Indigenous Policy Journal Vol. XXIV, No. 1 (Summer 2013)
Michèle Companion
University of Colorado – Colorado Springs
ABSTRACT
A pilot program to address some cultural and economic barriers to better health among low income Native
Americans living in urban areas has been developed in conjunction with Indian Centers. Teaching components focus on access to nutritional, non-processed food and herbs. The program takes a social empowerment approach, providing tools for greater control over salt and fat intake. The model extends to cultural continuance by connecting container gardens to traditional spiritual practices. Exit interviews indicate a reconnection with traditional practices as a result of being able to grow “clean” religious resources. Cultural knowledge is passed on to children in the form of stories and demonstrations at home.
The nutritional status and health of indigenous people is vital for long-term cultural survival.
Traditional foods, medicines, gathering sites and practices, and the songs and rituals associated with planting and harvests are intertwined with spirituality, language, and life-ways. This links the spirit of the people to their heritages. As a result of nutrition transition and urbanization, however, cultural knowledge and language use have been declining, along with the health status of American Indians and
Alaska Natives (AIANs).
There are substantial opportunities for intervention. Some Native American nations have instituted language revitalization projects. Others are reclaiming traditional foods to maintain their cultural significance. Reservation cultural centers, tribal colleges, and school curriculums serve as hubs for information dissemination, with great success. For example, Tohono O‟odham Nation has established a farm, disseminated foods and gardens across their nation, and founded a trading company to sell locally grown traditional foods to the public (Companion, 2008).
While it is more difficult to create such programs for AIANs living in urban centers, it is no less important, as small behavioral changes can have a significant, positive impact on physical and emotional health outcomes. Part of the complexity is creating culturally sensitive, effective, and sustainable programming for a group of individuals with vastly different spiritual and cultural backgrounds in one program (James, 2004). The first step in program creation is to identify personal and cultural barriers to healthier food consumption and lifestyles (Companion, 2013). The second step is developing educational modules to address the social and physiological pathologies that are impacting low income Native Americans living in urban areas.
This study presents the findings from such a pilot program. The central module revolves around nutritional education and container gardening. The program takes a social empowerment approach by providing participants with tools to take greater control over their food access, salt and fat intake, and
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Indigenous Policy Journal Vol. XXIV, No. 1 (Summer 2013) physical health outcomes through the use of herbs for seasoning. The program extends that model to cultural continuance by connecting container gardens to traditional spiritual practices through growing their own “clean” religious resources, such as corn pollen, sage, and certain traditional herbs. Cultural continuance is achieved by passing knowledge on to children in the form of stories and demonstrations at home.
Nutrition transition is a shift in nutritional patterns within populations, moving from being underweight and having a high prevalence of infectious diseases to a pattern of being overweight or obese and suffering from nutrition-related non-communicable diseases (Astrup et al, 2007; Compher, 2006;
Popkin and Gordon-Larsen, 2004). It is driven by changing economic, social, and technological systems, including the expansion of the wage labor system, increased leisure time, and mass media growth. This results in an urban-industrialized lifestyle. This process moves populations away from nutritionally dense traditional foods, which are heavier in fiber, animal source proteins, and minerals
(Kuhnlein and Receveur, 2007), to processed energy-dense convenience foods and sugar-rich beverages (Popkin, 2004).
The consequences of this transition are a double burden upon the world‟s poor (Raschke and Cheema,
2007; Turner and Turner, 2008), indigenous people (Damman, et al., 2008; Foley, 2005; Kuhnlein and
Receveur, 1996), and the AIAN population (Kuhnlein and Chan, 2000). Gittlesohn et al. (2006) and
Companion (2008) find that the nutritional transition is evident in reservation diets across the United
States, which are high in fat, sugar, sodium, and prepackaged components. Greater exposure to mass media in the form of television has heightened the sedentary nature of leisure time but also increased the number of cultural food/consumption messages aimed at youth. This fosters an obesogenic culture of eating among young people (Stevenson et al., 2007) and adults (Companion, 2013).
Low socioeconomic status is also a powerful risk factor for poor health outcomes (Companion, 2008;
Halpern, 2007). Large numbers of AIANs are economically disadvantaged in comparison with the general United States population, putting a significant proportion of their population at risk
(Companion, 2008; Compher, 2006; Indian Health Service (IHS), 2009a, 2009b). The average life expectancy for AIANs is 5.5 years less than that of the general population (IHS, 2009a).
Poverty limits access to healthful foods and hastens nutrition transition. Inexpensive items suitable for stretching the quantity of a meal (e.g., potatoes, pasta, and rice) are purchased more frequently than are perishable fruits and vegetables (Companion, 2013, Halpern, 2007), resulting in limited dietary variation. Reliance on processed food leads to reservation diets dominated by simple carbohydrates and fats (Phillips and Finn, 2000; Taylor, Keim, and Gilmore, 2005; Taylor et al., 2006).
Studies of urban AIAN health identify similar patterns (Companion, 2013). Research indicates a correlation between urbanization and negative implications for nutritional status associated with obesity, such as rates of Type 2 diabetes, hypertension, and cardiovascular disease (IHS, 2009a, 2009b;
UIHI, 2008). These negative health outcomes are related to the difficulties in achieving a low-cost, nutritious diet in urban settings as a result of the “urban food deserts” (Companion, 2010, 2013;
Drewnowski, 2007; Zenk et al., 2005a, 2005b).
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Indigenous Policy Journal Vol. XXIV, No. 1 (Summer 2013)
Companion (2013) finds that food consumption is impacted by the social ecology of place. As with other low-income populations living in urban zones, lack of or limited access to full-service grocery stores or farmer‟s markets, combined with low availability of transportation, compels families to stockup on non-perishable items. As a result, consumption of processed foods increases, displacing fresh fruit and vegetables from diets. Social comparison (Muller et al., 2010) also plays a role in food consumption patterns, as television viewing habits, familiarity with advertising, and the influence of friends and family influence purchase choices.
Unique to the AIAN population, however, are culturally specific constraints on eating habits
(Companion, 2013). Factors associated with acculturation levels and connections to traditional influences, such as time away from the reservation and frequency of movement between the reservation and the city, significantly shape eating behaviors. Exposure to tribal cultural foods rather than food distribution program commodities has an effect on perceptions of what constitutes a
“traditional” diet, as well as on food preparation styles and taste preferences. Food also facilitates emotional connections to family, personal history, and reservation/cultural experiences. Consumption of certain foods, regardless of health implications, is framed as a form of cultural capital. Preparation of items such as fry bread and Spam represent an explicit rejection of the acculturation process and a reaffirmation of indigenous identity.
Respondents in Companion‟s (2013) study suggest that urban Indian Centers should provide nutritional and food-related education programs to help address their constraints to healthier eating behaviors.
Specifically, demonstration classes with tastings are requested to help expand knowledge of cooking techniques and use of spices. These tastings need to include children, who have a disproportionate impact on food purchasing and preparation behaviors (Companion, 2013; Jilcott et al., 2009).
Based on these findings, two educational modules that address food behavior in urban environments have been developed; the first is for children and at least one parent, the second is for adults only. The modules focus on capacity building through skill development to empower individuals to take greater control over some aspects of their situations. Social empowerment also plays a central role in both nutritional modification programs. One method of empowerment involves linking nutrition and food choices to traditional culture and spirituality. Studies show that this increases the transmission of cultural knowledge, the revitalization of cultural practices, reaffirms a positive collective identity (e.g.,
“Healthy O‟odham People”), and helps to establish and reinvigorate social ties (Companion, 2008).
Container gardening is the appropriate vehicle for social empowerment for several reasons. First, health and nutrition are significant challenges faced by low-income urban AIANs. Second, Companion (2013) finds a lack of familiarity with herbs and spices and a heavy reliance on butter, lard, salt, sour cream, and ketchup in daily food preparation. Three, workshops on gardening, along with cooking demonstrations and tastings can be accommodated at any urban Indian Center with a kitchen and meeting space. Fourth, cooking and food represent significant emotional ties to place and history, so spirituality and emotional health can be integrated into a broader educational platform in individual and tribally specific ways.
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Indigenous Policy Journal Vol. XXIV, No. 1 (Summer 2013)
Multiple studies (Armstrong, 2000; Teig et al., 2009) demonstrate the emotional and spiritual healing qualities of gardening. Kingsley, Townsend and Henderson-Wilson (2009) find that urban community gardens provide a sense of connection to nature and to aboriginal hunter-gatherer pasts (213). Hale et al. (2011) report their respondents believe that gardening connects them to their cultural roots (6).
Gardens provide a sense of purpose and direction, while also providing a sense of accomplishment
(Armstrong, 2000; Hale et al., 2011; Kingsley et al., 2009) that reinforces personal and social empowerment.
Studies find that gardens contribute to a community‟s social capital by improving social networks, organizational capacity, collective efficacy, civic engagement, and community pride (Armstrong, 2000;
Brown and Jameton, 2000; Hale et al., 2011; Teig et al., 2009). Through sustained social interaction, they promote environments that are supportive of healthy food behaviors (Hale et al., 2011; Kingsley et al., 2009). Armstrong (2000) believes community gardens are particularly important for health promotion in minority communities, noting that they provide social support and emphasize informal networks, thereby “encouraging interpersonal, peer-to-peer tactics for promoting change” (325).
Four urban Indian Centers in the mid-western portion of the United States hosted the pilot programs.
All are located in low-income, inner city areas and have food pantries. All have client bases that struggle with hunger and nutrition-related health issues. Center staff requested assistance with program development and evaluation to address community needs, resulting in two programs that focus on social and personal empowerment. The first, based on social ecology, is for children and at least one adult parent (see Companion, 2012). The second is for adults only and is the focus of this paper.
Container gardening is the vehicle around which the educational modules are constructed. Nutrition and health messages are incorporated into the weekly program. Participants grow cilantro, basil, dill, chives, tomatoes, chilies and other items. The container gardens are designed specifically for indoor, urban environments. As plant maturation time does not map onto programming, all participants are provided with started plants.
Since a core program goal is sustainable behavioral modification, demonstrations and tastings are an essential component of the program. Center kitchens are used to create multiple recipes of commonly consumed foods using herbs from the primary containers. This allows participants to learn the flavors and cooking techniques for incorporating herbs into their diets and reduce salt and added fats without losing flavor. Incentive “prizes” of packages of additional herbs and spices were offered throughout the program to help participants incorporate the lessons from the workshop into their home routines.
Participants are asked to work with their children or partners to create new recipes at home. These are shared and voted on during meetings.
All educational modules are developed in collaboration with Indian Center staff to address their population‟s needs and to ensure that the program is culturally sensitive. The findings from
Companion‟s (2013) survey also inform the construction of modules. The program is modeled after adult continuing education programs and lasts eight weeks. Groups meet for approximately three hours on Saturday mornings. Local nutrition experts and gardeners were brought in to conduct some of the education components.
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Indigenous Policy Journal Vol. XXIV, No. 1 (Summer 2013)
Table 1: Participant Household Characteristics
Employment status
Currently Unemployed
Underemployed (Feel job does not meet education
or skill sets)
Meaningfully Employed (Feel skilled, getting paid
well, have benefits)
Food Access
Live within 2 blocks of full-service grocery store
Live within 1 mile of full-service grocery store
Own a car
Rely on local shops for most food
Food Constraints
Ever used a food pantry
Ever used Indian Center pantry
Currently receiving Food Stamps
Household experienced food shortage in past month
Skipped a meal in last week due to lack of
resources
Reduced portion size in last week due lack of food
Household Structure
Children (under 18) currently residing in household
Relatives or other people currently in household
Men (n=27) Women (n=19) Total %
4(14.8%)
22(81.5%)
1(3.7%)
0
1(3.7%)
3(11%)
19(70.5%)
27(100%)
27(100%)
13(48.1%)
27(100%)
19(70.4%)
19(70.4%)
27(100%)
21(77.8%)
11(57.9%)
8(42.1%)
0
0
0
1(5.3%)
16(84.2%)
19(100%)
19(100%)
18(94.7%)
19(100%)
17(89.5%)
19(100%)
19(100%)
11(57.9%)
32.6
65.2
2
Connection to Tribal Land
Grew up on a reservation
Been to reservation in past 6 months
Been to reservation in past year
Been to reservation in past 5 years
12(44.4%)
0
1(3.7%)
5(18.5%)
9(47.4%)
3(15.8%)
7(36.8%)
9(47.4%)
45.65
6.5
17.4
30
Significant to fostering ownership in the program is its adaptable framework. To help address participant needs, initial surveys are administered. In addition to basic demographic information (refer to Table 1), questions pertaining to reasons for attending and what participants hope to get out of the class are posed in an open, semi-structured format. Surveys take 25-35 minutes to administer. All survey results are analyzed within one week‟s time. If possible, educational modules are adjusted to meet the needs or address the general interests of participants to enhance engagement and increase the likelihood of program completion.
100
100
67.4
100
78
82.6
0
2
8.7
76
100
69.6
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Indigenous Policy Journal Vol. XXIV, No. 1 (Summer 2013)
To monitor and evaluate the impact of the program, interviews are conducted at the five-week mark, the close of the program, and six months after the program conclusion. Questions are posed in an open, semi-structured format. Interviews take 25-35 minutes, but can take longer. The mid-term survey focuses on overall impressions of the program, the utility and accessibility of educational material, interest in and engagement with the educational modules, quality of instructors, and adoption of course objectives. The closing interview focuses on the attainment of program objectives: have they been met, do participants feel satisfied that the program is helping them meet those objectives, are they likely to continue to use the information provided in the program, etc. The follow-up survey focuses on sustainability of behaviors learned in the course and the continued use of information provided.
All data are presented as “percent of total respondents” (see Tables 1 – 3). In addition, data are also broken out by male and female respondents. While the small sample size prohibits advanced statistical analysis, this presentation will provide some insight into the differences between these two groups. This may be beneficial for the construction of future surveys or future studies.
All four centers hosted one adult-only program and one child-parent program. To allow participants to develop strong ties, maximum participation was set at ten adults per program. However, there was enough demand and availability of course resources to accommodate all who wished to participate.
Forty-six people took part in the adult program across the four centers: twenty-seven men and nineteen women. The mean age of participants is forty-two. All participants live in large apartment buildings.
None have access to patio or balcony areas.
An initial survey was conducted to tailor program components to community need. Five primary motivations for taking the class emerge (see Table 2 for more information): health issues (96%), spiritual disconnects (61%), money/constraints on food (59%), home environment (30%), and entertainment (13%). The most common reason is health concerns. Some have recently been diagnosed with a health condition which has motivated them to make lifestyle changes. One-third of respondents are struggling with some form of addiction. This will be addressed in the discussion related to “spiritual disconnects” below. Others are impacted by the health conditions of people around them. “I‟m realizing that I‟m pretty big now. Me and my sister, we are the same size. She went to the doctor when she started feeling sick and he told her she has diabetes. It is expensive! She has to buy medicines and stuff to help her test her blood…I hate to say this, but I really just don‟t, I mean, I can‟t afford to have that too,” says one woman.
The blending of financial constraints with health concerns is common among respondents.
Approximately 59% of participants cite financial constraints and the inability to purchase enough food or have access to healthier foods as a reason for signing up. “Have you tried to find vegetables around here? It‟s impossible! When you do find stuff it looks like… well… really. You can‟t eat it. It‟s bruised or off-color. It just isn‟t worth the money you‟d spend,” remarks one person.
Some participants express concern about their long term health. Many note that they have been exposed to and scared or motivated by health messages received through television programming such as “Dr. Oz” or “The Doctors.” This supports Companion‟s (2013) findings regarding the influence of mass media on eating habits. As a result, they want to eat a healthier diet that is still within their
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Indigenous Policy Journal Vol. XXIV, No. 1 (Summer 2013) financial means. Says one participant, “I feel sluggish after I eat now… I‟d like to feel good about food again.”
Table 2: Introductory Survey
Reason for Attending?
Money/Constraints on food
Health Issues
Disconnection to Spirituality
Entertainment/Something to Do
Home Environment/Dreariness of where they live
What are you hoping to get out of this class?
Skills/knowledge
Food
Connection to past/culture
Connection to other AIANs
Connection to self
Confidence
Importance of Smudging (personal or cultural)
High
Moderate
Low
Frequency of Smudging
Daily
Weekly
Monthly
Past year
Importance of foods for spirituality?
High
Moderate
Low
Current use of foods to link to spirituality
Daily
Weekly
Monthly
Past Year
Men (n=27) Women (n=19) Total %
13(48.1%)
24(88.9%)
21(77.8%)
0
5(18.5%)
14(73.7%)
18(94.7%)
7(36.8%)
6(31.6%)
9(47.4%)
58.7
95.7
60.9
13
30.4
25(92.6%)
16(59.2%)
24(88.9%)
7(25.9%)
22(81.5%)
4(14.8%)
23(85.2%)
3(11.1%)
1(3.7%)
0
0
0
1(3.7%)
23(85.2%)
3(11.1%)
0
0
0
0
1(3.7%)
17(89.5%)
15(78.9%)
8(42.1%)
17(89.5%)
11(57.9%)
5(26.3%)
17(89.5%)
2(10.5%)
0
0
0
0
6(31.6%)
19(100%)
0
0
0
0
0
6(31.6%)
0
0
0
15.2
0
0
0
15.2
91.3
6.5
0
91.3
67.4
69.6
52.2
71.7
19.6
86.9
10.9
2
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Indigenous Policy Journal Vol. XXIV, No. 1 (Summer 2013)
Both men and women refer to their home environments as a factor in participating. One man comments, “To be truthful, it is really dim there. Even on bright sunny days, it is just dark. I‟m not sure what can grow in our apartment, but I‟m willing to try. We can‟t have pets or anything, so it would be kind of nice to have something living in our place!” While the sample is too small to test for statistical significance, it is interesting to note that there is a difference in the way men and women discuss this issue. The women consistently link the “dreariness” of their home environments with depression/mood and snacking. The men link this to a disconnection with their spirituality and addiction struggles.
Six female participants cite the need for diversion or entertainment as a reason for participating. Their comments reflect the contribution of the social ecology and built environment to obesogenic behaviors
(Bernard, Charafeddine, Frohlich, Daniel, Kestens, and Potvin, 2007; Lake and Townshend, 2006;
Rahman, Cushing, and Jackson, 2011). All have a sense of social and geographic isolation in the city.
As a result, they stay inside, watch television, and snack. They point to financial resources and physical location as reasons that they are struggling to meet new people. One woman remarked, “I really don‟t get out and do stuff. I don‟t have the money to go places and there isn‟t anything around here to do that is free. There is a park area a couple of miles from my apartment, but it isn‟t the place that you just go to hang out. There are always some pretty rough people there.”
The theme of being disconnected from traditional spirituality and themselves is unexpected, but emerges across 61% of participants. Many report that they feel separated from living things, leaving some homesick and others depressed. As a result, they have lost a piece of their spirit. This theme is intertwined with addictions and struggles to maintain sobriety. One man laments, “I think my soul is sick here. I grew up in New Mexico. I‟m used to big open skies and lots of space. Here, you can‟t see the sky. Or at least much of it. It is blocked out by buildings. There are too many people crammed on top of each other. I stay in a lot because it is really not a great neighborhood.”
This theme is reaffirmed when participants are asked what they wished to get out of the course. While practical outcomes such as skills and knowledge accumulation (91.3%) and food (67.4%) are cited, the concept of embracing spirituality by reconnecting to their pasts and cultures (69.6%) and to themselves
(71.7%) is also strong. The following quotes demonstrate the confluence of issues.
“I’m just floating here. I feel really unconnected to everything. I think that is what got me in trouble with the booze. It made me not care about that emptiness. I’ve been really working on the sobriety thing. But one guy told me that getting right with your self means finding connections and having a healthy spirit…I need something that is going to help me connect to some piece of who I am…Maybe I’m struggling with getting healthy in my body because my spirit is sick. Part of not being healthy is having no pride or confidence in your self. It is hard to have pride in who you are when you have no ability to appreciate your history or have no true link to it.”
“Truthfully? I don’t know how our people lived in the desert…This city is like a desert. It feels barren to me. It gets me really down sometimes.
I guess I want to learn more about growing my own food so that I can
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Companion: Lessons From the “Bucket Brigade”
Indigenous Policy Journal Vol. XXIV, No. 1 (Summer 2013) feel like I have at least some of those survival skills that our people had.
I just feel like I have no true understanding of how they could live where they did. I think this will make me feel a little closer to that history.”
Because so many adults discussed spirituality and connectedness to culture in the preliminary interview, a second was conducted to identify ways to address these needs. Participants suggested ways that the course could help them with resources to reconnect to their emotional and spiritual health as well as their physical health (Table 2). Ritual smudging (bathing in the smoke of burning sage or other medicinal plants) to cleanse and purify one‟s self and environment is an important cultural and personal act. “Smudging is like praying. It is important to take that time out of everyday to focus on things that are really important and to give thanks for what you have. Smudging is a way of doing that. It is our way of doing that.”
In addition to being a spiritual act, smudging is a cultural identifier that reflects pride in one‟s heritage.
“Traditional spirituality is an essential part of being Indian to me. It is a part of our identity, so it is important to maintain that observance,” says one woman. For some, it also represents an explicit rejection of cultural genocide and theft. One man states, “‟New-agers have tried to take over smudging as their thing. To me, it seems like one more thing that gets stolen from us. As Indians, we need to take back our heritage, to reclaim it from imposters.‟ [So smudging is a political act too?] [laughs] „More like an act of war! Taking it back is like taking back a little piece of control over the things that others have taken away from us by force.‟”
Despite its stated importance, only 15% of respondents have smudged in the past year. When asked why no one is engaging in this behavior, most agree that access to “clean” resources is a primary constraint. One woman explains, “What makes sage so purifying is that it comes from nature. There is a ritual to collecting it, to drying it, to bundling it, to burning it. I wouldn‟t feel comfortable using someone else‟s
[commercial or store-bought] sage. I wouldn‟t know where it came from or where it had been or who touched it. You know? [audible disgust sound] It would be like putting on some stranger‟s used underwear!”
Program participants submitted a list of plants that they would like to grow to help them spiritually. The top four include tobacco, corn, sage, and sweet grass. Since sweet grass is ornamental and tobacco is associated with negative health outcomes, they were excluded. The programs opted to experiment with a second “three sisters” bucket containing beans, heirloom corn, patty-pan squash, and two types of sage. The composition of plants is based on intercropping strategies that have been used historically by numerous tribes and across Africa to maximize crop yield in small areas with minimal agricultural inputs. The beans (nitrogen fixing) are trained to climb the corn stalk (nitrogen depleting). Squash is trained to climb out of the bucket and across the floor.
At its close, respondents rated the program favorably and all would participate again. All are using their herbs to replace some salt, butter, and lard in their cooking and report feeling healthier in some respect.
Nine believe that they have lost weight. Three have been to a doctor and have had some positive health changes. Says one respondent, “I like using the herbs. I‟m not spending as much money on butter and
9

Indigenous Policy Journal Vol. XXIV, No. 1 (Summer 2013) stuff, so I buy more food. I‟ve been able to cut back a bit on my diabetes meds. That saves money too, so I‟ve been able to buy us some extra meat.”
Each participant was provided with a set of activity or suggestion cards to connect the program to family at home. Thirty-three respondents (71.7%) used the cards to get children involved in the growing and cooking processes. One woman notes, “I showed my kids how to make the salsas and I did the little taste test at home with them. We voted on which potato recipes we liked the best. I think they liked having some input. They were also really excited about the growing. „Mom! Mom! We got another tomato! Mom! We got another chili!‟”
In addition to achieving the program goal of reducing of salt and fat intake, the experimental buckets have had a positive impact on spiritual and cultural connections. Because of plant maturation time, bundles of sage, collected on nearby reservation areas, were distributed to all participants in the fourth week of the course. At the end of the course, sixteen (34.8%) report smudging daily. “It has really important for me to make that part of my daily routine. I need to make that time for me to focus on getting right. It is really important for my sobriety,” says one. An additional twenty-three participants reported smudging weekly (84.8% cumulative). Shortages of sage, along with challenges to finding the personal or quiet time to do it, are cited as reasons for not smudging more frequently. However, participants report that incorporating smudging into their routine has provided opportunities for discussions of cultural traditions with their children. This includes memories of ceremonies, traditional stories, and family members who have passed on.
Because the bucket corn was an experiment that did not mature in the time allotted, or in some cases, at all, participants were provided with small packets of corn pollen, meal, silk, husks. Again, these materials were brought in from reservations. Thirty-four (73.9%) used the materials in a cultural or spiritual way. Nineteen (41.3%) made some form of medicine bundle, while others made offerings.
Several of the women made dolls with their children as part of the “traditional activities” suggestion cards. One comments, “My mom played with corn husk dolls when she was little. We used the husks and silks and some cloth and thread and had a go at it. We had a really good laugh at how horrible they came out! But, I got to talk to my girls about some stuff that I hadn‟t thought about in a long time. I think it was good for us.”
All participants were contacted for a final survey six months following the completion of the course.
Forty-one (89.1%) responded. Overall, they rate the program and its impacts very favorably. They report that the sense of achievement from gardening has continued well beyond the program. Notes one man, “I like the responsibility for caring for the plants. Since it is winter, I‟ve really had to make sure they get enough light, so I move them around a lot. This is a good challenge. I‟m proud that I‟m able to keep them going.”
All respondents continue to use the herbs they are growing at home. All report reducing their daily use of salt, butter, and lard as a result of the cooking demonstrations and tastings. “I‟m real happy with this,” says one woman. “Now that the herbs have become a habit, I can‟t believe how much salt I used to add to everything. It kinda scares me how I was killing myself slowly and not even thinking about
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Indigenous Policy Journal Vol. XXIV, No. 1 (Summer 2013) it.” Over half (61%) the respondents report trying one new herb or spice in the past six months to expand their flavor options.
Thirty-two (78%) respondents volunteered information about their health. When asked if they felt the program had a positive impact on them, nineteen (46%) reported some weight loss. Of these, several believe the program benefited their entire families. One woman states, “I didn‟t realize how much salt we were using each day. Using the stuff in the bucket and from the prizes…seems to be making a difference. I have lost a little bit of weight and so has my husband.”
Nine (21.9%) report a reduction in their need for certain medications. Notes one man, “I‟m really happy with learning how to use all the herbs. Having them at home and fresh and not having to buy them is good. I‟ve been really good about cutting back on salts and fats. My doctor likes what I‟m doing. He‟s cut back on my dose of meds for the hypertension. That really helps me out because it gives us a little more money in our budget for food.”
Table 3: Six Month Follow-up Survey (89.1% response rate)
Program impact on spirituality/cultural connection
High
Moderate
Low
None
Frequency of Smudging
Daily
Weekly
Monthly
Never
Program impact on food connection to culture
High
Moderate
Low
None
Current use of foods to link to spirituality
Daily
Weekly
Monthly
Never
Continued use of herbs in cooking
Experimentation with new herbs/spices
Men (n=25) Women (n=16) Total %
17(68%)
6(24%)
2(8%)
0
9(56.3%)
6(37.5%)
1(6.3%)
0
63.4
29.3
7.3
0
4(16%)
19(76%)
2(8%)
0
6(37.5%)
7(43.7%)
3(18.7%)
0
24.4
63.4
12.1
0
20(80%)
3(12%)
2(8%)
0
3(12%)
19(76%)
3(12%)
0
25(100%)
17(68%)
9(56.3%)
5(31.3%)
2(12.5%)
0
1(6.3%)
13(81.3%)
2(12.5%)
0
16(100%)
8(50%)
9.8
78.0
12.1
0
70.7
19.5
9.8
0
100
61
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Indigenous Policy Journal Vol. XXIV, No. 1 (Summer 2013)
As shown in Table 3, responses also indicate a positive impact on spirituality and connection to self and traditional culture. Over 87% of respondents report smudging once per week. One participant notes,
“Reconnecting with the spiritual side of my life has made me feel a lot more in control. I know that addiction is an issue for me, but staying focused on performing traditional healing ceremonies like purification…is keeping me on a good path. I feel like I‟m more in control of my choices.” Another points to the benefits of sharing topics from the course with her family, saying “I think this has helped me connect with my kids on a different level and helped them understand better about who they are and where they come from. What is more spiritual then that?”
The use of food to prompt discussions about history and tradition has also been beneficial to many participants. Over 90% report that the program has had a moderate to high impact on their ability to connect food, including commodities, back to their culture. Food is a catalyst for discussions with family about their memories of preparation techniques, unique recipes, or cultural traditions. Despite its importance, however, the majority of respondents (78%) are only able to do this once a week due to food access limitations and financial constraints. Many (31) try to make one dish per week and a share stories about it with their families. It is important to note that this includes “new” traditional meals, which often include Spam, based on having participated in commodities programs.
All participants would enroll in the program again and are keeping their herbs going. Thirty-two (78%) are planning to start a new bucket in the spring. When asked about improving the program, all want additional containers to produce more food. The average number of requested bucket set-ups is 4. One man notes, “We have a big window that is dead space in the living room. We don‟t have a lot of furniture, so there isn‟t much clutter there. I would be thrilled to set up 5 buckets. I could freeze all that salsa!”
An unexpected benefit from program participation is the desire to engage in larger-scale gardening.
Nine participants have moved forward with applying for space in urban community gardens. All are motivated by the thought of producing food and spiritual resources for the community, as well as their own families. All nine want to contribute some of their extra food to the Indian Center pantries to help improve food access for other families. One man says, “I really want to grow more food. There are so many people in line here every time the pantry is open. I‟ve used it. I know that almost all the food is dried or canned. You rarely get anything fresh. I‟d like to help out. Give back. You know? So many people have helped me out, it would be real good to turn that around.”
In one urban center, two people who met during the program applied for and received plots near each other in a community garden. They have been working together on a combined plot. One reports, “I‟m keeping up the herbs in my window sill at home, so we always have that. I‟m gonna be taking the things from the corn to the center. We‟ve had so many talks about corn pollen and meal and silk….I want to harvest that stuff and donate it to the center so more people can have access to those spiritual tools.” They are hoping to expand their operation next year by bringing in another program participant, who has also applied for garden space. Their goal is to produce enough extra food to sell at a farmer‟s market in the area or at the Indian Center.
The example set by those nine is influencing others in the communities. To increase interest in the programs, two Indian Centers have featured photo displays of the original “Bucket Brigade” program
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Indigenous Policy Journal Vol. XXIV, No. 1 (Summer 2013) as well as the gardens. As a result, more people are asking about future programs. One woman in the food pantry stated, “I really like what [participant] is doing, starting that garden plot. That is a really great idea! I want to go through the course and really feel like I know what I‟m doing then I‟d like to give that a shot. I think his idea of selling at the farmer‟s market is cool too. I want to talk to him about maybe working together. I can use the extra corn husks to make dolls and we can sell them there as traditional toys.”
Results from this pilot program indicate that urban Indian centers can be utilized to a greater capacity and can generate programs that are culturally sensitive and have sustainable, positive impacts on individuals and the community. This study indicates that people are hungry for more information about nutritional options and for practical skills that they can utilize to make the foods that they have access to more healthful. Participation in such programs has an added bonus of creating a sense of shared identity and community. This can provide social support for those struggling with health and addiction issues. It can also mobilize the participants toward more political ends, such as lobbying for funding for more programs, or to greater community engagement through larger gardening programs that benefit all
Indian Center members.
These findings have strong implications for health and public policy makers. Funding expansion of
Indian centers so that they can support a demonstration kitchen and creating targeted development grants to provide food, cookware, and other resources for such programs can expand nutritional information and health outreach to an underserved community. In addition, channeling health initiatives through Centers has the potential to increase community awareness of risk factors and increase cultural health capital.
There are also strong community-level implications for funding such programs. Results from this study support previous findings (Armstrong, 2000; Brown and Jameton, 2000; Hale et al., 2011; Teig et al.,
2009) regarding gardening‟s contribution to community social capital. People who met during the course of the program are currently working together to start urban garden ventures, establish a farmer‟s market at one Indian center to increase the neighborhood‟s access to fresh produce at a reasonable cost, and to provide the food pantries with fresh food. Members of the “graduating class” have volunteered to work with the next group to help keep the program going. This suggests that the program expanded social networks, increased organizational capacity, and stimulated civic engagement.
While this program represents a critical first step, more research needs to be conducted on program development and its community impact. Future research should focus on the collaborative development of nutritional programs that address the needs of primary shoppers and food preparers. Program development should also specifically focus on children and adolescents to help mitigate the impacts of obesogenic cultural drift.
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