Learning to Labour: Children on Commercial Farms in
Zimbabwe
Kedmon Nyasha Hungwe
Abstract
From the early days of colonial settlement, commercial farming has depended on
the exploitation of cheap labour, including child labour. As a consequence, farm
workers and their families have constituted an underclass of the Zimbabwe labour
force. According to the 2012 Zimbabwe census, 571,489 people lived on large
commercial farms, and another 191,650 lived on small commercial farms. The total
as a percentage of the population is 5.9%. The number of children working on
commercial farms in Zimbabwe was estimated at 10,000 in 2009.1. At the same
time, commercial farming has been a cornerstone of the economy of Zimbabwe.
This position has recently been undercut by the introduction of a land reform and
seizure programme of commercial farms that was initiated in 2000. The economic
well being of families and children was further undercut by the ravaging effects of
the HIV and AIDS pandemic. Following independence, some efforts were made to
protect the interests of children. The General Agricultural Plantation Workers
Union of Zimbabwe (GAPWUZ) was formed shortly after independence in 1982,
and formally registered in 1986. One of the goals of the union is ‘to reduce all
forms of child labour in the farming community’.2 Notably, the aim is not to
eliminate child labour. The paper discusses the forms that child labour has taken on
commercial farms, the problems of definition of child labour, and the deterioration
of child welfare in the country.
Key Words: Child labour, commercial farming, Zimbabwe, child welfare,
Convention on the Rights of the Child, African Charter on the Rights and Welfare
of the Child, earn and learn.
*****
1. Introduction
Commercial farming in Zimbabwe (previously the British colony of Southern
Rhodesia), was established during the colonial period (1890-1980). In 2000 there
were approximately 4,600 white owned large-scale commercial farms (LSCF)
occupying some 33 per cent of the land. An estimated 2 million permanent and
seasonal farmworkers and their families lived on the commercial farms. 3 The large
proportion of land under white control reflected continuities in the colonial land
tenure system, which was skewed in favour of the settlers. This paper discusses the
forms that child labour has taken on the LSCF. Some discussion of the preindependence period is essential to provide the relevant context. Independence
came in 1980. Beginning in 2000, the country has gone through a controversial
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land reform process that has radically changed land ownership patterns. There are
now less than 300 white farmers out of the original total of 4,500. The implications
of this are discussed.
2. Foundations
Cheap African labour was the foundation of commercial farming from the
beginning of the colonial period. This continued to be so after independence. A
survey carried out in 1997 showed that each farm employed between 21 and 50
workers, in addition to the use of seasonal and child labour. 4 One of the ways by
which labour was procured during the colonial period was through a tenancy
system. Land-dispossessed African families (otherwise called tenants) were
granted permission stay on the farms in exchange for labour. The South African
Native Commission report of 1904-05 provides critical insights into the practice.
William Napier, who appeared before the commission testified that he ‘required’
tenants to work ‘from 2 to 5 months per year, the average being about 3 months’.
Children were expected to work as well. He provided rudimentary educational
instruction for the children, but only reluctantly. 5 ‘Personally I prefer the
uneducated one. I find him more amenable’, he testified.6
The Native Development Act of 1929 and the Non-Government Schools
Regulations of 1959 were intended to provide for the establishment and
supervision of farm schools. Nevertheless school facilities remained rudimentary.
The Education Commission of 1962 established that the majority of farm schools
provided no more than 5 years of schooling, and the facilities were sub-standard.7
Farm schools were of two types: state-aided, and unaided. Aided schools were
required to meet minimum standards. Nevertheless, the commission was scathing
in its assessment of these schools, characterizing them as sub-standard.8 As for the
unaided schools, the 1962 Education Commission determined that they were of
no educational value. Farmers mostly used them to attract and retain working
families.9 The poor educational provision blocked upward socio-economic
mobility for generations of workers and their children. A cycle of dependence was
therefore created, forcing succeeding generations of farm children to stay on the
farms.10 The distribution of farm schools by type for 1969 is indicated in table 1.
Kedmon Nyasha Hungwe
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Table 1: Farm school enrolments by grade, 1969.11
Unaided
Grade
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
Numbers
6887
4616
3595
2054
1055
1674
675
%
33.5
24.5
17.5
9.9
5.1
8.2
3.3
Aided
Numbers
2756
1899
1377
1024
777
146
51
Total
%
31.8
24.6
17.8
13.2
10.1
1.9
0.6
Numbers
9343
6515
4972
3078
1832
1819
726
Girls (% of
total)
%
33.0
23.0
17.6
10.9
6.5
6.3
2.6
46.1
45.6
43.1
41.7
35.3
28.8
9.5
Testimonies to the 1969 Parliamentary Select Committee on Education provide
further insights about the situation, just over a decade before independence. 12
Farming representatives testified against the need for anything more than a basic
education on the farms. Employers testified that a rudimentary education was
sufficient for African workers. ‘Up to standard 4 was useful and adequate’ for the
more technical work. 13 In sum, the attitude of commercial farmers favoured a
lowly educated, and compliant workforce. Children were considered an integral
part of the workforce. The marginal costs of employing children were relatively
low because they required no additional investment in housing and other amenities.
They could also be employed at lower rates of pay than adults. Table 2 indicates
the statistics of juvenile employment for 1961 and 1969.14 Juveniles were defined
as workers less than 16 years of age. The figures understate the numbers because
they exclude females.
Table 2: Male Juvenile employment in Rhodesia, 1961 and 196915
Rhodesian Juveniles
Foreign
Total Juveniles
% of total employment
% Adult male employment
1961
14,814
9,842
24,660
10,4
12,4
1969
18,497
9,491
27,988
10.8
14,4
% Change
24.9
-3.6
13,5
3. The years 1980-2000
In 2000, the number of children living on commercial farms was estimated at
between 400,000 and 460,000.16 Studies indicated that most school age children
worked did farm work during school holidays and weekends.17 In contrast to the
early days of colonial occupation, child participation in the labour force was more
a consequence of poverty and necessity than employer compulsion. Poverty levels
remained very high on the farms. In interviews, children mostly accepted work as a
way of generating much needed income. According to the research conducted by
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Sally Musandirire, the main reason children’s work was to supplement family
income.18 The following comments from children reinforce the point: 19
I am paid Z$600,20 like other workers on the farm, and besides
looking after myself, I also use the money to buy groceries for
my widowed mother in the rural areas (16 year old girl).
I must look after my three brothers, since our parents died, so I
work for the foreman, looking after his children and get Z$200
for food.
Some of us work during the holidays for money for school fees
and uniforms. We are paid 30 cents per kg of cotton picked.
According to the 2000 Save the Children study, 21 the recruitment and supervision
of children’s work was primarily a responsibility for the farm foremen, rather than
the farm owners. Children took it as a favour when they were hired to work.
Children’s work encompassed the following activities: child minding for farm
employees and farmers; weeding and planting; and picking cotton, and fruit. Some
children also did work that involved the use of machinery. In 2004, a total of
12,351 work related injuries were recorded.22 A total of 9,683 (78.4%) were
associated with agricultural work. Some 12.5% did not indicate occupation and
could still include a substantial proportion of agriculturally related child workers.
After independence, lack of access to education has continued to be a critical
factor in sustaining farm worker dependency. Nationally, school enrolments
increased dramatically after 1980. However, there were no significant increases in
the commercial farming sectors as the government continued to leave the
responsibility to farmers. 23 In 2000, approximately 14.8 per cent of all commercial
farms were reported to have a primary school, either registered, or not registered. 24
Under Zimbabwe law, farm schools can be registered if 1) the enrolment is at least
280 for grades 1 through 7; 2) the buildings meet government specifications; 3)
there are adequate sanitary facilities; and 4) there is adequate accommodation for
teachers. The advantage of registering schools include: teachers’ salaries paid by
the government; a per capita book and materials grant to the schools based on
attendance; and supervision of teachers and enforcement of curriculum standards.
The majority of farmers have opted not to register schools in order to have more
control over resource allocation, curriculum standards, and hiring of teachers.
A critical indicator of access to education is distance walked to get to school.
According to the Save the Children study, 25 the mean distance from commercial
farms to a registered primary school was 7.3 kilometres. It was 5.3 kilometres to an
unregistered school. The mean distance to a government secondary school was 14
kilometres. The total walking distance per day was up to 26.6 kilometres, a
situation exacerbated by the fact that children were not properly fed, and often
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walked on empty stomachs. 26 Farms where the distance from school was greatest
also had the highest proportion of children working on the farms and who were not
in school. A sample of comments collected through the Save the Children include
the following: 27
We walk more than ten kilometres to school. We arrive late at
10:00 am when others have learned a lot. We leave before school
finishes so as not to get home by dark. Sometimes we reach
home by 7.00 pm. We cannot do any homework, because we will
be tired, so it’s no use going to school
One boy fainted at school because of hunger; most of us go to
school on empty stomachs or just drink maheu (nutritious drink)
before we leave home
Children living on the farms valued good careers beyond farm life. In
interviews, some wanted to be doctors, engineers, lawyers, auto mechanics, police
officers, teachers, clerks, or authors. At the same time, they were cognizant of the
limiting realities of their lives. One child put it this way: 28
We would like to get to university and college, but schools are
far away from here and most of us end up at grade 6, some at
grade seven. There are many children who have completed grade
seven but they are sitting at home…Where can they go with only
grade seven?
According to the 2004 Child Labour Report produced by Zimbabwe Central
Statistical Office (CSO), the most commonly cited reason for children leaving
school was financial (68.4%).29 The data were not disaggregated to indicate the
proportion on commercial farms, but it is reasonable to infer a higher rate. The
vulnerability of children has been exacerbated by the HIV-AIDS epidemic. This
has caused an increase in the numbers of orphans and child-headed households.
Farm schools have typically limited educational provision to the primary level.
The discussion now turns to a modified scheme developed on tea plantations that
has provided for secondary education. It has been called the Earn and Learn
Scheme (ELS).
4. Earn and Learn Scheme: Opportunity and Controversy
The Tanganda tea plantations in Zimbabwe have operated a version of child
economic labour model called Earn and Learn Scheme (ELS). 30 The program was
initiated during the colonial period to supplement the labour force on the
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plantations. It operated for over 60 years until it came to and end in 2013. The
company cited negative press reports and concerns about the effects of the negative
reports on its international image.31 At the time the program was ended, it operated
on four schools with a combined enrolment of over 1,000 pupils. The ELS scheme
required children to contract to work for tea estates as a condition of attendance.
Critics charged that the company was contravening the country’s child labour laws.
The schools were run as residential boarding schools. This would give the tea
estates maximum control over the students’ time and labour. In the later years,
children under 13 were exempted from working, but this was not always enforced.
The primary work involved tea-picking tea on plantations. Payment depended on
the amount of tea plucked, and the rate was the same as for adult workers. During
the colder season (May through August) the children worked 4½ hours a day
during weekdays, as well as Saturday mornings. For the rest of the year, they
worked from dawn to mid-day, with school following in the afternoons. During the
first quarter of the year, students worked eight hours a day, six days a week, on top
of their schoolwork. In total, students were working in the fields up to 40 hours a
week. The tea leaves were placed in baskets that the children carried on their
backs. Baskets weighed up to 15 kilogrammes when full. 32
Bourdillon found that the work was hard for the students. They struggled to focus
and stay awake during classes, after a hard day in the fields. Students who did not
meet work targets were sometimes barred from attending class. ‘The regime is
certainly harsh,’ Bourdillon concluded. The drop out rate was about 15 per cent.
Despite this, he believed the system had some merit because it made schooling
possible for students who might not otherwise have access. 33
5. Prospects: Fast Track Land reform and beyond
As noted at the beginning of this paper, land distribution in Zimbabwe was
historically skewed in favour of white farmers. In July 2000, President Mugabe
officially launched what has been termed the ‘fast track land reform’ where the
National Land Identification Committee would identify tracks of land for
redistribution. A constitutional amendment empowered the state to take land from
white farmers without compensation. Prior to land reform, an estimated 320,000 to
350,000 farm workers were employed on commercial farms and plantations. By
the beginning of 2003, the estimate was down to about 100,000.34 Beneficiaries of
the land reform program have been of two types. Smallholder settlers who received
land under the A1 model; and aspiring black commercial farmers who have been
allocated land of several hundred, sometimes several thousand, hectares under the
A2 model. Farm workers were notably excluded, a decision that was related to
electoral politics. Farm workers and their employers were perceived to be largely
supportive of the opposition political party, the Movement for Democratic Change.
The newly resettled A2 model farmers have lacked the resources to sustain
agricultural production and to make effective use of the displaced labour force. The
Kedmon Nyasha Hungwe
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net effect has been massive job losses, and a severe deterioration in the livelihoods
of the farm worker community.
To provide for the educational needs of children in the new resettlement areas,
the government sanctioned the creation of a new type of school, the so-called
satellite school system. The schools would cater for the resettled farmers, and
children of displaced farm workers. They were intended to be a temporary
measure, but they have become a standard fixture. Satellite schools are not able to
meet the minimum standards for registration and are established in affiliation to
existing registered schools. The government pays the teachers. The classrooms are
old farmhouses, tobacco barns, stables and sties.35 There were reported to be some
1,363 satellite schools in 2012, out of a national total of some 8,000 primary and
secondary schools.36
New forms of child labour have emerged in the resettlement areas. Students
surveyed by Mutema reported that their parents periodically put them to work
during school days. He found 27% of the surveyed resettled farmers complaining
that schooling disrupted farming activities. Some 85% of students failed to
maintain regular attendance. Those who came to school, tended to trickle in late
because of long walking distances. The situation was compounded by sub-standard
facilities and lack of essential materials such as books. In sum, the education is
doing no more than filling time for a generation destined to join the ranks of a
marginalized underclass. The conditions have not changed significantly since the
colonial period. The limited gains made in the early period of independence have
been eroded.
Notes
1
Sally Musandirire, ‘The Nature and Extent of Child Labour in Zimbabwe: A Case
Study of Goromonzi District Farms of Zimbabwe’ (Masters diss., University of
Fort Hare, 2010).
2
Hivos. ‘General Agricultural Plantation Workers Union of Zimbabwe’.
Viewed 28 April, 2015. http://archief.hivos.nl/dut../community/partner/10003268
3
Di Auret, et al., We Learn with Hope: Issues in Education on Commercial Farms
in Zimbabwe (Harare: Save the Children, 2000), viewed 28 April 2015,
http://eric.ed.gov/?id=ED443616
4
Di Auret, et al., We Learn with Hope, 2.
5
South Africa. South African Native Affairs Commission, 1903-1905 (Cape Town:
Cape Times Limited, 1905), 165, viewed 2 May 2015,
https://archive.org/stream/southafricannati00sout#page/n1/mode/2up
6
South Africa, South African Native Affairs Commission, 165.
7
A. V. Judges, Education Commission, 1962 (Harare: Government Printer, 1963).
8
Judges, Education Commission, 55-56.
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8
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9
Duncan G. Clarke, Agricultural and plantation workers in Rhodesia (Gweru:
Mambo Press, 1977).
10
Rene Loewenson, ‘Child Labour in Zimbabwe and the Rights of the Child’.
Journal of Social Development in Africa, 6.1 (1991): 19-31.
11
D. G. Clarke, Agricultural and plantation workers in Rhodesia,119-120.
12
Parliament of Rhodesia. Third Report of the Select Committee on Education.
Presented to the House on April 16, 1969. Harare: Government Printer, 1969.
13
Parliament of Rhodesia. Third Report of the Select Committee on Education, 10.
14
Duncan, Agricultural and plantation workers in Rhodesia, 28.
15
D.G. Duncan, Agricultural and plantation workers in Rhodesia, p. 29
16
Di Auret, et al., We Learn with Hope, 2.
17
Di Auret, et al., We Learn with Hope.
18
Musandirire, ‘The Nature and Extent of Child Labour in Zimbabwe,’ 71.
19
Di Auret, et al., We Learn with Hope, 33.
20
About US$16 based on first quarter 2000 exchange rate.
21
Di Auret, et al., We Learn with Hope.
22
Central Statistical Office. Child Labour Report (Harare: CSO, 2004), 65. Viewed
29 April 2015, http://www.zimstat.co.zw/dmdocuments/Labour/Labour.pdf
23
Di Auret, et al., We Learn with Hope.
24
Di Auret, et al., We Learn with Hope.
25
Di Auret, et al., We Learn with Hope.
26
Di Auret, et al., We Learn with Hope.
27
Di Auret, et al., We Learn with Hope, 18.
28
Di Auret, et al., We Learn with Hope, 63.
29
Central Statistical Office. Child Labour Report, 18.
http://www.zimstat.co.zw/dmdocuments/Labour/Labour.pdf
30
M. F. C. Bourdillon, ‘Child Labour and Education: A Case of South-Eastern
Zimbabwe’. Journal of Social Development in Africa, 15.2 (2000): 5-32.
31
Meikles Limited, ‘Tanganda Tea Company Update,’ 25 June, 2013.
http://ir.meiklesinvestor.com/profiles/investor/ResLibraryView.asp?ResLibraryID
=63467&GoTopage=1&Category=1246&BzID=1668&t=993&G=431
32
M .F. C. Bourdillon, ‘Earn-and-learn: Work for education in the Eastern
Highlands of Zimbabwe’(Paper presented at the Workshop on Children, Harare,
Zimbabwe, 1998). Viewed 2 May 2015. http://www.academia.edu/6328045/Earnand-learn_Work_for_Education_in_the_Eastern_Highlands_of_Zimbabwe.
33
M. F. C. Bourdillon, ‘Earn and Learn. Work for Education in the Eastern
Highlands of Zimbabwe’.
34
Lloyd M. Sachikonye, The Situation of Commercial Farm Workers after Land
Reform in Zimbabwe (Harare: Community Trust of Zimbabwe, 2003). Viewed 12
May 2015. http://www.sarpn.org/documents/d0000359/P343_Sachikonye.pdf.
35
Fungai Mutema, ‘An Examination of the Learning Conditions in Zimbabwe’s
Satellite Schools: A Case of Somabhula Resettlement Area- Midlands Province.’
Kedmon Nyasha Hungwe
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International Journal of Humanities and Social Science 6.1 (2014): 284-290.
Viewed 12 May 2015.
http://www.ajol.info/index.php/ame/article/view/103640; Alex Duval,
‘Zimbabwe's Resettled Farmers Struggle to Educate their Children. The Guardian,
April 24, 2012, Viewed 15 May 2015, http://www.theguardian.com/globaldevelopment/poverty-matters/2012/apr/24/zimbabwe-farmers-struggle-educatechildren
36
Alex Duval, ‘Zimbabwe's Resettled Farmers Struggle to Educate their Children.’
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Learning to Labour
10
__________________________________________________________________
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Kedmon Nyasha Hungwe is Associate Professor, Michigan Technological
University. His current work focuses on the social contexts of youth and adolescent
development. He studies youthhood as a transitional phase to adulthood. He is
currently completing a book manuscript on the same subject with special reference
to Zimbabwe