production—intertwined in a network of political directives, local influences, and
historical background that fluctuate with the vagaries of time and experience. In this paper, I
have used many designations for tradition and modernity—narratives; overarching frameworks;
ideoscapes; political discourses; nationalist directives; and local differentiation versus global
homogenization, respectively. My aim in using these multiple descriptions was to elucidate their
construction as amorphous, fluid, overlapping constructs—like a Venn diagram—that allow
actors to switch between or simultaneously embody both categories. Consequently, men and
women who ascribe to these various discourses can be found all over Mongolia in various
instances, but congregate/occur more frequently in certain locations.
In addition to a multifarious, historical approach to Mongolian value narratives, beauty
concepts must be conceptualized as equally heterogeneous, amorphous, context-specific
products. As alluded with Odval’Ь ЪЮШЭО ТЧ МСКЩЭОЫ 4, I frequently encountered the ghost of
global homogenization from both Mongolian and non-Mongolian actors while on my fieldwork.
However, I hoped to demonstrate with this paper that the global spread of beauty standards are
much more complex than a simplified one-to-one transference from the West to the Other. As an
influx of influence arrives in a region, local actors react to, renegotiate, and pick and choose
what to absorb. Thus, in order for a global beauty standard to be locally adopted, certain cultural
preconditions must exist to encourage, expedite and direct the process. For example, Mongolian
countryside women might currently adore fair (white) skin because of a confluence of the
previous adulation of Soviet Russian women; the socialist era idolization of white collar
workers; the historical association of white skin with nobility; a desire to emulate the depictions
of queens in the Secret History; a desire to emulate other Asian countries (like South Korea); a
remnant of pre-ЬШМТКХТЬЭ ЭОЧНОЧМв ЭШ ПШМЮЬ ШЧ К аШЦКЧ’Ь ПКМО; an increased focus/obsession with
the face due to increased nomadic exposure to the elements; etc. Similarly, the current fixation
71
with blepharoplasty/eyelid operations in urban Mongolia could be conceptualized as a
combination of idealization of Western eyes; a nationalist pride to physically distinguish oneself
from other Asian countries; a socialist-inspired communitarian need to belong and show
solidarity; a continuation of pre-socialist concepts of ownership as moveable/displayable
property; a desire to look active and market-oriented; an attempt to look modern/get a job/look
successful; an act of self-actualization and confidence raising; etc. Beauty, like the narratives, is
every changing, adapting and consolidates a plethora of factors. Thus, as long as all of these
various symbolic, historical, environmental, political, and, occasionally, individually capricious
influences forge beauty ideals in one locality, then global beauty homogenization will be
practically impossible. In the case of Mongolia, the confluence of globalization, nationalism,
and historical constraints has splintered, not homogenized, local beauty constructs.
7.2. The Mongolian Local Differentiations of Feminine Beauty
Tradition and modernity embody various value systems with different representations of
idealized (beautiful) femininity. The metanarrative of tradition is associated conceptually with
the past and with the countryside. Thus, nomads, older individuals, conservative party members,
yurt district residents/former herders, etc. are more likely to ascribe to this value system.
However, the implication of the word tradition ЦКЬФЬ ЭСТЬ НТЬМШЮЫЬО’Ь РОЧОЬТЬ ТЧ ЭСО ЩЫОЬОЧЭ. IЧ
the scope of this invented tradition, new (yet perceived as old) ideals for womanhood were
created. Consequently, women and men who ascribe to this value system commonly adulate old
queens and fertile nomadic mothers as exemplary females. Because this discourse is associated
with ethnic-oriented nationalism, idealized good women are loyal to the Mongolian patriline—
whether expressed through the husband, the own family, the birthing of sons, or the male-headed
state. Because her role revolves around family maintenance, nurturance, the continuation of
indigenous Mongolian traditions (i.e. nomadism) and patriline continuation, the beauty of a good
woman serves these ends.
The physical expression of beauty is less important within traditional discourse than a
аШЦКЧ’Ь ЪЮКХТЭКЭТЯО ЧКЭЮЫО, ЛОМКЮЬО ЬСО аШЫФЬ ХОЬЬ ПШЫ СОЫ ТЧНТЯТНЮКХ ЬКЭТЬПКМЭТШЧ, КЧН ЦШЫО ЬШ
within the confines of and in the interest of the community and family. Therefore, a good
аШЦКЧ’Ь ЛОКЮЭв аКЬ НОЬМЫТЛОН КЬ НОЦЮЫО, ЩЮЫО, ХШвКХ, МШЦЦЮЧТЭв-focused, good at sewing,
hardworking, educated, industrious, clean, and various other traits that allow her to function well
within the nomadic/community/patriline framework. Physically, she has large hips for birthing,
72
maintains her face, and has a strong, proportional body for survival and nomadic housework.
Additionally, her inner virtue shines out to make her physically appealing and healthy.
In contrast to tradition, the metanarrative of modernity is future and urban-oriented.
Therefore, Mongolian actors in the inner city and/or who can partake in new forms of wealth and
citizenship are more likely to ascribe to this discourse. The chief values of modernity in
Mongolia include participation in the market economy and democratic system through honoring
individual rights and whims. Consequently, a huge factor in the internalization of this discourse
is employment and access to money, in order to have the resources to actualize individual dreams
through consumption. The origins of this discourse can also be found in the 1990 Democratic
Revolution; however, instead of blood-based, ethnic loyalty, modernity discourse constructs the
Mongolian democratic nation-state as a shining beacon of progressivity in the backward waters
ШП AЬТКЧ НТМЭКЭШЫЬСТЩЬ. TСТЬ ПШЫЦ ШП МТЯТМ ЧКЭТШЧКХТЬЦ МШЧЬЭЫЮМЭЬ аШЦОЧ’Ь ЛШНТОЬ КЬ ТЦЩШЫЭКЧЭ
ЬТРЧТПТОЫЬ ШП MШЧРШХТК’Ь КЫЫТЯКХ ТЧ Эhe global economy and as a modern democratic nation.
As opposed to tradition discourse, the individualized female body is ascribed increased
significance in modernity discourse. Mongolian women who perceive of themselves as modern
actors increasingly regulate, self-discipline, and maintain their outward appearance in pursuit of
a perceived global beauty standard. Their bodies become projects; constantly in flux and in the
process of becoming. Therefore, wealth is expressed through physical accoutrements and
alterations; be it in the purchase of the latest fashion, the pursuit of slimness, or the acquisition of
К ЧОа ЧШЬО. TСЫШЮРС ЭСОЬО МШЧЬЮЦЩЭТШЧ ‘МСШТМОЬ,’ ЧОа аШЦОЧ КМЭЮКХТгО ЭСОТЫ ЩОЫЬШЧКХ аСТЦЬ,
desires and needs, and become individualized participants in global beauty consumption,
technology, and the market. Thus, the political goals of democracy, individual rights, and
market participation are expressed through feminine beauty norms. A beautiful woman in this
discourse is consequently a woman who embodies and physically displays market and career
success.
7.3. On Tradition and Modernity as Patrilineal Manifestations
During my fieldwork, I encountered a plethora of beliefs and incited discussion on which
historical Mongolian woman had more freedom. Some claimed that Mongolian women had
‘КХаКвЬ’ ЛООЧ ОЦКЧМТЩКЭОН, ХТФО ЭСО ЪЮООЧЬ ШП вШЫО. SШЦО КЬЬОЫЭОН ЭСКЭ ЭСШЬО ЩЫО-socialist
MШЧРШХТКЧ аШЦОЧ КМЭЮКХХв СКН ЛООЧ ПТРЮЫКЭТЯОХв МСКТЧОН ЭШ ЭСО СЮЬЛКЧН’Ь ПКЦТХв. SШЦО
73
maintained that socialist-era women had had more authority, due to the homogenizing goals of
soviet propaganda. Others countered that this supposed equality had been a farce.
Contemporarily, many nomadic pastoralists believed that current herder women had more
(literal) space for personal fulfillment. While other Mongolians claimed that the personal joys of
career and consumption granted urban women more possibilities for self-fulfillment.
Consequently, I heard many strongly reasoned, yet contradictory opinions while carrying out this
fieldwork on feminine beauty and body ideals.
In all of the aforementioned epochs, Mongolian women and men were agents within a
patrilineal societal framework. Similarly, in the history of the formation of nation-states, there
has neither ever been a state with absolute gender parity, nor one where women have dominated.
IЧ ЭСО аШЫНЬ ШП BЮХКР: “TСО ЧКЭТШЧ(-ЬЭКЭО) ТЬ МХОКЫХв РОЧНОЫОН” (199ү: 262). ӨШЧЬОЪЮОЧЭХв, ЭСО
patrilineal framework within Mongolian society still exists (now overlaid with Western-inspired
nationalisms); yet the forms of expression have changed with the times. These differences in
manifestation might explain why various Mongolian actors perceive various epochs as more
gender egalitarian; the expression of the multifaceted female subject category might have
simultaneously experienced increased freedoms and setbacks in different regards. Such a
perspective can allow a greater understanding of why contemporary Mongolian women might
have the legal right to own property (whereas they were property in pre-soviet law codes90), but
are sexually more inhibited than their pre-socialist sisters.91 Consequently, the expression of the
Mongolian feminine subject category has changed through the eons, but it is difficult to pinpoint
a period where (all) women enjoyed more freedoms and egalitarianism in every societal regard.
As a result, both the narratives of tradition and modernity—that influence the
manifestation of contemporary Mongolian beauty ideals—can be perceived as different
expressions of patrilineal/nationalist structures. From my perspective, contemporary Mongolian
nomadic women have more spatial and temporal freedom, are less concerned with unobtainable
standards of physical beauty, and more comfortable in their skin. Yet, they are entangled in a
90
See footnote #33
While da Pian del Carpini (13th МОЧЭЮЫв) ЫОПОЫЬ ЭШ TКЫЭКЫ аШЦОЧ КЬ “МСКЬЭО” КЧН ЭСКЭ “ЭСОв ЬОХНШЦ СКЯО КППКТЫЬ”
(1996: 51), Herman Consten МХКТЦЬ: “HОЭКЫТЬЦ аТЭС КХХ ТЭЬ ТЦЩХТМКЭТШЧЬ ТЬ ЩЫОЯКТХТЧРХв КММОЩЭОН КЧН ЧШ ШЧО ЭСТЧФЬ
КЧвЭСТЧР ШП К аШЦКЧ РТЯТЧР СОЫЬОХП ЭШ К ЦКЧ ШЮЭ ШП ХШЯО ШЫ ЦШЧОв” (1919). AННТЭТШЧКХХв, MК HШ-Э’ТОЧ (1949)
ЫОХКЭОЬ СОКЫЬКв ЭСКЭ “КХХ MШЧРШХЬ ШП ЛШЭС ЬОбОЬ КЛШЯО ПШЮЫЭООЧ вОКЫЬ ШП КРО СКН ХШЯОЫЬ” (45). TСО ТЧПХЮб ШП LКЦКТЬЦ
to Mongolia in the 17th century possibly allowed a leniency towards female sexuality until the beginning of the 20 th
century.
91
74
web of tradition stipulations that dictate their norms and scopes of behavior (i.e. what women
can say; where and how they sit; deference to male head; role allocation; etc.). In comparison,
contemporary middle/upper class urban women have increased access to knowledge on
individual rights, education, and career opportunities. Yet, urban women increasingly expend
large amounts of time, mental exertion, and resources to status and physical appearance.
Additionally, urban women frequently accrue the double-burden of career and family; and
overcompensate for job tenuousness and low pay through additional workloads. Therefore,
neither discursive choice allows women (as of yet) to break the political glass ceiling and topple
the male-НШЦТЧКЧМО ТЧ ЬШМТОЭв’Ь upper echelons. Thus, in lieu of political power, the body
remains the site for female personal expression.
8. Appendix
8.1. Odval Quote
Bi bas ter ulamjlal nölöölj baina l gej boddog. End boluul eröösöö mongol emegteichüüd chin
nökhröö ingej te ilüü yadgiin be de, deedeldeg. Hökhrüüd n bol ekhneree khündelj khairladag
tiim yuutai. Tegeed önöödör odoo deedeldeg yuu n deesh n bolgodog baikh. Tiim khünii
psikhologiin yumaar üzekh yum bol te emerteichüüd bol khüügee yuugaa ilüü deedeldeg gekh
yumuu da te, tiim ulamjlaltai.
8.2. Khövsgöl Survey Questions (English)
1. What kind of woman is considered beautiful? Explain.
2. Is there a difference between a beautiful woman and a sexy woman or are they the same?
3. Has the conceptualization of a beautiful woman changed within your lifetime? From what
point (time period) did it begin to change?
4. In your opinion, what is important for a healthy mind and body?
5. What kind of food is important to be healthy?
6. How has your diet changed in your lifetime?
7. Only for women to answer: What do you do every day in order to be beautiful? Why is it
important to be beautiful?
75
8.3. Khövsgöl Survey Questions (Mongolian)
1. Yamar emegtei khüniig goo emegtei gekh we? Tailbarlana uu?
2. Goo emegtei, dur bulaam (seksii) emegtei khoyor adilkhan uu, öör uu?
3. Mongol emegtei goo saikhan möröödöl am dralînkh n khugatsaand kherkhen
öörchlögddög we? Khezeenees öörchlördöj ekhelsen be?
4. Bie setgeleeree erüül baikhad tanî khuwîd yuu yuu chukhal we?
5. Erüül baikhad yamar khool khüns khereglekh we?
6. Tanî khoolnî deglem am drakh khugatsaand tan yaj öörchlögdsön be?
7. Zöwkhön emegtei: Ta goo saikhan baikhîn tuld ödör bür yuu khiideg we? Yagaad goo
saikhan baikh chukhal we?
8.4. Selected Survey Answers from Khövsgöl survey (see 5.5.2.)
Setgel sanaa saitai tsewerch khicheengui ajilsag daruu tölöw bolowson emegtei; Goo emegtei
gej züs tsarai tungalag baikhaas gadna aash zan tölöw töwshin zan khar tsaanî öndör soyoltoi
üilend uran medleg bolowsroltoi tsewerch nyambai baina; Mongolîn saikhan büsgüi missiin
uraldaan temtseend shalgarsan. Mongol emegtein aw yas chadwar medleg bolowsrol üzesrelen
baidag…Goo emegtei gedeg n niigem talaasaa soyol irgenshliir kharuulsan chadwarlag
emegteig khelen; Erdem noiton ajilsag khödölmörch tsewerch nyambai daruu zöölön setgeltei;
Goo emegtei gedeg uls ündecniikhee soyol irgenshil niigemshliig ööriin bair suurinaas
kharuulsan khuwiin öndör soyol bolowsroltoi nuruulag goolig bie byaldar
76
8.5. Body Image Sample Survey (English)
Survey
Gender (mark one):
Female
Male
Age:
Where were you born? City, aimig center, sum center?
How do you live now? Inner city apartment, building, yurt?
1. What does it mean to be a beautiful woman? Describe:
2. Which one of these physical traits is preferable? (circle all that apply):
Circle the most beautiful eye shape:
77
Circle the most beautiful nose:
Circle the most beautiful lips:
Circle the most beautiful body type:
Circle the most beautiful face shape:
Circle the most beautiful proportions:
78
Circle the most beautiful weight:
Circle the most beautiful breast size:
3. Name the first idea that comes to mind:
What type of personality does a woman with these eyes have?
What type of personality does a woman with these eyes have?
4. Do you think you are beautiful?
79
5. How important is physical attractiveness in choosing a partner? (1 = not important, 5 = very
important)
1
2
3
4
5
6. How important is physical attractiveness in being successful? (1 = not important, 5 = very
important)
1
2
3
4
5
7. If you could change one thing about your body, what would it be? Would you change anything?
8. Would you ever consider getting plastic surgery to change an aspect of your body? Have you
had plastic surgery?
9. Who is your favorite actress?
10. Is she beautiful? Why or why not?
11. How many hours of TV do you watch a day?
12. How many hours a day do you spend on the internet a day?
13. How many hours a day do you spend on your appearance?
14. What is your favorite magazine?
80
15. For women only: Which weight type is preferred by men?:
81
8.6. Body Image Sample Survey (Mongolian)
-
(
):
:
,
,
,
,
?
16.
17.
:
82
:
:
:
:
:
:
83
:
:
18.
:
?
19.
?
84
20.
?
3=
,4=
,5=
(1 =
,2=
,
)
1
2
3
4
5
21.
,3=
2
2
3
4
5
22.
?
23.
?
24.
?
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
?
85
30.
?
86
8.7. Summary of Major Results
Category
City Students
Countryside Students
Women
Men
Women
Men
Gender
157
83
135
95
Average Age
19.6
19.5
20.5
21.5
Living Situation
Apart.
Yurt
House
Dorm
Apart.
Yurt
House
Dorm
138
28
70
1
24
102
102
0
Eye Preference
Body Shape Pref.
Face Shape Pref.
Body Proportions
Weight Pref.
Foreign
Asian
Foreign
Asian
183 (76%)
57 (24%)
185 (81%)
44 (19%)
Upper
Skinny
Hips
Curvy
Upper
Skinny
Hips
Curvy
1 (0%)
36
60
143
7 (3%)
48
89
85
(15%)
(25%)
(60%)
(21%)
(39%)
(37%)
T
S
R
P
O
H
D
T
S
R
P
O
H
D*
6
5
8
1
147 34
39
4
5
37
22
114
19
47
Long Torso Long Legs
Balanced
Long Torso Long Legs
Balanced
12
145
30
110
81
89
Women
Men
Women
Men
3.1
3.4
3.18
3.38
Appear. Imp.
3.6
3.45
3.4
3.2
Success Imp.
3.5
3.5
3.5
3.2
Actress Pref.
Foreign
Asian
Foreign
Asian
117 (55%)
92 (45%)
31 (17%)
155 (83%)
Estimation
2.9
3.02
87
* Triangle, Square, Round, Pear, Oval, Heart, Diamond
Dotuur tamirtai (Self-centered)
Muu sanaatai (Mean-spirited)
Ikh Zojig (Asocial)
UUrtai (Angry)
Gunigtai (Sad)
Bukhimduu (Upset/Nervous)
Khüiten Khöndii (Frosty)
Gantsaardsan (Lonesome/Forlorn)
Khair Dutsan (Failed at love)
Tsowoo (Vivacious)
Sergelen (Bright)
Zal
Ööriin khüsseneer baij chaddaggui (ӨКЧ’Э НШ аСКЭ they
ЭКТ (Crafty)
Tsoglog (Full-of-Life)
Dulaan setgeltei (Warm-hearted)
Awkhaaljtai (Sagacious)
Shiidemgii (Determined)
Ukhaalag (Intelligent)
Khairaar Dutaagui (Wins at love)
Tölöw (Decent/Measured)
wish)
8.8. Interview Table
Official Interviews (Recorded)
Name
Gender
Age
Birthplace
Current
Residence
1) Enkhjargal
F
45
Khanbogd
Sum
Jurt in
Khanbogd
Sum
2) Khongorzol
M
50
Khanbogd
Sum
Jurt in
Khanbogd
Sum
3) Bolormaa
F
29
Khanbogd
Sum
Room in
House
4) Boke
F
33
Khanbogd
Sum Center
Jurt in
enclosed
compound
Date and
Location of
Interview
Khanbogd
Sum, South
Gobi
Province;
June 14, 2011
Khanbogd
Sum, South
Gobi
Province;
June 15, 2011
Occupation
Notes
Herder
SocioEconomic
Status
Poor
Herder
Poor
Hair-dresser;
former
barmaid at
Oyu Tolgoi
Poor
Lifetime Resident
and Herder in
Khanbogd Sum;
Has two kids
with Enkhjargal:
Chuka (23) and
Tsendoo (21);
husband of
Enkhjargal
Single mother of
two children: boy
(2) and girl (4)
Khanbogd
Sum Center,
South Gobi
Province;
June 21, 2011
Khanbogd
Sum Center,
South Gobi
VIP Maid at
Oyu Tolgoi
Mines; Sex
Poor
Lifetime Resident
and Herder in
Khanbogd Sum; wif
of Khongorzol
Single mother of
two children:
88
in Khanbogd
Sum Center
Jurt in
enclosed
compound
in
Dalanzadgad
Jurt in
enclosed
compound
in
Dalanzadgad
Jurt in
enclosed
compound
in
Dalanzadgad
Student
Dormitory
in
Ulaanbaatar
Student
Dormitory
in
Ulaanbaatar
Yurt in
Arvaikheer
Sum
Province;
June 26, 2011
Dalanzadgad,
South Gobi
Province;
July 02, 2011
Worker
(Unofficial)
Hair Teacher
at Local
Cosmetic
School
Dalanzadgad,
South Gobi
Province;
July 06, 2011
Jeep Driver
Lower
Middle
Class
Husband of Suri
Dalanzadgad,
South Gobi
Province;
July 11, 2011
Nurse in Local
Hospital
Middle
Class
Single Mother of
one daughter:
Enkhtuyaa (21)
Dalanzadgad,
South Gobi
Province;
July 11, 2011
Dalanzadgad,
South Gobi
Province;
July 11, 2011
Arvaikheer
Sum, South
Hangay
Province;
July 24, 2011
Student of
Athletic
Instruction in
Ulaanbaatar
Student of
Athletic
Instruction in
Ulaanbaatar
Herder
Middle
Class
Daughter of
Kushi; Girlfriend
of Ganaa
Middle
Class
Boyfriend of
Enkhtuyaa
Poor
Arvaikheer
Sum, South
Hangay
Province;
July 26
Kharkhorum,
South
Hangay
Province;
August 12,
2011
Kharkhorum,
South
Hangay
Province;
August 12,
2011
Kharkhorum,
South
Hangay
Province;
August 12,
2011
Herder
Poor
Wife of Batbayar;
Mother of two
sons: Uuganbayar
(2) and
Amgalanbaatar (5
months)
Husband of
Mönkhtsetseg
Local
Government
Representative
Middle
Class
Husband of
Nergui; Father of
two children: boy
(2), girl (3)
Gift Shop
Worker in
Kharkhorum
Ethnographic
Museum
Middle
Class
Wife of Jargal
Grocery store
clerk in
Dalanzadgad
Lower
Middle
Class
5) Suri
F
25
Dalanzadgad
Aimag Center
6) Gerel
M
27
Dalanzadgad
Aimag Center
7) Kushi
F
50
Dalanzadgad
Aimag Center
8) Enkhtuyaa
F
21
Dalanzadgad
Aimag Center
9) Ganaa
M
21
Dalanzadgad
10) Mönkhtsetseg
F
25
Arvaikheer
Sum
11) Batbayar
M
23
Arvaikheer
Aimag Center
Yurt in
Arvaikheer
Sum
12) Jargal
M
33
Dalanzadgad
Sum
13) Nergui
F
33
Kharkorum
Sum Center
14) Ganbold
M
25
Dalanzadgad
Yurt in
enclosed
compound
in
Kharkorum
Sum Center
Yurt in
enclosed
compound
in
Kharkorum
Sum Center
House in
Dalanzadgad
Lower
Middle
Class
Baadai (7) and
Udvaltsetseg (9)
Mother of one
son: Culdee (2);
wife of Gerel
89
15) Erdene
F
24
Ulaanbaatar
Apartment
in
Ulaanbaatar
Apartment
in
Ulaanbaatar
Apartment
in
Ulaanbaatar
Ulaanbaatar;
September
03, 2011
Ulaanbaatar;
October 12,
2011
December 17,
2011
16) Odtsetseg
F
34
Ulaanbaatar
17) Munuu
F
19
Zamîn Üüd
Uud, South
Govi Province
18) Serii
F
20
Ulaanbaatar
Yurt in Yurt
Districts,
Ulaanbaatar
21
Ulaanbaatar
F
18
Ulaanbaatar
Social
Subsidized
Housing in
Yurt
Districts,
Ulaanbaatar
Building in
Yurt
Districts,
Ulaanbaatar
Princess
Center NGO,
Ulaanbaatar;
December 08,
2011
Princess
Center NGO,
Ulaanbaatar;
December 08,
2011
19) Terbish
F
20) Enebish
21) Bandaa
F
23
Ulaanbaatar
Yurt in Yurt
Districts,
Ulaanbaatar
22) Odjargal
F
22
Ulaanbaatar
Yurt in Yurt
Districts,
Ulaanbaatar
23) Gantulga
M
18
Countryside
in Uws
Aimag
Apartment
in 13th
District,
Ulaanbaatar
24) Chimeg
F
18
Countryside
Apartment
in City
Center
25) Boldoo
M
21
Erdenburen
Sum, Khovd
Aimag
Apartment
in City
Center
Princess
Center NGO,
Ulaanbaatar;
December 08,
2011
Princess
Center NGO,
Ulaanbaatar;
December 08,
2011
Princess
Center NGO,
Ulaanbaatar;
December 08,
2011
Anthropology
Institute,
National
University,
Ulaanbaatar;
November
01, 2011
Anthropology
Institute,
National
University,
Ulaanbaatar;
November
01, 2011
Anthropology
Institute,
National
University,
Shaman
Middle
Class
Lead Singer in
Band; Model
Upper
Middle
Class
Middle
Class
Tourism
Student;
Plastic
Surgery
Patient
Mother
Poor
Single mother
and frequenter of
Princess Center
NGO
Mother
Poor
Student of
Social Work
Poor
Single mother of
two sons (2 and 8
months) and
frequenter of
Princess Center
NGO
Single mother
and frequenter of
Princess Center
NGO
Mother
Poor
Single mother
and frequenter of
Princess Center
NGO
Mother
Poor
Single mother
and frequenter of
Princess Center
NGO
Student of
Anthropology
ĭ 2nd year
Middle
Class
Moved to
Ulaanbaatar at 15
ĭ former herder
Student of
Anthropology
ĭ 2nd year
Middle
Class
Moved to
Ulaanbaatar two
years prior ĭ
former herder
Student of
Anthropology
ĭ 4th year
Middle
Class
Moved to
Ulaanbaatar four
years prior ĭ
former herder
90
Ulaanbaatar;
November
01, 2011
Café in
Ulaanbaatar;
December 18,
2011
26) Oyuunaa
F
27
Ulaanbaatar
Apartment
in City
Center
27) Odval
F
64
Ulaanbaatar
Apartment
in City
Center
Office in
Ulaanbaatar;
January 03,
2012
28) Sarantsatsral
F
42
Ulaanbaatar
Apartment
in City
Center
29) Khongorzol
F
35
Tsagaan Uul,
Khovsgol
Province
Yurt in Yurt
Districts
30) Tuul
M
37
Mörön,
Khovsgol
Yurt in Yurt
Districts,
Ulaanbaatar
Office in
Ulaanbaatar;
January 16,
2011
NGO Yurt in
Yurt
Districts,
Ulaanbaatar
NGO Yurt in
Yurt
Districts,
Ulaanbaatar
31) Oyuunbileg
F
31
Khovd Aimag
Yurt in Yurt
Districts,
Ulaanbaatar
NGO Yurt in
Yurt
Districts,
Ulaanbaatar
Worker at US
Embassy,
Ulaanbaatar;
Plastic
Surgery
Patient
Actress;
Director of
Theater at
Arts
University
Poet, Writer
and Director
Upper
Middle
Class
Lifetime resident
of Ulaanbaatar;
attended law
school in South
Korea
N/A
Poor
Former Herder ĭ
moved to UB two
years prior
Janitor in
School
Poor
Unemployed;
occasionally
volunteers for
NGO
Poor
Former Herder ĭ
moved to UB two
years prior;
neighbor of
Khongorzol
Moved to UB
when very small
Upper
Class
Upper
Class
Unofficial Interviews (not recorded from interview notes)
32) Tsegii
F
24
Dalanzadgad
Yurt in
Dalanzadgad
33) Oyuka
F
35
Dalanzadgad
House in
Dalanzadgad
Dalanzadgad
Hotel; July 8,
2011
Dalanzadgad;
July 12, 2011
34) Bilegcaikhan
M
60+
Arvaikheer
House and
plot of land
in
Arvaikheer
Arvaikheer
Town
Center; July
20, 2011
35) Misheel
F
27
Ulaanbaatar
Apartment
in UB
Togc Plastic
Surgery
Office;
September
2011
Café Work in
Hotel
Dalanzadgad
Competition
Hairdresser in
Dalanzadgad:
Trains
students for
competition
in UB
Former Judge
in UB; Now
owner of
bathhouse in
Arvaikheer
Plastic
Surgery
Nurse in
Togc Plastic
Surgery
Clinic
Middle
Class
Mother of one
child; pregnant
Middle
Class
Upper
Class
Lived with him
from July 15th-21st,
July 27th-29th
Upper
Middle
Class
91
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