Family Food Access Report
“When We Have Better,
We Can Do Better”
A Collaborative Report
from
Faculty at the
University of Illinois at Chicago
and the
City of Chicago Department of Public Health
Englewood Neighborhood Health Center
December 2010
Table of Contents
Section Title
Page Number
Authors and Acknowledgments
3
Executive Summary
4-5
Introduction
6
Study Description/Methods
7
Background
8-11
Key Findings
12-15
Potential Solutions
16-19
Conclusion/Implications
20
Citation: Odoms-Young A, Zenk S, Holland L, Watkins, A, Wroten J, Oji-Njideka N, Ellis S,
Davis I, Dallas C, Fitzgibbon M, Jarrett R, Mason M, Webb A, Sharp D. Family Food Access
Report: “When We Have Better, We Can Do Better”. University of Illinois at Chicago and
Chicago Department of Public Health-Englewood Neighborhood Health Center. December
2010.
For more information, please contact:
Angela Odoms-Young, PhD
Assistant Professor
Department of Kinesiology and Nutrition
University of Illinois at Chicago
Phone: 312-413-0797
Email: odmyoung@uic.edu
2
Authors and Acknowledgments
Contributors
University of Illinois at Chicago
• Angela Odoms-Young, PhD, College of Applied Health Sciences
• Shannon Zenk, RN, PhD, College of Nursing
• Constance Dallas, RN, PhD, College of Nursing
• Nefertiti Oji-Njideka, BA, College of Applied Health Sciences
• Susan Ellis, MBA, College of Applied Health Sciences
• Marian Fitzgibbon, PhD, College of Medicine
City of Chicago Department of Public Health Englewood Neighborhood Health Center
• Loys Holland, Director
• April Watkins, MS, PHA III Greater Englewood Healthy Start
• Jacqueline Hoskins-Wroten, BSN, MPH (also a DrPH student at UIC-School of Public
Health), Public Health Nursing Supervisor
• Angela Webb, WIC Nutritionist
Other Contributors
• Iona Davis, Teamwork Englewood (formally at University of Illinois at Chicago)
• Robin Jarrett, PhD, University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign
• Maryann Mason, PhD, Children's Memorial Hospital/Northwestern Feinberg School of
Medicine
• Darrell Sharp, SGA Youth Services
Research Assistants and Interviewers
Sandra Franklin, Carlotta Manns, Knesha Rose, Robin Colbert, Elaine Hardy, Olamide
Bamidele, Justine Bandstra, Sarah Leone, Maria Safadi, Dana Woods, Suzie Monsieur, Toni
Bush, Hillary Turner, Reginald Riggins, Antoinette Price, Diana Grigsby-Toussaint, Tonya
Humphries, Stephanie Brown, Susan Hobson, Jung Kim, Phillip Kramer, Jonathan Fowler,
Ursula Redmond, Tonia Humphries, and Summer Porter
We would like to thank:
Dr. Agatha Lowe, PhD, for supporting the project and serving as our CDPH sponsor
The projects highlighted in this report were funded by:
•
The Consortium to Lower Obesity in Chicago Children (CLOCC)
•
UIC College of Nursing
•
The Graduate College at Northern Illinois University
•
The African American Collaborative Obesity Research Network AACORN (with a grant
received from the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation)
•
National Cancer Institute Cancer Education and Career Development Program
3
Executive Summary
Overview
The focus of this report is to better understand food access and availability issues
that impact African American families. Evidence suggests that African Americans are especially at risk for suboptimal intakes of healthy foods such as fruits and vegetables, low-fat
products, and whole grains; disproportionally at risk for many diet-related health conditions; more likely to live in neighborhoods with limited healthy food availability; and a strong
target for unhealthy food advertising. Nevertheless, few studies have examined these issues from the perspective of the families who are most at risk. This report focuses specifically on understanding the impact of neighborhood food and marketing environments on
African American families. The goal of this report is for these families to share their own
stories and propose recommendations for community action and policy change.
Key Findings
• Many of the families indicated that food availability was an issue in their community,
specifically the lack of retail food stores and high-quality food products. Several participants expressed that neighborhood stores should not only offer a wide selection of food
options, but provide high-quality goods at reasonable prices. Participants’ perception of
their neighborhood food environment varied based on individual/family resources, food
preferences, and the locations where they shopped.
• Most participants indicated that they were satisfied with the foods provided at restaurants in their community. However, many acknowledged neighborhood restaurants
mostly provide foods that were high in fat and calories.
• Price was a major concern for families in the study. Food purchasing and access patterns were strongly influenced by price. Several participants indicated that they looked
at store circulars to determine the locations with the best prices and commonly
shopped at discount chains due to lower prices. When participants had extra money,
many reported that they purchased food at restaurants but still used special pricing,
including the dollar menu or 2-for-1 deals, based on cost.
• Many of the families expressed the need for more black-owned stores and restaurants
in their community. Several participants described conflicts between community residents and Arab American store owners. Most participants felt that the conflict was
based on store owners’ lack of respect for the community; while a few participants attributed some of the responsibility to unruly customers. Some participants mentioned
that Arab American store owners who have a long history in the neighborhood, help people in the neighborhood, and/or embrace African American culture, have a better reputation compared to owners overall. Owners with these characteristics were also perceived by participants to sell better-quality products.
• Marketing and advertising seemed to influence purchasing mostly through weekly price
promotions provided in store circulars, window ads, and/or word of mouth. Although
many participants indicated that television ads were entertaining, they did not believe
that they had a strong influence on their purchasing habits except when the ads targeted children.
4
Executive Summary
Key Findings Continued
• Participants mentioned the importance of other factors when accessing food including
environments within (e.g., cleanliness, customer service) and around (e.g., safety) restaurants and stores.
• Participants made several recommendations related to policy change and community
action to improve neighborhood food and marketing environments including:
◊ Inform policymakers about the lack of high-quality products in the neighborhood
and their impact on health.
◊ Attract food retailers that offer a variety of high-quality food options at a reasonable cost.
◊ Create competition by bringing in new retail stores.
◊ Attract food retailers that provide other amenities, such as delivery services.
◊ Attract food retailers that do not engage in racist/unfair monitoring practices.
◊ Develop more black-owned businesses and identify strategies to reduce conflict
between Arab American store owners and community residents.
◊ Reduce crime in neighborhoods to attract more food retail and improve safety
around existing retail food outlets.
◊ Offer tax incentives to attract food-related businesses into urban areas.
◊ Change food retailers’ perceptions of South Side residents and communities.
◊ Improve the physical appearance of existing retail food outlets.
◊ Improve customer service by hiring experienced employees and providing better
training.
◊ Regulate nutrition content of foods served in restaurants.
Conclusion/Implications
In the last decade, increasing attention has been given to the need for better food
and marketing environments in low-income communities and communities of color. Participants in this study mentioned several concerns related to food access and neighborhood
food availability. These issues focused specifically on the types and quality of food retailers
and options available, as well as other issues, such as marketing/advertising, customer
service, and neighborhood safety. This report demonstrates that community residents have
clear recommendations for community action and policy change including attracting new
retail options and improving the selection/variety, customer service, and aesthetics of existing retail outlets. Nationally, a number of community/policy efforts have been proposed
to address food access and marketing concerns. It is not clear if the issues raised by participants in this study will be addressed by these efforts. The work of policymakers, community leaders, advocates, and researchers need to be informed by members of the communities who are most at risk for low food access. In addition, once policy and community efforts are implemented, the impact of these strategies on the health and well-being of African American individuals and families needs to be considered.
5
Introduction
The relationship between diet and disease is well established. Research generated
over several decades has stressed the importance of healthy eating in the prevention of a
number of chronic conditions, including
diabetes, obesity, heart disease, and
many cancers. Despite this body of evidence, most Americans fall short of national dietary recommendations to promote health.
Scientists and health professionals have long emphasized individual choice as the main influence on
purchasing and consuming healthy
foods. However, many now acknowledge individuals and families cannot
make healthy choices if those choices are not readily available in their homes, schools, and
neighborhoods. In addition, several research reports have highlighted the role of unhealthy
food and beverage marketing in shaping Americans’ decisions about what to eat and drink.
With this recognition and growing media attention, phrases such as “food deserts” (originating in the U.K.) and “food oasis” have become common household terms.
For example, “food desert” is defined in the 2008 Farm Bill as an “area in the United
States with limited access to affordable and nutritious foods.” Numerous reports and news
stories have highlighted inequities in the types of food outlets and food options available in
low-income vs. high-income neighborhoods and communities of color compared to predominately white communities. Other terms, such as the “Grocery Gap” proposed by The
Food Trust and “Community Food Security” (which has been around since the early 1980s)
also have been used to describe racial and socioeconomic disparities in the overall food
system and family food access. Moreover, recent studies suggest that low-income populations and communities of color may be exposed to more advertisements promoting unhealthy foods, including fast food and sugar-sweetened beverages such as soda.
These issues are particularly salient for African Americans. Evidence suggests that
African Americans are especially at risk for suboptimal intakes of healthy foods such as
fruits and vegetables, low-fat products, and whole grains; disproportionally at risk for many
diet-related health conditions; more likely to live in neighborhoods with limited healthy food
availability; and a strong target for unhealthy food advertising. Nevertheless, few studies
have examined these issues from the perspective of the families who are most at risk. This
report focuses specifically on understanding the impact of food and marketing environments on African American families in their own voices. The goal of this report is for families to share their stories and propose recommendations for community action and policy
change. Lastly, we describe additional policies that have been proposed nationally to promote healthy eating so policymakers, health professionals, and community advocates can
consider their potential impact on African American communities in Chicago.
6
Study Description/Methods
This report highlights the findings from four studies that were conducted as part of a
collaborative partnership between faculty at the University of Illinois and staff at the City of
Chicago Department of Public Health-Englewood Neighborhood Health Center. These studies were conducted from 2006 to 2010. A total of 103 African Americans living on Chicago’s South Side were recruited to engage in a series of ethnographic interviews. Three of
the studies also included a photo elicitation, where participants were asked to take photographs of their daily routines. In two of the studies, participants were asked to keep a 7day diary of the retail locations where they purchased food. Each study was approved by
the Institutional Review Board at investigators’ respective institutions. The majority of the
participants lived in Englewood and West Englewood (approximately 75%). Other community areas included Armour Square, Douglas, Fuller Park, Greater Grand Crossing, Kenwood, New City, Pullman, and South Deering. We specifically targeted residents that provided care for children ages 3-18. Given the need for early intervention, our most recent
study also included 5 pregnant women. Whereas the previous three studies only targeted
women, our most recent project included 5 men as well. Participants ranged from approximately 21 to 75 years of age. All interviews and field notes were audiotaped, transcribed
verbatim, and input into Atlas.ti, a qualitative data management software. A preliminary
analysis was conducted using qualitative content analysis which was followed by a more indepth analysis (constant comparative analysis). All coded data was reviewed to generate
themes related to food access and availability to better understand the experiences of
community residents. At the end of the most recent study, 9 participants agreed to take a
“food tour ” of local grocery stores to explore possible strategies to change the food landscape in their community. We visited three stores on a chartered bus. Each person was
provided a total of $35 to spend during the trip. Participants were interviewed on the bus
after visiting each store location.
7
Background: Neighborhood Food Availability
Availability of Stores by Type
To better understand the types of food outlets and foods available in our target community, Englewood and West Englewood, we conducted in-person audits at retail stores licensed to sell food products prior to undertaking the family interviews. In 2006, in-person
audits were conducted
Englewood/
Chicago
Brighton
New City
as part of a larger study
West Engle- Lawn/West
Park/Gage
examining food availwood
Lawn
Park
ability in Southwest
7
16
22
20
Grocery
Chicago. Audits were
Store
performed using a
51
36
25
23
Convenience
standard checklist of
Store/Corner
healthy/unhealthy food Store
options. For this report,
12
9
5
14
Liquor Store
we highlighted selected
1
11
21
10
data from four commu- Other
nity areas: Chicago
71
72
73
67
Totals
Lawn/West Lawn,
Table 1. Number of Stores by Type in Selected Community Areas
Englewood/West Englewood, Brighton Park/
Gage Park, and New City, to compare communities with different racial composition and
socioeconomic characteristics. As seen in previous studies, Englewood/West Englewood
had fewer grocery stores and more convenience stores compared to the other three communities. However, the number of liquor stores available in Englewood/West Englewood
and New City were similar.
Figure 1
illustrates the high
Figure 1:
availability of conGrocery and Convenience Store
venience stores
per 10,000 Persons
and low availability
Grocery Store
Convenience Store
of grocery stores in
Englewood/West
5.9
4.4
3.9
Englewood. For
2.9
1.7
0.8
example, data
3.8
2.6
showed that EngleChicago
New City
Englewood/ Brighton Park/
wood/West EngleLawn/West
West
Gage Park
wood had 0.81
Lawn
Englewood
Neighborhood Area
grocery stores per
10,000 persons
whereas New City had approximately 3.8 grocery stores per 10,000. Moreover, Englewood/West Englewood had the greatest number of convenience/corner stores per 10,000
persons.
•
8
Background: Neighborhood Food Availability
•
Availability of Store Food Options
We also examined availability of selected food items for each community area by
store type. Table 2 shows the percentage of stores in each neighborhood that carry selected food items.
Englewood
West Englewood
%
Chicago Lawn
West Lawn
%
Brighton Park
Gage Park
%
New City
%
31
34.7
42.5
44.8
Canned fruit
78.3
76.5
65.8
67.2
Frozen fruit
2.8
6.9
4.1
4.5
Fresh vegetables
43.7
40.3
42.5
46.3
Canned vegetables
90.1
85.9
75.3
85.1
Frozen vegetables
28.2
26.4
17.8
13.4
Skim milk
8.5
15.3
12.3
9
2% milk
56.3
58.3
80.8
77.6
Soy milk
0
6.9
8.2
7.5
83.1
77.8
82.2
85.1
0
1.4
2.7
16.4
Reduced fat cheese
2.8
8.3
2.7
6.0
Regular cheese
64.8
59.7
58.9
53.7
Brown rice
11.3
12.5
11
10.4
White rice
81.7
68.1
56.2
70.1
Whole wheat pasta
1.4
2.8
2.7
1.5
White pasta
83.1
72.2
63
79.1
Whole wheat or multigrain bread
11.3
20.8
56.2
41.8
White bread
77.5
65.3
69.4
82.1
Skinless chicken breast
4.5
12.5
62.5
52.4
Chicken with skin
4.5
15.3
75
66.7
Extra lean or lean ground
beef
4.2
6.9
4.1
6.0
Regular ground beef
17.9
25
83.3
95.2
Regular ground turkey
1.5
2.8
8.3
19
Fresh fish
7.5
15.3
54.2
42.9
Fresh fruit
Whole milk
Fat free cheese
9
Background: Neighborhood Food Availability
As compared to Chicago Lawn/West Lawn, Brighton Park/Gage Park, and New City,
fewer stores in Englewood/West Englewood carried fresh fruits and vegetables; frozen fruit;
skim, 2%, or soy milk; fat-free cheese; baked potato chips; meat/fish; and whole wheat
pasta. In contrast, a slightly greater percentage of stores in Englewood/West Englewood
carried canned fruits and vegetables; frozen vegetables; whole milk; regular cheese; regular potato chips; white rice; and white pasta. Most of the stores in Englewood/West Englewood that sold fresh fruits and vegetables carried apples, tomatoes and/or green bell peppers. As compared to retail stores in the other community areas, a greater percentage of
the stores in Englewood/West Englewood carried fresh vegetables that were consistent
with a traditional African American cultural diet. For example, about 14% of the stores in
Englewood/West Englewood carried sweet potatoes vs. 12.5% Chicago Lawn/West Lawn,
10.4% New City, and 6.8% Brighton Park/Gage Park and 8.5% sold leafy greens (ex. collard
greens, mustard greens) compared to 6.9% Chicago Lawn/West Lawn, 7.5% New City, and
6.8% Brighton Park/Gage Park.
Availability of Restaurants by Type
We also conducted in-person audits at 60 restaurants in Englewood/West Englewood in 2007-2008. Assessments were conducted using a standard checklist of healthy/
unhealthy food options. The majority of restaurants in Englewood/West Englewood were
classified as local chain
Figure 2: Availability of Select foods at
fast food (46.7%) (i.e.
Englewood Restaurants
fast food restaurant
based in Chicago with 3
% Restaurants w/Food Item
or more locations) or non
73.3%
67.0%
chain fast food (40%)
58.0%
56.0%
51.0%
(i.e. fast food restaurant
33.3%
based in Chicago with
fewer than 3 locations).
Bottled
Salads
Fried Fish
Fried
Pizza Puff Beef/Steak
At the time of the asWater
Chicken
sessment there were no
full service restaurants
located in the community.
•
Availability of Restaurant Food Options
The food options available at restaurants are highlighted in Figure 2. Fifty-eight percent of the restaurants carried bottled water and 33% served salads. Many of the restaurants that provided salads were national/local chains. The most common foods served at
restaurants in Englewood/West Englewood included fried chicken (73%), fried fish (61%),
pizza puffs (56%), and Italian beef/Philadelphia cheese steak sandwiches (51%).
•
10
Background: Neighborhood Food Availability
We also conducted a nutrient analysis of common entrees offered at restaurants in
the community. Many of the entrees offered at restaurants in Englewood/West Englewood
exceeded the recommended amounts of fat, sodium, and/or calories (based on a 2000
calorie diet). The nutrient contents of several common menu items are highlighted in Table
3.
Table 3. Estimated Nutrient Contents of Common Menu Items at
Englewood/West Englewood Restaurants
Item
Calories
(kcals)
Total
Fat
(g)
Saturated
Fat
(g)
Sodium (mg)
Super Philly Steak Meal*
2223
83
27
2049
Fried Chicken Sandwich w/Fries
1089
59
9
1516
Small Catfish Dinner#
1669
71
16
3068
Pizza Puff w/Fries
1022
54
13
1390
Four Chicken Wing Dinner
1385
80
16
1955
Caesar Salad w/Dressing
659
22
5
1519
*Meal includes fries and frozen lemonade drink
#Dinners served includes fries, coleslaw, and 2 slices of white bread
Recommended Nutrient Intakes per day: Calories (2000 kcals); Total Fat (less than 65 g); Saturated Fat (less than
20 g); Sodium (African Americans recommended less than 1500 mg)
Restaurant and Store Environments
As part of the in-person audits of the stores and restaurants, we assessed factors that
may be related to store quality, including the presence/absence of bulletproof glass,
cleanliness, and advertisements for tobacco/alcohol products. In Englewood/West Englewood approximately half the stores (52%) had bulletproof glass compared to 12.3% in
Brighton/Gage Park, 18% in Chicago Lawn/West Lawn and 25% in New City. Sixty-three
percent of the restaurants in Englewood/West Englewood had bulletproof glass.
Window ads for tobacco and alcohol in stores were similar across neighborhoods
with the exception of Brighton Park/Gage Park, which had significantly fewer alcohol ads.
Based on assessor ratings, the cleanliness of the stores in Englewood/West Englewood
and Chicago Lawn/West Lawn were similar (48% and 53% rated as very/somewhat clean
respectively). Comparatively, 93% of stores in Brighton Park/Gage Park and 86% of stores
in New City were rated as very/somewhat clean.
•
11
Findings: Families Perceptions of Food and Marketing Environments
Participants’ Food Access
Families obtained food from a variety of
locations including chain supermarkets, discount chains, warehouse grocery stores, independent grocery stores, corner/convenience
stores, dollar stores, pharmacies, informal
stores (e.g.,home-based “candy” stores), meat
markets, WIC food centers, job cafeterias, and
food pantries. For major shopping trips, most
participants used a combination of chain supermarkets (such as Jewel and Fairplay) and discount chain/warehouse grocery stores (such as
Participant Shopping with Wagon
Aldi, Food for Less, and Sav-A-Lot). Participants
mainly used convenience/corner stores to purchase snacks or certain staple items (e.g., bread, milk, juice) when they ran out. A few participants also mentioned going to meat mar“I may go there and buy some pop or somekets or independent grocers to buy large
thing… You have to go to [the corner store]
“meat packs” (a variety of meats packaged for some reason – and sometime I might
together and sold for a bargain price). Most even buy a loaf of bread from them. But as
far as like my meats, fruits and vegetables,
participants purchased food from stores
I don’t buy it from them. ”
both inside and outside of their neighborhood. On average, participants used about
4 or 5 shopping locations to purchase food and traveled approximately 2 miles. However,
shopping distance traveled by participants ranged from about 1/8th of a mile to a little
over 10 miles. Participants traveled to/from and obtained food from stores using different
modes of transportation including walking, obtaining rides from family/friends, driving, delivery, public transportation, and formal/informal cabs. One participant also reported using
a wagon to transport groceries.
Fast food restaurants were the most common type of restaurant used by participants (including national/local chain restaurants, non-chain restaurants, pizza carry-out,
“That store] is more like a little hole in sandwich shops, and Chinese food locations).
the wall but at the same time they have Similar to stores, participants visited fast food
a lot of different things in there. Their
restaurants both inside and outside their
meat packages. Oh my God. It’s reasonneighborhood. However, a greater percentage of
able prices. They’ll have a packet of
restaurants visited by participants were located
pork chops for $3, pounds of ground
beef for like $4, chicken wing bags for inside participants’ neighborhoods as compared
$5 and it’s just so good and fresh. It
to stores. Many participants reported walking to
don’t be old. It don’t have a smell to it. local restaurants, driving or obtaining rides to resThey put out fresh meat things every
taurants outside the neighborhood, and having
day.”
prepared foods delivered directly to their homes.
Similar to chain supermarkets, all buffet and full service restaurants used by participants
were located outside their neighborhood. Participants’ individual resources including ac12
•
Findings: Families Perceptions of Food and Marketing Environments
cess to transportation, income/food assistance benefits, and employment location impacted the locations where they accessed food.
“ When you walk in this [store] you
For example, participants who worked outside of
smell like ... some alley people.
the community commonly reported accessing
Like four people that ain’t washed
restaurants and stores near their place of emtheir booty just sitting in the back
ployment.
cutting your meat. You see this
• Perceived Food Availability
man and he ain’t never washed
Consistent with the in-person audits,
his hands. He just came outside
many families expressed concerns about the
from falling and he came right
stores and products available in their neighbor- here and just cut your ground
hood. Most concerns were related to the product beef. Mm, mmm, it ain’t USDA ”
availability and quality, specifically fruits and
vegetables. Several participants
also expressed concerns about
the quality of the meats sold in
the neighborhood, indicating
that several stores frequently
carried spoiled meats.
Although many participants reported dissatisfaction
with the food options available
in stores, most were satisfied
with the selection of foods available in their neighborhood restaurants. Participants reported
that many of the foods sold at
their neighborhood were consistent with their taste preferences, budget and/or lifestyle.
Participants also mentioned that they use fast food options when they are too tired or busy
to cook, have extra money, or when their children request certain items. A few participants
indicated a need for additional fast food restaurants in the community based on taste preferences and potentially to provide “You go all the way out to the suburbs where the
employment opportunities. Some
white people live at and you find everything…It’s
even a better variety in [chain supermarkets] when
participants reported a need for
you go to their stores. There’s a difference.”
greater variety and healthier food
options in the community, such as a
full-service restaurant. Many of these participants expressed that they were already eating
healthy diets and wanted more options closer to their home.
13
Findings: Families Perceptions of Food and Marketing Environments
Price Matters
Cost was also frequently mentioned
in connection with food availability. Many
participants indicated that they shopped at
discount food stores, purchased in bulk, or
looked for sales to make ends meet. Participants also reported that price was a factor
when purchasing food from restaurants. Participants indicated that many of the restaurants in their area offered specials and that they took advantage of these deals when they
had money available.
“[That restaurant], They’re cheap. You
can get two jumbo pizzas for $20. I
• Do Race and Income Matter?
have a lot of boys and they eat a lot “
Several participants raised concerns
about the lack of African American owned
stores/restaurants in the their community. These concerns were expressed both in the context of the need for more “black” owned stores overall, as well as in response to negative
interactions with Arab American store owners. The
“The Arabs - how they talk to you.
lack of African Americans hired to work in Arab Ameri- And you know…. I ain’t going let ’
can owned stores was also raised as an issue. Most em talk to me like that ”
participants felt that the conflict between Arab American owners and African American residents was caused by owners’ lack of respect for the
community which resulted in stores providing poor customer service, “jack up” prices, and
low quality foods; while a few participants attributed some of the blame to unruly customers. Some partici“ Well, number one I would close down the corner stickup but like
the saying goes, Throughout the city of Chicago most corner stores pants mentioned
are run by Arabs or Koreans. I don’t know what happened to the
that Arab-American
black community. We just don’t have the finances or we can’t have store owners that
the intelligence to go get them corner lots or we’re fearful of the
have a long history
competition or what have you. But everybody says that when Arabs
in the neighborhood,
come over here and Koreans come over here the government gives
help people in the
them free money, free this and free that and then they got one leg
neighborhood, and/
up because they’ve got the money.”
or embrace African
American culture have a better reputation in the community compared to others. These
owners were also reported by a few participants to sell better quality products because of
community concern.
“There aren’t any grocery stores in this
One participant also mentioned neighborhood because nine times out of ten
that she felt the lack of grocery stores they probably had plans on getting rid of the
was a sign of the city’s interest in driv- neighborhood.”
ing low-income families out of the
neighborhood to make room for higher income housing and residents.
•
14
Findings: Families Perceptions of Food and Marketing Environments
Marketing and Advertising
Participants indicated that they obtained infor“They put a big size burger in your
mation about food from several sources including
face or the nice crispy chicken nugtelevision, newspapers/store circular ads, flyers, bill- gets on TV and then when they’re
boards, window ads, in-store promotions, and word of done and they say, ‘We lovin’ it.’
mouth. Television was a major source of exposure to That’s it. That’s all they give you is,
advertising. Several of the participants recalled com- ‘We lovin’ it’ and the kids say,
‘We’re lovin’ it’ and they’re just, ‘We
mercials that advertise deals and special pricing at
want McDonald’s, we want McDonboth stores and restaurants. While commercials were ald’s.’ So that’s where we take
commonly mentioned as being entertaining, many
them to—
to— McDonald’s.”
participants did not believe that they had a direct influence on their purchasing behaviors. However, some participants mentioned that advertising indirectly impacts their purchases by encouraging their children to request or eat certain
foods. Participants indicated that these ads commonly feature characters, colors, animation or
special effects that appeal to children and children ask for these products as soon as they see
them. Most participants purchased products
based on information they received from store
circulars, window ads at restaurants, and newspapers. Participants reported using these channels to learn about weekly/daily promotions
and sales. Several participants used this information to locate sales/specials on brand
name products. In addition, although many of the participants reported purchasing store
brands to save money, name brands were preferred for certain products based on family
preferences, familiarity or family traditions.
Another issue raised by participants related to marketing was the type of products
promoted in low-income and African American neighborhoods. A few participants expressed
concerns about differences in store layouts, specifically the types of products located in the
front of the store at retail locations in their neighbor“[In other communities] you see
hood compared to stores in predominately white/
the vegetables when you first go
Latino neighborhoods.
in. You see the fruit when you first
go in. You’re not looking at the
“...when you first walk in, you ain’t got nothFlamin’ Hots and all that stuff
ing but the junk food… You’d about spend
which I can’t stand… I see myself
all your stamps on junk food cause you ain’t
just going into different grocery
even got to the meat and stuff. You still
stores especially in the African
over here in [the front] aisle…. I went to [the
American community that [the mesame store] on 87th and Cicero and they
dia] is the key. It’s the cake, it’s the
don’t have it like that. They don’t have the
chips, it’s the soda… then you have
junk right there. It’s like you gotta find it.
to hunt for the fruits, the vegetaYou walk in there. They got the frozen secbles, the bottled water, and things
tion; they have bread, the can goods.”
like that.”
•
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Findings: Families Perceptions of Food and Marketing Environments
Other Issues
Although the focus of this research was on neighborhood food availability, participants commonly mentioned other factors that influence food access that were not directly
related to food products. These included the
store environment (such as poor upkeep and “If [the bathroom] is dirty I won’t shop
there. That’s usually the first thing. Becustomer service) and issues surrounding
retail outlets (including community violence). cause I’m pregnant and so I’ve always got
to go to the bathroom. So that’s the first
Poor upkeep was viewed as a sign of food
thing that I do is go to the bathroom and
and food-outlet quality. Poor upkeep was
then I go grocery shopping. If it’s dirty in
particularly raised in reference to stores in
there then I’m like ‘I ain’t going, not tothe neighborhood and included lack of
cleanliness, disorganized shelves and aisles, day.”
and poorly maintained shopping carts. With
respect to cleanliness, participants reported that foul odors, dirty un-mopped floors and
cockroaches and rodents turned them off. Besides these obvious signs, participants also
judged cleanliness and store quality based on whether they saw employees cleaning or attending to customer spills promptly, engaging in inappropriate behaviors while handling
food (e.g. smoking) and bathroom maintenance. “A lot of restaurants I don’t eat out of.
In addition, several participants reported Especially on 69th and Racine cause
avoiding certain outlets based on safety conthat’s where a lot of hanging out and
cerns. Many safety concerns stemmed from prob- wild noise and everybody hang out up
lems with people hanging out in front of stores,
there.”
panhandling, soliciting drugs, and harassing
shoppers. The proximity of liquor stores to some stores and restaurants was seen as contributing to the problem.
•
“About the neighborhood store? Well, I
hate the stores where you can go.
They let the kids just hang in the store
and they ain’t buying nothing, they
should make them go right ahead - the
crowd that hang out in front of them.”
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Potential Solutions: Participant Recommendations
Recommendations
Participants made several recommendations for policy and community action to expand food access in their community including regulating the content of foods served at
restaurants, offering incentives for healthy food retail and community gardens, starting
their own food-related business, changing perceptions of the neighborhood, and bringing in
new businesses to create competition for existing retail stores. During the interviews, participants were asked, “If you were an Alderman or advisor to Mayor Daley, what would you
do to change your community?” Responses focused on improving overall community
needs such as reducing violence and crime, and improving neighborhood aesthetics, as
well as links between these issues and the food options available in their neighborhood.
Examples of these recommendations are highlighted in Table 4:
•
Table 4. Participant Recommendations to Change Neighborhood
Food Availability in South Side Communities
Participant Recommendation
Example
Reduce Neighborhood Crime and
Violence to Attract More Food Retail
Options
Well, you know around here it’s kind of
bad. If they cut down on the crime rates
they probably might get some more
stores here. It’s kind of bad around
here.
Offer Tax Incentives to Attract
Businesses to the City of Chicago
Maybe they could restructure some of
the taxes and stuff in the city and then
more businesses will come back to the
city.
Change Food Retailers’ Perceptions of
People that live in South Side
Neighborhoods
You’d still have to change people’s perceptions. Business owners’ perceptions
of the people in this neighborhood.
Improve the Physical Appearance of
I would change the environment or reExisting Retail Food Stores and Increase modeling the front building to make it
Safety
look more suitable and safe that you can
walk in and walk out without a problem.
I would keep security around. I’d keep a
good environment.
Improve Customer Service through
Hiring Experienced Employees and Better Training
I would hire people that had more people
skills and that are used to working
around people and don’t have attitudes
with other customers and stuff…[People
who] know how to hold yourself in a respectable manner. [And that know] you
can treat people with the same respect
that you want them to treat you with.
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Potential Solutions: Participant Recommendations
Table 4 continued. Participant Recommendations to Change Neighborhood
Food Availability in South Side Communities
Participant Recommendation
Example:
Regulate Nutritional Content of Foods
Served in Restaurants
Do like they did in New York City. Come
up with across the board city controlled
value for how much fat and carbohydrates goes into your food. They got
that in New York City whereas they
come around and check to make sure
you ain’t got all this high carbohydrates
and such that you done put on to fatten
people [so] they go into an obesity syndrome… Eventually, they’re going to
get it in Chicago where the people ain’t
going to be just putting anything on
your food. They going to make a book.
They going to make you think health
wise.
Create Competition by Bringing in New
Retail Stores
I wish they had a Pete’s Produce right
here on 63rd Street. As a matter of fact,
right there across the street there in
between Aldi’s and Walgreen’s would be
a nice place for it. Yep. Of course,
Aldi’s wouldn’t like it because they
wouldn’t hardly sell any of their produce
but that would make them step their
game up. They’d have to do something
different.
Inform Policymakers about the Lack of
High Quality Products in the Neighborhood and the Impact of Those Products
on Health
I would try to tell them the variety and
the freshness of the product is more
healthy for our peoples in this neighborhood instead of the stuff that they got
over here. It’s not very healthy for to
keep up good strong bones and everything that a person needs to survive.
The food is not fresh and it’s not up to
standard as in other neighborhoods.
It’s not up to standard. So that’s about
all I can tell’ em. It’s not up to standard
compared to other neighborhoods. Our
products is not like the other ones.
That’s why a lot of peoples that got
transportation go to them stores in the
other neighborhoods because it’s better
for the kids.
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Potential Solutions: Lessons from the Food Tour
• After visiting each store, participants who completed the “Food Tour” reported specific
recommendations related to store-environment and product selection. Participants discussed positive and negative aspects of the stores. Recommendations from the food tour
participants are described in Table 5.
Table 5. Participant Recommendations During a Tour of Three Supermarkets/
Grocery Stores Outside the Neighborhood
Participant Recommendation
Example:
Food Retail Stores that Provide More
Variety
What I liked about Bob’s was the variety. It
had a variety of foods there for you to try. I
mean either to try or try for your family just
as far as your fruits and vegetables and different meats…. That’s what I think is real
nice about these is that they have a good variety of stuff that you don’t find in the mom
and pop stores.
Food Retail Stores with Highly Trained
Employees that Maintain a Clean and
Well Stocked Store Environment
… everybody works their hours and they
start at the vegetables and fruits. They start
at this one aisle and they work all the way
through that whole day because that’s what
you’re doing making sure everything is still
stocked. If a piece is taken out they put another piece back in real quick.
Food Retail Stores that Provide High
Quality Products
They’ve got some nice stuff here. It’s real
nice. How does this compare? I wouldn’t
even put [neighborhood stores] in the same
rank as this store. No, man. The stores that I
go to is like a thrift store compared to this
store.
Food Retail Stores that Provide High
Quality Food at a Reasonable Cost
This stuff here man, this is good food, good
prices. Usually, when you walk into a store in
the hood it smells. You get that stench from
where the fruits and stuff have been up there
for a while and you can smell it. I walk in the
door here, it smells good. I was like, wow.
It’s a nice environment here. I like it.
Food Retail Stores with Other Amenities
Such as Delivery Services
I might let my mama know about coming up
here to shop up here sometimes. Do they
deliver. Do they have delivery people out
there?
Food Retail Stores that Do Not Engage in I was at the ATM getting some money and it
Unfair/Racist Monitoring Practices of
kept beeping and like all of a sudden two or
Customers
three security officers were right around.
They acted like they wasn’t watching me but I
could tell they were as if I did something.
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Conclusion/Implications
In the last decade, increasing attention has been given to the need for better food
and marketing environments in low-income and communities of color. Although many studies have examined these issues from the perspective of researchers, advocates, and policymakers, few have focused on understanding the perceptions of community residents. Participants in this study mentioned several concerns related to food access and neighborhood food availability. These issues focused specifically on the types and quality of food
retailers and options available, as well as other issues, such as marketing/advertising, customer service, and neighborhood safety. This report demonstrates that community residents have clear recommendations for community action and policy change including attracting new retail options and improving the selection/variety, customer service, and aesthetics of existing retail outlets.
Nationally, a number of community/policy efforts have been proposed to address
food access and marketing concerns, particularly in minority and low-income communities.
Initiatives proposed include:
•
•
•
•
•
Taxes (sugar-sweetened beverages)
Subsidies/incentives (fruits and vegetables for families; retail development)
Limiting access to unhealthy products/zoning (fast food zoning; fast food toy ban; community gardens)
product information (menu labeling)
Local business development (mobile vendors/green arts)
It is not clear if all of the issues raised by participants in this study, specifically safety, unfair treatment, and minority business development, will be addressed by these efforts. The
work of policymakers, community leaders, advocates, and researchers need to be informed
by members of the communities who are most at risk for low food access. In addition, once
policy and community efforts are implemented, the impact of these strategies on the health
and well-being of African American individuals and families needs to be considered.
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