What can wages and employment tell us

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What can wages and employment tell us about the UK’s productivity puzzle?

Richard Blundell, Claire Crawford and Wenchao Jin

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Re-cap

• We know that productivity has fallen within firms

• In some firms (small ones especially), the wage bill has also fallen

• But unclear whether firms are firing expensive workers and hiring cheaper ones, or if the wages of existing workers have fallen

– Also unclear whether our sample of firms was representative

• Important when thinking about potential productive capacity in the economy and who has been most affected by the recession

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What do we do here?

• Show that wages are falling to an unprecedented degree

• Try to explain why. Investigate three possibilities:

• Labour supply: is it higher now than in previous recessions?

– More individuals willing to work at any given wage

– Workers might be more willing to accept lower wages than in the past

• Composition of the workforce: is it less skilled/productive?

• Changes to labour market institutions:

– Perhaps wages are now more flexible and responsive to unemployment

(e.g. Machin and Gregg, 2013)

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Changes to average real hourly wages by recession

14%

12%

10%

8%

6%

4%

2%

0%

-2%

-4%

0 1 2 3 4

-6%

1979

Year since the labelled year

1990 2008

Source: New Earnings Survey Panel Dataset, excluding employees whose pay was affected by absence, those with non-positive hours or earnings, and overtime. Nominal wages have been deflated using the Retail Prices Index.

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5

Distribution of real hourly wages over time

40

35

30

25

20

15

10

5

0 the 5th percentile the 10th the 25th the 50th the 75th the 90th the 95th percentile

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The labour market perspective

• Compared to past recessions, in this recession:

– Participation and employment rates have remained higher, even amongst groups hardest hit in this recession (e.g. young people)

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Employment rate of those aged 16-22 vs. 23-64 in the UK by recession

0.0%

-2.0%

-4.0%

-6.0%

-8.0%

-10.0%

-12.0%

-14.0%

0 1 2 3 4 5 years since the start of each recession

23-64, from 1979

16-22, from 1979

23-64, from 1990

16-22, from 1990

23-64, from 2008

16-22, from 2008

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The labour market perspective

• Compared to past recessions, in this recession:

– Participation and employment rates have remained higher, even amongst groups hardest hit in this recession (e.g. young people)

– Participation has increased amongst groups typically thought of as furthest from labour market, e.g. lone parents

• Possibly as a result of changes to job search conditions attached to benefit claims

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De-trended change in lone mothers’ labour market participation rates since the policy change, by age of youngest child

10%

8%

6%

4%

2%

0%

-2%

-4%

-6%

-8%

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

Quarter since the last quarter before the policy change youngest kid 12-15, 2008Q3 youngest kid 7-9, 2010Q3 youngest kid10-11, 2009Q3 youngest kid 5-6, 2011Q3

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The labour market perspective

• Compared to past recessions, in this recession:

– Participation and employment rates have remained higher, even amongst groups hardest hit in this recession (e.g. young people)

– Participation has increased amongst groups typically thought of as furthest from labour market, e.g. lone parents

• Possibly as a result of changes to job search conditions attached to benefit claims

– Self-employment has been higher

• Though some suggestion this might be disguised unemployment

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Proportion of workers who are self-employed

16.0%

14.0%

12.0%

10.0%

8.0%

6.0%

4.0%

2.0%

0.0%

1979 1981 1983 1985 1987 1989 1991 1993 1995 1997 1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011

FES ONS

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Self-employed people not earning much?

45%

40%

35%

30%

25%

20%

15%

10%

5%

0%

% self-employed whose self-employment income is below 90% earners

% self-employed whose self-employment income is below 80% earners

% self-employed whose self-employment income is below 35 hours of NMW

Source: authors’ calculation from the Family Expenditure Survey

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The labour market perspective

• Compared to past recessions, in this recession:

– Participation and employment rates have remained higher, even amongst groups hardest hit in this recession (e.g. young people)

– Participation has increased amongst groups typically thought of as furthest from labour market, e.g. lone parents

• Possibly as a result of changes to job search conditions attached to benefit claims

– Self-employment has been higher

• Though some suggestion this might be disguised unemployment

– Labour supply amongst older workers has gone up

• Maybe due to State Pension Age increase and negative wealth shocks

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Employment and self-employment rates among

55-74 year olds

2%

1%

0%

-1%

-2%

-3%

-4%

-5%

-6%

% 55-74 men self-employed

% 55-74 men employed

% 55-74 women self-employed

% 55-74 women employed

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Employment of 60 year old women has risen

80%

70%

60%

50%

40%

30%

20%

10%

0%

Age 60

Age 61

Sources and Notes: Figure 2.2 of Cribb, Emmerson and Tetlow (2013)

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Workforce composition

• Labour supply was higher during this recession than in the past

– Especially amongst older workers, lone mothers

• If these individuals were on average lower productivity than existing workers – and they could find work – then might expect workforce composition to help explain lower productivity

• Is the compositional effect more negative in this recession than historically?

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Decomposing changes in real log hourly wages

2%

0%

-2%

-4%

8%

6%

4%

1980-83 1990-93 2007-10

Actual change Compositional effect, β 1(X1-X0) Remaining change, ( β 1β 0)*X0

Note: analysis based on the family expenditure Survey. Details of the method can be found in

Blundell et al2013

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Can workforce composition help to explain the fall in wages/productivity?

• Short answer: no

• Compositional effect was positive

– i.e. workforce become more highly skilled, etc

• And no less positive than in previous recessions

• On this basis would have expected average wages/productivity to rise

• Fact that it didn’t means that wages/productivity must have fallen within individuals

• In fact, real wages fell for a majority of individuals who stayed in the same job and nominal wages fell for a third of them

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% employees in same job whose nominal hourly wages were cut/frozen/raised in coming year

100%

90%

80%

70%

60%

50%

40%

30%

20%

10%

0% nominal cut nominal freeze

Source: New Earnings Survey Panel Dataset 1975-2011. Freeze defined as |%change|<0.1%.

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Why have wages fallen?

• Labour supply has been increasing over time and remained higher in this recession than in previous ones

• Changes to labour market institutions

– Perhaps workers are less protected from wage falls than they were?

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Distribution of individuals’ year-on-year nominal hourly wage growth by type of collective agreement, 2008-11

Source: New Earnings Survey Panel Dataset. Conditional on employees being in the same job as the preceding year. Each of the six distributions pool together observations from 2008 to 2011.

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Summary

• Labour supply seems to have been more robust during this recession

– Welfare policy changes (e.g. tougher job search conditions attached to benefit claims, raising of state pension age for women)

– Effects of the financial crisis (e.g. wealth shocks)

• But no evidence that these changes have reduced average quality of labour in this recession (and composition no less positive than in past)

– Strong evidence against the workforce composition hypothesis

• Substantial reductions in wages (and hence productivity) occurred within individuals

• It’s arguably better to have within-individual wage reduction and within-firm productivity stagnation than adverse compositional shifts.

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