Violence, Sexuality, and Gender Stereotyping: A
Content Analysis of Official Video Game Web Sites
Tom Robinson, Mark Callister, Brad Clark and James Phillips
WJMCR 13 (February 2009)
Introduction|Theoretical Framework & Literature|Hypotheses and Research Questions|Method|Results|Discussion
Abstract
To promote video games, game manufacturers create official Web sites for their
games that are designed to attract consumers' attention and push them to purchase.
This paper examines the messages that these Web sites send to the public regarding
violence, sexual content, drug and alcohol use, and racial and gender
representations. Results show that male characters outnumber female characters,
that female characters are shown in a more stereotypical and sexualized manner,
and that Hispanic characters are grossly underrepresented. The majority of game
Web sites display violent acts that include actual shootings with blood and that no
significant difference exists between the number of violent acts on the Web sites
for games rated (T)een and games rated (M)ature. Given the violent depictions,
stereotyping, and sexualized portrayals on these Web sites, parents should be as
vigilant in monitoring their children's exposure to the Web sites as they are to the
video games. Video gaming is a mainstay of American children's leisure time.
Today, video games have become a multibillion-dollar industry, with combined
computer and video game sales topping $7.4 billion and selling over 240.7 million
computer and video game units in 2006.1 This amount nearly matches the $9.7
billion generated by the 2007 movie box office.2 As for gaming equipment, 85% of
teens and 77% of preteens in the United States say they own a video game
console.3 Moreover, teens play electronic games an average of 9 hours per week,
with male teens playing 3.5 times more hours per week than female teens (14 hours
compared to 4 hours). Children ages 6 to 11 are equally engaged, playing an
average of 10 hours per week, with boys playing 13 hours and girls playing 5
hours.4 Clearly the video game industry has become a major force in the worlds of
both business and entertainment.
Introduction
With so much at stake in terms of profitability, game manufacturers seek new ways
to advertise and promote games to players of all ages. One essential and
increasingly popular marketing tool among manufacturers is the Internet. Gaming
companies create official Web sites that, at their core, are interactive
advertisements designed to attract, dazzle, and direct consumers to purchase their
products. These sites experience heavy traffic as potential buyers sample games,
examine graphics, test features, explore story lines, interact with characters, and
experience the overall atmosphere of each individual game. These easily accessible
sites have few if any entrance restrictions (occasionally asking for the easily
manipulated birth date), thus attracting consumers of all ages. Nevertheless, while
the often violent and salacious content of video games has drawn criticism and
concern from a growing number of parents, researchers, social critics, and policy
makers, examination of the content from easily accessible official game Web sites
has been largely ignored.
A careful examination of official Web sites would provide a more comprehensive
understanding of the messages and strategies employed in the video gaming
industry. This research documents the messages that these widely popular but
loosely regulated video game Web sites send to the public-including young
children-regarding violence, sexual content, and gender representations.
Video Game Advertising
Because official video game Web sites are used to advertise and promote the
games to potential buyers, the advertising content that so successfully drives sales,
is worthy of careful examination. Advertising for video games comes in many
forms, including television commercials, newspaper and magazine advertisements,
Internet ads, point-of-purchase displays and packaging (i.e., jacket covers). Beyond
oral and written appeals, these advertising messages use engaging graphics and
visuals to introduce the characters, show snapshots of the action, and demonstrate
the different attributes of the game-all with the purpose of involving consumers and
enticing them to buy. Because these ads are so easily accessible to children and
adolescents when they are alone or in a store contemplating a purchase,5 the
potential presence of distorted, objectionable, and even harmful material is of great
concern. Violent and sexual content in these ads, for instance, can carry an
attractive and persuasive force that appeals to young viewers while gender and
racial portrayals contribute to the overall cultural messages communicated in the
media.
Past research of video game advertising reveals some areas of concern. Scharrer,6
for instance, conducted a content analysis of video game advertisements in top
three gaming magazines and found that, just like the games themselves, the
advertisements contained more males than females, violence appeared in more
than half of the ads, and more than a third involved shooting as the most frequent
violent act. In addition, Scharrer reported the prevalence of weapons and sexual
content appearing in the ads. Similarly, Provenzo's7 examination of video game
jacket covers found that men outnumbered women 13 to 1 and that men were
shown initiating or dominating the action. In games that did have female
characters, they were typically shown in a provocative light.8 A later study
examining jacket covers9 found that over a third contained violent copy, nearly
three quarters visually depicted physical violence and violence with weapons, half
included scenes of partial nudity, and a small number containing images of sexual
behavior.
With evidence that violent and sexual content and gender stereotyping are
emphasized in video game advertisements and jacket covers, the question arises:
What content and strategies are employed on the increasingly popular, yet less
restricted and regulated, official game Web sites? Arguably, advertising on video
game covers and gaming magazines receives greater parental scrutiny and
restrictions than official game Web sites. With 83% of game players turning to the
Internet for information when making decisions about entertainment choices,
official game Web sites are a highly valuable medium for both gamers and game
manufacturers.10
Each game's official site is, in effect, an advertisement that "is likely to depict the
most exciting, stimulating, potentially provocative and attention-grabbing elements
or representations of the game."11 Internet Web sites are able to combine a host of
features (e.g., trailers, screen shots, and reviews by critics and players) that include
the elements Scharrer mentions and encourage game sales. Consumers depend on
this visual and written information when making purchasing decisions. But beyond
product decisions, as viewers sample and experience these Web sites, the
consumed images and messages also have the potential to influence their
perceptions of issues relevant to game content. Viewer attitudes and perceptions of
such societal issues as gender representations, violence and sex, and substance
abuse are informed and formed, to some extent, through video game Web site
content.
Theoretical Framework & Related Literature
Given that this study explores the elements of violence, sexuality and stereotyping
present in video game Web sites, the theoretical foundations and relevant literature
for each of these content areas will be examined separately. The first will review
media violence literature and will draw upon the General Aggression Model and
social cognitive theory to explain potential media effects stemming from exposure
to violent content. Social cognitive theory will also provide a theoretical framework
from which to understand sexual media effects, in addition to masculinity ideology
theory. Finally, social comparison theory, third-person effects, and the presumed
influence model will be reviewed to understand the potential effects of media
stereotypes.
Violence and Media Effects
Generally theories of media violence are divided into short-term and long-term
effects, with some theories spanning both.12 Theorists believe that short-term
effects stem from priming, arousal, and imitation, and long-term effects flow from
desensitization and observational learning.13 The General Aggression Model
(GAM) seeks to incorporate both short- and long- term effects theories into a more
comprehensive theoretical framework.14 The General Aggression Model (GAM) is
not a violent media effects theory per se as it deals more generally with human
aggression, but it is helpful in explaining the influence of violent media.15 GAM
postulates that a variety of aggression related "scripts" are activated in memory
after viewing violence in the media. When activated, these scripts are used as a
guide to interpret the effectiveness and appropriateness of aggressive behavior.
According to the GAM, children and adolescents are particularly vulnerable to the
effects of viewing violence in the media because they are still developing scripts
relating to aggression. As a result, violence viewed in childhood and adolescence is
likely to have a greater impact on aggressive thoughts and behavior than violence
viewed in adulthood when script formation is more established.
Another often cited theory applied to violent media content is Bandura's social
cognitive theory. This theory posits that observational learning and imitation can
lead to long-term effects from exposure to media violence.16 These effects include
the development of hostile problem-solving scripts, negative attribution biases, and
normative beliefs deeming aggression appropriate. Humans can be shaped by both
direct experience and observation; thus, video game players who identify with
game characters, as well as see those characters regularly solve problems via
violence or receive rewards for hostility, are more likely to develop normative
beliefs regarding the positive nature of aggression in dealing with real life problems
and social interactions.17
Violent Video Games Literature Review
Several factors related to both game content and technology moderate the
influence of violent video games on aggression. Higher amounts of blood in violent
video games increased physically aggressive intentions,18 as well as amplified
levels of arousal and weapons usage in the game.19 Therefore, the more hostile the
game genre and the more realistic the gaming environment is, the greater the
degree of presence felt and the higher the level of expected hostility from others in
social conflicts. Bartholow, Anderson, Carnagey and Benjamin20 discovered that
mere pictures of weapons prime aggressive thoughts in people, and Carnagey and
Anderson21 found that individuals who played games that rewarded the use of
violence displayed enhanced aggressive feelings and hostile thinking, which led to
an increase in aggressive actions.
The violent content in video games has been a significant area of concern for both
scholars and policy makers. As the technology supporting video games has
improved, violence in video games has evolved from the blasting of asteroids in
space to graphic gunfights with associated blood and gore.22 In many games,
violence increases as players advance through the various levels, thus "using
violence as a problem-solving technique"23 or as a reward.24 Researchers have
determined that nearly 80% of all video games contain some form of aggression or
violence as part of the strategy or objective,25 and intentional violence was seen in
64% of the games rated (E)veryone,26 98% of the games rated (T)een,27 and
100% of the games rated (M)ature.28 Interestingly, Thompson et al.29 also found
that games rated (T)een had significantly more time dedicated to violent gameplay
(36%) than did games rated (M)ature (22%).
Another area of violence in video games, which is rated by the Entertainment
Software Rating Board (ESRB), is the use of profanity and profane gestures.
Profanity and profane gestures in language, writings, and song lyrics appeared in
27% of the games rated (T)een.30 In a more recent study of 147 (M)ature-rated
video games, Thompson et al.31 found strong language, writings, and gestures in
67% of the games, which is an average of 17 uses of profanity per hour of
gameplay.
Sexual Content and Media Effects
Beyond violent content, many video games and their corresponding Web sites are
replete with sexual content. In content analyzing the game Web sites, two theoriessocial
cognitive theory and masculinity ideology theory help to explain the
potential impact that the sexual material on these sites may have on viewers.
Social Cognitive Theory
As previously noted, Bandura's social cognitive theory (or cognitive social learning
theory)32 focuses on the impact of observational learning on behavior. Factors that
enhance observational learning are the status of the model (attractive, powerful,
popular, etc.), the possibility of performing the observed behavior, and the type of
reward associated with the modeled behavior.33 Environmental, cognitive, and
attitudinal factors are considered bi-directional.34 Thus, video gamers who
simultaneously observe and engage via proxy in sexual behavior in a game context,
with such behaviors being rewarded or suffering no serious negative consequences,
are more likely to engage in similar behavior if future situations provide an
opportunity. Finding evidence of bidirectionality between factors, Somers and
Tynan35 noted that increased exposure to sexual content and dialogue boosted
amounts of sexual behavior, but that adolescents already engaging in higher levels
of sexual behavior were also more attracted to media content containing more
sexual content and dialogue. Consequently, both factors were simultaneously at
work in shaping adolescents sexual attitudes, behaviors and media consumption.
Masculinity Ideology Theory
Masculinity ideology theory postulates that men internalize cultural standards for
masculinity, adapting their behavior and attitudes to cultural masculine norms.36
Some of these masculine standards in American society are independence,
toughness, and sexual virility, among others.37 As men and boys are exposed to
media depictions of masculinity, particularly sexually powerful and promiscuous
role models, they are more likely to see such behavior as the definitive ideal for
their gender, and adopt such practices. Researchers have found that higher levels
of media usage and engagement did increase the degree of traditional masculine
ideology found in men.
Literature on Sexual Media and Adolescents/Children
The empirical data about the effects of sexual content in the media on users has
begun to accumulate, signifying that:
Overall, evidence indicates that frequent and involved exposure to
sexually oriented [media].is associated with greater acceptance of
stereotypical and casual attitudes about sex, with higher expectations
about the prevalence of sexual activity and of certain sexual
outcomes, and, even occasionally, with greater levels of sexual
experience.38
More specifically, sexual media lead to accelerated maturation, with youth exposed
to higher amounts of sexual content exhibiting the sexual behavior of those nine to
seventeen months older.39 Another study found that about 11% of seventh- and
eighth-grade students' media consumption contained sexual content, and exposure
to sexual content was positively and significantly correlated with both current
sexual activity and future plans regarding sexual behavior.40 target=notes>40
Various factors influence the degree to which adolescents and children seek out
sexual media, including gender, one's degree of sensation seeking, life satisfaction,
sexual interest, past levels of sexual media use, and the age of one's friends.41
As for sexual content in video games, Thompson et al.42 examined 36
(M)ature-rated video games and determined that 36% of their sample contained
sexual themes and that sexual themes were depicted for 4.9% of the gameplay
time. Prostitution was also shown in six (17%) of the games. In (T)een-rated
games, 13.9% of the games contained sexually suggestive themes and 1.3%
contained more mature sexual themes.43 Scharrer44 observed 11 sexual acts in the
advertisements for video games. The sexual acts included intimate touching, sexual
words, sexual innuendo, disrobing, and one instance of implied sexual violence.
Media Stereotyping
Scholars have utilized numerous theories to help explain potential effects of
exposure to stereotypes in the media, including social identity theory and gender
identity theory,45 social-cognitive theory,46 self-discrepancy theory,47 and
ambivalent sexism theory and hegemonic masculinity theory.48 However, the
theories most relevant to this study and having the greater empirical support
explaining stereotyping effects from the media are social comparison theory, thirdperson
effects, and the presumed influence model.
Social Comparison Theory
Social comparison theory49 initially posited that people seek to know where they
stand in comparison to similar others on such categories as knowledge or skill
levels and beliefs. Others have refined the theory, noting that unintentional
comparisons often occur, including with those who are quite different from
oneself,50 other areas of comparison exist, including appearance,51 whether one
compares to someone considered better or worse influences the emotional result of
the comparison,52 and comparisons to people from more universal sources, such as
mass media, induce greater pressure to adopt unrealistic standards than do
comparisons to more particular sources, such as family and friends.53 Thus, video
game players, according to social comparison theory, will be likely to compare
their physical appearance to the more realistic characters in the games they play,
and given that the comparison is to a more universal target, and likely an upward
comparison, both negative affect and pressure to have a body more like the
observed characters will be experienced.
Several studies have found support for social comparison theory in testing for
negative media effects. Morrison, Kalin, and Morrison54 found that adolescent
males frequently exposed to mass media images of the idealistic male physique
were much more likely to engage in universal social comparison, leading to selfesteem
problems, weight-gaining diets, and steroid use. Adolescent girls with higher
exposure rates to mass media ideal body types also practiced more universal social
comparison, resulting in self-esteem issues, dissatisfaction with body type,
weight-loss dieting, and harmful weight control behaviors. Engeln- Maddux55
discovered that women who make upward comparisons to images of attractive
female models in print advertising were more likely to experience lower
satisfaction levels with their physical appearance, as well as to internalize the thin
body type. Similarly, Tiggemann and McGill56 noted in their study that women
who made social comparisons to thin, attractive body types in the media
experienced higher levels of negative mood and body dissatisfaction. The presence
of the thin ideal for females and the muscular physique for males across numerous
media creates the stereotype for body types that are difficult, if not impossible for
most to achieve. According to social comparison theory, such comparisons invite
harmful comparisons that may lead to body dissatisfaction.
Presumed Influence Theory and Third-person Effects Because of the theoretical
similarities between the presumed influence model and third-person effects (in fact,
the former derives from the latter), these two theories will be looked at together.
Both theories posit that media has indirect yet powerful effects on attitudes and
behavior. The third-person effect (or sometimes, third-person perception) contends
that people believe that negative mass media has a greater impact on others than on
themselves.57 This view-a self-serving bias-stems from the tendency of people to
see themselves in the most optimistic light possible.58 Hence, a video gamer would
be liable to perceive that the stereotypical characters and images found in video
games would be more likely to negatively influence others than him or herself.
The presumed influence model builds on the third-person effects with a few
changes. First, the presumed influence model does not require identification of
whether or not the media effect is negative or positive; second, one does not have
to consider whether or not the message has any effect on oneself.59 Thus, the
presumed influence model argues that an individual will perceive that mass media
influence others, and that an individual will then change his or her attitudes or
behaviors because of the presumed influence on peers or society at large.60 In a
video- gaming context, a player might believe that others will see the thin,
attractive female characters (if the gamer is a girl), or the masculine, aggressive
male characters (if the gamer is a boy), and think that such a body type is the ideal
physical appearance for that gender. That player may then attempt to adopt that
body type (or personality), not because he or she believes it is ideal, but because
others do.
Park61 found that female college students who read fashion and beauty magazines
believed that the ideal thin body type was widespread in the media, which led to
the supposition that others, both men and women, would be influenced by this and
would then prefer the thin body type. This causal chain resulted in these magazinereading
women feeling pressure to be thin themselves. Similarly, Thomsen62
discovered that reading magazines replete with thin, attractive models boosted
women's beliefs about men's expectations of thin women, resulting in increased
worry about their own body type. Others63 have determined that in both men and
women, distinctions in perceptions of media influence on both self and others
predicted belief in normative thin body types for women. Additionally, Chia64
noted that the total perceived media effects on both self and peers explained
women's plans to lose weight, but the difference between perceived effects on self
and others was negatively correlated with dieting intentions.
Literature Review of Media Stereotypes
In examining the influence on adults of stereotypes on the media, researchers have
found statistically significant negative effects on both women and men. For
women, exposure to thin body types was positively correlated with dissatisfaction
with one's body, internalizing the thin ideal, and eating attitudes and practices.65
Furthermore, after exposure to images of the thin body ideal, women experienced
increased levels of anger, anxiety, body dissatisfaction and depression, which
levels were positively associated with desires to be thin and symptoms of eating
disorders.66 Exposure to images of the ideal male body type likewise increased
dissatisfaction with one's body for men,67 which correlated with the drive for
increasing one's muscularity.68 In addition, as men feel pressured by the mass
media to have an ideal body type, they have lower levels of body satisfaction, body
esteem and self-esteem, and they also suffer more psychological disorders, such as
depression, and engage more in unhealthy behaviors, such as extreme exercising.69
Adolescents and children are also not immune from body image stereotyping. Clark
and Tiggemann70 found that peer and media influences interacted to create an
"appearance culture" that caused 9- to 12-year-old girls dissatisfaction with their
body and increased their desire to be thinner, with Dohnt and Tiggemann71 making
a similar finding among 5- to 8-year-old girls. For adolescent boys, media
influenced the degree they experienced symptoms of muscle dysmorphia-an
obsession with the idea that one is not sufficiently muscular.72 Interestingly, both
boys and girls were equally found to develop beliefs that women are sex objects as
they experienced exposure to increasingly explicit sexualized media73; and boys
regularly exposed to the thin female ideal body type in the media are more likely to
evaluate physical attractiveness as important and expect such in a girlfriend,
evidencing an indirect effect of idealized female body types on girls via boys'
assessments and anticipations of girls' body types.74
Several content analysis studies have focused specifically on gender stereotyping in
video game-related materials. Miller and Summers75 coded forty-nine articles from
gaming magazines in the United States. Of the 115 characters found, males tended
to be the main, heroic characters, were more powerful and muscular, and had
greater abilities and higher weapons' use. Female characters, on the other hand,
were generally secondary characters, were sexier in appearance and more innocent
in nature, and wore more revealing clothing than male characters. Jansz and
Martis,76 in looking at the introductory films of video games, found just as many
leading female characters as male characters, but female characters were more
sexualized than their male counterparts. Ogletree and Drake77 found that both
genders viewed female game characters as weaker, passive, and sexually
provocative.
Researchers have consistently found a disparity in the number of male versus
female characters appearing in video games, with 60% to 73% of the games
featuring male characters compared to only 2% to 12% featuring females.78
Burgess, Stermer, and Burgess79 analyzed 225 video game covers, finding male
characters four times more likely to be featured than females, and male characters.
Additionally, "female characters were more likely to be portrayed with
exaggerated, and often objectified, sexiness,"80 and covers matched sexiness and
violence for female characters more often than violence and muscularity for male
characters. Finally, Dill and Thill81 performed a content analysis of American
video game magazines. Not surprisingly, males were more common than females,
with female characters portrayed sexually more often than male characters (60%
compared to 1%), more scantily clad (39% of the time versus 8%), and more
frequently displaying a mix of sex and aggression (39% versus 1%). In sum, these
findings show a marked lack of female representation, suggesting, "players are
more likely to have an opportunity to play a non- human character than a
female."82
While the issue of under representation is troubling, perhaps the issue of greater
concern is the presence of gender stereotyping in video games. Most studies
acknowledge that female stereotypes abound in video games.83 Female characters
are portrayed as more sexualized and attractive than male characters, and they are
significantly more likely to be engaged in sexual behaviors or shown partially
nude.84 Dietz85 found that female characters were "shown as visions of beauty
with large breasts and thin hips," with the majority of female characters wearing
clothing that brought attention to their bodies by exposing their breasts, buttocks,
and midriffs.86 When cleavage was examined, researchers found that 2.82% of
female characters were flat-chested, 56.34% were average, and 40.85% were
voluptuous with unrealistically large breasts.87 Interestingly, of those females with
voluptuous breasts, 31% were in games rated (E)veryone.88
While female characters in video games are often sexualized, male characters are
portrayed as "hypermasculine," with over-exaggerated physical strength, virility,
and masculinity.89 Male characters are typically void of all emotions, making them
far less likely than their female counterparts to share, help, or nurture.90
Portraying male characters as aggressive, hostile and violent is not only acceptable
but seen as normal. For example, male athletic characters in sports games are more
likely to show physical and verbal aggression than other characters.91 HeintzKnowles and Henderson92 found that the primary male character role in the top
video games was that of "competitor" (47%). The two primary roles for female
characters in video games were either "victim" (or "damsel in distress") or the "evil
obstacle" that the hero must conquer to achieve the goal of the game.93
Addictive Behaviors and Substance Use in Video Games The use and presence of
addictive substances in video games is the least studied area in video game
research, even though many of the categories that the ESRB use to rate video
games, referred to as "Content Descriptors," fit into this area (e.g., use of drugs,
alcohol, or tobacco; sexual themes; and gambling).94 Researchers observed
depictions of addictive substances in 15% of (T)een-rated games and in 58% of
(M)ature-rated games.95 This included 47% of the games depicting alcohol use,
22% depicting tobacco use, and 14% depicting illicit drug use. This is an area of
research that is understudied and while substance use is not a primary focus in this
study, some attention is given since such content does exist in video games.
Hypotheses and Research Questions
With this background in mind, understanding how video game companies present
these issues on their official game Web sites can provide important insights into the
nature of the images and content that can be viewed by audiences of all ages and is
used to attract attention and sell video games. The following research questions and
hypotheses will guide this study to further the understanding of video game
content:
RQ1: Will more male characters or female characters be portrayed on official
video game Web sites?
H1: Regarding physical characteristics, female characters will be portrayed more
stereotypically than male characters.
RQ2: To what extent are male characters shown with large muscular bodies?
H2: Female characters will be more sexualized than male characters.
RQ3: How much sexual content is present on video game Web sites?
RQ4: How much violent content, in terms of the number of violent acts, the
number of weapons, and the amount of blood shown, is present on video game
Web sites?
H3: The amount of violent acts on game Web sites will increase as game rating
categories become more restrictive.
RQ5: How many addictive substances and behaviors are shown on video game
Web sites?
RQ6: How much profanity is present on video game Web sites?
Method
Sample Selection
The sample for this study was taken from GameSpot.com's listing of the most
popular video games of 2005 and 2006 that operate an official game Web site.
GameSpot is listed as the top site for video games by the Google search engine's
ranking feature.96 The site is considered the Web's most innovative gaming
community, reaching millions of gamers each week with news stories, game
previews, video streams, cheats, hints, and more. GameSpot.com is unique because
it offers users a list of games that are currently the most popular and whose sites
are receiving the most visits. Any game that did not feature an official game site
(e.g., Dead or Alive 4, MVP Baseball 2005) was eliminated from the sample,
leaving a total of 47 games (see Appendix A). For each official game Web site, the
game's rating ([E]veryone, [T]een, and [M]ature) and genre (Sports, Puzzle,
Fantasy-Odyssey, Action Adventure, War Strategy, and Other) were also coded.
Coding Scheme
A coding instrument was created using information from past research methods for
observing video game content.97 The coders were instructed to code only the
characters that were an integral part of the storyline or game such as major
characters who were listed on the Web site as a main character or they were a
recurring character throughout the game, or a minor character who appeared in at
least two different scenes, helped develop the storyline but was not central to the
plot. Characters who were part of a large group of henchmen or background
warriors and were identical in look and design were coded only once as one unique
individual character. For each individual, the coders first identified the character's
humanity (human, nonhuman, or humanoid); gender (male, female, or
unknown/other); role (hero, villain, other, or unknown); and approximate age
(young, teen, young adult, middle aged, young old, or old.
The coders then rated the character's level of attractiveness as "not attractive,"
"average," or "extremely attractive"98 and their level of muscularity as "weak,"
"average muscles," or "large muscles."99
The sexuality of each character was coded in terms of the character's cleavage
(female characters only), type of clothing worn, body size, and overall sexuality.
The cleavage for each female character was coded as "flat," "average," or
"voluptuous."100 Categories for attire included "fully clothed, loose fitting
clothes"; "fully clothed, tight fitting clothes, revealing body shape"; "no shirt,
midriff showing, low-cut shirt, cleavage showing"; "legs bare, mini skirt, shorts";
"bathing suit,"101 "exposed majority of breast, buttocks, or genitals"; or
"naked."102 The body size of each of the characters was determined by comparing
the character's body size to Thompson and Gray's103 Contour Drawing Rating
Scale, where figures are shown as "very thin," "thin," "average," "overweight," or
"obese." Finally, the coders determined the character's overall sexiness as "not
sexy at all," "average sexuality," or "very sexy."104
In addition to the sexuality of each character, the sexual content contained on each
Web site was also coded. Coders counted the instances of passionate kissing,
physical touching, intimate touching, disrobing, nudity, implied intercourse, and
actual intercourse. The inclusion of sexual words and sexual innuendo were also
recorded.
For violent content, coders counted the number of violent acts, the number of
weapons, and the amount of blood shown on each Web site. Violence was defined
as "acts in which the aggressor causes or attempts to cause physical injury or death
to another character."105 Each violent act was counted once with the following
stipulations: (a) continuous attacks or violent acts without pause in a melee were
coded as one violent attack; (b) when a character was able to hit other characters
multiple times in an attack, such as in a spinning attack or with violent magic, the
attack was coded as one violent attack; (c) intentional acts of physical force
representing normal play in sports games were not counted as violent acts; (d)
punches and kicks in boxing and wrestling games were coded as a violent attack
because the intention of these acts was to cause injury; and (e) battles of eight or
more characters engaged in some form of melee were coded as one battle rather
than counting each individual violent act.106 The number and type of any weapons
shown or used on each Web site were also counted. A weapon was considered to
be any device used by a character to inflict injury or death on an opponent (e.g.,
sword, club, knife, gun, etc.). Only weapons that could be positively identified as a
weapon and those where the type of weapon could be determined were counted.
One way to determine the amount and level of violence in a video game is to code
for the amount of blood that exists on a Web site; therefore, coders were asked to
count all existing and original instances where blood was shown. Blood was
defined as "a red fluid originating from an injured human or any colored fluid
originating from an injured creature."107 The level of blood was coded as
"animated blood" (discolored and/or unrealistic depictions of blood), "realistic
blood" (realistic-looking blood that is red in color), or "blood and gore" (realistic
blood and the mutilation of body parts).108
The final two variables counted by the coders were the portrayal and use of
addictive substances and behaviors (alcohol, tobacco, illegal drugs, and gambling)
and the use of profanity (spoken, written, or in song lyrics). Profanity was
considered the "use of abusive and vulgar language (including mild language and
four- letter words), anatomical references without the use of words, and obscene
gestures."109
In order to determine intercoder reliability, two independent coders each coded 10
(21%) of the 47 official game Web sites, and a Cohen's Kappa was calculated to
determine reliability. No results from the reliability check fell below 81%, which
was within the acceptable range. After reliability was established, one coder
examined the remaining 37 Web sites.
Results
There were a total of 839 characters in the 47 official video game Web sites.
Twenty-eight characters were coded as nonhuman, 163 were coded as a humanoid,
and 648 were coded as human. Sixty- six of the characters were coded with an
unknown gender, leaving 773 gendered characters. In response to RQ1, male
characters outnumbered female characters 3 to 1 (577 male characters to 196
female characters). Even for games where players could pick the character's
gender (e.g., The Sims 2 and Guild Wars), there were still more male characters
(60%) than female characters (40%) on the Web site.
H1 posited that female characters would be stereotyped in terms of their physical
characteristics more often than male characters. Female characters were shown
80% of the time as being "very thin" or "thin," with 57% having an "average" chest
size and 31% having a "voluptuous" chest size. Females were found to be
significantly younger than males (X2 = 172.945, df = 65, p < 0.000), with 89% of
female characters compared to 57% of male characters coded as "young adult" or
"teen." Female characters were also portrayed as significantly more attractive than
male characters (X2 = 195.308, df = 2, p < 0.000), with 72% of females and only
18% of males coded as "extremely attractive." In contrast, 23% of males and 6%
of females were coded as "not attractive" One area that may not be a typical
female stereotype was the roles female characters were given. A large percentage
of female characters were portrayed as "heroes" (83%) compared to other
characters, including the "villains" (17%).
RQ2 examined the extent to which male characters were shown with large
muscular bodies. Thirty-five percent of the males were coded as having "large
muscles and very well defined," and another 64% were coded as having "average
muscles and body size."
H2 predicted that female characters would be more sexualized than male
characters. In terms of sexiness, 37% of females were coded as "very sexy" while
only 6% were coded as "not sexy." Females were significantly more likely to
appear with fewer clothes or in tighter fitting clothing than males (X2 = 165.907, df
= 6, p < 0.000). For example, 17% (N = 31) of female characters appeared in a
bathing suit, compared to only 2% (N = 7) of male characters. Additionally, 20%
of females (N = 42) appeared in shorts or miniskirts, and 20% (N = 42) were
shown in low-cut shirts. Only 25% (N = 49) of females were portrayed fully
clothed and in loose-fitting clothes, while 70% of males (N = 403) were pictured
fully clothed and in loose-fitting clothes. Fifteen percent of (M)ature games also
included characters that were coded as being naked or having exposed breasts,
buttocks, or genitals. Of the characters coded as "naked," 88% were female. These
results clearly indicate that there is a difference in how female and male characters
are portrayed in terms of sexuality.
For RQ3, Table 1 shows the number of Web sites that portrayed the different
sexual acts. Only a small number of video game Web sites contained sexual acts;
however, for those that did contain sexual acts, physical touching, sexual words,
and sexual innuendo were the most common. The largest number of sexual
innuendos were on the Web sites of Grand Theft Auto: San Andreas (n = 19),
Grand Theft Auto: Liberty City (n = 12), and The Sims 2 (n = 7). Grand Theft
Auto: Liberty City also had the largest number of sexual words (n = 15) followed
by The Sims 2 (n = 6). There were no instances of actual intercourse.
Table 1: Number of Game Sites with Sexual Acts
SEXUAL ACT NUMBER OF SITES (N=47) %
physical touching 7 14.9
sexual words 6 12.8
sexual innuendo 5 10.6
implied intercourse 4 8.5
disrobing 4 8.5
intimate touching 4 8.5
passionate kissing 2 4.3
nudity 2 4.3
actual intercourse 0 0.0
RQ4 looked at the amount of violent content on the Web pages in terms of the
number of violent acts, number of weapons, and the amount of blood shown. The
results indicate that 100% of both (M)ature- (N = 15) and (T)een- (N = 20) rated
game Web sites and 60% (N = 7) of (E)veryone-rated game Web sites contained
some form of violence. Table 2 shows the percentage of games that featured each
of the different types of weapons. Star Wars III: Revenge of the Sith had the
largest number of weapons (538), followed by Star Wars Battle Front II with 525
and Halo 2 with 366 weapons. Surprisingly, a one-way ANOVA found no
significant difference for the number of weapons on (T)een sites or (M)ature sites.
Table 2: Number of Game Sites with Weapons
WEAPON NUMBER OF SITES (N=47) %
guns 26 55.3
explosives 23 48.9
swords 18 38.3
sharp objects 16 34.0
blunt objects 14 29.8
knives 11 23.4
violent magic 10 21.3
As would be expected with such a large percentage of guns, the highest percentage
of violent acts (see Table3) was shootings (59.6%) followed by stabbings (36.2%).
Both of these extremely violent acts occurred more often than punching (36.2%) or
kicking (21.3%). The amount of blood depicted on the Web pages was limited,
with over half (57%) of the pages showing no blood at all. Animated blood was
shown on 4.3% (n = 2) of the pages, and realistic blood was shown on 10.6% (n =
5) of the pages. Thirteen of the 47 Web pages (28%) had depictions of blood and
gore, which included both realistic blood and the mutilation of body parts. The
Web site with the largest number of violent act was Star Wars III: Revenge of the
Sith, with 255 acts of violence, followed by Guild Wars with 202 and God of War
with 180 acts of violence.
Table 3: Number of Game Sites with Violent Acts
VIOLENT ACT NUMBER OF SITES (N=47) %
shooting 28 59.6
stabbing 17 36.2
punching 17 36.2
kicking 10 21.3
hit with object 10 21.3
cartoon violence 4 8.5
For H3, a comparison was made between the number of violent acts and the
different game ratings. A one-way ANOVA was calculated between the different
ratings and violent acts and found a significant difference between the games rated
(E)veryone (n = 48) and both the (T)een (n = 1,132) games (p < 0.03) and the
(M)ature (n = 837) games (p < 0.04). However, there was no significant difference
between (T)een games and (M)ature games for the number of violent acts that
appeared on the Web sites. In fact, overall there were more violent acts portrayed
on the (T)een game Web sites than on the (M)ature game Web sites. A significant
difference was found between the Web sites of (T)een- and (M)ature-rated games
when comparing the depictions of blood (p < 0.03; (T)een = 5 and (M)ature = 15
instances of blood and blood and gore) and the use of profanity (p < 0.02; (T)een =
2 and (M)ature = 82 instances of profanity).
RQ5 looked at the amount of addictive behaviors shown on the official game Web
sites. Less than 20% of the Web sites included a reference to or depiction of drugs
or alcohol. Both (M)ature- and (T)een-rated games' Web sites contained the same
percentage (25%) of addictive behaviors. Table 5 shows different addictive
behaviors and the percentage of Web sites displaying those behaviors. The use of
alcohol was the highest (10.6%), followed by illegal drugs (8.5%) and the use of
tobacco (8.5%).
For RQ6, less than half of (M)ature games' Web sites (n = 7, 47%) and only 10%
(n = 2) of (T)een rated games' Web sites contained profanity. There were no
(E)veryone games with profanity. The Web site with the highest number of profane
expressions was for the (M)ature rated game F.E.A.R., which had 30 different
incidences of profanity. The second highest were the two Grand Theft Auto Web
sites, which had 20 incidences each.
Table 4: Number of Game Sites with Addictive
Substances and Behaviors
ADDICTIVE SUBSTANCE
or BEHAVIOR
NUMBER OF SITES (N=47) %
alcohol 5 10.6
illegal drugs 4 8.5
tobacco 4 8.5
gampling 3 6.4
Discussion
Early video games were seen as an adult medium, with characters such as the
yellow circle man, caterpillars constructed out of green dots, and black boxes
depicting tanks. These games required players to accomplish goals such as moving
through mazes, eating dots, and shooting white globs. Since that time, video game
technology has made it possible for games to contain beautifully depicted scenes
and characters-ranging from muscle-bound heroes to chainsaw-wielding
psychopaths-who are often required to accomplish goals such as stealing cars,
destroying evil warlords, confronting the police, successfully completing drug
deals, or partying with scantily clad women. Players have more choices than in the
past as they create their own characters, do battle with an enemy, engage in
realistic situations, and encounter any number of good or bad behaviors. These
games are found in almost every household across America and are considered, by
a large portion of the population, to be children's toys.
To introduce potential players to these games and create a desire for individual
purchase, manufacturers have created official game Web sites that present many of
the aspects and features of the games. The content of video games rated
(E)veryone, (T)een, and (M)ature can be viewed and played by anyone, including
children, who has access to the Internet. The results from this content analysis
indicate that the content of the official game Web sites is similar to the content
found from the research of video games. For example, just as with the games
themselves, official game Web sites underrepresent female characters (40% of all
characters). However, when compared to the percentages of females in video
games, where females represent anywhere from 13% to 17% of the characters110,
Web sites do contain a greater number of female characters (25%). This may be
due to an increase in female game players or to the manufacturers' desires to use
more females in an advertising medium.
The results also support the findings from video game research that female
characters are shown in a more stereotypical or sexualized manner than male
characters.111 Viewers of the Web sites see a female character who is young, thin,
attractive, and wearing little or no clothing. Male characters are stereotyped as
having large, well-defined muscular bodies. According to social cognitive and
masculinity ideology theories, such misrepresentations could cause both male and
female gamers to have unrealistic expectations about their own bodies or to
become dissatisfied with realistic bodies of the opposite sex. Today, adolescents
are being exposed to thin female images and muscular male images more than any
previous generation.112 This has been shown to contribute to lower self-esteem,
social anxiety, and eating disorders as they overvalue the physical attributes of
characters displayed onscreen.113
In addition to their physical appearance, female characters in video games Web
sites are also presented in a more sexualized manner than male characters. A large
portion of the female characters were portrayed as "very sexy" and were shown
scantily clad in tight-fitting clothes. Male characters, on the other hand, were most
often shown fully clothed or in loose-fitting clothes. Besides the possibility of
exposing young children to these images, this type of role model for young girls is
troubling because, as Smith describes, "the hypersexualized and disproportionately
thin females may be teaching young girls ideals about beauty and thinness that are
damaging to their socioemotional or physical health."114
The amount of violence documented on official video game Web sites is also
similar to the amount of violence found in video games.115 The majority of game
Web sites displayed at least one violent act, and sites for games rated (M)ature
contained the most violence. Guns were the weapons of choice, and many Web
sites showed actual shootings. One of the most interesting findings was that there
was no significant difference between the number of violent acts shown on the
Web sites for games rated (T)een and those shown on sites for games rated
(M)ature. Players and parents would expect there to be a difference in the amount
of violence in these games, but clearly those visiting sites rated (T)een are still
being exposed to a large amount of violence and weapons. The biggest difference
in (T)een- and (M)ature-rated Web sites was the amount of blood that appeared.
Both had instances of blood, but the (M)ature sites displayed more blood and gore.
As the technology supporting video games and video game Web sites improves, the
results of these violent acts will become even more realistic. Children and teens
who visit these Web sites will be exposed to not only an increasing amount of
violence but to blood and gore similar to what is seen in the theatre. An additional
concern for society is the submessage that violence is an acceptable means of
solving problems, and that it can result in positive rewards as part of gameplay.
This reinforcement may suggest to some players that hostility is an acceptable
answer to tough situations. Many may not understand that the amount of violence
in games is not taken into consideration for each game rating. Instead, when a
game is rated, the ESRB examines the type of violence portrayed, its depiction in
the scene, and the overall realistic nature of the violence in order to make its
decision. For video games, the ESRB ratings have helped audiences understand
what type of content exists in the games, but game rating restrictions are not
available for official game Web sites.
This study of official Web sites contributes to our understanding of the messages
and strategies employed in the video gaming industry. This research documents the
messages that these video game Web sites send to the public, including young
children, regarding violence, sexual content, drug and alcohol use, and racial and
gender representations. Given the violent depictions, stereotyping, and sexualized
portrayals, parents, social scientists, and policy makers should take more interest in
the potential effects of children's exposure to these Web sites. As Sheldon Brown,
visual arts professor and director of the Center for Research and Computing of the
Arts at the University of California, San Diego, said, "Whether we like it on not,
[video games are] the medium of our moment. It is a medium that is telling our
cultural story, and the fact that it is a primary tool of youth and adolescents means
it will have a tremendous impact on how the next generation or two plays itself
out."116
Appendix: Video Games of Web Sites in Sample
GAME RATING GENRE
Grand Theft Auto: San Andreas (M)ature Action Adventure
Command & Conquer: The First Decade (T)een War Strategy
Age of Empires: The Age of Kings (E)veryone War Strategy
Tales of Legendia (T)een Fantasy-Odyssey
Resident Evil Deadly Silence (M)ature Action Adventure
World of Warcraft (T)een Fantasy-Odyssey
God Of War (M)ature Action Adventure
The Sims 2 (T)een Life Simulation
Drakenguard 2 (M)ature Action Adventure
Grand Theft Auto: Liberty City (M)ature Action Adventure
The Movies (T)een Life Simulation
Battlefield 2 (T)een War Strategy
Crystal Quest (E)veryone Action Adventure
Bejewled 2 Deluxe (E)veryone Puzzle
Street Fighter Alpha 3 Max (T)een Action Adventure
Grandia III (T)een Fantasy-Odyssey
World Soccer: Winning Eleven 9 Nation (E)veryone Sports
WWE Smack Down vs. Raw 2006 (T)een Sports
Halo 2 (M)ature Action Adventure
Civilization IV (E)veryone Life Simulation
Need for Speed Most Wanted (T)een Sports
Guild Wars (T)een Fantasy-Odyssey
F.E.A.R. (First Encounter Assault Recon) (M)ature Action Adventure
Age of Empires III (T)een Action Adventure
Full Auto (T)een Sports
Shadow of the Colossus (T)een Fantasy-Odyssey
Bet on Soldier Blood Sport (M)ature War Strategy
Half-life 2 (M)ature Action Adventure
Americas Army: Special Forces (T)een War Strategy
Pokemon Emerald (E)veryone Fantasy-Odyssey
Dragon Quest VIII: Journey of the Cursed King (T)een Fantasy-Odyssey
Resident Evil 4 (M)ature Action Adventure
Land of the Dead: Road to Fiddler's Green (M)ature Action Adventure
Doom 3 (M)ature Action Adventure
Perfect Dark Zero (M)ature Action Adventure
Call of Duty 2 (T)een War Strategy
WWII Tank Commander (T)een War Strategy
Prince of Persia Two Thrones (M)ature Action Adventure
Animal Crossing Wild World (E)veryone Other Simulation
Heroes of the Pacific (T)een War Strategy
Madden NFL 06 (E)veryone Sports
Gran Turismo 4 (E)veryone Sports
NCAA Football 06 (E)veryone Sports
Star Wars: Battle Front II (T)een Action Adventure
Star Wars Episode III: Revenge of the Sith (T)een Action Adventure
NBA Live 06 (E)veryone Sports
Lego Star Wars (E)veryone Action Adventure
Tom Robinson and Mark Callister are faculty members in the Department of
Communications at Brigham Young where Brad Clark and Jams Phillips were
graduate students when this study was done.
Media Stereotyping - Introduction
Media stereotypes are inevitable, especially in the advertising, entertainment and news
industries, which need as wide an audience as possible to quickly understand
information. Stereotypes act like codes that give audiences a quick, common
understanding of a person or group of people—usually relating to their class, ethnicity
or race, gender, sexual orientation, social role or occupation.
But stereotypes can be problematic. They can:

reduce a wide range of differences in people to simplistic categorizations

transform assumptions about particular groups of people into "realities"

be used to justify the position of those in power

perpetuate social prejudice and inequality
More often than not, the groups being stereotyped have little to say about how they are represented.
This section comments on common media stereotypes and examines some of the root causes of stereotypical
portrayals, including lack of diversity behind the scenes in newsrooms and film studios. The section explores the
impact of stereotyping on self-image and the development of attitudes among the young, and it showcases efforts to
counter stereotyping with alternative programming. It also outlines diversity guidelines for the broadcasting
industry, as well as government policies to promote fair and equitable portrayals in Canadian media.
For further information and research, each of the sub-topic sections below also offers a continually updated selection
of pertinent articles, reports, surveys, statistics, and Web sites.
Media and Girls
"They have ads of how you should dress and what you should look like and this and
that, and then they say, 'but respect people for what they choose to be like.' Okay, so
which do we do first?"
Kelsey, 16, quoted in Girl Talk
The statistics are startling. The average North American girl will watch 5,000 hours of
television, including 80,000 ads, before she starts kindergarten. In the United States, Saturday morning cartoons
alone come with 33 commercials per hour. Commercials aimed at kids spend 55 per cent of their time showing boys
building, fixing toys, or fighting. They show girls, on the other hand, spending 77 per cent of their time laughing,
talking, or observing others. And while boys in commercials are shown out of the house 85 per cent of the time,
more than half of the commercials featuring girls place them in the home.
You've Come A Long Way, Baby?
The mass media, especially children's television, provide more positive role models for girls than ever before. Kids
shows such as Timothy Goes to School, Canadian Geographic for Kids, and The Magic School Bus feature strong
female characters who interact with their male counterparts on an equal footing.
There are strong role models for teens as well. A Children Now study of the media favoured by teenage girls
discovered that a similar proportion of male and female characters on TV and in the movies rely on themselves to
achieve their goals and solve their own problems. (The one discrepancy was in the movies, where 49 per cent of
male characters solve their own problems, compared to only 35 per cent of their female counterparts.) Television
shows like Buffy, the Vampire Slayer and computer games such as Tomb Raider and Perfect Dark, star girls who are
physically assertive and in control. And of course, Lisa has been acknowledged as the brains of the Simpson family
since the start.
Despite the progress that has been made there is a long way to go, both in the quantity of media
representations of woman and in their quality.
In terms of quantity, the media is still a long way from reflecting reality : women represent 49
per cent of humanity while female characters make up only 32 per cent of the main characters on
TV, as shown by a broad survey done in 2008 by Doctor Maya Götz of the International Central
Institute for Youth and Educational Television. This study measured the representation of male
and female characters in nearly twenty thousand children’s programs in 24 different countries.
The media industry justifies this disparity by arguing that it is easier for girls than boys to
identify with characters of the opposite sex. Götz argues that this argument reverses cause and
effect, saying that it is the lack of female characters on TV is what leads to the higher popularity
of male characters.
So far as quality is concerned, the media still conform to a stereotyped image of women. Götz’s
study identifies a number of sexual stereotypes found around the world : in general, girls and
women are motivated by love and romance, appear less independent than boys, and are
stereotyped according to their hair colour – blonds fall into two categories, the “girl next door”
or the “blonde bitch,” while redheads are always tomboys – they are nearly always
conventionally attractive, thinner than average women in real life, and heavily sexualized.
Magazines are the only medium where girls are over-represented. However,almost 70 per cent of the editorial
content in teen mags focuses on beauty and fashion, and only 12 per cent talks about school or careers.
Media, Self-Esteem and Girls' Identities
Research indicates that these mixed messages make it difficult for girls to negotiate the transition to adulthood. In its
1998 study Focus on Youth, the Canadian Council on Social Development reports that while the number of boys
who say they "have confidence in themselves" remains relatively stable through adolescence, the numbers for girls
drop steadily from 72 per cent in Grade Six students to only 55 per cent in Grade Ten.
Carol Gilligan was the first to highlight this unsettling trend in her landmark 1988 study. Gilligan suggests it
happens because of the widening gap between girls' self-images and society's messages about what girls should be
like.
Children Now points out that girls are surrounded by images of female beauty that are unrealistic and unattainable.
And yet two out of three girls who participated in their national media survey said they "wanted to look like a
character on TV." One out of three said they had "changed something about their appearance to resemble that
character."
In 2002, researchers at Flinders University in South Australia studied 400 teenagers regarding how they relate to
advertising. They found that girls who watched TV commercials featuring underweight models lost self-confidence
and became more dissatisfied with their own bodies. Girls who spent the most time and effort on their appearance
suffered the greatest loss in confidence.
Eroticization of Young Girls
Under-represented, women are equally misrepresented : the hypersexualization of
very young girls, most notably in fashion and advertising, is a disturbing trend given
that these stereoypes make up most of the representations of themselves which girls
and women see in the media. The pressures on girls are exacerbated by the media's
increasing tendency to portray very young girls in sexual ways. Over the past decade,
the fashion industry has begun to use younger and younger models, and now
commonly presents 12- and 13-year-old girls as if they were women. Camera angles
(where the model is often looking up, presumably at a taller man), averted eyes,
wounded facial expressions, and vulnerable poses mimic the visual images common
in pornographic media.
Anthropologist David Murray warns that, "Our culture is to a large extent
experimenting with eroticizing the child." For Murray, the media frenzy around teenybopper pop star Britney Spears and murdered 6-year-old JonBenet Ramsey are
examples of how this eroticization is being turned into a highly saleable commodity.
The most cursory examination of media confirms that young girls are being bombarded with images of sexuality,
often dominated by stereotypical portrayals of women and girls as powerless, passive victims.
As these girls become teenagers, many choose to tune out, but others maintain a hungry appetite for these messages.
As Shawn Doherty and Nadine Joseph note, those who continue to consume media images are strongly influenced
"by stereotypical images of uniformly beautiful, obsessively thin and scantily dressed objects of male desire. And
studies show that girls who are frequent viewers have the most negative opinion of their gender."
Media Portrayals of Girls and Women: Introduction
We all know the stereotypes—the femme fatale, the supermom, the sex kitten, the nasty
corporate climber. Whatever the role, television, film and popular magazines are full of
images of women and girls who are typically white, desperately thin, and made up to
the hilt—even after slaying a gang of vampires or dressing down a Greek legion.
Many would agree that some strides have been made in how the media portray women
in film, television and magazines, and that the last 20 years has also seen a growth in
the presence and influence of women in media behind the scenes. Nevertheless, female
stereotypes continue to thrive in the media we consume every day.
This section of the site provides a snapshot of the issues around the media’s portrayal of women and girls—from
effects on body image and self-identity to ramifications in sports and politics. It looks at the economic interests
behind the objectification and eroticization of females by the media as well as efforts to counter negative
stereotyping. And it provides the latest articles and studies that explore the ways in which media both limit and
empower women and girls in society.
The Economics of Gender Stereotyping
No one would deny that the mass media is big business. According to the
American Motion Picture Association, Hollywood films alone pulled in $9 billion
in 2001, and that doesn't include the renting and selling of videos and DVDs.
However, media executives argue that the economics of the industry make it
impossible to avoid stereotypes of women.
Chasing the Young Male Demographic
Many commentators argue that media content is driven by advertising. All
advertisers are chasing the elusive 18- to 34-year-old male market. Little wonder
that the starring role in two-thirds of TV situation comedies is played by a young
man.
Not only are there fewer women in starring roles, San Diego State University
communications professor Martha Lauzen reports that shows focusing on a female
character tend to be scheduled in "lousy" time slots. Lauzen's annual study of
television content indicates that the higher the number of female creators and
actors working on a show, the more likely the program will be "moved around and
surrounded by programs not getting high ratings or shares."
"Women working for
their side are up against
a conspiracy of the
money-hungry, whose
job is to pull in the big
bucks—and often the
grosser the movie, the
bigger the gross."
Source: Jeannine Yeomans,
journalist and television
producer
The only people that
advertisers want are 28year-old male
millionaires, preferably
living in Manhattan.
(Source: Dean Valentine,
President of UPN)
Advertisers claim they can be far less aggressive about chasing female viewers
because women are less picky about what they watch. Writer Paul Krumins interviewed Industry professionals and
reports that they say "women will pretty much do anything to get to snuggle with their boyfriend or husband."
Advertisers, he says, want the networks to cater to men because they feel they get the women for free. Writer Nancy
Hass concurs: "Women ... tend to let men control the remote. NFL viewership, for example, is 40 per cent female,
though women rarely watch football alone."
The Syndication Market
Advertisers' lack of interest in women is complicated by the fact that shows with women in leading roles don't
perform as well in syndication as shows starring male actors. Since networks make most of their money on re-runs,
prime-time programming tends to be "male-skewed." In addition, as Nancy Hass argues, "shows that don't focus on
men have to feature the sort of women that guys might watch."
The Movie Market
Movie studios use the same economic arguments to explain the abundance of
female stereotypes on the big screen. Movies featuring sex and violence are big
international sellers. Why? Sex and action films do not rely on clever, intricate,
culture-based scripts or convincing acting. Sex and action films therefore
"translate" easily across cultures. Since at least 60 per cent of the movie industry's
profits come from the international market, studios continue to pump out the same
old stereotypes.
Screenwriter Robin Swicord says, "It is very hard to get movies made that are
genuinely feminist, or even portray women in a fair way. I genuinely believe there
is a big domestic audience for this kind of movie, but if there is only a domestic
audience, it won't get made."
Hollywood is only
interested in what guys
want, like old geezer
movies and slob sex
comedies where all the
girls are bimbos. I've
never seen our culture
in such bad shape.
(Source: Jan Wahl, Emmy
winning director)
Director Jan Wahl agrees. "Overseas audiences still want sex and violence. That's what sells outside the U.S. The
whole world may have to change before the picture for women in Hollywood gets brighter."
Sex and Relationships in the Media
The pressure put on women through ads, television, film and new media to be
sexually attractive—and sexually active—is profound. The National Eating
Disorders Association reports that one out of four TV commercials send some kind
of "attractiveness message," telling viewers what is and is not attractive. Children
Now reports that 38 per cent of the female characters in video games are scantily
clad, 23 per cent baring breasts or cleavage, 31 per cent exposing thighs, another
31 per cent exposing stomachs or midriffs, and 15 per cent baring their behinds.
Women as Sexual Objects
"Amber O’Brien, 25, is
having the time of her
life. Recently she
decided it was time to
have breast implants.
Amber’s proudest
achievement: buying a
condo. Her life mission:
always be open to new
ideas. Her pet peeve:
people who pressure
you into doing things."
Provocative images of women's partly clothed or
naked bodies are especially prevalent in advertising.
Shari Graydon, former president of Canada’s Media
Action Média, argues that women’s bodies are
Source: Breast implant
sexualized in ads in order to grab the viewer’s
advertisement
attention. Women become sexual objects when their
bodies and their sexuality are linked to products that are bought and sold.
Media activist Jean Kilbourne agrees. She notes that women’s bodies are often
dismembered into legs, breasts or thighs, reinforcing the message that women are
objects rather than whole human beings.
Although women’s sexuality is no longer a taboo subject, many researchers question whether or not the blatant
sexualization of women’s bodies in the media is liberating. Laurie Abraham, executive editor of Elle magazine,
warns that the biggest problem with women’s magazines is "how much we lie about sex." Those "lies" continue to
perpetuate the idea that women’s sexuality is subservient to men’s pleasure. In her study of Cosmopolitan and
Playboy magazines, for example, Nicole Krassas found that both men and women’s magazines contain a single
vision of female sexuality—that "women should primarily concern themselves with attracting and sexually
satisfying men."
The presence of misinformation and media stereotypes is disturbing, given research that indicates young people
often turn to media for information about sex and sexuality. In 2003, David Buckingham and Sara Bragg reported
that two-thirds of young people turn to media when they want to learn about sex - the same percentage of kids who
ask their mothers for information and advice.
How to Catch (and Keep) Your Man
Many researchers argue that the over-representation of thin women in mass media reinforces the conclusion that
"physically attractive" and "sexually desirable" mean "thin." Amy Malkin’s study of magazine covers reveals that
messages about weight loss are often placed next to messages about men and relationships. Some of her examples:
"Get the Body You Really Want" beside "How to Get Your Husband to Really Listen," and "Stay Skinny" paired
with "What Men Really Want."
The fascination with finding out what men really want also tends to keep female characters in film and television
busy. Professor Nancy Signorielli reports that men are more likely than women to be shown "on the job" in movies
and television shows. Female characters, on the other hand, are more likely to be seen dating, or talking about
romance.
Sex and Violence
That romance often has a darker side. As Graydon notes, the media infantilize
women, portraying them as child-like, innocent and vulnerable. Being vulnerable is
often closely linked to being a potential victim of violence. Kilbourne argues that ads
like the Fetish scent ad (right) imply "women don’t really mean 'no' when they say it,
that women are only teasing when they resist men’s advances." The ad’s copy reads:
"Apply generously to your neck so he can smell the scent as you shake your head
'no.'" The obvious implication here is, "he’ll understand that you don’t really mean it
and he can respond to the scent like any other animal."
Kilbourne notes that sex in the media is often condemned "from a puritanical
perspective—there’s too much of it, it’s too blatant, it will encourage kids to be
promiscuous, etc." But, she concludes, sex in the media "has far more to do with
trivializing sex than with promoting it. The problem is not that it is sinful but that it is synthetic and cynical. We are
offered a pseudo-sexuality that makes it far more difficult to discover our own unique and authentic sexuality."
Beauty and Body Image in the Media
"We don’t need Afghanstyle burquas to
disappear as women.
We disappear in
reverse—by revamping
and revealing our bodies
Images of female bodies are everywhere. Women—and their body parts—sell
everything from food to cars. Popular film and television actresses are becoming
younger, taller and thinner. Some have even been known to faint on the set from
lack of food. Women’s magazines are full of articles urging that if they can just
lose those last twenty pounds, they’ll have it all—the perfect marriage, loving
children, great sex, and a rewarding career.
to meet externally
imposed visions of
female beauty."
Source: Robin Gerber, author
and motivational speaker
Why are standards of beauty being imposed on women, the majority of whom are
naturally larger and more mature than any of the models? The roots, some analysts say, are economic. By presenting
an ideal difficult to achieve and maintain, the cosmetic and diet product industries are assured of growth and profits.
And it’s no accident that youth is increasingly promoted, along with thinness, as an essential criterion of beauty. If
not all women need to lose weight, for sure they’re all aging, says the Quebec Action Network for Women’s Health
in its 2001 report Changements sociaux en faveur de la diversité des images corporelles. And, according to the
industry, age is a disaster that needs to be dealt with.
The stakes are huge. On the one hand, women who are insecure about their
bodies are more likely to buy beauty products, new clothes, and diet aids. It
is estimated that the diet industry alone is worth anywhere between 40
to 100 billion (U.S.) a year selling temporary weight loss (90 to 95% of
dieters regain the lost weight).1 On the other hand, research indicates that
exposure to images of thin, young, air-brushed female bodies is linked to
depression, loss of self-esteem and the development of unhealthy eating
habits in women and girls.
The American research group Anorexia Nervosa & Related Eating
Disorders, Inc. says that one out of every four college-aged women uses
unhealthy methods of weight control—including fasting, skipping meals,
excessive exercise, laxative abuse, and self-induced vomiting. The pressure
to be thin is also affecting young girls: the Canadian Women's Health
Network warns that weight control measures are now being taken by girls as
young as 5 and 6. American statistics are similar. Several studies, such as one conducted by Marika
Tiggemann and Levina Clark in 2006 titled “Appearance Culture in Nine- to 12-Year-Old
Girls: Media and Peer Influences on Body Dissatisfaction,” indicate that nearly half of all
preadolescent girls wish to be thinner, and as a result have engaged in a diet or are aware
of the concept of dieting. In 2003, Teen magazine reported that 35 per cent of girls 6 to 12 years old have
been on at least one diet, and that 50 to 70 per cent of normal weight girls believe they are overweight. Overall
research indicates that 90% of women are dissatisfied with their appearance in some way. 2
Media activist Jean Kilbourne concludes that, "Women are sold to the diet industry by the magazines we read and
the television programs we watch, almost all of which make us feel anxious about our weight."
Unattainable Beauty
Perhaps most disturbing is the fact that media images of female beauty are unattainable for all but a very small
number of women. Researchers generating a computer model of a woman with Barbie-doll proportions, for
example, found that her back would be too weak to support the weight of her upper body, and her body would be too
narrow to contain more than half a liver and a few centimeters of bowel. A real woman built that way would suffer
from chronic diarrhea and eventually die from malnutrition. Jill Barad president of Mattel (which manufactures
Barbie) estimated that 99% of girls aged 3 to 10 years old own at least one Barbie doll.3
Still, the number of real life women and girls who seek a similarly underweight body is epidemic, and they can
suffer equally devastating health consequences. In 2006 it was estimated that up to 450, 000 Canadian women were
affected by an eating disorder.4
The Culture of Thinness
Researchers report that women’s magazines have ten and one-half times more ads and articles promoting weight
loss than men’s magazines do, and over three-quarters of the covers of women’s magazines include at least one
message about how to change a woman’s bodily appearance—by diet, exercise or cosmetic surgery.
Television and movies reinforce the importance of a thin body as a measure of a woman’s worth. Canadian
researcher Gregory Fouts reports that over three-quarters of the female characters in TV situation comedies are
underweight, and only one in twenty are above average in size. Heavier actresses tend to receive negative comments
from male characters about their bodies ("How about wearing a sack?"), and 80 per cent of these negative comments
are followed by canned audience laughter.
There have been efforts in the magazine industry to buck the trend. For several years the Quebec magazine Coup de
Pouce has consistently included full-sized women in their fashion pages and Châtelaine has pledged not to touch up
photos and not to include models less than 25 years of age. In Madrid, one of the world’s biggest fashion
capitals, ultra-thin models were banned from the runway in 2006. Furthermore Spain has
recently undergone a project with the aim to standardize clothing sizes through using a
unique process in which a laser beam is used to measure real life women’s bodies in order
to find the most true to life measurement.5
However, advertising rules the marketplace and in advertising thin is "in." Twenty years ago, the average model
weighed 8 per cent less than the average woman—but today’s models weigh 23 per cent less. Advertisers believe
that thin models sell products. When the Australian magazine New Woman recently included a picture of a heavy-set
model on its cover, it received a truckload of letters from grateful readers praising the move. But its advertisers
complained and the magazine returned to featuring bone-thin models. Advertising Age International concluded that
the incident "made clear the influence wielded by advertisers who remain convinced that only thin models spur the
sales of beauty products."
Another issue is the representation of ethnically diverse women in the media. A 2008 study
conducted by Juanita Covert and Travis Dixon titled "A Changing View: Representation and
Effects of the Portrayal of Women of Color in Mainstream Women's Magazines” found that
although there was an increase in the representation of women of colour, overall white
women were overrepresented in mainstream women’s magazines from 1999 to 2004.
Self-Improvement or Self-Destruction?
The barrage of messages about thinness, dieting and beauty tells "ordinary" women that they are always in need of
adjustment—and that the female body is an object to be perfected.
Jean Kilbourne argues that the overwhelming presence of media images of painfully thin women means that real
women’s bodies have become invisible in the mass media. The real tragedy, Kilbourne concludes, is that many
women internalize these stereotypes, and judge themselves by the beauty industry's standards. Women learn to
compare themselves to other women, and to compete with them for male attention. This focus on beauty and
desirability "effectively destroys any awareness and action that might help to change that climate."
References
1. The diet business: Banking on failure. (BBC News World Edition, Feb 5 2003).
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/2725943.stm
2. The Canadian Women’s Health Network (Body Image and the Media).
http://www.cwhn.ca/node/40776
3. Barbie boots up. (Time, Nov 11 1996). http://www.time.com
4. A Report on Mental Illness in Canada. (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2002).
5. Women laserized to standardize dress sizes. (CNN.com, Feb 11 2008).
to counter stereotyping with alternative programming. It also outlines diversity guidelines for the broadcasting
industry, as well as government policies to promote fair and equitable portrayals in Canadian media.
For further information and research, each of the sub-topic sections below also offers a continually updated selection
of pertinent articles, reports, surveys, statistics, and Web sites.
Media Portrayals of Men and Masculinity: Introduction
"When I was born, they looked at me and said: 'What a good boy, what a smart boy, what a strong boy!' And when
you were born, they looked at you and said:'What a good girl, what a smart girl, what a pretty girl!'"
"What A Good Boy," The Barenaked Ladies
For several decades now, media critics and feminists alike have been examining the role of the media in creating and
reinforcing stereotypical representations of women and femininity. But only recently have they expanded the
research to consider how the media also construct, inform and reinforce prevalent ideas about men and masculinity.
This section addresses the representation of men and masculinity in the media. It covers topics such as media
stereotypes, the prevalence of male characters in TV and film, and male authority in media news coverage; and it
addresses the role that the media play in shaping attitudes about masculinity. The section also provides links to
articles and reports on these topics.