a c e
C onference B russels: T h e v e r y b e g in n in g ofE urope!" E a r ly -M e d ie v a l M ig r a tio n a n d C o lo n isa tio n ( 2 0 1 2 ) ,
8 1 -8 8
Early medieval com m unities around the
North Sea: a ‘maritime culture’?
Pieterjan Deckers1 & Dries Tys2
A b s tra c t
The close connections between 6th- to 8th-century com­
munities around the N orth Sea have been the subject of
research for a very long time. However, too often these in­
terrelationships are placed in an ethnic and migrationist
framework. Recent socio-geographical research demon­
strates that another perspective is possible, that of a ‘mar­
itime culture’ characterized by a large degree of overseas
mobility and interaction, resulting in a seemingly hybrid
material culture. This concept is explored through the ex­
amples of chaff-tempered pottery which persisted along
the N orth Sea littoral for over two centuries, and house
building traditions which exhibit a remarkable variabil­
ity stemming from an intensive exchange of architectural
features w ithin the N orth Sea region.
K eyw ords
M erovingian period, C arolingian period, N o rth Sea,
coastal Flanders, pottery, domestic architecture, m ari­
tim e culture, group identity, culture definition
1
Introduction
There is no doubt th a t the early m edieval populations around
the Channel and N orth Sea were in close contact. However, the
nature, m echanism s and significance of the interaction during
the centuries following the M igration Period are still poorly un­
derstood. This is partly because our perspective on the period
is defined by a fram e of reference th a t m ay n o t be completely
adequate for the geographical and socio-cultural context of the
6th- to 8th-century N orth Sea littoral.
In this contribution, an alternative perspective is explored which
puts the N orth Sea at the centre of a ‘m aritim e culture’. Besides
briefly explaining the theoretical basis for this approach, a few ex­
amples are presented, particularly focussing on the Flemish coast­
al plain. The emphasis is on the 6th to 8th centuries, although
later developments are examined in order to explore the factors
th at contributed to w hat has been called a ‘N orth Sea culture’.
2
Culture, migration and e t h ni c i t y
The study of the typological, stylistic, technical and other sim i­
larities across early medieval Europe is often em bedded in an ex­
plicitly ethnic discourse. Thus, from the perspective of the N orth
Sea coasts of the m ainland, we speak of Anglo-Saxon pottery,
F rankish brooch types, Saxon burial ritual, etc. The emphasis
on ethnicity an d m igration th a t prevails in the contem porary
w ritten sources and m odern research on the M igration Period
is tacitly assumed to apply to the period th a t follows it as well.
A t the basis o f this view - despite decades of anthropological
and archaeological theorising - is still the idea of ethnicities as
hom ogeneous culture blocks th a t m ay be identified using typeartefacts or stylistic features. Thus, when for instance a button
brooch appears on a cemetery on the m ainland, it m ust im m e­
diately point to Anglo-Saxon affiliations, as this is supposed to
be the geographic and ethnic origin of this type of artefact. E th­
nicity is reduced to a typological attribute. This leads to a situ­
ation in which the cultural assemblage of a site is picked apart
into various ethnic or geographic affiliations. Typological and
stylistic studies obviously have th eir w orth as analytical tools,
but merely cataloguing the various assum ed ethnic indicators
on a site m aybe of lim ited relevance to understanding the socio­
cultural dynamics of this period and region. This is particularly
the case in the southern N o rth Sea area, where objects are often
considered to be out of place because they appear on the ‘w rong’
side of the N orth Sea, which is implicitly thought of as a cultural
as well as a n atural b oundary between such culture blocks.
1
P ie te rja n D eckers, P h D fellow, Free U n iv ersity o f Brussels, w ith su p p o rt o f th e R esearch F o u n d a tio n - F landers ( f w o ), pieterjandeckers@ vub.ac.be.
2
P ro f. D r D ries Tys, D e p artm e n t o f A rt Studies & A rchaeology, Brussels Free U niversity ( v
u b
), B elgium , d ries.tys@ vub.ac.be.
P . D E C K E R S & D . TYS
A n excellent example is so-called chaff-tem pered pottery. It
emerges in the 6th century as a distinct tradition from the great
variety of tempers used in the ‘G erm anic’ pottery of the M igra­
tion Period. It rem ains in use until approxim ately the m id-8th
century as the predom inant type of domestic pottery on sites in
the Flemish coastal plain and south-eastern England and occurs
on several sites further north along the Dutch and English coasts.3
Its distribution on the continent is clearly coastal an d de­
lim ited by inland traditions of grog- and grit-tem pered pottery.
However, it would a m isrepresentation to describe this pottery
as ‘Anglo-Saxon’ or ‘Saxon’, as is sometimes done.4 Its persistence
for more than two centuries cannot be explained th ro u g h the
preceding m igrations alone. Rather, it is p art of a social tradition
centred on the N o rth Sea, and its continual reproduction and
eventual replacem ent by sandy wares in the 8th century m ust
be first and foremost exam ined w ithin this m aritim e context.
The notion of such a ‘N orth Sea culture’ is of course a long­
standing concept, w ith differing spatial and tem poral lim its and
various explanations.5 However, the idea may be refined from
the perspective of recent archaeological findings and theoreti­
cal insights.
3
Language d e v e l o p m e n t a s a cultural a n a l o g y
Language is a m ost interesting aspect o f culture in this light,
as it is a function both of self-defined identity and social inter­
action. The early languages around the N orth Sea form p art of
the W est G erm anic linguistic family. Several languages of this
group share so-called Ingvaeonic features. D uring the M igra­
tion period, these features spread from northw est G erm any to
England. By the 8th century, Frisian6 and several O ld English
dialects7 emerged as more or less distinct languages and Ingvae­
onic features had also spread to the Flemish and D utch coasts.8
W hat happened in the intervening centuries rem ains open to de­
bate. It has long been acknowledged th a t linguistic innovations
may spread across bodies of water.9 However, m ost studies since
have tended to emphasise the pre-M igration continental origins
of the N orth Sea Germ anic languages.10 It is generally accepted
th a t there was no com mon language in the N orth Sea area after
the M igration Period. It has even been argued th a t English and
Frisian developed in isolation following the migrations, and that
th eir close relationship is merely the result of the loss of Ingvae­
onic features in the other W est G erm anic languages.11
M any linguists, however, ignore the active usage oflanguages
in building and reproducing identities. In this view, com m on
innovations as well as the com m on reta in in g o f archaic ele­
m ents m aybe significant. The m ost interesting perspective on
the m a tte r is th a t offered by John H in es12, although it has re­
ceived little atten tio n in later linguistic studies.13 H ines dis­
cards the principle of phylogenetic linguistic developm ent and
p ortrays language as a norm ative system allow ing a certain
variance. A ccording to this m odel, the N o rth Sea G erm anic
languages developed from a dialect continuum em erging from
the M igration Period. Linguistic innovations spread th ro u g h ­
out th is continuum , m ostly from E ngland back to the conti­
nen t, im plying in ten se in te ractio n across th e N o rth Sea. In
the 8th century, the appearance o f d istin ct languages can be
related to the fo rm atio n o f kingdom s an d of m ore exclusive
regional identities.
4
Towards an a lt er na ti ve mo d e l ?
A com parable view o f fluid social and cultural links w ith in a
m aritim e context is offered in studies of historical and presentday com m unities in h arb o u r tow ns.14 Here, the harb o u r tow n is
presented as a hybrid m ix of cultural influences. M obility and
variability, rather than static continuity, are seen as constituting
elements of identity. H ines’linguistic continuum may serve as an
analogy: culture is not to be captured in phylogenetic structures
through which elements are inherited, but as a constantly chang­
ing set of influences from which some elements are adopted and
others are not. From this viewpoint, it is inform ative only to a
certain degree to dissect a cultural assemblage into the ethnic
and geographic origins of its constituent elements. Rather, this
seemingly hybrid m ix had its own intrinsic logic and coherence
as a cultural system.
A particularly relevant case is offered by A. Leontis in his
study of 19th-century G reek com m unities around the eastern
M editerranean.15 For this phenom enon, he introduces the term
‘em porion’ to describe the way identity is construed outside the
m onolithic cultures of hegemonic entities - notably the empires
around the M editerranean. ‘Emporion’, characterised by contin­
ual movement w ithin a given geographic space, is also contrasted
w ith ‘diaspora’: unidirectional m igration in w hich identity re­
m ains based on com mon origins in a particular place.
Leontis’ ideas were quickly adopted in sociology and social
geography, as they form a broad m etaphor for a current para­
digm shift in these disciplines.16 Simply put, the dichotom y is
th a t betw een routes and roots. C ultural id en tity is n o t neces­
sarily ‘a territorialised union of people and place’17, but is now
defined by m obility and interaction.
Both Leontis and the sociologists who borrow ed his ideas18
stress th a t the sea form s an ideal m edium for this type of in ­
teraction. As such we m ay distinguish between ‘m aritim e’ and
‘terrestrial’ culture types, characterised by varying degrees of
fluidity and variation, a greater or lesser ‘groundedness’ in a cer­
tain place or region19, and a stronger or weaker integration into
a political hierarchy.
In the literature, the emphasis is usually on the cosmopoli­
ta n port cities th a t form the hubs of this socio-cultural network.
However, we argue th a t the characteristics associated w ith the
com m unities th a t form ‘em porion’ may be expanded tow ards
larger regions of ru ral settlem ent along the N o rth Sea littoral
during the early M iddle Ages.
3
H am ero w eitfh 1994.
9
F irst p o in te d o u t by K u h n (1955» 16-7,23-44).
15
4
E .g .ib id . 1994,16; S o u la t2 0 0 9 , no-111.
IO
i?.£ .À rham m ar 1990, io .
16
Leontis 1997.
C rang e ta l. 2003.
5
E.g. H allew as e ta l. 1975.
lí
Stiles 1995.
17
Idem , 438-439.
6
M iedem a 1971,100; B rem m er Jr. 2001,602.
12
H in es 1995.
18
E.g. B oro v n ik 2 0 0 4 ; 2005.
7
T o o n 1992,422-3.
13
B ut see Boss 1997,236-238.
19
Cf. E scobar 2001.
8
E.g. T aeld em an 1982.
14
E.g. F alck2003.
E a r ly m e d ie v a l c o m m u n itie s a r o u n d th e N o r th Sea: a m a r itim e c u ltu r e ’?
5
Casestudies
In exam ining the links evident in the m aterial culture of the
N o rth Sea region, context and m eaning are all-im portant. For
instance, chaff-tempered pottery and the great Anglo-Saxon and
Frisian brooches belong to very different social spheres. W hereas
the stylistic sim ilarities between the latter form an expression of
diplomatic links between elite groups, the distribution of the for­
m er reflects shared technological traditions reproduced through
continual contact on a much lower social level. It is the latter ex­
changes that constitute a m aritim e culture, as they are indicative
of the capability of low-status individuals and com m unities to
engage in overseas interaction.
6
D o m e s t i c a r c h i te c tu r e
Like domestically produced pottery, domestic architecture is an
expression of w hat m ight be labelled socio-technological praxis
- technological skills transferred w ithin the household or local
com munity, and as such indicative of group identity.20
As in the interior, certain regional trends m ay be discerned
in the early medieval house architecture of the coastal area, al­
though these are rarely the only type used. In the northern N eth­
erlands, three-aisled buildings continued to be in use.21 Twoaisled constructions often occur in the D utch river area, m ostly
as secondary buildings to one-aisled houses. D espite certain
sim ilarities w ith tw o-aisled buildings inland,22 this is at least
partly a local tradition, as excavations at Katwijk show its devel­
opm ent from a three-aisled building type.23 At another coastal
site near the Rhine m outh, V alkenburg, a distinct form of twoaisled buildings are the only attested type and probably served
as houses.24 In the Flemish coastal area a recurring type is the
single-aisled building w ith post-in-trench walls, heavy corner
and door posts, and no external supports.25
In addition, several constructional features point to interac­
tion along the coast. For instance, buildings in N oord-H olland
and in northw est G erm any combine a byre in the three-aisled
trad ition w ith a one-aisled living section. In a few cases26 the
three-aisled p a rt features tu r f walls as in Frisia, dem onstrat­
ing how structural layout and construction technique were ex­
changed together, as a template.
O ther traces of the long-distance exchange of such architec­
tural templates can be found in several oft-cited examples ofhighly sim ilar layouts. Thus, houses at Roksem27 (Flanders) and Uit­
geest28 (Noord-Holland) are sim ilar in their proportions, use of
annexes and the location of the entrances, although the wall con­
struction differs. A further building w ith the same configuration
of entrances and therefore a comparable internal organisation can
be found at Katwijk (Zuid-Holland).29 Short houses are another
recurring template in England and on the m ainland coasts.30 In
Flanders these often belong to the house type with post-in-trench
walls and w ithout external supports. More generally, these houses
often have a small subdivision at one or both of the short sides.
O ther features were reproduced independently of building tech­
nique. Annexes31 and certain types of wall construction32, for in ­
stance, occur both on the N orth Sea coasts and in England in the
7 th and 8th centuries, but have not been attested fu rth er inland.
These architectural idiosyncrasies and the exchange of tem ­
plates and techniques w ithin the N o rth Sea area appear to have
declined from the 8th century onwards. For instance, the Fri­
sian three-aisled trad itio n disappeared in favour of one-aisled
buildings, annexes fell out o f use, and in coastal Flanders the
M erovingian building types were replaced by very different
three-aisled constructions on heavy posts, which prefigure later
medieval farm buildings.
The introduction and spread of curved walls m ay be seen in
a sim ilar light o f the changing n atu re of interaction, local re­
sistance and ultim ately realignm ent w ith inland developments.
First introduced in the Rhine m outh area in the late 7 th centu­
ry,33 curved walls quickly spread along the river Rhine towards
the interior, for instance appearing at D orestad.34 However, the
practice is only adopted in Flanders35 and N oord-H olland in the
9th c e n tu ry 36, and never in England.37
This w ide range of house-building traditions along the
N o rth Sea coast has been explained in term s of a greater social
and economic diversity, ultim ately a result of the greater ecologi­
cal diversity of the coastal landscape.38 However plausible, this
explanation does not account for the origins o f these traditions,
w hich were passed on betw een com m unities along the N o rth
Seashores.
As far as dom estic architecture is concerned, then, these
com m unities are best characterised culturally through their het­
erogeneity and pragm atism in adopting architectural practices.
Here, diversity does not denote boundaries but the range of so­
cial interaction. A lthough inland architectural traditions seem
to have been more regionally consistent, this m aritim e culture
is not fundam entally different, let alone detached from the in­
terior. Rather, the proxim ity of the sea renders longer-distance
contacts possible, w hich is reflected in the application of w hat
appear to be ‘exotic’ solutions in architectural practices th a t are
also partly rooted in local and regional traditions.
7
A regional p e rs p e c t i v e : t h e Fl emish c o a s t a l
plain in t h e early middl e a g e s
In exploring the factors th a t determ ined the degree to w hich
com m unities could become involved in this N o rth Sea culture,
it is instructive to zoom in to a more regional level, nam ely the
Flemish coastal plain.
The central and eastern parts o f this area feature perm anent
settlem ent from the 7 th century onwards.39 The predom inant
economic activity of the inhabitants of these salt marshes was
sheep pastoralism , and they were well connected to overseas
trad in g netw orks. U ntil the 8th century, the ceram ic assem ­
blages o f sites b o th in the coastal plain and on its Pleistocene
20
Cf. Gosselain 2000.
27
H o llev o eti9 9 i.
33
Id e m , 140,168.
21
Waterbolk 2 0 0 9 ,9 0 .
28
B estem an i990.
34
Van Es & Verwers 1995.
22
Theuws 1996,758.
29
Van der Velde & Dijkstra 2008,438.
35
H ollevoet 1991,189.
23
Van der Velde & Dijkstra 2008,437.
30
Theuws 1996,756; Dijkstra 2 0 0 4 ,3 9 9 .
36
Dijkstra e ta l. 2006,65-67.
24
Bult & Hallewas (eds) 1990,155-161.
31
Marshall & Marshall 1993,379; H ollevoet
37
Hamerow 1999,125-126.
*5
Notably H illewaert & H ollevoet 2006.
2002,173.
38
Besteman 1990,103; Theuws 1996,759.
26
E.g. W oltering 19 75,28.
32
39
Ervynck eta l. 1999; Loveluck & Tys 2006.
Dijkstra & van der Velde 2008,162.
P . D E C K E R S & D . TYS
edge are dom inated by chaff-tem pered pottery, thus displaying
th eir close social and cultural ties w ith other areas of the N orth
Sea coasts. H igh-status estate centres are only to be found on the
Pleistocene edge of the coastal plain.
Despite a comparable physical environm ent, the situation in
the west differs greatly. In the dunes near De Panne, num erous
stray finds show the probable location of a M erovingian cem­
etery and dem onstrate the intense occupation of the now mostly
eroded dune barrier. The metalwork and other finds, partly of
Frankish, partly of Anglo-Saxon type, po in t to the site’s wide
range of contacts.40
In the 8th century, the first signs of activity in the salt m arsh­
es behind the dune barrier appear. A t these early sites, chafftem pered pottery and Rhenish im ports are completely absent.
Instead, north ern French im ports dom inate. Clearly this was
an area belonging to a different sphere of influence, economi­
cally and perhaps culturally. W ritten evidence suggests the de­
velopment of property of the abbey of St B ertin in this area by
the m id-9th century, m ostly corresponding closely w ith areas of
archaeologically attested activity in the 8th —9th centuries. N ot
coincidentally, the abbey also held a settlem ent, probably w ith
adm inistrative and logistic functions, at Veurne. As such, this
area may be contrasted w ith the central and eastern parts of the
coastal plain: early perm anent settlem ent by free landholders,
em bedded into the social networks of the N orth Sea culture in
the east, as opposed to settlem ent connected w ith, or possibly
on the initiative of, the m onks of St Bertin, who exploited these
areas for wool and other products, in the west.41
From this, it is clear th a t structures of power influenced the
economic and social identities of coastal com m unities. In other
words, the regional social, economic and political environm ent
is as im portant as implied geographic or ethnic affiliations in u n ­
derstanding an apparently foreign or hybrid cultural assemblage.
8
Beyond t h e 8th c e nt ur y
From this point of view, developments from the 8th century on­
wards are enlightening. As m entioned before, this period sees
the disappearance of chaff-tempered pottery, the realignm ent to
a certain extent of domestic architecture w ith inland traditions,
and the emergence of regional languages around the N o rth Sea.
This is obviously not because overseas contact ceased. Rather,
an explanation m ust be sought in the socio-political context. It
m aybe that the emerging elites not only had a direct influence
on certain aspects of culture but also exerted a strict control on
m aritim e activity, thus lim iting the overseas exchange o f linguis­
tic and cultural features. The integration, or lack thereof, of re­
gions into the N orth Sea culture is therefore mainly a function of
the degree to which political elites controlled coastal landscapes
and were able to tie them into the economic and social networks
of the interior.42
Therefore, in addition to the form ation of regional kingdom s,
we may point to the greater interest o f the elites of the Carolingian period in overseas trade. Access to overseas netw orks was
centralised at certain locations where tolls could be collected,
notably the wic-sites.43 From the later 9 th cen tu ry onw ards,
political actors such as the C ounts of Flanders tightened th eir
grip on the coastal landscape by d raining and em banking great
expanses of w etland.44 In this way, the landscape was literally
closed off to overseas interaction, except at certain locations u n ­
der the control of those in power. This gradual im position of p o ­
litical power over m aritim e activity appears to have reached its
peak in the course of the 12th century. From this point onwards,
the only com m unities still involved in a N o rth Sea culture and
displaying close links w ith each other were the h arb o u r towns
and fishing villages.45
9
Conclusion
The characteristics o f the 6th- to 8th-century N o rth Sea cul­
tu re p artly have th eir origins in the preceding M igration p e­
riod. However, these features, together w ith innovations th a t
appeared only after the M igrations, were reproduced w ith in
a p articu lar dynam ic th a t m ay be explained th ro u g h the spe­
cific geographic circum stances. The sea allowed far-reaching
contacts betw een low -status com m unities, w hile the coastal
wetlands were difficult to control directly by the political elite
groups of the interior. O nly from the 8th, and certainly from the
10th century onwards, the increasing hold of centralised power
over these coastal areas resulted in a growing integration into
terrestrial networks and a decline of close overseas interaction
and mobility.
From a more theoretical perspective, this m aritim e culture
was not fundam entally different in nature from th a t found in­
land. Nonetheless, it has certain peculiar characteristics, notably
its hybrid, mobile, fluid nature and the central role it affords to
interaction between low-status com m unities. This in tu rn raises
questions about the m eaning of archaeological spatial and tem ­
poral variability an d regionality, an d the influence of factors
such as physical geography and political organisation on early
medieval social interaction and group identity.
A sim ila r exp lan atio n for th e d isappearance
43 E.g. M id d le to n 2005.
40
D eckers 2010.
42
41
D eckers fo rth co m in g .
o f chaff-tem pered wares h a s been suggested by
4 4 Tys 20 0 4 .
B lin k h o rn (1997,120).
45 E.g. W alraversijde (Tys & P ieters 2009).
E a r ly m e d ie v a l c o m m u n itie s a r o u n d th e N o r th Sea: a m a r itim e c u ltu r e ’?
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