When Mogadishu
Master thesis on the acculturation strategies, contacts, and needs
of Somali migrants living in Tilburg-North
meets Tilburg…
by Yvonne G.I.T. Cruijssen
Tilburg University
Faculty of Humanities
Management of Cultural Diversity
Student number
Supervisor
Second reader
Coordinator
180401
Dr. Jan Jaap de Ruiter
Dr. Tineke Nugteren
Dr. Hans Siebers
Table of contents
Prefacev
Abstract & Key words
vii
Somali abstract & Key words
viii
1Introduction
2
2Context
2.1
The Netherlands
2.1.1
The Netherlands as a multicultural society throughout the years 2.1.2
Policies and the public debate
2.1.2.1Policies
2.1.2.2
Public debate
2.1.2.3
Somalis as a topic of debate
i
6
6
8
8
9
10
2.2
2.2.1
2.2.2
Somalia10
History and politics
10
Language, religion, and social structures
13
2.3
2.3.1
2.3.2
2.3.3
2.3.4
2.3.5
Somali migrants in the Netherlands
Demographics Position in Dutch society: educational level, the labor market, housing, and health
Specific hurdles and opportunities Attitudes towards Dutch society
Somalis in the city of Tilburg(-North)
table of contents
14
14
15
16
17
17
3
Theoretical framework
3.1 3.1.1 3.1.2 3.1.3 3.1.4 Acculturation Theory20
The history of acculturation theory
20
Acculturation theory according to Berry
21
Phasing of refugees’ and asylum seekers’ acculturation strategies
23
Studies on Somali acculturation strategies
24
3.2 3.2.1 3.2.1.1 3.2.1.2 3.2.1.3 3.2.2 3.2.2.1 3.2.2.2 The contact hypothesis and social identity theory26
Contact hypothesis
26
Conditions for optimal contact
27
Studies on the contact hypothesis
27
Solely positive consequences?
28
Social identity theory
28
Consequences of group contact
29
Studies on social identity theory
30
3.3 3.3.1 3.3.2 The integration paradox 31
The integration paradox as a theoretical concept 31
The integration paradox with a focus on Somalis
32
4Method
4.1 4.1.1 4.1.2 Initial phase34
Designing the research questions
34
Designing the questionnaire and topic list
36
4.2 4.2.1 4.2.2 4.2.3 Data collection phase37
Respondents
37
Sample strategy
39
Data collection
40
4.3 4.3.1 4.3.2 Analysis phase41
Data documentation
41
Analysis 41
4.4 Research quality indicators42
4.4.1 Reliability
42
4.4.2 Validity
43
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
ii
5Results
5.1 Acculturation 46
5.1.1 Associations with ‘Somali’ and ‘Dutch’
46
5.1.2 Acculturation preferences for the individual
47
5.1.2.1 Contact
49
5.1.2.2 Islam
51
5.1.2.3 Adjusting to Dutch society
52
5.1.2.4 Upbringing
52
5.1.3 Acculturation preferences for the wider community
53
5.1.3.1 Contact
54
5.1.3.2 Acceptance
54
5.2 5.2.1 5.2.2 5.2.3 5.2.4 Contact55
Somali contacts
55
Non-Somali contacts
56
Contact hypothesis
59
Social identity theory
61
5.3 5.3.1 Needs63
Identified needs
63
6
Discussion and conclusion 6.1 Discussion66
6.1.1 Acculturation strategy 66
6.1.1.1 Studies on Somali acculturation strategies
66
6.1.1.2 Phasing 67
6.1.1.3 Dutch policies
68
6.1.2 Contact
68
6.1.2.1 Positive evaluation
69
6.1.2.2 Discrimination
70
6.1.2.3 The contact hypothesis and social identity theory 71
6.1.3 Low needs 72
6.2 6.2.1 6.2.2 6.2.3 6.2.4 iii
Conclusion73
Research question 1
73
Research question 2
74
Research question 3
76
Generalizability 76
table of contents
7
Implications for policies, limitations,
and recommendations
7.1 Implications for policies 80
7.2 7.2.1 7.2.2 7.2.3 7.2.4 7.2.5 Limitations81
Acculturation theory
81
Social identity theory
81
Selection of the theoretical concepts studied
82
Sampling
82
Researcher 83
7.3 Recommendations and directions for future research83
References86
Appendixes
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
91
iv
Preface
In my spare time I tend to go running. Usually, I have severe difficulties motivating myself
to give my training a start. I often find myself standing in front of my closet, caught up in
an internal fight over whether I should dress to go running or not. When I am finally in
my sports clothes and leave the house, the initial stage of the training usually is tough.
I wonder why on earth I decided to do this to myself. Why run? Why? This lasts a while,
until I reach a certain flow. In this flow I am absolutely delighted by running. Sometimes it
lasts throughout the training, more often however, at some point I lose the flow and have
to motivate myself to keep on going, not to give up. I force myself to continue and usually
I reach the flow again. And then, the sight of my front door, the last step, the quick look at
my watch; trophies of the efforts made. Taking a shower afterwards is the best thing in the
world. Satisfaction is all there is left.
Quite often, my thesis project reminded me of these trainings. I had severe difficulties
to come up with an exact topic and research question. Uncertainty and doubts stopped me
from really entering the project. After one and a half year of very hard work in courses at the
university, I found it difficult to motivate myself to start up the largest academic project I
had ever conducted. My physical condition was not very helpful in this as well. My supervisor, Jan Jaap de Ruiter was the one to push me into a real start. He asked me what I really
wanted to study and then, all of a sudden, the answer came out and I reached my flow. Some
critical remarks by my second reader, Tineke Nugteren at the research proposal and defense
meeting caused uncertainty, but in retrospect, they only improved the quality of the thesis
and my line of reasoning. All in all, this thesis project had its ups and downs; I struggled,
and I mastered. I look back at it with great satisfaction, it almost feels like I am taking a
shower with two years of hard work in mind.
v
preface
Successfully finalizing this thesis project was only possible with the support of many
people. I want to mention some. First and foremost, there are my respondents. I could not
thank them enough for allowing me into their world and taking the time to do so. Though,
the respondents could not have been reached without the assistance of Mariëtte Baars
(SNV Brabant Centraal), Thea van Blitterswijk (het Ronde Tafelhuis), Arno Brekelmans,
Hodo Hassan (Gemeente Tilburg), Halima Özen- el Hajoui (het Ronde Tafelhuis), and Bob
Voermans. Mohammed Elmi deserves a special thanks since he was willing to inform me
about the Somali community, their difficulties, and strengths. Furthermore, he was always
available to answer my questions throughout the project and even translated my abstract
into Somali. The volunteers of SSGE (Stichting Somalische Gemeenschap Eindhoven) also
informed me about the situation of Somali migrants in the Netherlands. They offered me
their time and valuable insights. Not by any means less important was my supervisor, Jan
Jaap de Ruiter. His academic and interpersonal skills have been of great importance. Thank
you Jan Jaap. My second reader, Tineke Nugteren, is the next to thank. With her critical
remarks, she helped me put this thesis to a higher and desired level. I really appreciate it.
Those who are left are people of personal importance. My mother, Jolanda, Lieke, Nannie,
thank you for being there for me. Frans and Mariëtte, I am very grateful for all the time you
took to read my work. Martijn and Marieke, thank you for your remarks. Then, the most important person is left to thank. Joost. Thank you very much for being there for me, for being
that patient and caring, and for making this thesis look as beautiful as it does.
Yvonne Cruijssen, August 2012
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
vi
Abstract
This thesis focusses on Somali migrants. During the last three decades Somalis have been
migrating to the Netherlands. The Somali migrants had and still have to find their place in
Dutch society which is becoming increasingly super-diverse (Blommaert & Rampton, 2011).
Despite this super-diversity, the Netherlands has experienced a shift from multiculturalism
and/or integration policies towards assimilation policies, which most likely has its effects
on the Somali population living in the Netherlands. The study investigated and explained
Somali migrants’ relations with their close environments by focusing on three topics. First,
Somali preferences in acculturation strategies (Berry, 1990, 2005, 2006) were assessed.
Second, their type of contacts with their neighborhood residents have been assessed.
Furthermore, it was studied what theory could explain these contacts: the contact hypothesis (Allport, 1954) or the social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1986). Third, respondents’
needs towards their neighborhood were investigated. The population studied were Somalis
living in the northern part of Tilburg. Questionnaires and semi-structured interviews were
used to obtain qualitative data from 11 Somali respondents. The main findings were a preference for those acculturation strategies reflecting integration and multiculturalism and a
high motivation to connect positively with neighborhood residents with a wide variety of
cultural and ethnic backgrounds. The contact in general was perceived as positive and as to
gradually improve over time. Therefore, it was connected with the contact hypothesis. The
few negative views on contact that were presented by the respondents were explained with
the integration paradox (Buijs, Demant, & Hamdy, 2006). The respondents hardly formulated needs towards their neighborhoods. In general, a high level of satisfaction about their
social situation was found among the respondents.
Key words
acculturation strategies, contact hypothesis, integration paradox, social identity theory,
Somali community, Somali migrants, super-diversity
vii
abstract
Somali abstract
Cilmi baaristaan wuxuu ku saabsanyaha qurbojoogtada Soomaalida ah. Ku dawaad 30ka
saano oo la soo dhaafay Soomaali aa u soo guurayeen dalka Netherlands (Holland). Dadka
Soomaalida oo Netherlands deggan weli waxay raadinooyaan boos habboon in ey ka dhex
helaan bulshada Netherlands, kuwaas oo bulsho aad iyo aad u kala duwan ah (Blommaert
& Rampton, 2011). Bulshadaas oo sidaas aad u kala duwan aa waxay ka tagooyaan nadaam
dowladeedka oo ku haboon bulshooyinka kala duwan, oo waxay ku dhaqaaqoyaan nadaam
dowladeed oo dadka ku qasbaayo in ey bulshada Nederlandeeska camal ey u dhaqmaan,
nadaamkaan cusub ey ugu badantahay in oo bulshada Soomaalida oo Netherlands qaban
doono. Cilmi baaristaan waxay baartay Soomaalida xiriirka ee la leeyahiin agagaarkooda
anaga oo fiirineyna 3 qeybood. Kowdi, Soomaalida waxay u dhawyihiin wax la yidhaah ‘acculturation strategies’ (Berry, 1990, 2005, 2006). Ka dib waxaa la baaray xiriirka oo ka dhexeeyo bulshada Soomaalida oo Netherlands deggan iyo waxaa la fiiriyey sharaxaada ugu fiican xirriirkaas xubinta bulshadaas, sharaxaada ku haboon waa ‘contact hypothesis’ (Allport,
1954) ama ‘social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1986). Sedaxaadna, waxaa la baaray dadka
la wareystay waxay uga baahanyihiin bulshadooda. Dadka la baaray waa Soomaalida deggan
woqooyida magaalada Tilburg. Waxaa la isticmaalay su’aalo iyo waareysi oo laga qaaday 11
qof, sidaas waxaa ku helnay warbixin oo qiimo leh. Warbixinta ugu badan aa helnay waaxaa
aragnay in dadka u dhawyihiin ‘acculturation strategies’ oo ka muuqata dhex galka bulshada iyo dhex degganaashada bulshooyin kala duwan iyo waxay rabaan in ey sii wanaagsan u
la xiriiraan dad ka mid ah bulshooyinka kale. Xiriirka waxay u arkaan in oo sii wanaagsan
uu dhacaayo iyo in oo soo fiicnaanooyo. Sidaas darteed waxay xiriir la leedahay ‘contact
hypothesis’. Jawaabooyinka tirada yar oo dadka dhaheyn in ey xiriirka fiicneyn waxaa lagu
sharaxi kara ‘integration paradox’ (Buijs, Demant, & Hamdy, 2006). Dadka arrimo badan ma
sheegin ey uga baahanyihiin bulshadooda. Sii guud haddi loo fiiriyo dadka aad iyo aad ey
ugu qanacsanyihiin nolashooda bulshadeed.
Key words
acculturation strategies, contact hypothesis, integration paradox, social identity theory,
Somali community, Somali migrants, super-diversity
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
viii
1
introduction
1Introduction
The Netherlands is and has been a diverse society for a long period of history. From the
nineteen sixties onwards the diversity increased rapidly and currently there are no signs
that the growing diversity will come to an end. Scholars indicate societies to have become
super-diverse, which implies that members of different cultural and ethnic groups live
together, scattered and mixed (Blommaert & Rampton, 2011; Vertovec, 2011). Although particularly in cities, the Netherlands shows many signs of super-diversity.
The Netherlands is a country with over 16 and a half million residents, of which almost
three and a half million have at least one parent who has been born abroad (Centraal Bureau
voor de Statistiek [CBS], 2012). This means that more than 20 percent of the Dutch population has an ethnic background other than, or not solely, Dutch. Dutch society in total
represents more than 190 nationalities (Multicultureel Vakmanschap, 2012). Among these
nationalities, Somali has been represented from the nineteen eighties onwards (Max Planck
Institute for the Study of Religious and Ethnic Diversity [MPI-MMG], 2012).
Somali migrants came to the Netherlands mainly as refugees due to ongoing wars and
unrests in their home country. In 2010, more than 27 thousand Somalis were registered
in the Dutch municipal database, which means that less than one percent of the Dutch
migrant population has a Somali background (CBS, 2012; Dourleijn & Dagevos, 2011; Van
Heelsum, 2011). Nonetheless, the Dutch government identifies Somalis as one of the largest
‘new migrant groups’ together with for instance Afghans, Iraqis, and Iranians (Dourleijn &
Dagevos, 2011).
The increasing (ethnocultural) diversity leading to an occurrence of super-diversity has
numerous implications for Dutch society and its members. Three examples are provided.
First, on the macro level, governmental and municipal policies have to suit the situation
and offer answers to a large amount of challenges presented by a super-diverse society.
Second, on the meso level, neighborhoods need to suit the needs of their residents. Third,
on the micro level, in their neighborhoods, individuals have to find a way to live together
despite cultural differences. The implications of super-diversity often are not easily dealt
with. They raise challenges and difficulties. Academic research can play an important role
in processes concerning diversity, for example by increasing knowledge about specific cultural and ethnic groups and their surroundings.
Many studies that focus on Turks, Moroccans, Antilleans, and Surinamese have been
conducted. These groups have obtained their position in Dutch society, and academic research, for a longer period than the new migrant groups to which Somalis belong. Although
less extensively, there has been some research on Somalis, partly because they became an
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
2
important new group of immigrants, but also because they are often held accountable for
problems, for example because of cultural aspects such as khat use and female circumcision (Van Heelsum, 2011).
Despite several exceptions, relatively few studies on Somalis living in the Netherlands
have been conducted during the last few decades. However, studies on their socioeconomic
position in Dutch society and perceived difficulties increased since the beginning of this
millennium. Most studies were based on quantitative data and therefore offered little
insight in rationales. Information about for example Somali traits is available, but information on evaluations and needs towards Dutch society have not been highlighted much.
The studies conducted present several surprising, though sometimes contradicting
findings. Studies that cover a decade (from 2001 to 2011), on one hand found a high unemployment rate, a low level of education, and Somalis indicating to be provided with little
opportunities in Dutch society which caused a large number of Dutch Somalis to relocate to
for example England. On the other hand, Somalis increasingly indicated to feel at home in
Dutch society. This is surprising since low socioeconomic opportunities could have easily
led to a low or lowered assessment of Dutch society.
In general, a gap in research on Somalis living in the Netherlands seems to be the lack of
attention for Somali perceptions on Dutch society and their position in it. Vertovec (2011)
suggests that studies on the effect of contact between members of different groups are essential to understand the (possibly positive) effects of contact. This thesis aims to fill the
gap and focusses on the way in which Somalis connect with and relate to their neighborhood residents and how this can be explained. It aims to provide insight in Dutch Somali
perceptions. This could offer clues for policymakers on how to connect their policies to
the actual needs of Somalis. Furthermore, it can enrich the academic knowledge on Somali
contacts and offer explanations about the effects of these contacts.
In order to gain knowledge about Somali contacts, their assessments, and explanations
of these contacts, this thesis addresses three questions. The first question aims to offer
insight in Somali preferences on acculturation strategies (Berry, 1990, 2005, 2006). The second question assesses their contacts with neighborhood residents and a possible explanation of the traits of these contacts. It is assessed if the contact hypothesis (Allport, 1954) or
the social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1986) are suitable to explain the type of contacts.
The third question focusses on Somali needs towards their neighborhood and their neighborhood contacts. The questions and their sub questions are presented on page 35.
The theoretical concepts that occur in the research questions show an interdependence.
Ward and Leong (2006) reflect this in a figure that provides an overview of the theoretical
approaches to the study of intercultural relations in plural societies. This figure is provided
as Figure 1.1.
3
introduction
Groups
Research traditions
Dominant
Non-Dominant
ethnocultural groups
ethnocultural groups
Social psychology:
• Integrated Threat Theory
inter-group research
• Instrumental Model of
• Social Identity Theory
Group Conflict
• Contact hypothesis
• Theory of Common Ingroup Identity
Cross-cultural psychology:
• Interactive Acculturation
acculturation research
Model
• Model of acculturation
attitudes
Theoretical approaches to the study of intercultural relations in plural societies (Ward & Leong, 2006, p. 485).
Figure 1.1
Clearly, this thesis focusses on Somalis, who take up less than one percent of Dutch
population and therefore are a non-dominant ethnocultural group in Dutch (plural) society.
Since this thesis aims to provide a complete picture of Somali connections with their environments, both acculturation attitudes and intergroup contact are focused on. Intergroup
contact is examined by means of both the social identity theory and the contact hypothesis.
The study has been conducted by means of qualitative research. The data collection consisted of both questionnaires and semi-structured interviews. The respondents in the study
were Somalis living in Tilburg-North. The study was conducted during a period of three
months, from April to June 2012.
This thesis provides the necessary information to gain an understanding of the study.
In chapter 2, relevant contextual information is provided on three areas; the Netherlands,
Somalia, and Somali migrants in the Netherlands. In chapter 3, the theoretical framework
of the study is presented. It focusses on acculturation theory (Berry, 1990, 2005, 2006),
the contact hypothesis (Allport, 1954), and social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1986).
Furthermore, some attention is paid to a concept relevant to studies focusing on contacts and acculturation; the integration paradox (Buijs, Demant, & Hamdy, 2006). Chapter
4 elaborates on the methods of the study and presents the exact research questions.
Subsequently, in chapter 5 the empirical results of the study on three topics: acculturation,
contacts, and needs are presented. Chapter 6 is the discussion and conclusion chapter. The
thesis is finalized with chapter 7 which deals with implications for policies, limitations,
and recommendations. As mentioned, the focus first turns to the contextual information.
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
4
5
context
2Context
This chapter focusses on context. The starting point is the history of Dutch multicultural
society. Subsequently, the scope moves from the Netherlands to Somalia. History, politics,
and social structures are discussed. Finally, characteristics of Somalis living in the Netherlands are described.
The Netherlands
2.1
Since the thesis project was conducted in the Netherlands and focusses on Somali migrants
living in the Netherlands, this country and its history are described first. The description
focusses on the history of Dutch societal composition and the policies and public debate on
migration issues.
The Netherlands as a multicultural society throughout the years
2.1.1
During the last few decades, the Netherlands has become a more and more diverse society.
It goes without saying that diversity and the spread of people over the world is nothing new.
In the past though, Europeans often were the ones to move; Europe has been a continent
of emigration more than of immigration through the largest part of history (Extra, 2004).
A detailed and thorough description of every important factor in history leading towards
the current composition of Dutch society is beyond the scope of this thesis. Therefore, the
starting point of the description will be the nineteen sixties. This does not imply that highlights such as the foundation of the nation state and the colonization period, among many
others, are irrelevant elements in the history of the composition of Dutch society. In what
follows, significant periods contributing to Dutch society as it is today are presented. Figure
2.1 presents a chronological overview of these periods.
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
6
1960
Guest workers,
mainly from
Mediterranean
countries
1970
1980
Other immigrants,
Surinamese
people for
instance
1990
Refugees from
Europe, but other
continents as
well, for instance
Somalis from
Africa
present
The emergence
of a super-diverse
Dutch society
Open borders of countries in
Schengen area
Figure 2.1
Timeline presenting highlights in the road towards the emergence of a super-diverse Dutch society
In the nineteen sixties the first explicit signs of the Netherlands changing from an emigration country to one of immigration became visible. However, it must be mentioned that
flows of immigrants entering the Netherlands already were present for a long time, examples are Germans, Belgians, Portuguese Jews, and Moluccans from Indonesia (T. Engelen,
2009; Siebers & Mutsaers, 2011). Nonetheless, in the nineteen fifties, the Dutch government
still stimulated emigration to battle unemployment and overpopulation (T. Engelen, 2009;
Van Eijk, 1994). In 1961, a new phenomenon occurred: the immigration rate first exceeded
the emigration rate (Van Eijk, 1994). At that time it were mainly Spanish and Italian workers who entered the country (Van Eijk, 1994). Their number kept on growing and Turks,
Greeks, and Moroccans came to the Netherlands as well (Van Eijk, 1994). The Netherlands
welcomed its first ‘guest workers’ (Dutch: gastarbeiders), who settled in the Netherlands on
invitation from the Dutch government (Van Eijk, 1994). The initial idea was that they were
guests, helping out for a limited period of time and that they were to leave after their job
term was done. This turned out to be a miscalculation. Family reunification was what took
place instead (Stads, Spapens, & Van Doremalen, 2004). Therefore the Dutch terminology
shifted from ‘guest workers’ via ‘labor migrants’ (Dutch: arbeidsmigranten) to ‘foreigners’
(Dutch: allochtonen). The Dutch realized the ‘allochtonen’ were here to stay.
From the nineteen seventies onwards other groups of immigrants appeared. For instance, large groups of Surinamese people, who strictly were no foreigners, came to the
Netherlands after the independence of their country (T. Engelen, 2009). In the nineteen
eighties large groups of refugees came to the Netherlands as well. Refugees originated from
Eastern Europe, but also from other countries such as Iran, Afghanistan, and Somalia (De
Valk, Esveldt, Henkens, & Liefbroer, 2001). During the years, several causes motivated or
forced people from for example China, Vietnam, and Egypt to come to the Netherlands (De
Valk et al., 2001). Furthermore, in 1985 the Schengen area was created. It started with five
member states of the European Economic Community signing the Schengen agreement
which ruled out national border controls. Nowadays the Schengen area comprises the territories of 26 European countries that have implemented the Schengen Agreement. This
facilitates for example Polish people to work and live in the Netherlands (“Schengen Area,”
n.d.). In general it can be stated that the migration to the Netherlands over the last 50 years
in particular resulted in an increasingly cultural diverse society, a trend which Vertovec
(2011) has identified as super-diversity.
7
context
Super-diversity differs from ‘regular diversity’ in the sense that there are no longer a relatively small number of, easy to identify, migrant groups living in specific, easy to identify,
areas. Rather, there is a complex and dynamic interplay of variables which results in many
small and scattered migrant groups, resulting in a diverse population from numerous origins, who are connected with their relatives and friends both nationally and transnationally
(Blommaert & Rampton, 2011; Vertovec, 2011). Super-diversity can be identified in several
areas in the Netherlands, with the large cities in the ‘Randstad’ as the most apparent examples. However, many other parts of the country, such as the some parts of the city of Tilburg,
are slowly becoming less homogeneous and increasingly super-diverse as well. This change
of the Dutch society clearly has great consequences for Dutch society, and brings about
specific hurdles and opportunities. Therefore, super-diversity has implications for both the
political and public debate, which are the next topics of discussion.
Policies and the public debate
2.1.2
Somalis, just as other migrant groups, are influenced by policies and public debates. Together, policies and public debate have an impact on perceptions and discourses in society.
Furthermore, they have an effect on concrete opportunities people have and get. Therefore,
both policies and public debates need attention in order to create a clear contextual picture
of the Netherlands and the position of migrants in Dutch society.
Policies
2.1.2.1
Kroon and Spotti (2011) indicate that in first instance, governmental policies on minorities
focused on both the integration into Dutch society and the maintenance of heritage cultures. Throughout the years however, integration received more attention and the heritage
cultures slowly disappeared from the policy agenda (Kroon & Spotti, 2011). In 1989, the Governmental Advisory Body (Dutch: Wetenschappelijke Raad voor het Regeringsbeleid; WRR)
advised the government to emphasize integration more specifically. Based on this advice
the minority policy (integration combined with stimulation of heritage culture maintenance) was replaced by an integration policy in 1994 (Ghorashi, 2010). Ghorashi states that
policies increasingly started to reflect forced assimilation. Allen, Basilier Vaage, and Hauff
(2006) also mention that from 1990 onwards multiculturalism and integration more and
more came under attack. In the Netherlands, in 2001, the new ‘vreemdelingenwet’, which
was more restrictive, was implemented (Dourleijn & Dagevos, 2011). Throughout the years
changes have been made in the immigration policies. The outgoing Rutte administration
with minister Leers on the portfolio of immigration, integration, and asylum, presently
implemented even more strict immigration policies.
The growing diversity forced policy makers to provide solutions and answers to several challenges (Vertovec, 2011). Koopmans (2009) refers to Duyvendak (2008), E. Engelen
(2008), and Spijkerboer (2007) who all conclude that the Dutch integration policy throughout the years has declined and has been replaced with policies particularly aiming at the assimilation of migrants. Koopmans (2009) doubts whether this position is correct and refers
to Maussen (2006) and Poppelaars and Scholten (2008) who state that despite the public
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
8
and political national debate, which both advocate for a radical change in policies, mainly
focusing on (Islamic) minorities, the regional and local policymakers continue to enable
pluralistic policies. Koopmans (2009) even states that Dutch national policies, in comparison
to those of other European countries, are pluralistic and offer minorities a relative equality of
rights. He explains that two decennia of multicultural policies have led to a large number of
organizations advocating the rights and needs of minorities, all contributing to the maintenance of the multicultural policy and the associated amounts of money. Koopmans (2009)
does state that the denominator changed. Currently, the terminology that tends to be used is
‘diversity policies’ instead of ‘multicultural policies’. Instead of aiming at the maintenance
of heritage culture and identity, the focus is on stimulating equal participation. However, according to Koopmans (2009), this is aimed at with traditional aims and policies. On the other
hand, the position claiming that rights and needs of minorities are being protected can be
argued against, for example with the statement by the ‘kinderombudsman’ Marc Dullaert. He
says the insecurity of asylum seekers and especially their children caused by Dutch policies
violates UN treaties (“VN-veroordeling,” 2012)
In general, it can be stated that Dutch policies throughout the years have become more
restrictive: civic integration courses have become more obliging and the education in allochthonous living languages as well as the ‘Wet Samen’, which aimed at the stimulation of labor
participation of ethnic minorities by obliging employers to register the ethnic background of
their personnel, have been abolished (Koopmans, 2009). It can be concluded that consensus
on the actual nature of the (changing) policies has not been reached, but the facts show that
some changes towards less attention for the heritage language and culture indeed have taken
place, which has an impeding effect on integration and increasingly focusses the attention
on assimilation.
2.1.2.2
Public debate
Not solely the policies changed, the tone of several players in the public debate has altered as
well. From the nineteen nineties onwards, the topic of problems caused by migrants, or ‘allochtonen’, arose in Dutch societal and political discourse. Van Nieuwkerk (2006) signals that
from this period onwards the discourse on migrants increasingly started to focus on Islam.
Frits Bolkestein, prominent member of the liberal VVD party, can serve as an example
of the changing discourse. In 1991, he caused commotion by stating that the integration of
minorities should be handled ‘with guts’ (Dutch: met lef) (Prins, 2002). Another key figure in
the Netherlands contributing to the rise of a more ‘though’ discourse on minorities was Paul
Scheffer, member of the PvdA, a socialist party, expressing that Dutch multicultural society
had failed. In a newspaper article (Scheffer, 2000), he pleaded for a stricter policy towards
efforts that had to be made by minorities in order to succeed in Dutch society. According to
Prins (2002), in contrast to Scheffers intentions of signaling a disadvantaged position, others
often interpreted this article as a (political left-wing) call for the assimilation of minorities.
Furthermore, the twin tower attacks in 2001, the political discourse of the (assassinated)
politician Pim Fortuyn in 2002, and the murder of Theo Van Gogh (2004) by Mohammed
Bouyeri, who was driven by Van Gogh’s views on Muslims, all contributed to a more critical
public and political debate on topics such as integration, with a specific focus on Muslims.
9
context
In summary, a culmination of factors, some of which described above, resulted in the
occurrence of an increased migrant hostile discourse in Dutch politics, media, and society as a whole. Currently, some politicians and public figures in the media express strong
concerns about the future of the Netherlands with respect to the cultural diverse society.
The most prevalent example is Geert Wilders and his PVV. It must be mentioned that other,
more moderate, few points are presented on a regular basis by both public figures and politicians. For instance, the sometimes quite extreme presentations of the viewpoints of the
PVV are being criticized both on content and packaging by other political parties.
Somalis as a topic of debate
2.1.2.3
In this changing debate, Somalis have been a topic of discussion as well. They are said not
to be able to integrate well into Dutch society and to experience specific difficulties that
deteriorate their opportunities (Van den Reek & Hussein, 2003; Van Heelsum, 2011). Some
examples are a high incidence of traumatized individuals, Somali parents holding on to
Somali norms such as female circumcision, and the use of, the recently proscribed, drug
khat (Van Heelsum, 2011). The difficulties with integration are reflected in a low level of
education of the youth compared to youngsters from various other backgrounds, as well
as a high level of unemployment, again compared to several other groups such as Iraqis,
Afghans, and Iranians (Van Heelsum, 2011). To gain a deeper understanding of the Somali
population in the Netherlands, it is helpful to bear the situation in their country of origin in
mind. Therefore, the next section of this literature review focusses on Somalia, its history,
demographics, and political situation.
Somalia
2.2
Somalia is a country situated in the horn of Africa at the Indian Ocean and the Gulf of Aden.
It is about 16 times larger than the Netherlands. In 2009, Unicef estimated the population
at 9.133.000 (Unicef, 2010). Figure 2.2 on the next page shows Somalia in the context of the
continent of Africa and Figure 2.3 provides a more detailed map of Somalia. In the following, Somali history and politics are described. Subsequently, language, religion, and social
structures receive attention.
History and politics
2.2.1
Somalia has recently known a turbulent history of wars and unrest which led to large
streams of refugees leaving the country. Some of these refugees have settled in the Netherlands. Somalia’s recent history can roughly be divided in three phases; the colonization period, the period of the Barre regime, and the present situation. The former is described first.
In the second half of the 19th century, Somalia became a colony. It was colonized by
the French, the British, and the Italian, who divided the country in five parts. Two parts
came under control of other countries. One of these parts was ‘The Ogaden’ which bordered
Ethiopia and fell into Ethiopian hands, whereas a southern part became Kenyan property
(Van Heelsum, 2011).
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
10
djibouti
Sanaag
Woqooyi
Galbeed
Togdheer
Bari
somalia
Nugaal
ethiopia
Mudug
Galguduud
somalia
Bakool
Hiraan
Shabeellaha
Dhexe
Gedo
Bay
Jubbada
Dhexe
kenya
Figure 2.2
Somalia in the continent of Africa1
Figure 2.3
Banaadir
Shabeellaha
Hoose
Mogadishu
Jubbada
Hoose
Detailed map of Somalia2
The current Somali republic arose after British Somaliland in the North united
with Italian Somalia in the South (Van den Tillaart, Olde Monnikhof, Van den Berg, &
Warmerdam, 2000). The ideal of the newly installed government (1960) was to reunite all
five parts in accordance with the pan-Somali thought: all Somalis living together in one
country (Van Heelsum, 2011). Attempts to reach this unity failed. The political structure
of the, smaller than attempted, united Somalia was that of a multiparty system, inspired
by European standards, which immediately turned out to be problematic due to the long
standing Somali clan structures and their rivalry (Van den Tillaart et al., 2000). Clans are
based on descent and play a considerable role in the life of Somalis. Internal solidarity,
regulation of conflict, and the effective division of tasks are some markers of clans, as well
as inter clan conflicts (Van Heelsum, 2011).
After nine years of independence, in 1969, Mohamed Siyad Barre, who soon turned out
to be a dictator, seized power. At first, he introduced important policy changes such as
the introduction of certain health and educational facilities (Van den Tillaart et al., 2000).
Furthermore, he aimed at reducing the illiteracy rate and wanted to minimize clan power
and inter clan fights (Van den Tillaart et al., 2000). Barre constitutionally declared women
to be equal to men and got a lot of support from the Somali population. This support diminished when the regime slowly turned into a dictatorship (Van den Tillaart et al., 2000).
Resistance followed which caused a cruel civil war in 1976 (Hessels, 2000). Furthermore,
conflicts with neighboring countries such as Kenya and Ethiopia occurred because Barre
claimed their territory to be Somali due to Somali nomads living there (Van den Tillaart et
al., 2000). These conflicts led to the Ogaden war with Ethiopia in 1977 and 1978 in which
Somalia was defeated with great force (Van den Tillaart et al., 2000; Van Heelsum, 2011).
This war took an enormous number of lives. The Ogaden war meant the beginning of the
1
Geoatlas®. (Carthographer). (2001). Africa globe political [Demographic map].
Geoatlas®. (Carthographer). (2001). Africa political [Demographic map].
2
11
context
djibouti
somalia
ethiopia
Federal Republic of Somalia
Republic of Somaliland
Islamic Emirate of Somalia
kenya
Unaligned or neutral
Somali Majority Territories
Political situation in Somalia3 (May 2012)
Figure 2.4
end for Barre. A drought and ongoing human rights violation caused opposition and another civil war. In 1991, this war led to the defeat of Barre and caused an endless stream of
refugees to neighboring countries, the disappearance of governmental agencies, and inter
clan clashes (Hessels, 2000; Van den Tillaart et al., 2000).
After Barre, the United Somali Congress did not succeed in uniting the country (Van den
Tillaart et al., 2000). The lack of a central government with authority led to armed conflicts
between clans, a disintegration of the country, and a poor human rights situation (Van
Heelsum, 2011). This caused a continuation of the stream of refugees fleeing the county
(Van den Tillaart et al., 2000).
The last 20 years, there have been some changes in the governmental structure of
Somalia. British Somaliland became independent on a unilateral basis and in 1998,
Puntland became autonomous as well (Van Heelsum, 2011). Until today, Somalia has no
central government (Van Heelsum, 2011). In 2000, a central government was elected, but
it does not control the entire country (Mous & Ruumi, 2001). Somalia is still determined
by clan structures and mainly consists of small areas ruled by warlords. War and uncertainty are illustrative of the political and social situation in the country (“Somalische
burgeroorlog,” n.d.). The instability is not only internal; Somalia is still involved in the
long-drawn conflict with Ethiopia about territorial borders (“Somalische burgeroorlog,”
n.d.). Difficulties in resolving the instable situation are plentiful and include clan pride and
rivalry over scarce resources (Van Heelsum, 2011). Figure 2.4 illustrates the present political situation and provides an overview of the areas that do not belong to Somalia but are
claimed to be Somali. The scattered situation is clearly visualized by this map.
3
This map is a combination of the following sources: Geoatlas®. (Carthographer). (2001). Africa
political [Demographic map]. And: Dahl, J. (Carthographer). (2010). Political Situation in Somalia, May 25 2012 [Demographic map]. Retrieved from: http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/
File:Somalia_map_states_regions_districts.png
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
12
Somalia is scarred by its past. The civil wars caused economic, educational, and safety
problems as well as famine (Van Heelsum, 2011). All this resulted in many casualties and
large numbers of Somalis leaving their country (Van Heelsum, 2011). Exact ratings about the
situation in the country are not available. The Human Development Report Office (HDRO,
2011) has never reported about the Human Development Index (HDI) of Somalia since no
data were available. In general, the country is considered to be insecure. In July 2012, the
Dutch ministry of foreign affairs advises against travelling to Somalia, with exception of the
northern region of Somaliland.
2.2.2
Language, religion, and social structures
Culture consists of many elements, of which language, religion, and social structures are
important examples. Somalia is unique in Africa due to its small linguistic and religious diversity. Most Somalis share the same (bantu) language, Somali. Somali shares the status of
official language with Arabic. Since 1974, Somali has been the official language in education
(Van den Tillaart et al., 2000). Despite educational efforts, many Somalis are illiterate. In
2008 only 24 percent of the female Somali population was literate and the figure of male literacy is unknown (Unicef, 2010). Van den Reek (2001) estimates the literacy rate in Somalia
at 36 percent for men and 16 percent for women. The Somali culture mainly focuses on oral
communication (Van den Reek, 2001). For Somalis, language is a strong marker of identity,
unity, and nationality. As an example, a Somali person by law is determined as someone
who speaks Somali (Mous & Ruumi, 2001). Besides Somali and Arabic, English and Italian
are spoken as a result of the colonial past (Van den Reek, 2001).
Similar to language, Somalia also shows strong homogeneity in religiosity. Islam is the
dominant religion and unites the Somalis (Hessels, 2000; Mous & Ruumi, 2001; Van den
Tillaart et al., 2000; Van Heelsum, 2011). Already in the 7th century, the first Muslim communities were founded at the coast facilitated by the trade with the Middle East (Van Heelsum,
2011). The absolute majority of Somalis is Sunni Muslim and prefers the Sha’afi interpretation of the Sharia (Mous & Ruumi, 2001). This interpretation has similarities to Moroccan
Islam and causes Somalis who live abroad to often visit Moroccan mosques. Van Heelsum
(2011) speaks about a majority of Somali Muslims who adhere to the Qadiriya movement,
a mild interpretation of Islam that allows smoking, using khat, and dancing at weddings
for instance. For Somalis Islam is a way of life, highly influencing the Somali culture and
determining all aspects of life (Hessels, 2000). In both urban and rural areas in Somalia
the Koran school is valued highly (Van den Reek, 2001). However, visiting a mosque is less
important for Somali Muslims which is most likely linked to the nomadic way of life in
Somalia. For Somalis, praying can be done everywhere, for example in the home, the desert,
or on the back of an animal (Van Heelsum, 2011).
At least half of the Somali people are nomads travelling as shepherds together with their
herd (Hessels, 2000). The often nomadic Somali community is divided by clans which
are confined by family ties and consist of large numbers of people (Hessels, 2000; Van
Heelsum, 2011). Hessels (2000) described that the six distinct Somali clans to a large extent
determine legal and social norms. Van Heelsum (2011) adds that the clans are divided in
many sub clans. The clans are decisive in all facets of daily life such as politics and social
13
context
life (Hessels, 2000; Van Heelsum, 2011). Clan members internally show a great level of solidarity whereas externally clans and sub clans show great rivalry amongst each other (Van
Heelsum, 2011).
Somali migrants in the Netherlands
2.3
The previous section offered an insight into life in Somalia, Somali traditions, politics, and
social structures. The focus now turns to Somalis living in the Netherlands. Demographics
and education, the labor market, housing, and health are discussed, as well as specific opportunities and difficulties perceived by Somalis. Furthermore, attention is paid to Somali
attitudes towards Dutch society. Finally, the focus shifts from the wider to the more narrow
perspective when the situation of Somalis in Tilburg(-North) is described.
Demographics
2.3.1
As mentioned previously, Somali migrants came to the Netherlands from the nineteen
eighties onwards. The first year Somali migrants settled in the Netherlands was 1987 (MPIMMG, 2012). The turbulent recent Somali history with its Barre-regime, civil wars, and
famines caused Somalis to flee the country. The majority found shelter in neighboring
countries. A small group of them fled to Europe. Most Somalis who entered the Netherlands
did so via Somalia's neighboring counties such as Djibouti, Kenya, Ethiopia, and Egypt (Van
den Reek, 2001).
The Dutch ministry of internal affairs and kingdom relations defines Somali people
as one of the largest ‘new migrant groups’ residing in the Netherlands (Hessels, 2000).
New migrant groups are groups that migrated to the Netherlands in the 1980’s and 1990’s
(Hessels, 2000). Together with the United Kingdom, the Netherlands shelters the highest
number of Somali people in the European Union (Hessels, 2000). Among the few thousand
Somalis who have been entering the Netherlands each year, a considerable amount came
without parents (Dutch: Alleenstaande Minderjarige Asielzoekers, in short AMA’s) (Hessels,
2000). Several authors mention that the Somali population in the Netherlands in general is
very young (Hessels, 2000; Van den Reek & Hussein, 2003; Dourleijn & Dagevos, 2011). Since
Somali migrants have been migrating to the Netherlands only relatively recently, most of
the adult Somalis in the Netherlands are first generation migrants.
In 2010, 27.011 Somalis were registered in the Dutch municipal database, 55 percent
male, and 45 percent female (Dourleijn & Dagevos, 2011; Van Heelsum, 2011). The number
of people of Somali origin living in the Netherlands has been fluctuating. Peaks were visible in 1995 and after 2007, a drop has been identified during the first five years of the new
millennium. The peaks can be related to political situations, in first instance the fall of the
Barre-regime (the peak followed a few years later since refugees came to Europe with some
delay). The second peak was caused by the unstable situation in the south connected to
warlords, clan rivalry, and failed foreign interference in the conflicts (Van Heelsum, 2011).
The drop was caused by a mass relocation of Somali migrants from the Netherlands to the
United Kingdom. Nonetheless, the Netherlands has proven to have a certain attraction on
Somalis. Van Heelsum (2011) describes that the Netherlands is not explicitly chosen as a tar-
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
14
get country, but according to her, Somali people do assess it as a country in which they have
fair chances to obtain a residence permit. This was influenced by the Dutch ‘categoriaal
beschermingsbeleid’ (a policy that grants immigrants from certain dangerous areas, such as
Somalia, a residence permit) (Dourleijn & Dagevos, 2011; Van Heelsum, 2011).
Concerning education, several sources (Hessels, 2000; Mous & Ruumi, 2001; Van den
Reek & Hussein, 2003) indicate Somali Dutch to be a homogeneous group of highly educated townsmen, capable to pay for traveling to Europe. However, Van den Tillaart et al.
(2000) and Van den Reek and Hussein (2003) add that Somali migrants in many cases do
not attend Dutch education, which is problematic since Somali diplomas are of very limited
value in the Netherlands. Van Heelsum (2011) and Dourleijn and Dagevos (2011) do not
agree on the statement that Somali migrants often have high levels of education, they state
the exact opposite. According to these scholars, 58 percent of the Somali population living
in the Netherlands did not reach a level exceeding primary school and only five percent
reached polytechnic or academic level. In their studies, no division was made between the
educational level prior to migration and after migration. The percentages are based on the
educational levels of 15 to 64-year old Somalis who were living in the Netherlands in 2009.
The different views on the educational levels between the older and more recent studies
can be explained by the relocation of a large number of Somali migrants in the first years of
this millennium (Van den Reek & Hussein, 2003). It is often said that the ones who left the
Netherlands were the more highly educated people who sensed to have more possibilities
in the United Kingdom (Van Heelsum, 2011).
In the Netherlands, most Somalis live in the provinces of Zuid-Holland and NoordBrabant, in particular in the cities of Rotterdam, The Hague, and Tilburg (Dourleijn &
Dagevos, 2011; Mous & Ruumi, 2001; Van Heelsum, 2011). In Tilburg, the main population
of Somalis is concentrated in the Northern part (Mous & Ruumi, 2001). This despite the
‘spreidingsbeleid’ and the ‘Regeling Opvang Asielzoekers’ of the Dutch government which
implies that Somalis decide to group together and are willing to move in order to be able to
do so (Van den Reek & Hussein, 2003).
2.3.2
Position in Dutch society: educational level, the labor market, housing, and health
The previous paragraph already offered a first insight in the educational level of Somali migrants. The position migrant groups have in a society is often highly influenced by factors
such as education and, connected to that, their chances at the labor market. The success on
these fields influences their situation concerning housing and health. These topics, connected to the Somali population in the Netherlands, are studied by several scholars and the
results are presented in the following.
The Somali population encounters many difficulties in Dutch society. Compared to
other immigrant minorities, such as Afghans, Iraqis, Iranians, and ‘autochthonous’ Dutch,
Somali adults as well as Somali children have a low level of education (Dourleijn & Dagevos,
2011; Klaver, Poel, & Stouten, 2010; Van Heelsum, 2011). Many Somali children struggle at
school and drop out of school twice as often compared to ‘autochthonous’ Dutch children
(Dourleijn & Dagevos, 2011; Van Heelsum, 2011). Moreover, Somali people have a relatively
high level of unemployment, even compared to other immigrant minorities (Dourleijn &
15
context
Dagevos, 2011; Van Heelsum, 2011). The Somalis who are employed often have low level
jobs. Once Somalis have been living in the Netherlands for a longer period of time, their
chances seem to increase and the employment rate rises (Van Heelsum, 2011).
Concerning housing, Somalis often live in highly diverse boroughs, most often in
rental houses (Dourleijn & Dagevos, 2011; Van Heelsum, 2011). Forty percent of the group
of Somalis who have been living in the Netherlands for less than 10 years lives in these
kind of boroughs, whereas of the group that has been living in the Netherlands for a period
exceeding 10 years 60 percent lives in these neighborhoods (Van Heelsum, 2011). This indicates that, for unknown reasons, Somalis move from less to more ethnoculturally diverse
boroughs. Somalis tend to interact with the residents of their neighborhood of different
ethnicities quite intensively (Dourleijn & Dagevos, 2011; Van den Tillaart et al., 2000; Van
Heelsum, 2011). Rationales behind these decisions and this behavior are unknown.
To conclude, Somalis seem to score better in health statistics than other new migrant
groups do. In general, non-western ‘allochthonous’ people tend to have an inferior health
compared to ‘autochthonous’ Dutchmen, however, Somalis score best of the other groups
(Van Heelsum, 2011). Van Heelsum (2011) does nuance that these outcomes seem to have
been influenced by the method of data collection. When using qualitative methods, Somalis
indicate to experience several psychological difficulties.
Specific hurdles and opportunities
2.3.3
The previous paragraph discussed the adverse position of Somalis concerning their educational level and their position at the Dutch labor market. In general it can be stated that
these weak positions are the largest hurdles Somalis experience in Dutch society. The rationale for a large group of Somalis to trade the Netherlands for the United Kingdom was their
expectancy to be able to experience less setback and bureaucracy assisting them to find
a job or start a business there (Van den Reek & Hussein, 2003). Another rationale behind
the relocation was the lack of tolerance by the Dutch society towards diverse cultures and
religions (Van den Reek & Hussein, 2003). In the study by Van den Reek and Hussein (2003)
Somali respondents who moved to the United Kingdom indicated that they felt restricted
in their Somali and Islamic identity and felt they could not act freely outside the home. In
contrast, the more recent study of Dourleijn and Dagevos (2011) shows that Somalis feel accepted and free to express their culture in the Netherlands. They emphasize that the rights
of migrants are respected but do stress that they have smaller opportunities to develop
themselves in Dutch society. This implies that Somalis feel more respected throughout the
years, but still experience reduced opportunities to build a career in the Netherlands. Thus,
there seems to be both progress and stagnation. In summary, recent studies mainly show
difficulties concerning the educational level and prospects at the labor market. These difficulties were also indicated earlier by Van den Tillaart et al. (2000). Furthermore, they emphasized problems concerning language difficulties, unfamiliarity with Dutch habits, rules
and regulations, housing, and home sickness. More recent studies only implicitly indicate
difficulties in these areas.
According to Van Heelsum (2011), an opportunity for not only the Somalis, but new
migrant groups in general, is that they maintain more contacts with ‘autochthonous’ Dutch
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
16
compared to the traditional migrant groups such as Turks and Moroccans. This despite the
fact that the high incidence of unemployment causes increased isolation. Van Heelsum
(2011) mentions that several authors indicate Somalis to prefer to maintain contacts within
the Somali community (an exact definition of contact was not provided by Van Heelsum).
Sixty percent has contact with Somali-Dutch friends every week and maintains contacts
with their family abroad on a regular basis (Van Heelsum, 2011). In addition, they maintain
contacts with community members from different cultural backgrounds as well as ‘autochthonous’ Dutch (Van Heelsum, 2011). Insight in the rationales again is missing.
2.3.4
Attitudes towards Dutch society
Despite the difficulties, an increasing share of the Somali population feels at home in Dutch
society. Somali people generally seem to be quite satisfied with their immigration to the
Netherlands. In 2003, 43 percent of the Somali population indicated to feel at home in the
Netherlands, whereas in 2009, 80 percent agrees on this statement (Van Heelsum, 2011).
Van Heelsum (2011) mentions contacts with less fortunate family members in Kenya or
Ethiopia to be a reason for this. Through these contacts the Somalis come to realize that
they are lucky to be living in the Netherlands. Dourleijn and Dagevos (2011) state that the
majority of Somalis in their study indicates to feel both Dutch (or somewhat Dutch) and
Somali. Furthermore, Somalis rate the Netherlands with a 7.8, whereas ‘autochthonous’
Dutch rate it with a 6.8. Around 80 percent of the Somalis indicates the Netherlands to be a
hospitable country where migrants are respected (Dourleijn & Dagevos, 2011). The same
Somali migrants however show less trust in equal opportunities; 64 percent beliefs migrants to have the same opportunities as ‘autochthonous’ Dutch.
2.3.5
Somalis in the city of Tilburg(-North)
Until now the focus was on the national level. In this paragraph the specific situation of
Tilburg is paid attention to. The population on which this thesis focusses is the Somali
population in Tilburg-North. Therefore, Tilburg, Tilburg-North, the facilities provided in
Tilburg-North, and the Somalis living there are discussed.
In 2011, over 1100 Somalis were living in the city of Tilburg, which is almost 22 percent
of the total Somali population in Noord-Brabant and almost four percent of the total Somali
population in the Netherlands (Gemeente Tilburg, 2012; Van Heelsum, 2011). In Tilburg,
Somali migrants represent 0.6 percent of the total population, whereas people with a Dutch
background take up more than 76 percent (Gemeente Tilburg, 2012). The largest groups
of people with a foreign background in Tilburg are Turks (3.8 percent) and Moroccans (2.7
percent) (Gemeente Tilburg, 2012).
It can be questioned whether Tilburg can be identified as a super-diverse society based
on these figures. Tilburg municipality mentions six specific migrant groups as Tilburg
residents on their website, which in total represent more than 13 percent of the population
(Gemeente Tilburg, 2012). Other migrant groups cover over 10 percent (Gemeente Tilburg,
2012). With approximately 23 percent of people with a foreign background living in Tilburg,
Tilburg exceeds the national average of 20 percent of people with at least one parent born
17
context
abroad (CBS, 2012), which makes it defendable to identify Tilburg as a super-diverse city.
Compared to Tilburg, the district of Tilburg-North proportionally is even more highly
diverse. Unfortunately, Tilburg municipality, as requested, was not able to provide demographics specifically focusing on ethnic diversity in the Tilburg-North district. Due to
a lack of information on Tilburg-North demographics, it is unknown exactly how many
people with a diverse and/or Somali background live in Tilburg-North. Nevertheless, it is
generally assumed that the largest part of the Somali population living in Tilburg lives in
the Northern area of the city and Mous and Ruumi (2001) specifically mention this to be
the case. This is in accordance with the statement of Vertovec (2011), who indicates that,
despite super-diversity, migrant groups often live together in a relatively small number of
boroughs.
Hodo Hassan, employed at Tilburg municipality to stimulate the position of Somalis in
Tilburg, in an interview (April 26, 2012) mentions that most Somalis in Tilburg live in the
northern and western part of the city. She explains that Somalis living in the northern part
of Tilburg scored lowest on the ‘impulsgoals’ (Dutch: impulsdoelen) formulated by Tilburg
municipality and several housing organizations. These goals measure educational and
labor participation. The low score implies that Somalis have difficulties to gain a position at
the labor market. This is in line with the findings of other studies mentioned earlier.
As mentioned previously as well, Somalis find it very important to connect with people
of Somali cultural background as well as people with other backgrounds. Tilburg-North offers two places where Somalis meet on a regular basis: community center ‘de IJpelaar’ and
interreligious center ‘het Ronde Tafelhuis’. The IJpelaar is a large center in the ‘Stockhasselt’
borough which is visited by neighborhood residents with a wide variety of cultural and ethnic backgrounds. It serves the regular community center function and additionally, several
specific activities for the (female) community members are offered, such as a weekly ‘for
women’ meeting and meetings organized by the GGD specifically aiming at Somali women
with a focus on for instance health, sickness, and birth control. Het Ronde Tafelhuis is situated in the ‘Heikant’ borough and is an initiative of the Prémontré order, part of the Catholic
Church, in which meetings between people with different cultural and religious backgrounds are aimed at. The coordinator of the project, in an interview with the researcher on
October 19, 2011 states that: “Het Ronde Tafelhuis is a place for people to meet, which aims
at contributing to the cultural diverse community of Tilburg-North and social cohesion”.
Some activities that are provided are language classes in several languages, movie nights,
and culinary meetings. The main intention though is to stimulate encounters between
people. Next to activities, people can drop-in during the day for a conversation, or practical assistance on many issues. The drop-in option is most popular with the Somali visitors.
In practice almost solely Somali males visit het Ronde Tafelhuis. Obviously, the mosque
is another important meeting place. In Tilburg-North, many Somalis attend the Moroccan
Achmed Salams’ mosque. Somalis in general do not find it important to found Somali
mosques. Furthermore, their religiosity highly resembles that of Moroccans, which makes
attending this particular mosque an obvious choice (Van Heelsum, 2011).
With the reflections on Tilburg, Tilburg-North, and the Somali population living there,
the contextual chapter is concluded. The next chapter presents the most important theoretical concepts in literature that appear in this thesis.
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
18
19
theoretical framework
3 Theoretical framework
The previous chapter described the Dutch situation concerning diversity, Somalia, and Somalis living in the Netherlands. As announced in the introduction, this thesis also focusses
on theoretical concepts: the acculturation theory (Berry, 1990, 2005, 2006), the contact hypothesis (Allport, 1954), and the social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1986). This decision
was based on the information presented in Figure 1.1 (in chapter 1). In this figure the theoretical approaches to the study of intercultural relations in plural societies are presented.
Studies that focus on non-dominant ethnocultural groups (such as Somalis in the Netherlands) can either use social psychological intergroup research or acculturation research.
Since this thesis aims to provide a comprehensive insight in Somali relations with their
neighborhood residents both acculturation theory and intergroup research approaches (the
social identity theory and the contact hypothesis) are relevant. In the following, these three
theoretical concepts are described. Findings from earlier studies on these concepts are discussed, if possible with a focus on a Somali research population. The chapter is ended with
information on the integration paradox (Buijs et al., 2006), as it is identified as a relevant
concept which is easily connected to the other theoretical concepts discussed.
Acculturation Theory
3.1
Van den Reek (2001) mentions an old Somali saying “Hadii ad tagid meel lagu il-la ‘yahay
ad na il boa la isha” meaning as much as that when you come to a country where everyone
has only one eye, you should remove one eye yourself. The underlying thought is that one
should adjust to a new situation. Berry (1990) refers to migrants who have to adjust to new
situations: “differences in climate, language, work habits, religion and dress, for example,
can all challenge the migrant, and some response is required” (p. 235). In this section, a
theory on the adjustment and responses to a new cultural situation, the acculturation
theory, is discussed.
The history of acculturation theory
3.1.1
As described in paragraph 2.1.2.1, the Dutch government increasingly stresses the importance of the assimilation of migrants. The concept of assimilation is based on Berry’s (1990,
2005, 2006) theoretical framework of acculturation. Acculturation can be described as a
dual process of prolonged contact between at least two (cultural) distinct groups which involves changes in social structures, cultural practices, and in a person’s behavioral and psy-
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
20
chological processes (Berry, 2005). Acculturation can both refer to individual development
and change as well as to group development (Van den Reek, 2001). In this thesis, focus is
on individual perceptions on both the individual and the group level. The former concerns
the Somali respondents’ preferred personal acculturation strategy, the latter their preferred
acculturation strategy for their neighborhood residents.
In the past, scholarly approaches to acculturation emphasized the adoption of and adaption to the ‘new’ culture. Acculturation for a long period has been described as a bipolar
process in which letting go of the heritage culture’s norms and values and adopting the
host culture’s norms and values was key (Van den Reek, 2001). Both Stonequist (1935) and
Gordon (1964) describe the cultural changes that occur with migrants as one-dimensional.
Stonequist speaks of acculturation as a cycle in which a ‘marginal man’, one who lives his
life in the cultural traditions of two distinct cultural groups, and often has just entered a
new bi- or multi-cultural situation, needs to struggle in order to become a fully accepted
member of the dominant group. Comparable to Stonequist, Gordon (1964), a scholar and
rabbi who studied intermarriage on a qualitative basis, describes assimilation as a continuum on which a migrant moves from ‘the original cultural orientation’, via ‘biculturalism’,
to a ‘focus on the host culture’ (Gordon, 1964). These theories show a lack of freedom for
migrants to ‘choose’ their personal acculturation style. Moreover, a decision other than assimilation seems to be perceived as impossible, or at least accompanied with negative consequences. Although, it must be mentioned that Gordon does leave some space for religious
diversity. Problems with the adoption of the host culture in these models are attributed to
the migrants themselves (Van den Reek, 2001). Berry was one of the scholars who criticized
these one-dimensional models and was the first to present the culture of the migrant and
that of the host society as two independent dimensions (Van den Reek, 2001).
3.1.2
Acculturation theory according to Berry
Based on these two dimensions, Berry (1990, 2005, 2006) developed his acculturation
theory which contains four different acculturation strategies. The underlying thought of the
theory is presented in Figure 3.1. This model (adopted from Allen et al., 2006) reflects the
specific acculturation situation of refugees, which almost all Somali migrants are.
The focus in this thesis is on acculturation strategies (as visualized in Tables 3.1 and
3.2, on page 23) in which Berry differentiates between acculturation strategies that can be
adopted by an individual member of a minority group and by the wider (host) society. Berry
claims that each individual needs to adopt one acculturation strategy when (s)he moves
to a place where the personal heritage culture is not the prevalent (or dominant) one. This
implies that he does not suggest a continuum which ends in assimilation per se. Instead,
Berry suggests that there is a set of alternatives (strategies) which can be adopted by people who move to another country for a longer period. A strategy is selected based on the
decisions on the two dimensions. The first dimension is the maintenance of the heritage
culture and identity and the second the relationships sought within the wider society and
contact with the majority group(s). Table 3.1 and Table 3.2 show the four strategies from a
particular minority group stance and from the perspective of the wider (host) society. Both
tables are based on Berry (2005, 2006). With the risk of generalizing, it can be stated that in
21
theoretical framework
Cultural / group level
Psychological / individual level
Psychological
acculturation
Culture of
receiving
country
Individuals
in receivingcountry
culture:
Refugee resettlement
policy
• Behavioral
shifts
• Acculturative stress
Adaptation
Individuals
in receivingcountry
culture:
• Psychological
• Sociocultural
Cultural
changes
Contact
Receivingcountry
culture
Refugee
group
culture
Culture of
refugee
group
Human rights
violation
experience of
refugee group
Psychological
acculturation
Individuel
characteristics
• Human rights violation experience
• Personality characteristics
• Gender factors
• Developmental
factors
• Services and
social support
Individuals in
refugee group
culture:
• Behavioral
shifts
• Acculturative stress
Adaptation
Individuals in
refugee group
culture:
• Psychological (Acculturation
and trauma
coping)
• Sociocultural
A preliminary framework for understanding refugee acculturation (Allen et al., 2006, p. 204)
Figure 3.1
the current Dutch context the policy stance is melting pot which forces migrants to assimilate into Dutch society.
These two tables, which summarize an important part of Berry’s work on acculturation, can be explained extensively. Since this thesis does not allow long elaborations, the
integration option is highlighted as an example. Berry (2006) describes that integration
can only take place in multicultural societies with a high level of acceptance of the value
of diversity, relatively low levels of prejudice, positive attitudes towards different ethnocultural groups, and attachment to the larger society by all individuals. Furthermore, the
particular ethnocultural group must be willing to maintain aspects of the heritage culture.
Hence, the context is important and the tables obviously are not meant to quickly divide
people into four categories. Reality is more complex than that. Berry (1990) emphasizes that
acculturation patterns are dependent of a large set of variables, such as the purpose, length
and permanence of the stay, specifics of the dominant culture, minority policies, and the
size of the ‘majority’ population. For the migrants in specific, there are also important fac-
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
22
Maintenance of heritage culture and identity
Relationships sought
among groups
(contact with the majority)
Table 3.1
+
–
+
Integration
Assimilation
–
Separation
Marginalization
Acculturation strategies for a particular minority group (Berry, 2005, p. 705; Berry, 2006, p. 35)
Maintenance of heritage culture and identity
Relationships sought
among groups
(contact with the majority)
Table 3.2
+
–
+
Multiculturalism
Melting pot
–
Segregation
Exclusion
Acculturation strategies for the wider (host) society (Berry, 2005, p. 705; Berry, 2006, p. 35)
tors determining the acculturation strategy: demographic variables, social and psychological variables, and the length of residence in the new country (which gains more attention
in the next paragraph). As Berry (1990) describes it: “not every person in the acculturating
group will necessarily enter into the acculturation process in the same way or to the same
degree” (p. 239). Acculturation strategies are no ordered, neatly structured whole, but depend on a large variety of factors. Furthermore, acculturation styles can differ from domain
to domain. One can assimilate at work, integrate linguistically (bilingualism), and separate
in the home domain on facets such as food, religion, and the upbringing of children (Berry,
1990; Van den Reek, 2001). Finally, there is a difference between behavioral and attitudinal
acculturation strategies. In this thesis, the focus is on attitudinal strategies. Most acculturation studies found a positive correlation between attitudes and behavior (Berry, 2006; Van
den Reek, 2001).
3.1.3
Phasing of refugees’ and asylum seekers’ acculturation strategies
As mentioned, contact and acculturation are influenced by context. Therefore the focus
turns to the specific situation of Somalis, which almost all are refugees. Allen et al. (2006)
indicate that there are specific acculturation phases applicable to refugees and asylum seekers. Refugees leave their homelands to escape human rights violation. This, combined with
the often turbulent period following the flight causes these specific phases to occur. The
phases, which are identified by Berry (1991), are: predeparture, flight, first asylum, claimant
period, settlement period, and adaptation. Allen et al. (2006) elaborate on the phases and
mention that predeparture is characterized by an estimation of the culture of the receiving country which sometimes determines where to take flight. This experience prior to
direct contact can influence the later acculturation process. The next phase is flight and
23
theoretical framework
involves many risks and uncertainties. Additionally, loss is a central theme: loss of family,
community, material possessions etc. First asylum is the first location where the refugee
finds shelter, for instance a border area camp, where danger typically continues. During
the claimant phase, the refugee requests asylum in a receiving country. Again there is a
high level of insecurity and often fear whether one is granted asylum. This frequently has
a serious impact on the often traumatized people. This period is commonly characterized
by marginalization. When a refugee is granted asylum, (s)he enters the resettlement phase.
In this phase the acculturation strategy most of the time is influenced by the acculturative
strategy of the host society. This interacts with individual preferences. When individuals
come to a point where “they cease to be a refugee” (Allen et al., 2006, p. 208), they enter the
adaptation phase.
It is understandable that every phase has its specific impact on acculturation strategies.
The marginalization of the claimant phase often turns into another strategy depending on
the host society. However, there are many other conditions and factors influencing the selected acculturation strategy. For example, when an individual is not granted a status by the
host society and one has to turn to illegality or return to the home country, it seems likely
that marginalization becomes permanent. The next paragraph discusses findings on the acculturation strategies of Somali migrants.
Studies on Somali acculturation strategies
3.1.4
Van den Reek (2001) mentions that traditionally, there are three types of acculturation
studies. The first is scarce and is longitudinal research. The second is cross-cultural in
which various cultural groups are compared with each other, a type of research which is
quite common. The third is increasingly popular and is the research focusing on intragroup
diversity. For this thesis, this last strategy was adopted, since it is most suitable within the
post-modern view on diversity and culture which emphasizes individual differences instead of group differences. Vertovec’s (2011) concept of super-diversity can be identified as a
post-modern concept.
In the past, several studies have focused on Somali acculturation strategies. Most of
them mainly used quantitative methods. Some of these studies are discussed here. First,
Van den Reek (2001), in a study aiming to profile Somali migrants in the Netherlands, found
that Somalis, just like other migrant groups, use different acculturation styles on different
domains. Public domains, such as language use, tend to be approached with an integration strategy. In private domains however, separation is preferred. Examples are religion,
identity, and to a lesser extent social networks. This goes for all Somalis, despite variables
such as age, gender, or educational level (Van den Reek, 2001). Van den Reek and Hussein
(2003), in a study on transnationalism concerning Somalis moving from the Netherlands
to the United Kingdom, found similar results, both for the group living in the Netherlands
and the group living in the United Kingdom. Integration is preferred in the public, and
separation in the private domain. Respondents in this study did indicate that it is more difficult to maintain the Somali culture in the Netherlands than it is in the United Kingdom.
Respondents felt that in the Netherlands everything is aimed at assimilation, but in contradiction to this, an ‘allochtoon’ remains an ‘allochtoon’, whatever (s)he does.
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
24
More recent studies on Dutch Somalis focus on civic integration (Dutch: inburgering)
instead of acculturation styles. Van Heelsum (2011) mainly discusses civic integration
courses and Somali participation in these courses. She emphasizes that a growing part of
the Somali population in the Netherlands feels ‘at home’ in Dutch society and that Somalis,
in comparison to traditional Dutch migrant groups, develop and maintain many contacts
with ‘autochthonous’ Dutch. Dourleijn and Dagevos (2011) also focus on civic integration,
with an emphasis on language use. They stress that a large part of the Somali population
in the Netherlands sometimes speaks Dutch in the home when they address their partner,
children, and/or parents. Their figure exceeds that of Afghan and Iraqi migrants in the
Netherlands. Furthermore, Dourleijn and Dagevos (2011) use a table that strongly connects
to Berry’s acculturation strategies. An edited version of this table, including Berry’s terms
placed on the second row, is provided as Table 3.3. The figures presented in this table are
percentages based on findings of the SING ’09. In the SING ’09 survey, which focused on the
integration of new migrant groups in the Netherlands, per group, 1000 structured interviews were conducted (for more information, see Dourleijn and Dagevos, 2011, p. 30, or
www.scp.nl).
Table 3.3 shows that Somalis, compared to three other groups who are also identified
as ‘new migrant groups’, most often prefer ‘separation’ as an acculturation strategy. Again,
integration and separation are the most preferred strategies. Dourleijn and Dagevos do not
report on contextual differences in acculturation styles. Ward and Leong (2006) mention
that in general, both immigrant groups and host-nationals prefer the integration strategy,
however, immigrants tend to favor integration even more strongly than host-nationals. In
general terms, separation often is the next preferred strategy.
Table 3.3
Strong
identification with
autochthonous
Dutch and personal
ethnocultural
group
Strong
identification with
autochthonous
Dutch and little
with personal
ethnocultural
group
Strong
identification
with personal
ethnocultural group
and little with
autochthonous
Dutch group
Little identification
with both
autochthonous
Dutch and personal
ethnocultural
group
‘Integration’
‘Assimilation’
‘Separation’
‘Marginalization’
Afghans
30
16
35
18
Iraqis
27
20
34
19
Iranians
28
21
32
19
Somalis
29
14
39
18
Identification with autochthonous Dutch and the personal ethnocultural group, in four categories, divided on
ethnic backgrounds (in percentages) (Dourleijn & Dagevos, 2011, p. 191)
25
theoretical framework
Summarizing, it can be stated that findings on Somali acculturation strategies are closely connected with findings on immigrant groups in general. Furthermore, they imply that
Somalis prefer a mix of two strategies; integration and separation, with a slight preference
for separation. Rationales behind Somali acculturation preferences have not been studied.
As mentioned earlier, this thesis aims to fill this gap. The next section of this literature review focusses on the other two relevant theoretical concepts within this thesis framework,
which are the contact hypothesis and the social identity theory.
The contact hypothesis and social identity theory
3.2
Over the years, many studies on intergroup contact have been conducted. As Figure 1.1 in
the introduction chapter shows, in social psychology, and intergroup research in specific,
there are different approaches to the study of non-dominant ethnocultural groups in societies. Two of these approaches are discussed in this theoretical chapter, the first is the contact
hypothesis, the second the social identity theory. These approaches show great differences
in their assumptions. The social identity theory assumes that contact easily causes prejudice and conflict, whereas the contact hypothesis suggests that contact is the solution to
combat these processes. Among two other questions, this thesis addresses the question
whether these theories can explain Somali migrants’ assessments of their contacts with
their neighborhood residents. In order to clearly answer this question, both theoretical
concepts need further elaboration.
Contact hypothesis
3.2.1
In his influential book on prejudice, which was first published in 1954, Allport explains his
contact hypothesis that since has been tested by many scholars. This testing resulted in the
intergroup contact theory. Since Figure 1.1 (in the introduction chapter) presents the different theories used in this thesis and refers to the contact hypothesis, this is the term which
is used when referring to the intergroup contact theory as well. However, it must be mentioned that several authors argue that the contact hypothesis over the last half a century
has evolved into a full blown theory and that the term ‘hypothesis’ does not do justice to it
anymore (Hewstone & Swart, 2011; Pettigrew, Tropp, Wagner, & Christ, 2011).
Allport suggested in 1954 that contact is the most important process towards the point
where people from different groups can live together peacefully. In his view, contact is a
means to provide people with the opportunity to establish positive relationships with each
other; it can lead to more positive intergroup attitudes and therefore, to reduced prejudice.
He provides findings on social perception studies with respondents who lived in integrated
(diverse) housing units and people who lived in segregated housing units. The former
group was more positive: 80 percent reports ‘negro people’ to be the same as and equal to
‘white people’, whereas of the latter group only 57 percent reported as such. Allport (1954)
states: “those who have closer contact perceive less difference than those who are more
remote” (p. 271).
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
26
3.2.1.1
Conditions for optimal contact
Allport (1954) added nuance to his statements. He mentions that the effect of contact is
dependent on the kind of contact, “the kind of association that occurs, and … the kinds
of persons who are involved” (Allport, 1954, p. 262). Thus, it cannot be stated bluntly that
contact automatically leads to improved relations and the reduction of conflict. Allport suggested four conditions for optimal contact which are (1) equal status between the groups,
(2) common goals, (3) intergroup cooperation, and (4) support of authorities, law, or custom
(Pettigrew et al., 2011). Furthermore, personality remains an important factor determining
positive or negative contact. Pettigrew and Tropp (2005) elaborate on the conditions presented by Allport. The first condition mainly entails that both groups perceive equal status
in the situation. The second implies cooperation which is reflected in the third condition.
The last condition is concerned with institutional support in a broad sense; important is
that the institutions are relevant to the individual. Despite the positive influence of these
conditions, Pettigrew et al. (2011) mention that positive effects of contact are found even
when the conditions are not met. However, contact stimulates an even greater decrease of
prejudice when the conditions are met.
3.2.1.2
Studies on the contact hypothesis
The formulation of the hypothesis has led to more than half a decade of studies focusing
on the (positive) consequences of contact. Especially the first decade of the 21st century has
proven to be productive (Pettigrew et al., 2011). In 2011, Pettigrew et al. conducted a metaanalysis of 515 studies concentrating on and testing the contact hypothesis. Their main conclusion was that intergroup contact indeed reduces prejudice. Contact and prejudice were
found to have a significant negative correlation (mean r = -.21). Furthermore, effects from
one contact situation are generalized to other situations which can foster for a reduced
prejudice towards several other outgroups, also those with whom contact has never took
place. Furthermore, intergroup contact fosters for greater trust and compassion between
groups (Pettigrew et al., 2011). Moreover, recent research has demonstrated that just imagining intergroup contact can be sufficient to reduce explicit prejudice directed towards
out-groups (Turner & Crisp, 2010). Next to reducing prejudice, intergroup contact also leads
to additional positive outcomes such as reduced anxiety, outgroup knowledge, intergroup
trust, forgiveness etc. (Pettigrew et al., 2011). Finally, Pettigrew et al. (2011) mention that
the findings are applicable to all groups, individuals of both genders, across the globe, and
that even indirect contact (extended contact via friends or impressions provided via mass
media) can have positive effects.
Pettigrew (1997) also tested the hypothesis in a survey among 3.806 respondents
aimed at self-reports. In this study he was also able to confirm the contact hypothesis.
Consequences of the contact were “empathy and identification with the out-groups and
reappraisal of the in-group (deprovincialization)” (Pettigrew, 1997, p. 173). Gaertner, Dovidio,
and Bachman (1996) state that “the revised Contact Hypothesis (Allport, 1954; Amir, 1969;
Cook, 1985) has been social science’s major contribution to reducing intergroup bias and
conflict” (p. 272). They indicate that contact under the conditions formulated by Allport
does reduce bias. According to them, the conditions help to convert ‘us’ and ‘them’ into
27
theoretical framework
‘we’. They provide evidence from a laboratory experiment, two survey studies, and a field
experiment of fans attending a football game that all indicate contact to be a helpful tool in
enlarging the experience of a superordinate identity. Pettigrew (1997) adds on this by mentioning that contacts in situations that reflect Allport’s four key conditions assist to turn
desegregation (simply the mixing of ethnocultural groups) into genuine integration.
Hence, contact in general improves intergroup contact and can even improve the
chances for integration and a superordinated, shared identity or feeling. People gain an
increased acceptance and understanding of each other. Unfortunately, for as far as the authors' knowledge reaches, contact hypothesis studies on Somalis (in the Netherlands) have
not been conducted.
Solely positive consequences?
3.2.1.3
Thus, according to the contact hypothesis, contact has many positive implications. There
are some criticisms however. The critics for example emphasize the existence and occurrence of negative contacts, such as discrimination. Pettigrew et al. (2011) state the
following:
Given the existence of … negative contact situations, why does the meta-analysis of
intergroup contact report such overwhelmingly positive effects? Several factors explain
this apparent puzzle. … surveys with probability samples demonstrate that respondents
report far more positive than negative contacts (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2011). These results
may seem surprising since negative ingroup encounters are often publicized, while the
more numerous positive encounters go unrecognized or are not viewed newsworthy.
But this finding helps to explain why contact leading to increased prejudice is so relatively rare in the research literature (p. 277).
This quote offers an explanation. According to Pettigrew et al. (2011), negative contacts
occur, but much less than positive encounters. Furthermore, Pettigrew et al. (2011) mention that people who have many intergroup contacts do report to have both positive and
negative contact. Moreover, they reveal less prejudice than people who report to solely have
positive contacts. This explains why the role of negative contact seems not to be crucial.
It can be stated that the contact hypothesis views contact and especially negative contact
quite differently than the social identity theory. The latter theory is elaborated on in the
subsequent section of this theoretical chapter.
Social identity theory
3.2.2
The social identity theory was developed by Tajfel and Turner (1986) and is an elaboration
on the realistic group conflict theory by Muzafer Sherif, which they found to focus too
little on heightened identification with the ingroup as a consequence of group conflict. As
a starting point, the social identity theory focusses on the use of similarities and differences as a basis to categorize people into in- and outgroups. Tajfel and Turner (1986) define
a group as follows: “a collection of individuals who perceive themselves to be members
of the same social category” (p. 15). Based on the information in the contextual chapter
(chapter 2), it is assumed that Somalis (or Somali migrants) identify as a social group, for
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
28
instance because of their homogeneity in language and religion. Nevertheless, clan differences are of great significance in Somalia, which could argue against a shared Somali group
identity. However, according to two key informants these differences are valid to a far lesser
extent when Somalis live abroad. Therefore, it can be concluded that a large part of Somali
migrants living in the Netherlands identify as one (social, ethnocultural, …) group. Group
identification however depends on more variables. Grant and Hogg (2012) for example
argue that group identity becomes stronger under conditions of uncertainty for instance.
Thus, identification with an ingroup cannot easily be assessed. The question whether the
respondents identify as one group was addressed in the interviews in order to gain insight
in the respondents’ views on this question.
3.2.2.1
Consequences of group contact
When two or more distinct groups are forced to live together in one society, many processes start to play a role. Tajfel and Turner’s social identity theory explains the tendencies
of ingroup favoritism and outgroup derogation (Schaafsma, 2008). Social identity theory
claims that individuals use similarities and differences in order to categorize themselves
and others into ingroups and outgroups (Tajfel & Turner, 1986). Tajfel conducted several
experiments in which he and his colleagues focused on ‘minimal groups’. In these studies,
participants were divided in groups based on minimal criteria, such as their preference for
a certain painter (Haslam, 2004). The experiments conducted showed that even the most
minimal conditions were sufficient to stimulate ingroup favoritism. Thus, group membership salience, even in a very implicit fashion, can cause ingroup favoritism. It is argued
that these, most often unconscious, processes are activated in order to maintain a positive self-image. Furthermore, ingroup favoritism can result in conflicts between groups or
individual members of these groups. Tajfel and Turner (1986) describe this type of conflicts
as “subjective” conflicts, compared to “objective” conflicts which “must be sought in the
social, economic, political, and historical structures of a society” (p. 23). They state that the
subjective conflicts have no priority over more objective conflicts and that they should be
perceived as a valid variable in explaining group conflict. In general, group membership
seems to be vital and has an autonomous function in causing subjective conflict. The need
for positive distinctiveness has proven to be a potential source for inter group conflict on
many occasions in which a person’s sense is defined by ‘we’ rather than ‘I’.
The group aspect is not always most prevalent; several factors influence whether individual or group characteristics are perceived as most important in the contact. In extreme
terms, Tajfel and Turner (1986) mention two ends of a continuum: at one end, interaction is
completely determined by individual characteristics and interpersonal relations. They state
that these types of contact appear sporadically since group characteristics often play at least
some role in contact between members of two distinct (social, ethnocultural, …) groups. At
the other extreme end, interactions are fully determined by the membership of a (social,
ethnocultural, …) group or category. Again, this situation is perceived to be highly theoretical; interpersonal and individual traits are likely to play at least some part in the interaction
(Tajfel & Turner, 1986). Tajfel and Turner provide examples of both ends in which the ‘personal end’ is illustrated by husband and wife and the ‘group end’ is illustrated by individual
29
theoretical framework
members of two competing armies. They claim that in conflict situations, the contact
moves towards the ‘group end’ of the continuum and, the other way around, contacts that
emphasize group differences have a large chance of resulting in conflict. The situation and
the specific society determine at which end of the continuum the interaction takes place
and hence, how prevalent the possibility for conflict based on group membership will be.
The situation determines whether someone predominantly views the other as an individual
or a (social, ethnocultural, …) group-member.
Haslam (2004) mentions three variables identified by Tajfel and Turner (1979) that contribute to the emergence of outgroup derogation and ingroup favoritism. The first is the extent to which individuals identify with an ingroup. Second, is the extent to which the context allows for group comparison. Third, is the perceived relevance of comparing with the
outgroup, which in turn is determined by the relative and absolute status of the ingroup.
Thus, when these conditions are not met and for instance the outgroup is perceived to be
superior, even outgroup favoritism can take place. Again the context determines whether
processes of ingroup favoritism and outgroup derogation, as predicted by the social identity
theory, actually occur. Discrimination and conflict have proven to be consequences of inter
group conflict only under a limited set of circumstances (Haslam, 2004).
Studies on social identity theory
3.2.2.2
According to the social identity theory, contact between members of distinct groups can
become problematic when group specifics are prevalent over individual traits. Experiments
show that only little reference to group membership is sufficient to push subjects into a
group member position and consequently, subjects tend to favor the ingroup and show
competitiveness towards the outgroup(s). The social identity theory has been tested on numerous occasions, but almost solely by means of experiments, either in laboratory or real
life settings (for elaborated examples, see Haslam, 2004). Through the course of years, other
theories developed from the social identity theory, an example is the self-categorization
theory. This theory focusses on the cognitive processes that cause social identity to become
salient. Hence, there is much study on the conditions and prerequisites connected to the
social identity theory, which unfortunately cannot all be reported on here. Little study
has been conducted on people’s perceptions on the occurrence of ingroup favoritism and
outgroup derogation. This thesis focusses on the connection between respondents’ assessments of their contacts and the social identity theory, which is a different viewpoint than
the one regularly chosen in social identity theory studies. Somali migrants, to the knowledge of the author, have not yet been involved in studies using the social identity theory.
In summary, the social identity theory claims that contact brings about the risk of
viewing the other as a competing social group member which can result in conflict and/
or ingroup preferentialism and outgroup condemnation. Before the method in which the
concepts of the social identity theory and the contact hypothesis are studied is elaborated
on, the integration paradox is discussed.
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
30
3.3
The integration paradox
This theoretical framework has mainly focused on contact and discussed the acculturation
theory, contact hypothesis, and social identity theory. When studying these concepts connected to contact, one is likely to come across negative consequences of contact. Moreover,
contact cannot only have negative consequences, it can also be experienced as negative in
its own right. Minority groups such as Somalis, can be confronted with discrimination and
prejudice. There are several possible ways of labeling and experiencing discrimination.
The integration paradox focusses on the process of a heightened sensibility for exclusion,
stereotyping, and/or discrimination resulting in a negative view on the host society. The
integration paradox is the topic of this section since it is expected to be a relevant concept
in this study on (intercultural) contact, relations, and its consequences.
3.3.1
The integration paradox as a theoretical concept
The integration paradox was presented by Buijs et al. (2006) in a study on radical Muslims in the Netherlands. The integration paradox offers an explanation for an often found
phenomenon in which second generation or young migrants assess their host society more
negative than elder migrants do. The integration paradox explains that the more (first, second, third, or … generation) migrants (often youngsters) are focused on their host country,
the more they wish to participate in this society. This wish, as a result, causes an increased
confrontation with that specific society. However, the society often reveals norms and
values that conflict with norms and values prevalent in the migrant’s own culture. Moreover, the migrant, due to the intensified contact, becomes confronted with exclusion and
discrimination more often. These processes can cause a negative view on the specific host
society. Buijs et al. (2006) argue that a factual higher incidence of the confrontation with exclusion and discrimination and differences in culture are not the only factors causing this
negative view. Often the youngsters also perceive exclusion and discrimination to occur
more frequently and easily. Thus, according to the integration paradox, a heightened focus
on the host society and integration leads to an increased sensitivity for conflicts on culture and signs of exclusion in the perception of the migrant (Buijs et al., 2006). According
to the integration paradox, the more an individual is actively involved at the labor market
and in social activities in the host society, the greater the possibility for this individual to
become confronted with cultural differences and discrimination. Furthermore, the latter is
more often perceived as such. A higher level of integration therefore causes a more negative
view on the host society. Buijs et al. (2006) also mention that in many situations, Muslim
women more often are confronted with discrimination compared to Muslim men. This is
connected to those Muslim women who wear a religious marker in the form of a headscarf.
If Muslim women cover themselves, the integration paradox is even more likely to apply to
them.
Dourleijn and Dagevos (2011), in their study on Afghans, Iranians, Iraqis, and Somalis in
the Netherlands, report on the integration paradox as well. They explicitly mention different traits of individuals who are likely to be confronted with the integration paradox. These
people are: young, have been living in the host country for a relatively long period, are
highly educated, have frequent contact with ‘autochthonous’ Dutch, are employed, and are
31
theoretical framework
interested in national politics. Not all traits have to apply to a person in order to ‘activate’
the integration paradox, the abovementioned factors can have their separate influence on
the (negative) perception of the host country (Dourleijn & Dagevos, 2011).
The line of reasoning of the integration paradox is also suggested by Pettigrew et al.
(2011). They mention a process which they term ‘group relative deprivation’ which occurs
when people sense, through contact, that their ingroup is unjustly deprived of what the
majority possesses. Especially in high contact situations this can lead to more awareness
of inequalities and to increased disapproval of the host society. Sometimes the experienced
inequality can even lead to action, for instance in the U.S. Civil Rights Movement which was
led by young African Americans with a high level of interracial contacts (Pettigrew et al.,
2011). Pettigrew et al. (2011) label this as a consequence of positive intergroup contacts, and
not so much as a negative outcome of this contact.
The integration paradox with a focus on Somalis
3.3.2
Dourleijn and Dagevos (2011) studied perceptions of discrimination with Afghans, Iranians,
Iraqis, and Somalis living in the Netherlands. In general, Somalis perceive less discrimination than the other groups. Seventy five percent of the Somali respondents mentioned to
almost never or never have experienced discrimination themselves, whereas 70 percent of
the Afghans and Iraqis reported this to be the case and only 60 percent of the Iranians did
so. Furthermore Somalis are the group that least reported discrimination to occur often.
When reporting on the discrimination of others, instead of on personal experiences, all
groups scored higher on the occurrence of discrimination but Somalis still mentioned it
to happen least. Dourleijn and Dagevos state that in all groups, except for the Iraqi group, a
prolonged stay in the Netherlands results in a higher rate of perceived discrimination. Furthermore, the age of the respondents was decisive; the younger respondents were, the more
discrimination they experienced. A higher educational level and/or an active position at the
labor market also resulted in a higher level of perceived discrimination. A final factor was
an interest in national politics of the host society; the more interested a migrant was, the
higher the report of discrimination turned out to be. Dourleijn and Dagevos (2011) conclude
that their findings are in accordance with the integration paradox: the more integrated and
focused on the host society, the higher the level of perceived discrimination. This finding
was also true for the Somali migrants who participated in Dourleijn and Dagevos’ (2011)
study. The younger, more highly educated and interested in national politics, and the longer the stay in the Netherlands, the more discrimination the Somali respondents reported
to experience.
With the discussion of the integration paradox, the theoretical framework is completed.
Before the focus of attention turns to the results of the study, the methodological part of
this thesis project is described. The methodological chapter for instance explains how the
theoretical concepts mentioned in this section were studied in this thesis project.
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
32
33
method
4Method
As announced in the introduction, this thesis project is of a qualitative nature. In this chapter, the rationale behind this methodological decision is discussed, as well as the different
phases and components of the thesis project. The phases are presented in a chronological
order. The starting point is the initial phase consisting of the design of the research questions, questionnaire, and topic list. Subsequently, the data collection phase is discussed, of
which the elements are the respondents, the sample strategy, and the actual data collection.
Data analysis is the next topic with attention for both data documentation and the analysis.
Finally, the research quality indicators; reliability and validity are highlighted.
Initial phase
4.1
This section describes the process of selecting the exact research topic and formulating the
research questions. Furthermore, it offers an insight in the designing and the content of
both data collection instruments; a questionnaire and a topic list.
Designing the research questions
4.1.1
The Somali population was selected as the research population for this study due to limited
foreknowledge and an interest in this group. Because of the limited foreknowledge, the
initial phase of the study consisted of an extensive literature review on Somalia, Somali
migrants in the Netherlands, and specific questions and topics relevant for this population.
Furthermore, some Somali spokespersons were contacted for introductory information.
One person who was contacted and interviewed (December 7, 2011) was Mohammed Elmi,
spokesperson for ‘Federatie Somalische Associaties Nederland’ (FSAN), who was a student
at Tilburg University at that time. Additionally, Somali volunteers of the ‘Stichting Somalische Gemeenschap Eindhoven’ (SSGE) were interviewed (December 22, 2011) in order to
gain an understanding of topics relevant to the population. All conversations revealed that
the needs of Somalis were underexposed in many studies, which caused for example municipalities to invest in the community in an unproductive manner. The conversation with
the volunteers of SSGE for example informed about Eindhoven municipality that produced
large amounts of brochures translated into Somali. Unfortunately, according to the volunteers, these brochures were hardly read by the target group since they were either illiterate
or not interested in the subjects. Next to the signals of the spokespersons, the literature
study showed gaps in the available research. Identified gaps mainly were the lack of qualitative studies on Somali perceptions of Dutch society, acculturation strategies, and contacts
with other groups. Allen et al. (2006) state that qualitative research is scarce, though important in increasing knowledge about refugee acculturation.
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
34
The research questions which were designed united the identified managerial with the
scientific gap. They focus on insight in the perception of the theoretical concepts deduced from
Figure 1.1 in the introduction chapter (which were elaborated on in chapter 3). Furthermore, the
daily needs of Somalis were studied. The questions were formulated as follows:
1
What do Somali migrants living in Tilburg-North indicate to prefer as acculturation strategies for both themselves as Somalis, and the individuals of various backgrounds living
in their neighborhood and why?
2
How do Somali migrants living in Tilburg-North assess their contacts with individuals
living in their neighborhood and can the social identity theory or the contact hypothesis
explain this?
3
What are the needs of Somali migrants living in Tilburg-North concerning their contacts
with individuals living in their neighborhood?
In order to be able to answer these questions adequately, the following sub questions were
formulated:
1.1 What acculturation strategy do Somali migrants living in Tilburg-North indicate to prefer
to adopt for themselves?
1.2 What acculturation strategy do Somali migrants living in Tilburg-North indicate to prefer
the individuals living in their neighborhood to adopt?
1.3 Why do Somali migrants living in Tilburg-North prefer the strategies chosen under 1.1
and 1.2?
2.1 What type of contacts do Somali migrants living in Tilburg-North indicate to have with
the individuals living in their neighborhood and how frequent are these contacts according to the Somali migrants’ statements?
2.2 How do Somali migrants living in Tilburg-North assess their contacts with individuals
living in their neighborhood?
2.3 Can the contact hypothesis explain this self-assessment?
2.4 Can the social identity theory explain this self-assessment?
3.1 Concerning the contacts with individuals living in Tilburg-North, what are the needs of
Somali migrants living in Tilburg-North towards the frequency of the contacts?
3.2 Concerning the contacts with individuals living in Tilburg-North, what are the needs of
Somali migrants living in Tilburg-North towards the content of the contacts?
3.3 Concerning the contacts with individuals living in Tilburg-North, what are the needs of
Somali migrants living in Tilburg-North towards the way these individuals treat them?
35
method
In the research questions, three concepts can be identified that need further elaboration.
These concepts are ‘Contact’, ‘Needs’, and ‘Somali migrants’. These concepts are defined in
Appendix 1.
The abovementioned research questions aim at describing, understanding, and explaining behavior of Somalis living in Tilburg-North. Since these aims imply qualitative types of
research (‘T Hart, Boeije, & Hox, 2009), the next step in the process was to create qualitative
data collection instruments.
Designing the questionnaire and topic list
4.1.2
Once the topic and research questions were determined, data collection was decided to be
twofold, including both a questionnaire and an interview. This decision was made since
questionnaires would offer an option to gain demographic information as well as information on some first important topics which could be elaborated on in the interview. Moreover, the questionnaire results could offer an opportunity to validate the interview results.
Since the study was a qualitative one, emphasis was decided to be on the interviews. Nevertheless, the questionnaires were of great significance since they provided the possibility
of data triangulation and therefore contributed to the validity of the study (‘T Hart et al.,
2009). More information on validity and reliability is provided at the end of this chapter.
The questionnaire was designed specifically for this study and initially was phrased in
Dutch. It was translated into English in case respondents would prefer an English version.
Back translation was used to foster for reliability. Since all respondents opted to use the
Dutch version, the Dutch version is included as Appendix 2. Several topics appeared in the
questionnaire. First, the demographic questions in the questionnaire were created by the
researcher herself. Second, the questions on language use were based on questionnaires designed by Extra and Yaǧmur (2011) in their study on multilingual cities. Third, the questions
on contacts with neighborhood residents (both Somali and non-Somali) were designed in
order to gain a quick and first insight in the contacts of the respondents, which could offer
a topic of elaboration for the interviews. Fourth and finally, the thesis that were added to
the questionnaire were designed in order to gain an insight in religiosity, preferences in
contacts, and perceptions on Dutch and Somali society and culture. They aimed to gain a
first impression of topics interesting to elaborate on in the interview and a validity check
since similar topics appeared in the topic list. The questionnaire was pre-tested by a friend
of the researcher. No errors were found. Furthermore, two pilot interviews were conducted
which did not reveal errors or ambiguities in the questionnaires either.
Similar to the questionnaire, the topic list was designed by the researcher and was
revised after the two pilot-interviews took place. The revisions were minimal and mainly
focused on a more logical order of questions and an even more pronounced appearance of
the theoretical concepts in the questions. Since the underlying thoughts of the theoretical
concepts were represented this explicitly in the topic list, these concepts were incorporated
into the research questions as well. The second and final (Dutch) version of the topic list is
included as Appendix 3. It sets off with some announcements, information, and consent
questions. Subsequently, two introductory questions have been included, after which the
actual interview questions were formulated. First, attention has been given to individual
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
36
acculturation preferences for the personal ethnocultural group. Questions have been based
on the information provided in chapter 3 (Tables 3.1 and 3.2). Additionally, the two- and
four-statement methods as discussed by Van de Vijver (2011) were used as an inspiration,
as well as questions used in the study by Van Acker and Vanbeselaere (2011) on the combination of acculturation theory and the intergroup contact theory. Second, questions on attitudes towards the individually preferred acculturation strategies for the wider society were
included, highly resembling the questions on personal acculturation strategies. In the third
part of the topic list, contact was elaborated on, first exploring respondents’ contacts in the
neighborhood, then evaluating these contacts. Subsequently, rationales behind the contact
hypothesis appear in the questions. Again, some inspiration was gained from questions
used in the study of Van Acker and Vanbeselaere (2011). The social identity theory was the
fourth topic of discussion, again focusing on the theoretical concept and its components.
Fifth and finally, to end the interview, contacts with neighborhood residents appeared in the
questions with special attention to experienced needs. The interviews did not indicate that
more changes needed to be made to the topic list, and therefore, the second version of the
topic list remained the final version. However, the interviews did bring about an interesting topic of discussion, which was discrimination. It was decided to ask respondents about
this when the atmosphere of the interview allowed for it instead of adding it to the topic list.
Validation checks were preferred over a revision of the topic list because of the sensitivity of
the topic. In the following, the data collection phase is described.
4.2
Data collection phase
After the design of the questionnaires and the topic list, data collection was started. Next,
the respondents, as well as the sample strategy, and the protocol used during the interviews
are described.
4.2.1
Respondents
The study was conducted among respondents of Somali origin living in Tilburg-North. Both
male (N=5) and female (N=6) respondents, ranging in age from 22 to 54, participated in the
study. The aim was to include respondents of both a young (24-) and an ‘elder’ (25+) age category, which was not accomplished. This division was aimed at since Van den Reek and Hussein (2003) indicate that there are vast differences between people below and above the age
of 25, for example in their wish to return to Somalia or to relocate to England. Van den Reek
and Hussein’s observation is that younger people in general feel more comfortable in Dutch
society. Furthermore, the aim in sampling was to both include respondents who entered the
Netherlands before 2006 and from 2006 onwards. The decision was inspired on information
provided by Mohamed Elmi who indicated that people who arrived in the Netherlands after
2005 have more difficulties adapting to Dutch society. Main reason for this is that they have
come from an even more unstable situation than the people who left Somalia before that
period. Klaver et al. (2010) also indicate differences between recent immigrants and people
who have been living in the Netherlands for a longer period (Dutch: oudkomers en nieuwkomers). Unfortunately, selective sampling turned out to be too ambitious.
37
method
Sampling difficulties are elaborated on in paragraph 4.2.2. As a consequence of the challenges in sampling, opportunity sampling was used as a means of selecting respondents.
All but one respondent had entered the Netherlands before 2005; one female respondent
came to the Netherlands in 2006. The male respondents (N=5) ranged in age from 34 up to
54 and all had been born in Somalia. The female respondents ranged in age from 22 up to 45
and had all been born in Somalia as well. The respondents’ mean age and length of residence in the Netherlands and Tilburg-North are reported on in Table 4.1. Standard deviations are provided in brackets. Table 4.2 on page 39 provides an overview of the characteristics of the different respondents in the study.
The information in Table 4.1 and 4.2 reflects that even though a division in different age
groups and year of arrival was not achieved, a relatively wide variety in the characteristics
of the respondents was present in the study. Gender was equally divided, but there was
variation in age, education, and the years of arrival. This has implications for the generalizability of the results, which are discussed in paragraphs 6.2.4 (generalizability) and 7.2.4
(sampling).
During data collection, a twelfth respondent was interviewed. She had never been living
in Tilburg-North. Instead, she lived in Tilburg-West. The respondent was a female, aged 44
with primary school as her highest educational level, and she arrived at the Netherlands
in 1994. Initially, the respondent was interviewed because of a lack of respondents. On the
longer term however, a sufficient amount of respondents was willing to participate in the
study and the respondent was removed from the data. However, her information was used
in order to gain a comparison of the Tilburg-North data with Tilburg-West data; in other
words, as a minor generalization check.
Age
Years in the Netherlands
Years in Tilburg-North
Male
44.6 (9.5)
17.8 (4.2)
9.2 (7.2)
Female
36.3 (9.0)
14.8 (5.1)
10.2 (8.1)
Mean characteristics of respondents in the study (N=11)
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
Table 4.1
38
Table 4.2
Respondent
Gender
Age
Highest
Educational
level4
Year of arrival in the
Netherlands
Year of arrival
in TilburgNorth
R1
Male
54
None
1993
1998
R2
Male
52
High school
1992
1993
R3
Male
48
HBO/WO
1989
2011
R4
Male
34
High school
1998
2007
R5
Male
35
HBO/WO
1999
2005
R6
Female
22
MBO
2006
2007
R7
Female
44
Primary school
1993
1993
R8
Female
32
High school
1995
1997
R9
Female
42
None
1995
2009
R10
Female
45
None
1994
1994
R11
Female
33
?
2001
2011
Characteristics of respondents in the study (N=11)
voetnoot4
4.2.2
Sample strategy
As mentioned, it turned out to be quite difficult to motivate Somalis to participate as respondents in the study. Therefore, four different manners of recruiting respondents through
opportunity sampling were used. First, potential respondents were asked to participate while
they were visiting het Ronde Tafelhuis. The researcher was present at het Ronde Tafelhuis for
seven mornings and connected with the Somali males who were present. She spoke with them
about daily topics and when she sensed a possibility, she explained the aim of the study and
asked the men whether they were willing to participate. In two instances, participation was
obtained. In three cases the coordinator or program officer of het Ronde Tafelhuis assisted in
motivating the men to participate. Assistance and some external motivation provided by these
people was necessary since the willingness amongst the Somali males to participate was quite
low at certain moments. Additionally, there were mornings on which turnout was very low,
which was a setback in recruiting respondents as well.
4
39
As an explanation of the terms used: MBO stands for intermediate vocational education, HBO represents higher vocational education or polytechnic education, and WO is the Dutch term for university.
method
As a second method of recruiting, four female respondents were reached through a mediator. Mariette Baars, from Stichting Nieuwkomers en Vluchtelingenwerk Brabant Centraal
(SNV Brabant Centraal), was willing to ask people in her network, of which one person
agreed to participate in the study. The same holds true for Arno Brekelmans from Amarant,
who found one person willing to participate, and Hodo Hassan, from Tilburg municipality, who convinced two respondents to participate in an interview. These respondents were
first approached by telephone and an appointment at the respondents’ home address or de
IJpelaar was made.
Third, females who visit de IJpelaar were reached through assistance of Hodo Hassan.
She introduced the researcher at a GGD meeting of Somali women at de IJpelaar, which
resulted in a focus group discussion with three female respondents.
Finally, snowballing was used as a strategy as well. Some respondents were asked about
friends or acquaintances willing to participate in the study. Their attempts to motivate
other people to participate were unsuccessful and therefore no respondents were reached
through this approach.
Due to sampling difficulties, finding a sufficient amount of respondents with an equal
division in gender turned out to be the best achievable. Somalis are known to be a group
that is difficult to reach and to motivate to participate in studies. Several other scholars
have mentioned these difficulties (Klaver et al., 2010; Tabibian, 1999; Van den Reek, 2001).
Data collection
4.2.3
During data collection, all activities were reported in a logbook. The interviews were
conducted in spaces familiar for the respondents and, besides for the focus group, with no
other adults present in the room. The spaces in which the interviews were conducted either
were a private room in het Ronde Tafelhuis, de IJpelaar, or the respondent’s living room.
Eight interviews were individual ones, one interview was a focus group in which three
females participated. At the start of all interviews, the aim and procedure of the interview
were elaborated on, as well as anonymity. Respondents were also told to feel free not to answer questions and to be allowed to end the interview when wished. Consent to make voice
recordings was asked and obtained in four out of eight instances. The focus group was not
recorded due to severe background noise. When consent was not provided, or recordings
turned out impossible, notes were made by the researcher.
After this introductory phase, the questionnaire was provided to the respondents. They
were asked whether they preferred a Dutch or an English version. All respondents opted for
the Dutch version. Next, the researcher asked the respondents for their preference: either
to fill out the questionnaire by themselves or with assistance of the researcher. Only one
respondent opted to fill out the questionnaire by himself. In that situation, the researcher
stayed in the same room, and was asked several questions about the questionnaire. In
all other cases, the respondents filled out the questionnaire with direct assistance of the
researcher. The option of assistance provided to the respondents was inspired by previous
research on this population. It contributed to the reliability of the answers since misinterpretations of the questions were avoided. Regularly, some additional explanation of the
questions was necessary.
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
40
Subsequently, the start of the interview was announced. The interviews roughly followed the questions in the topic list. However, it was aimed at by the researcher to engage
in a conversation rather than an interview. The rationale behind this was that not all questions in the topic list needed answering in order to be able to answer the research questions. Moreover, it was argued that a conversation would provide more useful and genuine
information since the atmosphere would be more comfortable for the respondent. To add
on this, the researcher used self-exposure on several occasions, for instance about her
period of volunteering in Africa and the years she lived in Tilburg-North, aiming to gain a
position as a trustable insider. When the interview was finalized, appreciation and gratitude were expressed by the researcher. No material tokens of appreciation were provided.
4.3
Analysis phase
The data obtained from the questionnaires and the interviews needed documentation
before it was suitable to be analyzed. The procedures of both steps are highlighted in the
following.
4.3.1
Data documentation
On the day of the interview, the researcher either fully transcribed the voice recording of the
interview or worked up the notes that were made during the interview. An identical format
was used each time. In two instances, the researcher was unable to completely transcribe
the interview the same day; it was finalized the day after. The format did not solely focus
on the conversation, but an introduction section also offered space for information on for
example the atmosphere during the interview. The information obtained from the questionnaires was entered into a SPSS-file. When interesting, additional information that was
provided during the filling out of the questionnaires was recorded in the introduction section of the interview notes.5 After the finalization of six interviews, data analysis formally
was started. However, the researcher was looking for patterns and important insights from
the first interview onwards.
4.3.2
Analysis
Due to the qualitative nature of the topic list, analysis mainly contained inductive qualitative analysis. The information from the questionnaire was worked on solely with descriptive statistics. The questionnaire was used to provide demographic information and to
check and complement the information provided in the interviews. Hence, data triangulation was used in the analyzing process. Arksey and Knight (1999) indicate that the research
design highly influences the method of analysis, which implies that the qualitative analysis
of the interview data was most influential in the analysis. Thus, this process gains most attention in this paragraph.
5
41
The transcripts, the worked up notes, and the SPSS file can be obtained from the researcher
on request.
method
As indicated by many scholars, (Arksey & Knight, 1999; Coffey & Atkinson, 1996; Corbin
& Strauss, 1990; Miles & Huberman, 1994) the analyzing of qualitative data should be a
process that partly takes place during data collection since it offers “the possibility of collecting new data to fill in gaps, or to test hypotheses that emerge during analysis” (Miles &
Huberman, 1994, p. 50). In this thesis project, data collection and analyzing were decided to
be a cyclical process. At the time of the first interviews, analyzing mainly consisted of reading through the data, focusing on surprising, repeating, or contradicting statements.
When data collection was halfway, the phase which has been mentioned as open coding,
as well as data reduction, or data simplification, was started. Excel was used to order fragments of the transcripts under codes that were obtained from the (sub) research questions
and the topic list. Initial codes used were: Associations (with Somalia and other Dutch cultures); Preferred acculturation strategies; Somali cultural aspects to be maintained; Aspects
from other cultures to be incorporated; Preferred acculturation strategies for others; Type,
frequency and evaluation of both Somali and non-Somali contacts; Contact hypothesis;
Social identity theory; Needs. Respondents’ numbers and line numbers of the transcripts
were recorded and later the fragments were summarized. The second step in analyzing was
characterized by a further coding of the data which has been referred to in the literature as
for instance data display, axial coding, or data complication. More specific codes were allocated to the fragments aiming to identify more specific categories. These were also added to
the Excel file. These smaller categories offered the possibility to group the data into smaller
units or dimensions. An example of the coding during the first and second phase of the
analysis is added as Appendix 4. The coding scheme provided in this appendix is that of the
main/initial code ‘social identity theory’. The third and final analysis phase has been mentioned as conclusion drawing and verification or selective coding. This phase was achieved
with assistance of data matrixes and the creation of schemes and figures aiming to create
links between the different codes, units, and dimensions. Relations and patterns were the
main focus of attention.
During analysis, the Excel file was added with new information gained from new interviews. Also, important findings during the previous interviews (for example on discrimination) were tested in later interviews which offered an added value to the analysis and
fostered for member validation. Analysis took place on every single research question and
its sub questions. The results of this analysis are presented in chapter 5.
Research quality indicators
4.4
All efforts were made to deliver a high quality study. Sometimes, external conditions had an
impeding effect on this. In contrast, there are also certain factors that enlarge the quality of
the study. These positive and negative traits of the methodology of the study are discussed
here. The focus is on reliability and validity.
Reliability
4.4.1
Reliability is concerned with accidental errors in research. The method of data collection
was quite systematic, despite the fact that the topic list was not used as a strict guideline
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
42
for the interviews. The interviews all had a comparable structure and focused on the same
topics. Furthermore, data collection was done by one person, which minimized the risk of
dissimilar approaches by different researchers. However, it did rule out the possibility of
inter-rater reliability checks. This was compensated by ongoing analysis, which assisted the
researcher to maintain a critical view on the data. Moreover, the member validation checks
and the data triangulation (questionnaires and semi-structured interviews), as well as the
method triangulation (individual interviews and a focus group) also protected against accidental errors.
In order to improve reliability, a Chi² test has been considered. It could have offered
insight in the representativeness of the data and the significance of the findings. In the
end, it was decided not to conduct this statistical test for two reasons. The most important
one was the low N of the study. A Chi² test needs more respondents to offer meaningful
information. Furthermore, the questionnaire was designed with the intention to provide
demographics and introductory knowledge about the respondents. It was designed with a
qualitative mindset and did not put emphasis on gaining data that was testable in quantitative ways. Hence, even though the thesis questions in the questionnaire did allow for a
statistical test, this was not conducted since it was assessed to be of low added value.
4.4.2
Validity
Internal validity focuses on the occurrence of systematic errors. Reactivity and biases in
sampling were validity threats in this thesis project. Reactivity was a possible factor since
the researcher was a white, young (aged 29) female and respondents all were Somali, a great
part of them older in age and almost half of them male. As mentioned before, the researcher
used self-exposure as a means to reduce the risk of reactivity. Furthermore, she took into
account her way of dressing, taking care to dress appropriate and as covered as possible.
Moreover, member validation checks were used to check for reactivity. These checks did not
offer a straightforward answer to the question whether reactivity took place or not. Reactivity is elaborated on in the discussion section (paragraph 6.1.2.2).
Concerning external validity and a bias in sampling, reaching respondents was difficult
and the largest part of the sample was reached through community centers. This is a risk
concerning generalizability since people who visit these kinds of centers possibly are more
focused on contact than the ones who do not visit these places. Fortunately, two respondents were reached in a different way, namely via contact persons who were not connected to
community centers. These respondents did not explicitly differ from the other respondents
in both their expressed opinions as well as their visits to community centers. However, bias
could be a risk here. The sampling, due to the impossibility of selective sampling, is a risk
for the validity of the study in general as well. To stay on the secure side, one could state
that the results are valid for a Somali population exceeding 35 years of age, living in the
Netherlands for a period exceeding 10 years, and which are residents of the Tilburg-North
neighborhood. However, the Tilburg-West respondent did not show great differences with
the other respondents, so possibly, results could be generalized to the whole of Tilburg.
This last factor is connected to external validity. Since only one respondent in Tilburg-West
was reached, statements on generalizability have to be made with caution.
43
method
Finally, it must be mentioned that the use of both questionnaires and semi-structured
interviews in data collection were an added value to the validity of the study. The questionnaires were used as an instrument to check the outcomes of the interviews, mainly on
the topics of acculturation and contact. The outcomes of these checks are described in the
subsequent chapter which focusses on the results of the thesis project.
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
44
45
results
5Results
In this chapter, the results of the study are presented. The results are divided in three
categories, in accordance with the research questions. The categories are acculturation,
contact, and needs. As mentioned in chapter 4, in first instance, more codes were used to
organize the data in broad categories. However, many of these codes were specifications of
these three larger categories, which caused the decision to reduce the number of overarching categories aiming to increase clarity.
Acculturation
5.1
The topic of acculturation received a considerable amount of attention during the interviews. The introductory phase in the interviews built up to the topic of acculturation, which
was the first topic discussed in the interviews. The introductory phase consisted of questions on both Somali and Dutch culture(s). Before attention is paid to the preferred acculturation strategies for both the respondents themselves and their neighborhood residents,
attention is paid to the associations with Somali and Dutch culture(s) and life in order to
gain an understanding of the worldview of the respondents.
Associations with ‘Somali’ and ‘Dutch’
5.1.1
All respondents provided reactions on questions about Somalia, their associations with
Somali and Dutch culture(s), and their associations with the Netherlands since culture was
an important aspect in the research questions. The views presented on Somali and Dutch
culture(s) reflect aspects that turned out to be important for the respondents concerning
acculturation as well. Therefore, the main reactions on questions about Somali culture
and Dutch culture(s) are provided in Table 5.1 on page 47. This table offers an insight in the
respondents’ associations, divided on gender.
As shown in Table 5.1, both ‘religion’ and ‘nice people’ were mentioned to be representative for both Somali and Dutch culture(s). Connected to the Dutch context, ‘religion’ was
mentioned to be less important, or focusing on Christianity. In the Somali context, Islam
was the only religion referred to and was mentioned to be important for the respondent
every single time. Concerning ‘people’, Somalia was associated with parents, connecting,
the importance of neighbors, hospitality, and coziness. In the Dutch context, ‘people’ were
connected with kindness, friendliness, and an open character. Other striking associations
with the countries were ‘war’ and a ‘lack of freedom’ versus ‘peace’ and ‘freedom’. All female
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
46
Somali culture
Dutch culture
Parties / music / dance
Clothes
Culture
Religion
Nice people
War / lack of freedom
Peace / freedom
Health care / education
Diversity (human)
Carnival
Upbringing
Laws / Rules
Table 5.1
Associations with Somali and Dutch cultures
respondents and more than half of the male respondents mentioned freedom as an important and a positive trait of the Netherlands and Dutch culture. Almost all associations presented in Table 5.1 have been mentioned connected to acculturation as well and therefore
the focus shifts to that topic.
5.1.2
Acculturation preferences for the individual
There was no variance in acculturation preferences. All respondents preferred the integration option for themselves. Two respondents did not explicitly indicate this. However, they
referred to the integration option implicitly by mentioning both Somali and Dutch cultural
traits they had incorporated in their lives. All other respondents explicitly referred to the
integration option (when asked) and indicated to prefer to combine (positive) aspects of
both Somali and Dutch culture(s) in their lives. Throughout the interviews, the respondents
mentioned both Somali and Dutch cultural traits to be of importance in their lives. Quote 1
illustrates the presented views on acculturation:
47
results
R5: “I think the cultures should be combined, but only the positive sides of the cultures. Some
things which are normal in the Netherlands are not allowed by Somali faith, so I will not do those
things. But other things are very positive”.
Quote 1
The questionnaires showed a similar pattern of reactions. Nonetheless, respondents
were somewhat less unanimous compared to the reactions provided in the interviews. The
reactions on the six questions concerning acculturation are provided in Table 5.2. The figures are the amounts of respondents who opted for a certain answer.
As visualized in the table, the vast majority of the respondents opted to feel Somali.
However, the majority indicated to feel Dutch or somewhat Dutch as well. This lower enthusiasm about feeling Dutch does not indicate that the integration option was disconfirmed
by the questionnaires, only two respondents indicated to somewhat disagree on the statement. Both Dutch and Somali language were important to the respondents, as well as Dutch
and Somali culture. However, figures on Dutch culture are somewhat less convincing than
those on Somali culture. In general, it can be stated that the questionnaire results match the
interview results. Despite a small preference for Somali culture and nationality, both Dutch
and Somali culture, language, and nationality were perceived as important.
Untrue
Somewhat
untrue
Not true,
not untrue
Somewhat
true
True
Missing
I feel Dutch
-
2
-
3
6
-
I feel Somali
-
-
-
1
10
-
(My) children should
speak Dutch
-
-
-
-
10
1
(My) children should
speak Somali
-
1
-
-
9
1
My children should
know Dutch culture
1
-
1
1
7
1
My children should
know Somali culture
-
-
1
-
9
1
Reactions on questionnaire questions concerning acculturation (N=11)
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
Table 5.2
48
In the interviews, respondents were asked about their motivations to opt for the integration option, focusing on aspects they wanted to maintain from both Somali culture and
other (Dutch) cultures. Their motivations are presented in Figure 5.1, in which connections
between the motivations are visualized.
How:
Integration
Combine postive
sides of both
cultures
Why:
Contact
Somali
contact
• Language
• Parties
• Connecting
Non-Somali
contact
Adjusting
to NL
Islam
Upbringing
Figure 5.1
Argumentations for the preference for integration as acculturation strategy
5.1.2.1
Contact
Personality
As visualized in Figure 5.1, contact most frequently was identified as the reason to prefer
integration. Contact with both Somalis and non-Somalis seemed important to the respondents. Nine respondents mentioned Somali contacts to be of importance for them, and
eight respondents mentioned contacts with non-Somalis to be important. Main arguments
for the importance of Somali contacts were the possibility to communicate about the situation in Somalia, to speak one’s mother tongue, and to gain social support. Quotes 2 to 4
illustrate these findings.
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results
R6: “I find contact very important. It is nice to be able to speak about the news from Somalia,
about the war. This war is so bad and I do not think it will ever end. It is positive for me as well
when my family in Somalia is asking for money; I like it when I am able to speak about that with
others. It makes me realize I am not the only one experiencing these difficulties and that makes
me feel better”.
Quote 2
R3: “If I do not have contacts, I will become stressed. I want contacts with all kinds of people, but
with Somali people I can speak my mother tongue. We can talk and laugh and then you will get,
somehow relieved. We speak about Somalia, about what happened there and we joke and play,
then I feel relieved. … When I speak with Somalis, I have no stress”.
Quote 3
R8: “I find contacts with Somali women very important. That is the reason why I come to de
IJpelaar. If necessary, I want to help them, for instance with interpreting. If I would not come here,
I would not know whether someone needed my help. Furthermore, I like the meetings, they are
cosy”.
Quote 4
Furthermore, weddings were regularly mentioned to be an important trait of Somali culture in the Netherlands, but also as a means of meeting and connecting with Somali people.
Music, dance and food are important components of these weddings and a reason why the
respondents appreciate weddings that much. Quote 5 illustrates this.
R2: “I like it when someone gets married, we do that according to the norms of our culture, with
dance, food, and Somali guests”.
Quote 5
The respondents connected the contacts with Somalis with access to their heritage culture, county, and language. Connections were also made with religion, which seems to be
another important factor in opting for an integration strategy.
Before religion is discussed, non-Somali contacts and the respondents’ reasons to connect with non-Somalis are presented. Main reasons for non-Somali contacts were improvement of the Dutch language, learning about each other, and connecting. Quotes 6 to 8
illustrate this.
R6: “I like contacts with non-Somalis. They help me improve my Dutch language skills and also I
learn about other cultures”.
Quote 6
R8: “I prefer to have contact with my Dutch friends. With them, I can speak about anything and
moreover, I know for certain that they will not tell others about it”.
Quote 7
R3: “I like to connect with my colleagues from all kinds of backgrounds. I like to go out with them
or visit their parties”.
Quote 8
Besides reasons for contact with non-Somalis, such as improving their Dutch language,
or attractive personal traits of these non-Somalis, contacts concerning parties were mentioned often. The respondents indicated to like to connect with non-Somalis to learn about
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
50
their parties (carnival was mentioned by three respondents) and habits with food. More
than half of the female respondents indicated to prefer acculturation partly because they
want to learn about cooking habits of other cultures. The wish for contact was connected
with other reasons to opt for the integration option as well. In the following, the connection of both integration and contact with Islam are discussed.
5.1.2.2
Islam
The respondents mentioned Islam to be an important trait of Somali culture and it was
connected to contacts with both Somali and non-Somali people in the mosque. Five respondents spoke about Islam directly connected to integration, whereas two other respondents
indicated Islam as important for them, however they did not directly connect this to integration. The five respondents mentioned Islam to be important for them and viewed it as
something they wished to incorporate in their daily lives in the Netherlands. As can be seen
in Figure 5.1, Islam is connected with Somali contacts. However, the arrow is dotted which
implies that contacts with Somalis are important concerning religion, but are not the only
argument for maintaining Islam. Islam is also reported to be a deep individual need.
The questionnaires also showed the importance of religion: all respondents indicated
to participate in Ramadan (missing: one) and all but one respondent indicated to pray five
times a day. Finally, all but two respondents indicated to either be religious (N= 3) or very
religious (N=6). One respondent did not answer this question and one respondent answered
to be slightly religious. Thus, the vast majority of the respondents valued Islam highly and
indicated it to be part of their daily lives. Quote 9, 10 and 11 illustrate how respondents connected Islam to integration.
Quote 9
R1: “I find it important to maintain contact with Somalis and my own culture. Religion is most
important in that respect. I will always be Muslim”.
Quote 10
R3: “Language and religion are things you can never forget”.
Quote 11
R7: “Religion is very important. Sugar feast for instance. I think that is important for the children.
... Our family comes to our place and the children fast as well. And the slaughter feast, that is later
in the year. … These are Muslim traditions that are also important in the Somali culture”.
Connected to religion, respondents often mentioned clothing, parties, and dancing.
Especially weddings were mentioned regularly. Religion was mainly used to refer to Somali
aspects of culture and integration. However, two female respondents mentioned that Dutch
traditions sometimes fit Islam better than Somali traditions which made them incorporate
components of Dutch culture or traditions. Sleeping in separate bedrooms by boys and
girls and respect for women are examples of this. In Quote 12, a female respondent aged 22
elaborates on the separation of males and females.
Quote 12
R6: “I think it is a positive thing that children have their separate bedrooms here. In Somalia,
children of the same age category sleep in one room, boys and girls. They do not have enough
51
results
bedrooms to offer everyone a private one. Here, boys and girls can sleep separately, in their own
room. I think it is a good thing they sleep separate, it connects better with Islam. In Islam male
and female are separated as well. If I would not have enough rooms here, I would not mix different genders anymore”.
Adjusting to Dutch society
5.1.2.3
A topic that was mentioned by more than one third (eight) of the respondents was adjusting to Dutch society which, in contrast to religion, mainly shows respondents’ focus on the
Netherlands, Dutch society, and its residents. Again, contact was important in this. Subcategories were laws and (unwritten) rules, freedom of choice, and respect for others. Quote 13
and 14 illustrate this.
R3: “The Dutch law is strict and serious. You can get penalties and so on. In the past, I did not
take that very seriously. Now I do, I take the law very serious and I think of it as a good thing. I
think for me, that is the most important thing.”
Quote 13
R6: “I think freedom of choice is very important. My daughter is free to choose to wear traditional
clothes or not. … I think it is a very good thing that in the Netherlands parents do not decide everything for their children. An example is that they are able to choose their study and partner.”
Quote 14
Other aspects of Dutch culture that were valued highly and were indicated to have been
incorporated in their lives by the vast majority of the respondents were punctuality and
the importance of appointments. Respondents told that in Somalia, appointments are an
almost unknown concept. However, in the Netherlands respondents value appointments
highly and reported that even Somalis living in the Netherlands make appointments before
they visit each other. Quote 15 illustrates a statement by a female respondent in which she
argues in favor of appointments:
R11: “I think it is also because Somalis here are very busy. Everyone has appointments and we do
not like to wait anymore. We are not used to that anymore.”
Quote 15
Besides positive traits of Dutch culture, personality differences between Dutch and
Somalis were also mentioned by two respondents and they indicated to prefer certain
Dutch traits over Somali traits. The Dutch characteristics that were valued were openness
and calmness. Somalis were indicated to have closed personalities whereas they tend to
communicate in a loud fashion, according to the two respondents.
Upbringing
5.1.2.4
To conclude, parenting was mentioned by several respondents. Respondents indicated to
mainly hold on to Somali habits in upbringing, despite the fact that one in four respondents spoke of their children as ‘Dutch’. Even though, some Dutch (or Western) characteristics of parenting were perceived as positive and were mentioned by four female respon-
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
52
dents. Examples are: sanctioning, rewarding, and the freedom to make one’s own decisions
and to respond to your parents. This last characteristic was identified as positive but was
also perceived as a challenge for the parents. Retorting your parents is simply not done in
Somalia. In Quote 16, a mother explains:
Quote 16
R11: “In Somalia you would hit your children when they behave that insolent (when they respond
or retort to their parents: note of YC). Here, I do not do that. I sanction them, mainly with house
arrest. That works”.
The same respondent indicated to miss the social control which is common in Somalia.
She found it difficult to raise her, especially older, children without this social control. This
statement is interesting in the light of parenting, but is also notable for another reason. It
puts emphasis on a negative characteristic of the Netherlands and Dutch cultures. Points
of critique were hardly expressed, which was partly due to the phrasing of the questions,
which focused on facets of different cultures that should be maintained or incorporated.
Nonetheless, another respondent mentioned to have experienced difficulties with gay
marriage. Finally, the need to make appointments was identified as negative, although it
must be mentioned that more often, it was identified as a positive trait of Dutch culture(s).
Connected to the Somali culture, few negative sides were mentioned. Three respondents
did express their disapproval of hitting children.
5.1.3
Acculturation preferences for the wider community
Acculturation strategies were discussed with a focus on the preference regarding one’s
personal acculturation style, but also with an emphasis on the respondents’ preferences
concerning the acculturation styles adopted by the wider community. In this respect, the
respondents again showed great unanimity. In accordance with their personally preferred
strategy, they preferred their wider community to adopt a multiculturalism stance. All but
one respondent reacted to questions concerning preferred acculturation strategies for others. That one respondent was not able to do so due to time-restrictions. The elaborations
on the preference for multiculturalism were fewer in number than those on integration.
This can be explained by the sequence of the questions; questions on respondents’ personal
acculturation strategies came first and these answers show high similarity with the ones
on the preferred acculturation strategies for others. Thus, the arguments in favor of multiculturalism were quite similar to those amplifying integration. Nonetheless, a totally new
category appeared in the data and is presented in Figure 5.2.
As shown in this figure, two basic arguments were put forward. First, and again, contact
was an important one. Second, acceptation of the other culture was mentioned quite often,
which was surprising since this category did not show up in the interviews connected to
the personal acculturation strategy (integration). Contact was mentioned most and therefore is discussed first.
53
results
Multiculturalism
(individuals from)
(individuals from)
Somali culture
Dutch cultures
Contact
• learning
• friendlyness
Acceptation
of Dutch
cultures
Contact
• learning
• friendlyness
Acceptation
of Somali
culture
Argumentations for the preference for multiculturalism as acculturation strategy
Contact
Figure 5.2
5.1.3.1
Contact was mentioned to be important on both the Somali and the Dutch side (and that of
other cultural groups in the Netherlands, therefore: cultures). Contact was mentioned to be
important in its own right by seven respondents when connected to initiatives that needed to
be initiated by the Somali community, and by eight respondents when connected to initiatives that needed to be taken by Dutch cultural groups. All but one of these respondents mentioned learning about each other and each other’s cultures as main reason for the contact. The
other (male) respondent mentioned friendliness as main reason for contact between different
groups. Quote 17 and 18 illustrate both these reasons.
R9: “Yes, it is important since everyone can teach another something. That is very positive. Here in
Tilburg-North many different people live together. That is positive since everyone should be able to
learn from other people”.
Quote 17
R5: “Everyone has his personal ideas. However, if we all remain friendly, things will work out fine”.
Quote 18
Acceptance
5.1.3.2
Besides contact, acceptation was mentioned often as the reason for people to adopt a multiculturalist acculturation strategy. Synonyms used were: open up for each other (Dutch: open
staan voor elkaar), give someone elbow-room (Dutch: ruimte geven) and live together in
peace. Respondents hardly elaborated on this topic, however the main focus seemed to be on
acceptation of one’s religion and culture. Acceptation was expected more often from other
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
54
cultures than from the Somali group; four respondents referred to Somalis who have to accept others, whereas seven respondents referred to Dutch cultural groups that should accept
Somalis and their culture. Quote 19 illustrates the view of others accepting Somalis, whereas
Quote 20 highlights the importance of acceptance in general, by all people.
Quote 19
R1: “I think some else should let me maintain my heritage culture. We should live together in
peace”.
Quote 20
R8: “People should combine aspects from all cultures. Maintain your religion, but also add something so you are able to learn about others and how they live and add some things, so that people
can feel, I would say, nice. That’s better than clashing all the time. Accept each other and mix your
cultures”.
The results presented until now reflected respondents’ reactions on the topic of acculturation. The second topic that was discussed extensively is contact. Contact is the topic of
the next section of this results chapter.
5.2
Contact
The previous section revealed that contact was an important motivation for the respondents
to opt for an integration/multiculturalist stance towards acculturation. Contact was a topic
of discussion in its own right as well. In fact, contact was the topic on which respondents
elaborated most and additionally, it took up a substantial part of the questionnaires. The
concept of contact showed connections to all other topics in the thesis. In this section data
on both Somali and non-Somali contact, based on both questionnaires and interviews, is
provided. Furthermore, attention is paid to both the contact hypothesis and the social identity theory.
5.2.1
Somali contacts
Somali contacts were examined with assistance of the questionnaires and were elaborated
on in the interviews. Figure 5.3 shows the most important outcomes of both methods of data
collection. The figure shows the respondents assessed their contacts with Somalis on five
dimensions. Information about the frequency of the contacts was almost solely obtained
from the questionnaires. The majority of the respondents (seven) indicated to meet with
other Somalis daily; seven to eight times a week. Two people did not answer this question
and two others answered to meet Somali neighborhood residents one and four times a week.
The location of the contact was examined in the questionnaires as well and was elaborated
on in the interviews. Community centers were mentioned most as the location of the contact. The respondents explained this by a lack of Somalis living in their close surroundings
(such as the apartment building or the street). Furthermore contacts tended to take place
outside; at the street, the playground, and the school of the children. The mosque and the
home were mentioned least. The activities that were reported on can be grouped under
‘talk’; talking about the (political) situation in Somalia was mentioned most. Furthermore,
55
results
Somali contacts
Frequency
• Most daily
• 1 to 8 times a
week (mean
6.2, SD 2.3)
Location
• Community
center
• Outside
• Mosque
• At home
Activity
• Talk
• Social aspect
Evaluation
• Positive
Need
• Much to very
much
Characteristics of contacts with Somali neighborhood residents
Figure 5.3
the social aspect seemed to be of importance; respondents mentioned playing cards and
helping each other, for instance with interpreting. Bonding and coziness were also mentioned. Quote 21 offers a reflection of the previous.
R3: “I usually come here (at het Ronde Tafelhuis: note of YC) three to four times a week, after
worktime. I mostly come here to speak with other people, to chat, to play cards, things like that.
That is most important. We also speak about the situation in Somalia, about politics and things
like that”.
Quote 21
The respondents evaluated their contacts with Somali neighborhood residents positively. The questionnaires revealed a mean of 4.2 (SD .6) on a five point scale from very negative
to very positive. All verbal reactions provided in the interviews indicated Somali contacts to
be experienced as positive as well. Furthermore, the respondents expressed a great desire to
have contacts with Somalis. On a five point scale ranging from ‘I do not fancy contact with
Somali neighborhood residents’ to ‘I very much fancy contact with Somali neighborhood
residents’, respondents scored a mean of 4.5 (SD .7).
Summarizing, it can be stated that the respondents have contact with Somali neighborhood residents on a frequent, most often daily, basis. The absolute minimum mentioned by
a respondent was once a week. The location where the contact takes place is in a community center or outside and during that contact people talk about the situation in Somalia and
engage in social activities. The respondents value these contacts highly and have a great
desire to develop and maintain these contacts. In the subsequent paragraph the contact
with non-Somali neighborhood residents is discussed.
Non-Somali contacts
5.2.2
The non-Somali contacts with other neighborhood residents, just as the Somali contacts,
were examined by means of both the questionnaires and the interviews. The results are
presented in Figure 5.4 on page 57.
The figure shows several characteristics of respondents’ contacts with non-Somali
neighborhood residents. The frequency of the contacts was scattered. There were great differences between respondents. Overall, respondents at least once a week have contact with
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
56
Non-Somali contacts
Frequency
• Very scattered
• 1 to 35
times
a week
(mean 11.9,
SD 10.2)
Figure 5.4
Location
• Close to
the home
• Community
center
• Outside
• Activities
• Mosque
Activity
• Connecting
• Assisting
Who
• Neighbors
• Others
• Wide
variety of
nationalities
Evaluation
• Differentiated
• Positive
• Discrimination /
racism
• Cons
compared
to Somali
contact
Need
• Much to
very much
Characteristics of contacts with non-Somali neighborhood residents
non-Somali neighborhood residents. However, most involve in contact more often, the
mean was 11.9 (SD 10.2) times a week. Three respondents indicated not to have contact with
non-Somalis on a daily basis (1 to 4 times a week). Five respondents said to have contact
at least one or two times a day and two respondents indicated to have contact more than
two times a day (20 and 35 times per week). One respondent did not answer this question.
The locations in which the contacts take place differed. Locations close to the home were
mentioned most. They take place in the street, at home, and during shopping. Furthermore,
the community center, the playground, and the school of the children were mentioned.
Activities, such as sports clubs, work, school, or meetings with friends were other sources
for non-Somali contact. Finally, one respondent identified the mosque as a place to meet
non-Somalis. The activities during the contacts have been grouped under two categories;
connecting and assisting. Connecting consists of chatting, watching movies, attending and
throwing parties, and having dinner. Assisting entails helping each other to read difficult
letters and babysitting. Contacts mostly take place with (close) neighbors, but friends and
colleagues living in Tilburg-North were also mentioned. Last, the respondents’ non-Somali
contacts showed a wide variety of nationalities. Quote 22 illustrates some of the traits of
non-Somali contacts that were mentioned.
Quote 22
R5: “In the borough, I have quite a lot of contacts. But not with Somalis, there are not that much
Somalis living in my apartment building. I mainly connect with a girl, I do not know exactly
where she comes from, China, the Philippines, or Japan, but that is my neighbor. We sometimes
chat about ideas, exchange thoughts, but also we chat about the daily things, you know, just
cosy”.
In general, the respondents were very positive about their contacts with non-Somalis.
On a five point scale from a very negative to a very positive evaluation of the contacts, respondents on average assessed the contact with a 4.6 (SD 0.5). This means that respondents
were either positive or very positive about the contacts. The same was found in the inter-
57
results
views. Nine respondents indicated the contacts as positive. One respondent mentioned to
gain much support out of the contacts and another mentioned to experience more honesty,
trust and openness compared to contacts with Somalis. Four respondents mentioned the
contacts to be important to them. Quite often, contact with non-Somalis was associated
with the importance of neighbors in the Somali culture. Several respondents indicated
neighbors to be of greater importance than family in Somali culture. The people who live
close to you are most important. The questionnaires also reflected the importance of
non-Somali contacts for the respondents. On a five point scale ranging from ‘I do not fancy
contact with non-Somali neighborhood residents’ to ‘I very much fancy contact with nonSomali neighborhood residents’, the mean score was 4.3 (SD .7). Quote 23 and 24 offer an
impression of the positive evaluation of the contacts.
R7: “Uh, I like the living together. We have contact with each other and we have no conflicts. It is
a very quit borough in my opinion. I also like to watch movies together, or have dinner with the
people from this floor. We also babysit each other’s children. It is very positive”.
Quote 23
R6: “The contacts are very important to me. If I do not have contact (with the people living at the
same floor as I do: note of YC), it is bad for my head”.
Quote 24
Despite the positive evaluation of the contact, a more negative side was indicated as
well. Seven respondents mentioned discrimination by non-Somalis to take place. Some
respondents were asked about this explicitly (as member validation), after others had mentioned it themselves. The respondents who were asked about it all reported that discrimination indeed takes place. However, there were differences in the indication of seriousness
and frequency. One respondent mentioned discrimination not to take place without being
asked about it explicitly. Five others mentioned it to take place sometimes whereas one
respondent indicated discrimination to occur often, even daily. All respondents who spoke
about discrimination also spoke about the division between ‘good’ and ‘bad’ people. The
respondents who mentioned discrimination to take place occasionally explained discrimination with this division. Furthermore, they mentioned to verbally react to discrimination,
not to bother about it and that other countries are much worse (when respondents spoke
about other countries, they mentioned England consistently; some of them had been living there for a certain period of time). The respondent who mentioned discrimination to
take place often mentioned to bother about it, and to experience an inability to change it.
However, she tries to react to discriminating ideas and to convince people that their line of
reasoning is incorrect. She was bothered about the fact that people say: “you are a are good
person, but the rest (Somalis: note of YC) is unlike you”. Besides the topic of discrimination,
two respondents mentioned the language barrier and the lack of social control as a con of
non-Somali contact. The three following quotes represent the topic of discrimination either
as an often (Quote 25), sporadically (Quote 26) or never (Quote 27) occurring phenomenon.
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
58
Quote 25
R8: “Discrimination does happen a lot. I work in ‘de thuiszorg’ and you see it in the back of their
minds; they think negatively about Somalis or Islam. When they get to know you they say: it is
not that bad. I was with a lady one time and I only knew her for five minutes and then already she
asked where I came from and I answered that I come from Somalia. And then she said: I’m sorry,
but I think those people are really antisocial. … She was saying all kind of nasty things, but I just
let her speak and then when she was finished, I retorted about the fact that in every group there
are antisocial people and that my children visit Havo. … And then she said: yes, now I look at it
more positively”.
Quote 26
R4: “You know, all people are different. There are always bad people, that is the case with everybody. I did have some negative experiences, people said racist things, but that are only few people.
I don’t bother about that, I don’t care”.
Quote 27
R10: “I have never experienced it (discrimination: note of YC). But you should not bother about
bad people”.
In summary, respondents indicated to highly value their contacts with non-Somali
neighborhood residents. The contacts were mentioned to be both positive and important
and to mainly take place in the neighborhood, mostly outside or at a community center.
Contacts most often take place more than once a day. Activities are aimed to connect to
others or to assist them or be assisted by them. Neighbors are most regularly the people
with whom the contact takes place. Despite the positive evaluations, discrimination does
take place, most respondents indicated it to happen sometimes. Mostly they do not get very
upset by it and they differentiated between good and bad people. The next sections focus on
the effect of the contact; does it improve relations (contact hypothesis) or does it stimulate
group thinking and intergroup conflict (social identity theory)?
5.2.3
Contact hypothesis
During the interviews, respondents were asked several questions connected to the underlying thoughts of the contact hypothesis. The questions mainly focused on the effect of
contact; did the contact cause a changed view on non-Somalis? To assist in this, the respondents were asked whether they viewed non-Somalis differently at time of their arrival to the
Netherlands compared to how they view them now. Furthermore, the characteristics of the
contacts were asked about. A schematic overview of the findings is presented in Figure 5.5.
As is shown in the figure, the vast majority of the respondents confirmed the line of
reasoning of the contact hypothesis. Seven respondents did so, whereas two respondents
did not agree on the ideas behind the contact hypothesis. One respondent mentioned that
contact can both have a positive influence or no influence and one respondent (in the focus
group) did not react on questions about the contact hypothesis. The main argument provided in favor of the contact hypothesis was that respondents feel that their contacts with
non-Somalis improved their view on non-Somalis and Dutch in specific. Six respondents
indicated this. Two respondents added that contact assists in reducing biases with others
and one respondent answered that her contacts improved over time, in which she implied a
59
results
Contact hypothesis
Improved value
of the contact
• for myself
• for others
• for both
No changes
due to contact
Contacts mainly
are equal and
positive
Interview findings on the contact hypothesis
Figure 5.5
two-way effect (she assessed others more positively and the others viewed her more positively as well). None of the respondents mentioned contact with non-Somalis to have negative
effects. The following quotes illustrate the reactions provided to confirm the line of reasoning of the contact hypothesis.
R3: “When I just arrived in the Netherlands, I volunteered at a youth center. Many different boys
came there, also boys who were racist, skinheads I found out later. But later, I found out, I made
friends and things changed. I learned that not all Dutch people are like that. There are good and
bad people”.
Quote 28
R6: “When I just arrived in the Netherlands, I lived in Lichtevoorde. Everyone there was Dutch,
white. Together with one other girl, I was black. She told me I would get in trouble if I would connect with these people, because of our faith and so on. I agreed. Everyone looked at me strangely
and I got scared. In Tilburg I learned that contact can be positive. That I am allowed to be religious
and wear my headscarf. That it is not a problem at all”.
Quote 29
Next to the consequences of the contact, attention was paid to the characteristics of the
contact. When asked, the respondents indicated that their contacts were equal (five respondents) and positive (three respondents). One respondent who did not recognize the ideas behind the contact hypothesis also indicated contacts to be equal and positive. The counting is
based on answers to direct questions on the contact hypothesis. The previous paragraph on
non-Somali contact showed that contacts in general were valued quite high and positively.
Quote 30 offers an insight in an evaluation of the contacts highlighting equality.
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Quote 30
R3:”The contacts are equal. Also for my wife, she has not been living here for a long period yet.
The contact is positive for her, it helps her to improve her language”.
In contrast to the majority of the respondents, two respondents indicated not to agree
on the underlying principles of the contact hypothesis. They argued that the contact did
not change their views towards non-Somalis. The respondents did not elaborate on their
answers much. One of these two respondents stated:
Quote 31
R2: “I would not think differently about non-Somalis if I would not have contacts with them. It
would not make a difference”.
5.2.4
Social identity theory
Besides the contact hypothesis, respondents were also asked about their views on the
ideas behind the social identity theory. Respondents recognized these only minimally compared to those underlying the contact hypothesis. Two major topics were discussed during
the interviews. First, it was discussed whether the respondents identified Somalis as one,
homogeneous group. Second, the experienced rivalry between Somalis and other groups in
Dutch society was estimated and evaluated. The main findings are presented in Figure 5.6.
The majority of the respondents identified Somalis as one (social, ethnocultural, …)
group. Seven respondents indicated this to be the case. Main arguments provided were that
there are only little and few differences. Language and religion were often mentioned in
this respect. In contrast, three respondents spoke about individual and clan differences and
did not agree on the thought of Somalis as a homogeneous and comparable group. Again,
the division between good and bad people was made by one of these respondents. The following quotes represent the views of respondents who believed Somalis to be a comparable
group.
Quote 32
R4: “Somalis all are comparable. We have places where we meet and that is something we find
important. That is true for all groups. Everyone resembles people of their own group, that has to
do with culture”.
Quote 33
R7: “I think Somalis all are the same kind of people. We all have the same religion and the same
language”.
The following quote illustrates the views of respondents who assessed Somalis as
a heterogeneous group.
Quote 34
R3: “I used to think Somalis were one group, but that has changed. … I used to think that Somalis
were brothers and sisters, all the same. But now, now I know people are not like that. There is
war, clans fight each other. That has changed, they are not one. That is simply not the case”.
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results
Social identity theory
One comparable
group
Not one
comparable group
Much groupformation and
conficts
No clashes /
rivalry / conflicts
only sporadic
incidents
Interview findings on the social identity theory
Figure 5.6
The respondents were also asked about their views on intergroup conflict. Respondents
reacted quite unanimously. Seven respondents mentioned they were not aware of conflicts
between groups. Only one respondent did not agree. Three respondents were not asked this
question. Two of them were respondents in the pilot-interviews and at that time, explicit
questions on intergroup conflict were not yet incorporated in the topic list. The other
respondent was estimated to be turned off by this topic and therefore the questions were
avoided. The seven respondents who reacted with disconfirmation mainly indicated that
there is no rivalry or tension between groups and clashes were unknown to them. Yet, one
incident of discrimination and a fight following this incident was mentioned by three different respondents independently of each other. However, this was labeled an incident and
as unrepresentative for the situation. Quote 35 illustrates this, whereas Quote 36 offers an
impression of the type of answers provided to questions about intergroup rivalry.
R7: “I have lived in England first and I did not like that, those people discriminate and there were
clashes between groups. In the Netherlands, that hardly happens. It happens very sporadically.
A friend of mine once ran into people (Antillean people: note of YC) who said she should go back
to her own country. The police came and there was blood. The boys who did that were aged 16 or
something like that. Fortunately this does not happen often. I have never experienced something
like that myself”.
Quote 35
R4: “I have never heard about difficulties or troubles between Somalis and other groups of people.
I know nothing about that”.
Quote 36
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The one respondent (R8) who did recognize group rivalry spoke about group formation
at the playground of the school of her children. Furthermore, she spoke about her neighbor
who is from Ivory Coast and who was ignored by members from other social groups at her
new job for weeks. She mentioned that groups do have biases and behave according to these
biases. This was the same respondent who indicated discrimination to take place daily.
5.3
Needs
The final topic which is discussed in this chapter is that of the needs of the Somali respondents. Respondents were asked about their needs concerning their neighborhood and
neighborhood contacts. The findings are presented in the following section.
5.3.1
Identified needs
Respondents were asked about their needs in general and more specific about needs with a
focus on the frequency and content of their contacts as well as their needs concerning the
way individuals in their neighborhood treat them. Respondents were quite clear about their
experienced needs. Eight respondents mentioned not to have needs of any kind. Respondents explained they were satisfied with the current situation and their contacts, which
often already had become clear due to the content of the interview. Furthermore, respondents argued to be unable to think of any improvements concerning their social situation.
The results presented in the previous parts of this results chapter were indicative for this
outcome. To illustrate the findings, some quotes by the respondents who mentioned not to
experience needs are presented.
Quote 37
R5: “No, I do not have needs. When people interact in a positive way, talk well, then things are
going well. That is what is important, that we talk, have contact. For me, I have that and I really
am happy with my neighborhood. I do not have any needs”.
Quote 38
R10: “I do not have any wishes or needs. I do not think anything should change”.
Quote 39
R6: “Sometimes my Surinamese neighbor throws a birthday party. But he has a different religion,
Catholic I guess, so he does not know about our food. Then he informs me he is not buying pig,
but goat that day. We also cook things because he does not know how to do it well and then we
have a party. All of us (the people living on the same floor of the apartment building: note of YC).
I do not have any needs or improvements, they are nice people and I am happy to have them as
neighbors”.
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results
There were three respondents who did formulate needs concerning their neighborhood and contacts with neighborhood residents. Two respondents mentioned not to have
explicit needs concerning contact, they were positive about that, but they did formulate
needs. One respondent spoke about the driving speed of the cars at the parking lot, the
other respondent’s need was mentioned earlier this chapter, it concerned the lack of social
control in the upbringing of children. The last respondent who experienced needs was the
same respondent who spoke about a high incidence of discrimination. Her needs are presented in Quote 40.
R8: “I would like people to become more close. If their relationships became more tight, that
would be nice. That they would be interested in other cultures. … Dutch people should be more
open to Somali people and Somalis should be more open to Dutch people. … Now, that is not happening enough, but things can improve. … Children can have a leading role in this. They simply
play with each other and do not create problems”.
Quote 40
This respondent formulated needs concerning the contact between ethnocultural
groups. She spoke about people with different backgrounds grouping together and a need
for a higher frequency of contact between the groups. Personally, she mentioned to try to
create bridges. She has contact with people with a wide variety of backgrounds, but has
a preference for contact with Dutch people. Her need therefore was mostly aimed at others instead of at herself. The need for more ‘mingling’ was not shared by for example the
respondents in the focus group, who, when asked about this explicitly, replied:
R9: “No, not at all. In contrast, we have a lot of contact. It is all mixed, I think the children support this. They have all kinds of contact and we do that with the parents as well. It is really mixed.
People have a lot of contact, but yes, we also have a lot of contact with Somalis”.
Quote 41
R10 en R11, who also took part in the focus group, agreed on this statement which shows
that the need formulated by R8 is not shared by them. In general, it can be stated that the
respondents formulated little needs. The formulated needs were individual needs that
reflected a specific personal situation or viewpoint.
The low incidence of needs was discussed with five respondents as a member validation
check. Four respondents indicated the low needs to be representative for the actual situation; Somalis in Tilburg-North are very happy with their social situation. One respondent
suggested an influence of socially desirable answers in the low formulation of experienced
needs.
This elaboration on the topic of needs finalizes this results chapter. In the next chapter, the findings of the study are discussed, reflected on, and connected with literature.
Furthermore, the conclusions of the study are presented.
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65
discussion and conclusion
6Discussion
and conclusion
The results of the study presented in the previous chapter need some further elaboration. In
the current discussion and conclusion chapter, the results are linked with literature. Both
the theoretical concepts presented in chapter 3 and the contextual information discussed in
chapter 2 are connected to the results. Furthermore, conclusions are drawn from the study
and the generalizability of the findings is discussed.
Discussion
6.1
Chapter 2 informed about the contextual factors of importance concerning the respondents
of this thesis project. In this discussion section, attention is paid to the public debate in
the Netherlands, current Dutch policies, and findings from other studies on Somalis. There
seem to be both contradictions and similarities between the information provided in chapter 2 and the findings of this thesis project. These are discussed in this section. Furthermore, the theoretical concepts presented in chapter 3 are considered and connected with
the findings. Similar to the results chapter, this discussion section is divided in three main
parts. First, acculturation strategies are discussed, second, contact is elaborated on, and
third, the (low) needs of the respondents are discussed.
Acculturation strategy
6.1.1
The preferred acculturation strategies indicated by the Somali respondents in this thesis
project were integration (as a preference for themselves) and multiculturalism (as a preference for the wider society). This section compares the acculturation findings of this thesis
project with those of other studies on Somali migrants in the Netherlands. Furthermore,
the phasing of acculturation strategies of migrants and refugees in particular is discussed
before the attention turns to Dutch current policies.
Studies on Somali acculturation strategies
6.1.1.1
Since this thesis project focused on individual acculturation preferences of Somali migrants, these were assessed with a focus on individual differences. However, differences
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66
were not revealed. All respondents indicated similar acculturation preferences. The rationales behind the preferences mainly were connected to contact, yet, there were some individual differences in these rationales. Information on this topic is presented in paragraphs
5.1.2 and 5.1.3.
In her study, Van den Reek (2001) also focused on acculturation strategies, using quantitative methods. Van den Reek studied both behavioral and attitudinal strategies whereas
this thesis project only concentrated on attitudinal strategies. Therefore only the results
on this topic are discussed here. In her survey research, Van den Reek found that, irrespective of age, Somalis opted for an integration strategy and to a lesser extent for separation.
The domains in which the acculturation process takes place seemed to be decisive. Van
den Reek and Hussein (2003), in a study on transnationalism with Dutch Somali migrants,
found a main preference for separation in the home domains such as parenting and religion and an integration preference in more public domains. These findings from roughly
a decade ago were also found in this study, despite the use of different methods of data
collection. Dourleijn and Dagevos (2011) more recently did not precisely study acculturation
preferences, but, as described in paragraph 3.1.4, focused on identification with autochthonous Dutch and the Somali group and found a preference for separation (39 percent), with
integration as a second option (29 percent). They also focused on preferences and associations, they did not study actual behavior.
In general, it can be stated that studies over the last decade, including this thesis project,
found dual results on acculturation preferences in which integration and separation were
the main trends. This thesis project found the respondents to clearly state to prefer integration and multiculturalism. However, elaborations revealed that they preferred separation
on the private domains of religion and upbringing. This is supported by studies by Van den
Reek (2001) and Van den Reek and Hussein (2003). Dourleijn and Dagevos (2011) are less
pronounced about divisions and speak about a general preference for separation, which
contrasts with the findings of this thesis project. However, integration is mentioned as a
second option. Ward and Leong (2006) mention that in general, both immigrant group and
host-nationals prefer the integration strategy, however, immigrants tend to favor integration even more than host-nationals. Separation often is the next preferred strategy. In general, findings of the presented studies are in line with the findings of this thesis project. In
the next paragraph, possible explanations for the findings on acculturation are discussed.
6.1.1.2
Phasing
Despite the similarity in findings on acculturation by this thesis project and other studies, it is interesting to search for possible explanations for this thesis’ findings. Allen et al.
(2006) describe acculturation theory with a specific focus on refugees and asylum seekers
within societies. They mention that refugees leave their homelands to escape human rights
violation. This, combined with the often turbulent period following the flee brings about
a specific phasing in the acculturation of refugees. The respondents all find themselves in
either the settlement period or the adaptation period. The preceding phases are all characterized by danger, fear, anxiety, and uncertainty. From the settlement period onwards,
refugees’ acculturation strategies are influenced by the acculturative strategy of the host
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discussion and conclusion
country and their individual preferences (Allen et al., 2006). Most respondents in the thesis
project seemed to find themselves in the adaptation stage, since more than 80 percent of
the respondents indicated to feel Dutch (next to Somali). Allen et al. (2006), who describe
Berry’s acculturation phases, do not indicate which acculturation strategy is most suitable
for this specific stage. However, the fact that refugees have arrived at a stable situation after
a long period of uncertainty and anxiety can imply that at least some appreciation of (the
stable situation in) the new country takes place. This was recognizable amongst the respondents in this thesis project, they mentioned to value the peace and freedom in the Netherlands. Moreover, they indicated to feel both Somali and Dutch and to prefer the integration
and multiculturalism option. This preference however is not always shared by the wider
community, which is discussed in the next paragraph.
Dutch policies
6.1.1.3
In paragraph 3.1.2, Berry’s statements on the prerequisites for integration to become an
achievable acculturation strategy were discussed. Acceptance of and value for diversity were
identified as important. In the context chapter, paragraph 2.1.2.1 described the development
towards more restrictive immigration policies leaving less room for heritage language and
culture maintenance. Furthermore, the public debate increasingly stresses the need for the
assimilation of migrants. In general, it can be stated that Dutch societies’ appreciation of
the value of diversity is diminishing. Moreover, prejudice and negative attitudes towards
ethnocultural groups seem to have increased during the last two decades. Therefore, it can
be carefully stated that the wider society does not favor the integration option as much as
the respondents do, even more since Ward and Leong (2006) indicate that acculturation
expectations of host nationals are connected with the main political ideologies. However,
the respondents’ narratives on their contacts seemed quite positive and showed willingness
of the wider society to connect with them and to learn from their cultures.
There seems to be a discrepancy between the experiences of these particular respondents in this period of time and the general trend over the last few years in the Netherlands.
Despite a reduced support for integration in policies and society, the respondents did not
experience this. Possibly Somalis’ high appreciation of contact (with neighbors) explains
why the respondents assess themselves to be successful in achieving positive contacts
and pursuing an integrationist acculturation strategy; a high appreciation can lead to an
increased effort and that in its turn to a positive effect on the contacts. Furthermore, the
wider society often influences the acculturation strategy (see paragraph 3.1.3). Possibly, the
super-diverse Tilburg-North area opts for a multiculturalism stance, despite the trend in
society.
Contact
6.1.2
In line with their acculturation preferences, the respondents reported to highly value both
Somali and non-Somali contacts. Furthermore, they evaluated and valued these contacts
as positive and important. However, there were some reports of discrimination by nonSomalis as well. This is in line with what Pettigrew et al. (2011) state on contact: there are far
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68
more positive than negative experiences. This section deals with the ambivalent responses
on the topic of contact: the positive evaluations versus discrimination. Additionally, it discusses two of the social psychology approaches that can explain the respondents’ contacts,
the social identity theory and the contact hypothesis.
6.1.2.1
Positive evaluation
Due to the social conditions in the Netherlands, discussed in paragraph 2.1.2.2, the expectation was Somalis would assess their contacts with non-Somalis as negative, at least in some
situations. However, the respondents showed a high level of satisfaction with their contacts
instead. Their contacts seem to reflect super-diversity.
These positive findings are in line with other recent studies on the Somali population in
the Netherlands. Both Van Heelsum (2011) and Dourleijn and Dagevos (2011) found that despite a relatively high level of unemployment, a low level of education, and an experienced
lack of opportunities, Somalis feel free and accepted in the Netherlands. Van Heelsum adds
that Somalis maintain frequent contacts with ‘autochthonous’ Dutch and people within
their community. This despite the high unemployment rate which causes increased isolation. Thus, other recent studies also find positive evaluations of contacts despite undesirable circumstances.
How can these positive contacts, or at least these positive evaluations of the contacts,
be explained? There are several possible explanations. The first is offered by Van Heelsum
(2011) and seems plausible. She mentions that contacts with less fortunate family members
in Kenya or Ethiopia help Somalis living in the Netherlands to realize that they are privileged with their living conditions. This might lead to a more positive evaluation of their life
in the Netherlands, including their contacts with neighborhood residents. A second explanation is offered by the respondents in this thesis project themselves and is concerned with
Somali culture and the importance of neighbors (in a broad sense). Several respondents
indicated neighbors to be of high meaning for them which causes them to invest much in
the relationship with these neighbors. It seems plausible that this might lead to improved
relationships. Several scholars (Dourleijn & Dagevos, 2011; Van den Tillaart et al., 2000; Van
Heelsum, 2011) indicate Somalis to interact with the residents of their neighborhood with a
wide variety of ethnicities quite intensively but are unable to offer an explanation for this.
Possibly this qualitative study offers an explanation which can be found in this cultural
aspect of Somali society. A third explanation of the positive evaluation of the contacts is
provided by scholars studying the contact hypothesis (Pettigrew et al., 2011). They state that
positive contacts occur much more frequently than negative contacts.
Even though the explanations provided imply that the findings are representative for
the actual situation, there are counterarguments. As mentioned earlier, member validation
was used as a means of validating the data. One respondent explicitly agreed on the cultural
argument, whereas a different respondent, offered another explanation. She stated that
other respondents were positive about their (non-Somali) contacts to please the researcher,
who was a Dutch woman. According to this respondent, the other respondents did not want
to dissatisfy the researcher and therefore did not reflect negatively on other people including ingroup (‘majority’) members of the researcher. Though, since the three respondents in
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discussion and conclusion
the focus group did not recognize this stance and disagreed with this respondent’s statement that Somalis tend to group together and have contact with non-Somalis only to a very
limited extent, the validity of this respondent’s argumentation can be questioned. However,
she is an insider of the group, so her findings are unlikely to be totally ungrounded. On
the other hand, other studies found similar results on Somali evaluations of non-Somali
contact and the researcher used several interventions to enlarge her ingroup membership
status such as elaborating on her period living in Uganda and her Tilburg-North origin.
Furthermore, intergroup contacts in general tend to be positive (Pettigrew et al, 2011).
Absolute statements cannot be made on the validity of the contact findings, but the arguments in favor of the correctness of the findings (which represent Somali opinions in a
specific time and place) seem plausible.
Discrimination
6.1.2.2
Closely connected to the previous topic are the respondents’ reports on discrimination. If
the extremely positive evaluations of the contact were surprising, the mildness on the occurrence and the load or impact of discrimination surpassed this. The explanations offered
for positive contacts can also serve for the reports on both the low incidence of discrimination and the negligible impact it had on the respondents. The explanations were the idea
that the situation in their home country is worse, the cultural value of neighborhood contacts, and the more frequent occurrence of positive contacts. This can all have had an effect
on the level of experienced discrimination. Furthermore, there are several other explanations in favor of the findings which are presented here.
Several respondents mentioned peace as a characteristic of the Netherlands, whereas
war was one of Somalia (see Table 5.1). Possibly, the secure, peaceful situation in the
Netherlands caused a positive evaluation of the Netherlands, whereas the dangerous, unstable situation in Somalia reminds people of cruel days. This memory could turn discrimination into a relatively innocent act. The only respondent who reported on discrimination
as a frequently occurring phenomenon left Somalia at young age. This could mean she does
not clearly remember the danger in this country, which, in turn, could explain her negative
view towards discrimination in the Netherlands. Furthermore she had different characteristics than the other respondents. She received a Dutch education, has many Dutch friends,
and in her job as a domiciliary caregiver (Dutch: thuiszorg medewerker), she has been
confronted with Dutch people in their home situations having severe prejudices towards
Somalis. None of the other respondents seemed as highly integrated as this respondent did
(this is purely based on the researchers observations and conclusions, not on the respondents’ personal assessments of their acculturation strategy). This observation leads to a
second possible explanation about the low report on discrimination, which can be found in
the integration paradox (Buijs et al., 2006).
The integration paradox suggests that a more active role at the labor market and in
social activities in the host society leads to an increased possibility for an individual to be
confronted with discrimination and to perceive it as such (Buijs et al., 2006). Furthermore,
many Muslim women seem to be confronted with discrimination even more due to the
headscarf as a religious marker. This completely suits the findings of this study. The re-
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70
spondent reporting on a high incidence of discrimination seemed highly integrated. The
other women’s demographics pointed towards a lower level of activity at the labor market.
In line with the integration paradox, they spoke about an absence or sporadic incidence
of discrimination. The male respondents who reacted on the topic of discrimination, all
mentioned it to happen very sporadically. Thus, the integration paradox offers a possible
explanation for the respondents’ report on discrimination. The only difficulty however
is the respondents’ indication of their acculturation strategy. They all reported to prefer
integration. Berry does mention that not every individual is as prototypical in his or her
behavior reflecting a particular acculturation strategy, so possibly, there are different levels.
The one respondent reporting on a high level of discrimination seems to be on a high level
of integration. Pettigrew et al. (2011) confirm the train of thought of the integration paradox.
They mention a process which they term ‘group relative deprivation’ which occurs when
people sense, through contact, that their ingroup is unjustly deprived of what the majority
possesses. Especially in high contact situations this can lead to more awareness of inequalities and an increased disapproval and even action. The U.S. Civil Rights Movement, which
was led by young African Americans with high interracial contacts, can serve as an example
(Pettigrew et al., 2011). Pettigrew et al. (2011) label this as a consequence of positive intergroup contacts, and not so much as a negative outcome of this contact. The respondent
who reported on high discrimination also mentioned to prefer Dutch contacts instead of
Somalis ones, so she seems to have positive intergroup contacts as well.
Several explanations are possible for the findings concerning contact and discrimination in specific. A final remark has to be made connected to discrimination. Again, reactivity towards the researcher might have been a factor of significance. This was also argued
by the respondent reporting on a high discrimination rate. The integration paradox and
‘group relative deprivation’ however offer informative and explanatory views on the data.
Furthermore, the contact hypothesis, which is discussed in the subsequent paragraph, does
not conflict with the integration paradox per se, since the latter can cause two different
reactions: invest even more in belongingness to the host society (as argued by Pettigrew et
al., 2011 as well) or turn it down which can lead to radicalization (Buijs et al., 2006). Clearly,
the respondent experiencing much discrimination opts for an enlarged investment which
does not contradict with the contact hypothesis: contact leads to improved relations which
are often a result of increased effort in contacts.
6.1.2.3
The contact hypothesis and social identity theory
The respondents’ views on contact clearly reflected the underlying thoughts of the contact
hypothesis instead of those underlying the social identity theory. The usefulness of the
contact hypothesis in this specific situation can be explained by the respondents’ view on
and evaluation of contact. Contact was connected with a positive interaction with both Somalis and non-Somalis. Different argumentations underlie the two types of contact, but the
evaluation of the contact and the need to have the contacts were almost similar for contacts
with Somalis and non-Somalis. Since the evaluation of the contact with non-Somalis was
that positive, the contact hypothesis is more suitable for explaining the contact than the
social identity theory is. Furthermore, when assessing Allport’s conditions, respondents’
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discussion and conclusion
contacts tended to be characterized by equal statuses (neighbors), common goals (learning
of each other and interacting in a positive way), and intergroup cooperation. Only support
of authorities was not reported on by the respondents. Moreover, the respondents indicated to have many contacts with non-Somalis. According to Pettigrew et al. (2011), a high
rate of contacts fosters for more positive contacts. Outgroup knowledge and empathy with
the outgroups were other reported results of the contact that also connect with the contact
hypothesis. A final argument in favor of the usefulness of the contact hypothesis in this
thesis project is provided by Pettigrew (2008). He mentions that contacts that meet Allport’s
conditions result in genuine integration instead of solely desegregation (the physical mixing of groups only). This connects this thesis’ findings on contact with its findings on acculturation theory, since the respondents indicated to opt for an integration stance towards
acculturation.
When focusing on the social identity theory, few incidents with emphasis on group
membership in the contacts were reported on. Furthermore, contacts often take place at
the personal end, which, as described in paragraph 3.2.2.1, implies that group membership
is not prominently at the forefront. The methodological decisions on the social identity
theory in this thesis project can be criticized. This is elaborated on in paragraph 7.2 which
describes methodological limitations of the study. However, despite these comments, the
results clearly point to the contact hypothesis as a suitable way to explain the respondents’
assessments of their contacts with their neighborhood residents. This seems likely for instance because of their generally positive evaluations of their intergroup contacts.
Low needs
6.1.3
Three respondents expressed needs towards their neighborhoods and two of those needs
directly involved contact. The low incidence of reports on needs can be explained by factors
discussed in the previous section on contact. Respondents in general were very content on
the topics discussed, namely the acculturation strategies adopted by themselves and their
neighborhood residents, and their neighborhood contacts. The contact was valued highly
positive which logically leads to a low level of needs towards these contacts. Moreover, the
value of the stability and the positive traits of Dutch society can be important factors influencing the experienced needs.
However, it is possible that the low incidence of the formulation of needs was connected
to socially desired answers. The low needs were discussed with five respondents as a member validation check. Four respondents indicated they believed Somali migrants indeed
are very happy with their social situation. One respondent questioned this to be the true
explanation and suggested an influence of the white researcher. This respondent put forward that Somalis tend to please the people around them and that the respondents did not
want to offend the researcher by stating needs towards ‘her’ society or people in her (ethnocultural) group. As mentioned in paragraph 4.2.3 on data collection, this influence was
minimalized as much as possible. However, it might have had an influence. Unfortunately,
it is impossible to validate the effect, but the overall positive evaluation of the contacts does
indicate that the respondents in general were quite satisfied with the social situation in
their neighborhood. This implies that a lack of needs is a plausible result.
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72
6.2
Conclusion
The preceding discussion was the last piece of the puzzle. To create a clear overview of the
results, the three central research questions are answered one by one.
6.2.1
Research question 1
The first research question concerned acculturation strategies. The question and its sub
questions were phrased as follows:
1
What do Somali migrants living in Tilburg-North indicate to prefer as acculturation strategies for both themselves as Somalis, and the individuals of various backgrounds living in their neighborhood and why?
1.1 What acculturation strategy do Somali migrants living in Tilburg-North indicate
to prefer to adopt for themselves?
1.2 What acculturation strategy do Somali migrants living in Tilburg-North indicate
to prefer the individuals living in their neighborhood to adopt?
1.3 Why do Somali migrants living in Tilburg-North prefer the strategies chosen
under 1.1 and 1.2?
Unanimously, respondents opted for integration and multiculturalism as their preferred
acculturation strategies. This was reflected in both the questionnaires and the interviews.
Concerning integration, it can be stated that the respondents preferred to incorporate ‘the
best of both’. As a main reason for this, contacts with both Somalis and non-Somalis were
mentioned. Additionally, adjusting to the Dutch habits and norms and values seemed to be
important for the respondents. Furthermore, the ‘open’ personality of the Dutch was valued,
as well as certain traits such as freedom of choice, punctuality, and the strictness of rules
and regulations. The respondents indicated to have adopted these traits for themselves.
Despite the indicated ‘integration’ option by the respondents, elaboration on the topic in
the interviews revealed that there were some areas on which integration was very limited,
or even separation took place. The most clear cut example was religion. Islam remained
very important and almost ‘unchanged’. Connected to this, parties, dance, and food were
valued highly, for instance at weddings. The field of upbringing seemed to be somewhat
similar to religion and mainly reflected separation. However, some ‘Dutch’ influences were
mentioned and valued in this respect, resembling the indicated ‘integration’.
For the wider society, multiculturalism was preferred. Two main reasons were mentioned and again contact was identified as a main reason to combine aspects of both cultures. Arguments provided for this were the wish to learn from each other personally and
from each other’s cultures. As a second reason for the multiculturalism option, acceptance
of each other’s cultures was mentioned. However, acceptation seemed to be expected more
strongly from other cultural groups than from the Somalis towards other groups.
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discussion and conclusion
In the discussion section, it was discussed to what extent these findings on acculturation are likely to represent the actual situation since the main focus in policies and public
debate seems to be on assimilation. It was argued that the findings are in line with those
of other studies on Somali acculturation strategies in the Netherlands. Furthermore, the
phasing of acculturation strategies (Allen et al., 2006) explains the respondents’ preference
for integration since a period of uncertainty and fear has been survived. This can cause an
increased appreciation of the host country and its culture. Moreover, explanations can be
found in the Somali culture, which values neighbors highly. Finally, contact with the home
country can make Somalis realize they are fortunate to live in stable and secure conditions.
In conclusion, it can be stated that in general, Somali respondents indicated to have
combined both Somali and Dutch cultural traits in their daily lives since both are of importance for them. After discussion it was concluded that these findings seem plausible. Quote
42 nicely illustrates the findings on acculturation. It demonstrates that the Somalis perceived themselves not as solely Somali, but Dutch as well:
R11: “The Netherlands feels as home, I do not know how to explain. Well, for instance, when I was
living in England, and I heard someone speak Dutch, I really liked that. It made me happy”.
Research question 2
Quote 42
6.2.2
The second research question and the associated sub questions dealt with contacts. To
refresh the memory:
2
How do Somali migrants living in Tilburg-North assess their contacts with individuals living in their neighborhood and can the social identity theory or the contact
hypothesis explain this?
2.1 What type of contacts do Somali migrants living in Tilburg-North indicate to
have with the individuals living in their neighborhood and how frequent are
these contacts according to the Somali migrants’ statements?
2.2 How do Somali migrants living in Tilburg-North assess their contacts with individuals living in their neighborhood?
2.3 Can the contact hypothesis explain this self-assessment?
2.4 Can the social identity theory explain this self-assessment?
The respondents in the study reported to have contacts with both Somalis and nonSomalis who live in their neighborhood. The contacts with Somalis mainly take place in
community centers and focus on conversations about the situation in Somalia and serve a
social function; having fun, bonding, and coziness. Contacts most often are daily, the average frequency of contacts with Somalis is 6.2 times a week. The contacts can be classified as
social (support) contacts.
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
74
The non-Somali contacts most often take place outside or in the apartment building and
are often stimulated by children; the playground and the school of the children were often
mentioned as places to meet non-Somali neighborhood residents. The respondents mentioned to have two types of contacts which are based on assisting each other and connecting with each other. Neighbors were mentioned most as people with whom the respondents
connect. Neighbors should be seen in a broad sense, people who live close by were also
identified as neighbors. The frequency of the contact varied a lot between respondents;
from 1 to 35 times a week, the mean was 11.9. Both the neighborhood Somali and the neighborhood non-Somali contacts were evaluated as highly important and positive.
A side note on the positive evaluations of the contacts was the occurrence of discrimination. One respondent mentioned discrimination to happen often, whereas the other
respondents who spoke about discrimination said it happened sporadically and seemed
not to be bothered much about it. All respondents spoke about a division between good and
bad people which helped them to put acts of discrimination into perspective. The positive
evaluation of all neighborhood contacts and the reports on the infrequent occurrence of
discrimination were discussed in the previous section. The positive evaluations of the contact were in line with the literature; Pettigrew et al. (2011) have mentioned that in general,
people experience considerably more positive than negative contacts. Furthermore, studies
on Somalis by Dourleijn and Dagevos (2011) and Van Heelsum (2011) reveal positive evaluations of their contacts as well. There also seems to be an influence of contact with less
fortunate family members or friends in Somalia and the cultural importance of neighbors.
The same arguments explain the low perceived discrimination. Another argument for the
findings on discrimination can be found in the integration paradox (Buijs et al., 2006). The
one respondent who mentioned discrimination to be a frequent phenomenon was a highly
integrated respondent. Pettigrew et al. (2011) agree on this line of reasoning. Nonetheless,
reactivity to the researcher might have played a role a well. The discussion section argued
against this possibility, but did not fully rule it out.
Sub questions 2.3 and 2.4 concern the contact hypothesis and the social identity theory.
This thesis project found a general tendency amongst the respondents to recognize the
principles of the contact hypothesis rather than those of the social identity theory. This is in
line with the project’s findings on contact. The contact hypothesis states that contact with
other ethnocultural groups leads to “empathy and identification with the out-groups and
reappraisal of the in-group (deprovincialization)” (Pettigrew, 1997, p. 173). The focus in this
study was on the effect of improved views of the out-groups and not on deprovincialization.
The respondents’ contacts were reported to take place based on equal status, with common
goals, and an absence of competition. These conditions help to transform ‘us’ and ‘them’
into ‘we’ (Gaertner et al., 1996) which connects to the contact hypothesis and explicitly not
to the social identity theory which assumes inter group conflict rather than an improved
understanding and harmony. Ingroup favoritism was not recognized. The respondents
were divided in their opinions on the homogeneity of Somalis, but did not recognize the
occurrence of inter group conflict. In the discussion, a side note has been made concerning
methodology. Nonetheless, it can be concluded that the contact hypothesis, rather than the
social identity theory, is suitable to explain respondents’ assessments of their contacts.
75
discussion and conclusion
Research question 3
6.2.3
The final research question focused on respondents’ needs towards their community members. The third research question and sub questions were stated as follows:
3 What are the needs of Somali migrants living in Tilburg-North concerning their con-
tacts with individuals living in their neighborhood?
3.1 Concerning the contacts with individuals living in Tilburg-North, what are the
needs of Somali migrants living in Tilburg-North towards the frequency of the
contacts?
3.2 Concerning the contacts with individuals living in Tilburg-North, what are the
needs of Somali migrants living in Tilburg-North towards the content of the
contacts?
3.3 Concerning the contacts with individuals living in Tilburg-North, what are the
needs of Somali migrants living in Tilburg-North towards the way these individuals treat them?
In general, no needs were formulated on the frequency of the contacts. One respondent formulated a need concerning the content of the contacts. She had a need towards an
increased understanding between people from different groups. She would prefer a contact
that was aimed more at understanding and learning from each other. This need mainly
focused on people in her surroundings, she as an individual indicated to be able to create
these contacts. Two other respondents formulated needs on the way others treated them.
One respondent spoke about safety in the neighborhood that was reduced by people speeding on the parking lot. The other respondent mentioned the lack of social control in the
upbringing of her children.
In general, it can be stated that the vast majority of the respondents did not experience
needs, which means they expressed satisfaction with the current social situation in their
neighborhood. The findings on research question 3 are in line with the findings on the
other research questions.
Generalizability
6.2.4
The final question addressed in this chapter concerns generalizability. Can the results of
the study be generalized to a larger population than that of Tilburg-North residents over 20
years of age who have arrived in the Netherlands before the year 2000? This question can
be answered affirmatively. Other recent studies (Dourleijn & Dagevos, 2011; Van Heelsum,
2011) broadly present similar findings in larger scale, quantitative studies. Furthermore, the
Tilburg-West respondent in general formulated comparable answers to the questions on
the three main topics of acculturation, contact, and needs. Her demographics, as described
in paragraph 4.2.1 were comparable to the Tilburg-North respondents as well. Many of this
respondent’s reactions showed repetitions of reactions provided by Tilburg-North respon-
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
76
dents. In general, the West-respondent also preferred integration and multiculturalism,
evaluated all her contacts as highly positive, and reported that her best friend is Dutch and
feels like family. Furthermore, she also indicated neighbors to be of great importance in Somali culture. She perceived contact as a stimulation to develop even more positive contacts.
Hence, the contact hypothesis’ foundations were confirmed by this respondent whereas
the social identity theory was not suitable for her to explain her neighborhood contacts.
Finally, the West-respondent did not formulate needs towards her neighborhood. Thus, the
findings with this respondent are similar to those among the Tilburg-North respondents.
In addition, it was discussed that the respondents almost all were recruited via community
centers or via community center contacts. However, two respondents were reached differently and they visited community centers frequently as well, which implies that Somalis in
general make use of these facilities. Therefore, it may be justified to assume a generalizability of the findings to the total adult Somali population living in Tilburg.
77
discussion and conclusion
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78
79
implications for policies, limitations, and recommendations
7 Implications for
policies, limitations,
and recommendations
With the answering of the research questions in the previous chapter, this thesis has
almost come to an end. However, some final remarks have to be made. This last chapter
pays attention to these final issues by discussing implications for policies, limitations, and
recommendations.
Implications for policies
7.1
This thesis and its conclusions offer certain implications for policies and policymakers.
First, this thesis confirms the importance of super-diversity as a notion in thinking about
current Dutch society. The respondents clearly indicate to have a wide variety of contacts
and to use these contacts to give meaning to their lives and their identity. Small aspects of
a wide variety of cultures are combined into a personal whole. The group of Somali respondents showed many differences, but a high level of similarities as well. Everyone uses
slightly different colors on his or her painting of society, their surroundings, and their lives.
Culture is somewhat static, but in flux and individual as well. Therefore, the main recommendation resulting from this study is to gain knowledge of the cultural background of a
certain group, but to use that knowledge with great caution and attention for the individual.
Group policies have proven to have minimal effects; a personal approach in assisting this
ethnocultural group that, especially at the labor market, shows difficulties keeping up with
society would be most desirable. Furthermore, it is important for (Tilburg) policymakers to
know that Somali needs do not lie in contacts or their neighborhoods. Despite the fact that
outsiders might think of this differently, Somalis tend to be very satisfied with their living
conditions in Tilburg(-North). Finally, the significance of the contact hypothesis highlights
its value for policies. It points to the importance to aim for real integration instead of desegregation (Pettigrew, 2008). Aiming to stimulate living conditions that support Allport’s
conditions for positive contact can assist in increased positive effects of contact, stimulating a multicultural society aimed at cooperation, understanding, and real integration. This
can result in an increase of the exchange of human resources and most likely will have a
positive effect on social cohesion.
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
80
7.2
Limitations
Designing a study implies making choices and choices imply gaps. Furthermore, new insights occur along the way, sometimes too late to include them in the study or the design.
This section highlights some of the methodological shortcomings of the current study.
First, attention is offered to the acculturation theory, second, the social identity theory is
discussed, third, the selection of the theoretical concepts is elaborated on, fourth, sampling
gets attention, and fifth, the researcher receives attention.
7.2.1
Acculturation theory
Two remarks can be made on the methodological approach of acculturation theory in this
thesis project. First, there are several ways to measure acculturation. There are attitudinal
and behavioral approaches. Due to the many topics of research in this thesis project, the decision was made not to include questions on acculturation behavior, but solely ones focusing on attitudes. However, the incorporation of behavioral aspects of acculturation would
have painted a more complete picture. Fortunately, Berry (2006) indicates that attitudinal
and behavioral acculturation often show high coherence which justifies the decision to
focus solely on attitudes. Furthermore, Ward and Leong (2006) in their figure, presented in
this thesis as Figure 1.1 (chapter 1), mention acculturation attitudes to be suitable to study
intercultural relations of non-dominant ethnic groups in societies (Somalis migrants in the
Netherlands).
A second remark on acculturation concerns the operationalization of this theoretical
concept. Sam (2006) indicates that the ‘wider society dimension’ in acculturation preferences can be operationalized in three different ways: as contact, as adoption of the culture
of the dominant society, or as identification with the dominant society. The emphasis
in the thesis was on contact, it was an important aspect of all three research questions.
Adoption of the culture of the dominant society has also been topic of discussion. However,
identification with the dominant society has only minimally been reflected on in the questionnaires and interviews. Again, a more complete picture might have been presented when
all three aspects would have gained (equal) attention. However, due to restrictions on time
and extensiveness, choices had to be made in the design of the questions on acculturation
theory.
7.2.2
Social identity theory
Similar to the acculturation theory, choices concerning the questions on social identity
theory had to be made. However, after finalizing the study, it turned out that a more wide
variety of questions could have enriched the outcomes on the social identity theory. In the
interviews, the main principles of the social identity theory (identification of Somalis as
one comparable group and the occurrence of group clashes or rivalry) were not easily recognized by the respondents. Outgroup derogation is not always a totally conscious process,
what could explain the respondents’ lack of recognition. Furthermore, one might need
some help to create a picture of a situation highlighting group membership in mind. This
assistance was not, or at the most to a very limited extent, provided in the interviews. The
81
implications for policies, limitations, and recommendations
importance of an unconscious, though real-life situation might be the reason why a large
amount of experimental studies have been conducted on this topic. This thesis assumed
that a qualitative approach towards the social identity theory would offer new insights
on peoples’ recognition towards the social identity theory. Unfortunately, the researcher
found out too late that a more implicit way of asking respondents about this theory, before
discussing its foundations, could have led to different outcomes. A question such as: “You
are walking down the street and you hear someone speak negatively about Somalis. How
do you assess that person?” might had offered space for the respondents to subsequently
discuss the line of reasoning of the social identity theory. This can be identified as a missed
opportunity. However, the positive assessments of the contacts imply that even with introductory questions, the respondents’ view on contact would most likely have been reflected
best by the contact hypothesis. Therefore, it can be stated that the results of the study were
not influenced too much.
Selection of the theoretical concepts studied
7.2.3
In the preceding, comments were made on the method used to study acculturation theory
and social identity theory. More general, it can be stated that not all theoretical approaches
to the study of intercultural relations of non-dominant ethnocultural groups in a society (in
this thesis Somali migrants living in the Netherlands) were assessed in this thesis. As Figure 1.1 in the introduction chapter presents, there is one intergroup research approach that
does not gain attention in this thesis: the theory of common ingroup identity. This theory
demonstrates the influence of social contexts on self-conceptualizations (Hehman, Mania,
& Gaertner, 2010). There are three arguments for the decision not to include this research
approach. First, the common ingroup identity model was created in order to counter situations of covert (or: aversive) racism (Gaertner & Dovidio, 2005). Covert or aversive racism
is an unconscious process (Gaertner & Dovidio, 2005) and therefore would be difficult to
trace in a qualitative study. Furthermore, at the beginning of the project, it was uncertain
whether covert or aversive racism would be found. A second argument not to include this
research approach was that the common ingroup identity model is an elaboration on the
contact hypothesis and the social identity theory. Therefore, when forced to make choices
in order to design a realizable thesis project, the latter two theories are more distinct and
thus more interesting to compare. Third, other scholars have compared and discussed the
contact hypothesis and the social identity theory, most likely since they are that dissimilar.
An example of such a scholar is Cairns (1994), who sought an explanation for the Northern
Ireland conflict. These three arguments explain why the common ingroup identity model
was not incorporated in the study.
Sampling
7.2.4
As discussed in the method chapter (paragraph 4.2.1) sampling was not ideal. It turned out
to be impossible to use selective sampling. SNV Brabant Centraal, in person of Mariette
Baars, informed that recent migrants could not be reached since they were occupied with
other important procedures and due to their insufficient language proficiency. Further-
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
82
more, it turned out to be difficult to reach respondents at all, which forced the researcher
to let go of all desired sampling criteria. As a consequence, the respondents did vary in age,
year of arrival in the Netherlands, and level of education, but not in the desired systematic
fashion.
In contrast, an equal division in gender was achieved. Moreover, the difficulties in
reaching respondents did foster for a diversity in the personalities of the respondents. Both
spokespersons and more introvert people were reached. Some respondents were not very
eager to participate and had to be stimulated by for instance the coordinator of het Ronde
Tafelhuis. Others volunteered to participate or even actively approached the researcher
when she was at an interview location. Nonetheless, the difficulties in sampling ruled out
the possibility to compare groups, for instance age groups or groups with different periods
of arrival in the Netherlands. This can be identified as a shortcoming of the current thesis
project.
However, differences were found and did offer links to theoretical concepts. As mentioned earlier, the differences in the level of integration (as estimated by the researcher,
not as indicated by the respondents themselves) amongst the respondents was one of the
examples of differences between respondents. Variance in the length of the stay in the
Netherlands, the age of the respondent, the intensity of contacts with individuals belonging
to different ethnocultural groups, and the individual migration history most probably led to
these differences in the levels of integration. These individual differences were connected
to the earlier mentioned integration paradox. The variety that was present in the sample led
to insights on different perceptions on discrimination. Thus, despite the lack of age groups
and groups with different periods of arrival in the Netherlands, the sample did show internal variety and the respondents provided links to relevant literature. The variety also led to
the assumption that the results are generalizable to a population of adult Somali migrants
living in Tilburg. The findings of the Tilburg-West respondent played a part in this as well.
7.2.5
Researcher
As mentioned earlier, the personal traits of the researcher might have had some impact on
the results. Her Dutch (majority) ethnicity, combined with a female gender, and an age of
29 did not reflect the respondents. One respondent indicated that the Somali respondents
were likely to have ‘pleased’ the researcher by not acting critical towards ‘her’ majority
group members. Possibly, this did play a role. As mentioned earlier, all efforts were made
to reduce the influence of the researchers’ traits. Despite these efforts and the use of data
triangulation, the person of the researcher can have influenced the results. Nonetheless,
all results were justifiable. Unfortunately, it is impossible to examine the exact influence of
the researcher. However, the possibility of justification of the results implies that a considerable influence by the researcher has not taken place.
7.3
Recommendations and directions for future research
Recommendations for future research would include a reconsideration of the decisions mentioned in the previous section on the acculturation theory and the social identity
83
implications for policies, limitations, and recommendations
theory. Furthermore, the use of an ingroup researcher, hence, someone with a Somali background, could be an added value to the study since it might reduce the risk of reactivity.
Next to the limitations of this specific thesis project, a general shortcoming of acculturation research needs to be discussed here. There is a need for longitudinal studies on
intercultural relations in plural societies (Hewstone & Swart, 2011; Pettigrew, 2008). In the
case of research aiming at refugees, this need is even higher (Allen et al., 2006). Therefore,
a follow-up study assessing the changes and multi-directionality over time could be very
informative and could teach us more about acculturation phases, swings, and curves, hence
developments over time. The contextual factor should be assessed explicitly since context
is likely to influence people’s changing perceptions.
Another final recommendation has to do with the researcher’s gut feeling or ‘fingerspitzengefühl’. In the interviews, there seemed to be much left to discuss, but time restrictions and sometimes a possible lack of trust impeded this. A second study, preferably by the
same researcher, could be an added value.
In general, it can be stated that every study on culture, acculturation, multicultural
societies, and intercultural contact creates the need and the desire for future studies. The
richness, diversity, and colorfulness of these topics make it impossible to grasp all their
interesting facets in a single study. During data collection in this study, several respondents
referred to a Somali proverb. This proverb is very illustrative for the impossibility of studies
to create a complete picture and explains the desire and need for more studies:
“A culture is like the fingers of a hand, always connected, though different”.
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84
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discours over multiculturalisme. Migrantenstudies, 18(4), 241-254. Retrieved from http://
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The Cambridge handbook of acculturation psychology (pp. 11-26). Cambridge, England:
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Siebers, H., & Mutsaers, P. (2011). Excluded by race or by culture: Does it matter?
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when mogadishu meets tilburg…
90
Appendix 1, Theoretical concepts
Contacts
Contacts are defined as face-to-face and non-face-to-face interactions of Somali migrants
with both Somali and non-Somali individuals who live in Tilburg-North.
Needs
Needs are defined as experienced shortcomings of the contacts Somali migrants have with
individuals who live in Tilburg-North.
Somali migrants
Somali migrants are defined as male and female individuals living in the Netherlands,
originating from Somalia, exceeding the age of 18. Somali migrants in this thesis project
had to be first generation individuals living in Tilburg-North.
91
appendixes
Appendix 2, Questionnaire
1. Wat is uw geboortejaar?
2. Wat is uw geslacht?
Man
Vrouw
3.
Wat is uw hoogst afgeronde opleiding?
Geen
Basisonderwijs
 Voortgezet onderwijs
 Beroepsonderwijs, richting  Hoger onderwijs, richting 4.
Wat is uw daginvulling?
 Ik werk, mijn beroep is  Ik doe vrijwilligerswerk, namelijk  Ik ben werkloos
 Anders, namelijk 5.
Wat is uw geboorteland?
Somalië
 Nederland (ga naar vraag 7)
 Anders, namelijk 6. In welk jaar bent u naar Nederland gekomen?
7. In welk jaar bent u in Tilburg-Noord komen wonen?
8.
In welke mate bent u gelovig?
Ongelovig
Neutraal
 Een beetje gelovig
Gelovig
 Heel gelovig
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92
9. Gebruikt u in uw dagelijks leven andere talen dan het Nederlands?
Ja
 Nee (ga door naar vraag 15)
10.Welke andere talen worden er bij u thuis gesproken?
Welke taal spreekt u meestal met uw:
11. Partner: 12.Kind(eren): 13.Ouders: 14.Somalische vrienden: 15.Niet-Somalische vrienden: 16.Hoe goed spreekt u Somali?
Niet
 Een beetje
Matig
Goed
 Heel goed
17. Hoe goed spreekt u Nederlands?
Niet
 Een beetje
Matig
Goed
 Heel goed
18.Hoe goed spreekt u Engels?
Niet
 Een beetje
Matig
Goed
 Heel goed
93
appendixes
19.Hoe vaak per week heeft u contact met niet-Somalische buurtgenoten?
Gemiddeld keer
20.Waar vinden deze contacten over het algemeen plaats? (meerdere antwoorden mogelijk)
21.Wat is de achtergrond van deze niet-Somalische buurtgenoten?
(meerdere antwoorden mogelijk)
Nederlands
Turks
Marokkaans
Antilliaans
Surinaams
 Anders, namelijk 22.Hoe vindt u uw contacten met niet-Somalische buurtgenoten?
 Heel negatief
Negatief
Neutraal
Positief
 Heel positief
23.Hoe graag wil u contact met niet-Somalische buurtgenoten?
Niet
 Liever niet
Neutraal
Graag
 Heel graag
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
94
24.Hoe vaak per week heeft u contact met Somalische buurtgenoten?
Gemiddeld keer
25.Waar vinden deze contacten over het algemeen plaats? (meerdere antwoorden mogelijk)
26.Hoe vindt u uw contacten met Somalische buurtgenoten?
 Heel negatief
Negatief
Neutraal
Positief
 Heel positief
27.Hoe graag wil u contact met Somalische buurtgenoten?
Niet
 Liever niet
Neutraal
Graag
 Heel graag
95
appendixes
Stellingen
Waar
Een beetje waar
Een beetje niet waar
Onwaar
Niet waar, niet onwaar
Zou u een reactie willen geven op de volgende stellingen?
1 2 3 4 5
28. Ik bid vijf keer per dag
    
29. Ik neem deel aan de Ramadan
    
30. Ik ga bij voorkeur om met Moslims
    
31. Ik ga bij voorkeur om met Somaliërs
    
32. Ik ga bij voorkeur om met Nederlanders
    
33. Ik ga bij voorkeur om met mensen anders dan
Somaliërs of Nederlanders
    
34. Ik voel mij Nederlander
    
35. Ik voel mij Somaliër
    
36. Ik vind het belangrijk dat (mijn) kinderen Nederlands spreken
    
37. Ik vind het belangrijk dat (mijn) kinderen Somalisch spreken
    
38. Ik vind het belangrijk dat (mijn) kinderen
Nederlandse gebruiken kennen
    
39. Ik vind het belangrijk dat (mijn) kinderen
Somalische gebruiken kennen
    
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96
Appendix 3, Topic List
Vooraf
1
Woont u in Tilburg Noord?
2
Doel onderzoek.
3
Eerst vragenlijst, dan interview.
4
Anonimiteit, wat wordt er met verslag gedaan?
5
Als u niet wil antwoorden op een vraag, geen probleem.
6
Mag ieder moment stoppen.
7
Opnames maken ok? (uitleggen waarom)
8Vragen?
9
VRAGENLIJST INVULLEN.
Achtergrond / algemene perceptie Somalië / Nederland
97
10
Komt u vaak in het Ronde Tafelhuis / IJpelaar?
10.1 Hoe vaak?
10.2Waarom?
11
Wat zijn andere belangrijke activiteiten die u heeft?
appendixes
Acculturatie attitudes eigen groep
Somalische cultuur
12
Waar denkt u aan als u aan Somalië of de Somalische cultuur denkt?
13
Zijn er verschillen tussen de Somalische cultuur in Somalië en de Somalische cultuur
in Nederland?
13.1 Zo ja, welke?
14
Vindt u dat Somaliërs zich anders moeten gedragen in Nederland dan in Somalië?
14.1 Zo ja, wat moeten ze anders doen?
15
Vindt u het belangrijk om aspecten uit uw eigen cultuur te behouden?
15.1 Zo ja, welke aspecten?
15.2Waarom?
15.3 Zo nee, waarom niet?
16
Vindt u het belangrijk om contact met andere Somaliërs te behouden?
16.1 Waarom wel / niet?
Andere culturen
17
Waaraan denkt u, als u aan Nederland of de Nederlandse cultuur of culturen denkt?
17.1 Of als u denkt aan andere culturen?
18
Vindt u het belangrijk om (aspecten van) andere culturen die u in Nederland tegenkomt over te nemen?
18.1 Zo ja, welke aspecten (van welke culturen)?
18.2Waarom?
18.3 Zo nee, waarom niet?
19
Vindt u het belangrijk om contact met mensen met een niet-Somalische achtergrond
te hebben?
19.1 Waarom wel / niet?
19.2 Met wie wel / niet?
20
Welke optie staat u het meest aan:
•
Somalische en andere cultuur combineren
•
Alleen Somalische cultuur
•
Alleen andere cultuur
•
Geen van beide behouden, ik voel me met geen van beide (meer) verbonden.
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98
Acculturatie attitudes andere groepen (gewenst)
Somalische cultuur
21
Vindt u dat niet-Somaliërs moeten accepteren dat u uw eigen cultuur behoudt?
21.1 Zo nee, waarom niet?
21.2 Zo ja, tot op welke hoogte?
21.3Waarom?
22
Vindt u het belangrijk dat niet-Somaliërs contact zoeken met Somaliërs?
22.1 Waarom wel / niet?
Andere culturen
99
23
Vindt u dat niet-Somaliërs van u moeten / mogen verwachten dat u delen van hun
cultuur overneemt?
23.1 Waarom wel / niet?
23.2 Zo ja, welke delen?
24
Vindt u dat mensen uit andere culturen van u mogen verwachten dat u contact met
hen zoekt?
24.1 Waarom wel / niet?
25
Welke optie vindt u dat niet-Somaliërs zouden moeten kiezen:
Somaliërs mogen:
•
De Somalische en de andere cultuur combineren
•
Alleen de Somalische cultuur behouden (hun eigen groep blijven vormen)
•
Zich helemaal aanpassen aan de andere cultuur
•
Zich met geen van beide culturen meer mengen
appendixes
Contact
Buurt/omgeving
26
Kunt u iets vertellen over de contacten die u heeft in de buurt?
26.1 Wat is de achtergrond van deze mensen? (Somaliërs/ niet-Somaliërs?)
26.2 Waar komt u deze mensen tegen?
26.3 Hoe vaak ziet u deze mensen?
26.4 Hoe lang ziet u deze mensen?
27
Evaluatie van de contacten
27.1 Ervaart u de contacten positief of negatief en waarom?
27.2 Wat is uw doel met deze contacten?
27.3 Is dat voor de ander ook zo?
27.4 Ervaart u de contacten met niet-Somaliërs als gelijkwaardig?
27.5 Wat zijn de gevolgen hiervan? (Bijvoorbeeld: meer of minder contact met
niet-Somaliërs, meer of minder contact met Somaliërs?)
28
Weet u nog hoe u over niet-Somaliërs dacht toen u nog geen contact met ze had?
28.1Hoe?
28.2 Hoe denkt u nu over hen?
29
Hoe zou u tegen niet-Somaliërs aankijken als u geen contact met hen zou hebben?
30
Maakt het leven in NL dat u anders tegen Somaliërs aankijkt?
31
Maakt het contact met niet-Somaliërs dat u anders tegen Somaliërs aankijkt?
32
Is er voor u een verschil in de omgang met Somaliërs en niet-Somaliërs?
32.1 Heeft u een voorkeur?
32.2 Hoe komt dit?
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100
Sociale groep (SIT)
33
Ziet u de Somalische gemeenschap als een vergelijkbare groep mensen?
35.1Waarom?
34
Kunt u wat vertellen over overeenkomsten en verschillen tussen u en mensen met
een niet-Somalische achtergrond?
35
Hoe verlopen de contacten tussen Somalische mensen en mensen met een andere
achtergrond over het algemeen? (positieve of negatieve kijk op anderen hierdoor?)
36
Hebt u een voorkeur of u met Somalische of niet-Somalische mensen omgaat?
36.1 Zo ja, waardoor komt dit?
36.2 Heeft u het gevoel dat er spanning of strijd is tussen Somaliërs en
niet-Somaliërs?
36.3 Waardoor heeft u dit gevoel?
Behoeftes
101
37
Wat vindt u fijn / leuk aan uw contacten in de buurt?
38
Wat vindt u niet fijn / niet leuk aan uw contacten in de buurt?
39
Wat zou er volgens u nodig zijn om de mindere kanten te verbeteren?
40
Wat zijn uw behoeften / wensen over contacten in de buurt?
41
Stel dat u wakker wordt na een nacht slapen en Somaliërs en niet-Somaliërs in de
buurt doen precies wat u wilt, wat zouden de mensen dan doen?
41.1 Hoe zou Tilburg-Noord er dan uitzien?
appendixes
Appendix 4, Example of coding scheme
Main code
Summary quote
Resp.
Rule nr.
Subcode 1
Subcode 2
Social identity
theory
Ik zie de SOM gemeenschap niet als een groep: er
zijn altijd goede en slechte mensen. Ik heb ook geen
voorkeur voor mensen met een bepaalde achtergrond.
1
31 t/m 34
niet
bevestigd
niet 1
groep
Social identity
theory
SOM mensen zijn niet zo verschillend. Alles is hetzelfde, er zijn geen verschillen.
2
156 t/m 157
niet
bevestigd
niet 1
groep
Social identity
theory
Er is voor mij door de taal een verschil in contact met
SOM en NL. De taal is makkelijker met SOM. Bijv. mijn
Afghaanse buurvrouw kan niet zo goed NL en dan is
het wel moeilijker. Verder zijn er niet zoveel verschillen. De SOM gemeenschap is voor mij wel een vergelijkbare groep mensen. Als bijv. iemand geldproblemen
heeft, dan beleggen we een vergadering om te kijken
hoe we kunnen helpen. We moeten elkaar helpen.
Er wordt dan wel openlijk over gepraat. Ik praat zelf
niet zo makkelijk over mijn problemen, maar dit soort
vergaderingen zijn er vaak. Mensen helpen elkaar.
Er is voor mijn gevoel geen strijd of spanning tussen
Somaliërs en andere groepen.
3
49 t/m 57
deels
bevestigd
1 groep,
elkaar
helpen,
geen strijd
Social identity
theory
SOM mensen zijn allemaal verschillend. Clan verschillen bijvoorbeeld. Ik weet niet zo goed wat het verschil
is tussen SOM mensen en mensen uit andere landen.
Er is wel een taalprobleem ook, dat is ook met SOM
mensen zo. Er is voor zover ik weet geen strijd tussen
SOM en andere groepen. Ik heb dat nooit gezien.
Ik weet dat het anders in het nieuws komt soms,
maar ik heb het niet gezien. Ik weleens gehoord over
een challenge, jaren geleden tussen Somaliërs en
Antillianen, maar toen woonde ik nog niet hier. Nu
merk ik er helemaal niets meer van.
4
190 t/m
205
niet
bevestigd
niet 1
groep,
geen strijd
(vroeger
wel)
Social identity
theory
Somaliërs zijn een vergelijkbare groep. Dat heeft met
cultuur te maken. We komen ook graag bij elkaar. Er
zijn geen problemen tussen SOM en andere groepen.
Ik weet daar niets van.
5
23 t/m 26
deels
bevestigd
1 groep,
geen strijd
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
102
Main code
Summary quote
Resp.
Rule nr.
Subcode 1
Subcode 2
Social identity
theory
Wij zijn geen vergelijkbare groep. Iedereen is verschillend. De een houdt van voetbal, de ander van khat. Ik
vind khat gebruik slecht, ik heb het nooit geprobeerd,
dus ik weet het niet, maar veel mensen vinden het
slecht. Ik heb geen voorkeur over met welke mensen
ik omga, SOM of andere mensen, voor mij is het
allemaal hetzelfde. We zijn allemaal mensen en dat
is het enige. Landen zijn verschillend, maar mensen
niet, mensen zijn allemaal hetzelfde. Er is volgens mij
geen spanning of strijd tussen groepen, ik heb nooit
problemen gezien of meegemaakt.
6
69 t/m 76
niet
bevestigd
niet 1
groep,
geen strijd
met andere
groepen
Social identity
theory
Ik heb eerst in Engeland gewoond, drie maanden. Dat
vond ik niet fijn, die mensen discrimineren heel veel.
Dat is in NL veel minder. Het gebeurt soms wel, een
vriendin van mij die kwam mensen tegen die zeiden
dat ze terug moest naar haar eigen land. De politie
kwam en er was bloed. Dat waren jongens van 16 of
zo. Gelukkig gebeurt dat hier helemaal niet vaak. Ik
heb zelf nog nooit zoiets meegemaakt of gezien.
7
259 t/m
281
deels
bevestigd
soms strijd
Social identity
theory
Volgens mij zijn Somaliërs allemaal hetzelfde. Ze hebben hetzelfde geloof en dezelfde taal. Ik heb niet het
idee dat groepen tegen elkaar zijn. Of dat ze vechten.
Hier in de buurt niet. Ik heb niet per se liever contact
met Somaliërs, maar met het praten gaat het wel veel
makkelijker. Dat is wel een verschil.
7
294 t/m
308
deels
bevestigd
1 groep,
geen strijd
Social identity
theory
Ik denk daardoor niet echt anders over Nederlanders.
Mensen zeggen dat ik anders ben, maar ik zeg dan
dat ik net zo ben als de andere Somaliërs. Mensen
oordelen snel. Ik wil dat zelf niet doen. Ik wil eerst
een persoon leren kennen. Dat probeer ik ook. Bij
sommige mensen zie je het wel, dat ze negatief zijn,
die wil ik liever niet leren kennen. Ik denk niet altijd
dat Nederlanders of anderen slecht zijn. Maar ik vind
het wel stom dat ze dan over mij zeggen dat ik goed
ben. Waarom? Maar ik wil mensen eigenlijk altijd eerst een kans geven, ze eerst leren kennen en dan pas
oordelen. Maar ik wordt wel voorzichtiger. Wat terughoudender. Je denkt van: het zou kunnen dat hij/
zij ook zo denkt. Ze zeggen dat SOM in groepjes bij
elkaar verzamelen, maar Nederlanders doen dat ook.
Mijn buurvrouw (Ivoorkust) had nieuw werk en werd
buitengesloten. Ik was erbij gaan zitten en mee gaan
lachen. Ze hebben haar een week genegeerd. Ik zou
contact hebben gezocht. Zij heeft ontslag genomen.
Je moet contact maken, misschien vinden die mensen
het ook gewoon wel moeilijk om in te schatten of je
aardig bent of zo. Of wat voor type je bent.
8
67 t/m 92
deels
bevestigd
Individuele
verschillen,
maar ook
één groep
en groepsvorming,
wel strijd,
contact
zoeken
belangrijk
103
appendixes
Main code
Summary quote
Resp.
Rule nr.
Subcode 1
Subcode 2
Social identity
theory
Discriminatie is er, ookal zeggen mensen van niet.
Op mijn werk en buiten heb ik er dagelijks mee te
maken. Bij de rij van de kassa beginnen mensen te
klagen als ik SOM praat met iemand anders. Soms kan
het gewoon niet anders, of wil die ander niet anders.
We hebben laatst ook een ruzie meegemaakt, een
gevecht. De broer van een Antilliaanse, discriminerende, vrouw zocht ruzie (ik wilde alleen discussie) en
toen is er gevochten. Een vriendin van mij kreeg een
interne bloeiding, nu moet ze geopereerd worden. Ze
zeiden dat wij stonken. Ik vind hierdoor de contacten
in mijn buurt niet per se slecht. Er zijn gewoon goede
en slechte mensen. In mijn flat groet iedereen elkaar
(behalve een racistische man op de 4e verdieping).
Dat zijn slechte mensen. Ik vermijd die gewoon en
maak me er niet druk over. Ik denk dan: laat ze maar,
mijn woonplezier gaat daar niet van weg. Zijn vrouw
zegt wel ‘hallo’.
8
67 t/m 92
deels
bevestigd
wel
groepsvorming en
strijd, maar
niet met
iedereen,
ik vermijd
mensen die
discrimineren.
Social identity
theory
De meeste SOM zijn voor mij wel 1 groep. Maar ik
herken niet dat het soms botst met andere groepen.
9
55 t/m 62
deels
bevestigd
1 groep,
geen strijd
Social identity
theory
De meeste SOM zijn voor mij wel 1 groep. Maar ik
herken niet dat het soms botst met andere groepen.
10
55 t/m 62
deels
bevestigd
1 groep,
geen strijd
Social identity
theory
De meeste SOM zijn voor mij wel 1 groep. Maar ik
herken niet dat het soms botst met andere groepen.
11
55 t/m 62
deels
bevestigd
1 groep,
geen strijd
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
104
105
when mogadishu meets tilburg…
106
The Somali flag was created in 1954 during the transitional period of Somalia's history.
The five-pointed white star of unity in its center represents the Somali ethnic group
found in five regions: Djibouti, the Ogaden region in Ethiopia, the northeastern
province in Kenya, the former British Somaliland, and Italian Somaliland territories.
The flag's light blue background is influenced by the UN flag, in recognition of the
UN's role in Somalia's transition to independence. However, it is often associated
with the sky and the Indian Ocean as well.
("Flag of Somalia," n.d.)