CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study
It is argued that knowledge and technology are increasingly becoming the basis of
comparative advantage in the present world economy. The quality of a country’s stock of
human capital influences the extent to which knowledge and technology can be utilised
and created to enhance productivity and improve the well-being of citizens. Basic
education provides the essential building blocks for higher levels of education. It also
lays the foundation upon which work-related skills are developed, especially for those
who are not able to continue to the higher levels of the academic ladder.
Education, again, is an important tool for the development of an individual, the society
and the nation at large. For this reason, nations all over the world are concerned with the
provision of education to their citizens. Many African countries see development as
closely intertwined with education; that the more educated their citizens are the higher
their ability to deal with the problems of development (World Bank, 2005). It is in the
light of this and other factors that countries all over the world are making frantic efforts at
reducing the number of out-of-school children (Wikan, n.d.).
Ghana has since the 1950s made significant strides in her educational system. Such
laudable efforts include the Education Act of 1951 which aimed at mobilizing all the
available resources to open up as many schools as possible. The 1961 Education Act
which aimed at providing fee-free and compulsory education for all school- going age
children for the six-year primary and four-year middle school. The Dzobo Committee
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Report of 1972 and the 1987 Education Reforms were aimed at increasing access to
education at the basic level (Canagarajah & Coulombe, 1997).
Again, the Free-Compulsory Universal Basic Education (FCUBE) was introduced in
1996 with the aim of providing quality education to all children. In view of the
compulsory nature of basic education in Ghana, various governments and agencies have
made concerted efforts to address educational inequality and improve quality. This has
been evident in policy directives and interventions such as the Education Strategy Plan
(ESP) for 2003 – 2015, the Growth and Poverty Reduction Strategy, the Free
Compulsory Universal Basic Education Programme and Capitation Grant Scheme. Most
importantly, the Government of Ghana has committed itself to the achievement of
universal primary education and the Millennium Development Goal (MDG 2) by
ensuring that by 2015 children everywhere, boys and girls alike, will be able to complete
a full course of primary schooling. (UNESCO, 2011)
To meet the MDG 2 and national targets set in the 2003-2015 Education Strategic Plan,
the Government of Ghana abolished all fees charged by schools. It also introduced the
capitation grant scheme to defray school fees previously charged. In addition, the school
feeding programme was introduced in some selected schools in deprived communities.
All these measures were put in place to cushion the burden of parents in meeting the cost
of sending their children to school and to encourage parents especially in deprived areas
to send their children to school (The Ghanaian Journal, 2010).
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In Ghana, the aforementioned strategies and efforts attracted all categories of children
who were previously not in school (Ministry of Education, Sports and Science (MOESS),
2006). For instance while in 2001, the net enrolment rate in primary education for
developing countries was 83 percent, and 63 percent in sub-Saharan Africa, Ghana’s
gross enrolment rate between 2001 and 2006 were approximately 90% (United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation, UNESCO, 2005; MOESS, 2006).
Globally, about 51% of children of school going age have never entered school. A further
19% have attended but left school, and the remaining 30% are expected to enter school in
the future (UNESCO, 2010). In 2009, 46 countries had more than 100,000 out-of-school
children of primary school age. Between 2003 and 2010, an average of 25% of all
children of primary school age were out of school in 31 out of the 46 countries.
UNESCO (2011) reveals that in sub-Saharan Africa, the number of out-of-school
children decreased from about 43 million to 30 million between 1999 and 2009. This
progress is all the more remarkable when considering that the primary school-age
population increased by 26 million during the same period. Nevertheless, 23% of all
primary school-age children remain excluded from education across the region.
In a description of the details of dropout in Ghana’s basic education system, the MultiIndicator Cluster Survey (MICS) 2006 reported that dropout rates across all grades in
Ghana are similar (4% per year) except for grade three, which is 5% (Ghana Statistical
Service, GSS, 2006). Considering gender, males have higher dropout rates than females
in almost all grades. From grades 1, 3 and 6, dropout rates in rural areas stood at 3.9%,
4.6%, and 3.9% respectively compared with 3.3%, 5.5%, and 4.5% in urban areas. There
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are however, wide regional variations in dropout rates. This may be attributed to factors
like poverty, ignorance, early marriage, outmoded customs and lack of interest in
schooling. It has been argued that in much of Africa, the problem is not non-enrolment
but how to ensure that once enrolled, children complete schooling (Duryea, 1998).
According to UNESCO (2005), overall, there was a little difference between boys and
girls in terms of attendance: the share of male and female out-of-school children is 24%
and 26%, respectively. This means that girls are, on average for the 31 countries, 8%
more likely to be out of school than boys. The gap between urban and rural areas is
significantly bigger. Rural children are twice as likely to be out of school as urban
children. Fentiman (1999) attested to this fact when she found in her research that, in
Ghana, many children drop out of school annually, with the dropout rate higher in rural
schools than urban schools. Bhola (2002) also noted that, although efforts to improve the
school attendance and achievement have been initiated, some parts of the country,
especially rural areas, experience poor attendance or lack of schools. The 2008 Ghana
Living Standards Survey Report indicated that attendance rates are generally high in all
localities except in rural savannah. While the rates range from a high of 97.0 % in the
other localities, in rural savannah it is 63.5% for males and 56.6% for females (Ghana
Statistical Service, GSS, 2008).
There is also a clear link between household wealth and the probability of not being in
school. Compared to children from the richest 20% (quintile) of households, children
from the poorest quintile are nearly four times as likely to be out of school, and the
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probability of being out of school decreases steadily with increasing household
wealth(GSS, 2008).
.
In a description of the details of dropout in Ghana’s basic education system, the MultiIndicator Cluster Survey (MICS) 2006, reports that dropout rates across all grades in
Ghana are similar (4% per year) except for grade three, which is 5% (Ghana Statistical
Service, GSS, 2006). In the Sekyere Central District, 39% of the children of school
going age are not attending school (Mampong District Education Office, 2006).
According to the district report, apart from the low enrolment, dropout rate is high in the
district, especially in the Afram Plains North Circuit. For instance, in the 2003/2004
academic year, 25% of the 3,000 children who were enrolled at the basic level dropped
out. Again, in the 2005 to 2007 academic years, the dropout rate was 13.1% for preschool, 8.1% at the primary level and 9.0% at the junior high school level. During the
2007/2008 academic years, the enrolment for pre-school was 669, that of primary school
was 2,127 while that of JHS was 642. This shows a decline in school population as pupils
move up from one level to another. Factors such as the cost of education and other sociocultural issues are cited as causes. Most researchers attribute the reasons why pupils are
unable to complete basic education in developing countries to structural factors at the
household, school and societal levels (Colclough, Al-Samarrai, Rose & Tembon, 2003;
Hunt, 2008; Wikan, n.d.).
The dropout rate was 10% for primary and 12% for JHS. Within the same periods, the
enrolment rate in general was 81%, 76% and 70% in 2003/2004, 2005/2007 and
2007/2008 academic years, respectively (District Education Report, 2009). Economic and
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socio-cultural factors seem to contribute to low enrolment and attendance rates
particularly of girls in the area. For example as poor families struggle to make a living,
often girls play a key role in the survival of the household by either contributing income
or taking care of household chores like looking after younger siblings. In these situations
girls are less likely to be sent to school. In the study area, for instance, the practice of
sending girls to live with their aunts serve to keep many girls out of school as many of
these aunts keep the girls at home to help them in their income-generating businesses.
Some of these aunts, especially the old ones, may also be too poor to pay for the
education of such girls. Often there is a mismatch between school calendar/timetable and
household duties (e.g. fetching water, collecting firewood, cooking, caring for younger
siblings and sick family members) resulting in some children not being able to go to
school (Colclough et al., 2003; Hunt, 2008; Wikan, n.d cited in Ananga, 2010).
As the evidence shows, non-completion is a big problem in the research area. However, a
number of questions relating to the problem remain unanswered. It is against this
background that this research seeks to explore the factors responsible for the high dropout
in the area and its effects on the victims.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
With the introduction of universal basic education and fee-free education in Ghana, all
school going children are expected to enrol and complete basic school. Yet, currently,
hundreds of thousands of children of school-going age are still not in school (UNESCO,
2007). Even though the introduction of the Capitation Grant and the School Feeding
Programme have resulted in significant increases in enrolment, some of the children who
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enrolled dropped out of school before completing basic school. Across all public primary
levels, the average rate of dropout in 2005/2006 was 3.2% (ADEA, 2007). This means
that 3.2% of pupils will not complete school, thereby affecting the attainment of MDG 2.
The Sekyere Central District is noted for high school dropout rates. According to the
District Education Report for the 2006/2007 academic year, out of 2,000 children who
were enrolled, 25% of them dropped out of school. Of these, 66.9% were males while
33.1% were females. What this means is that about 25% of children who could have been
trained to acquire various levels of education and skills were lost. Thus, the district is
losing vital categories of human resources needed to spear-head the socio-economic
development of the area.
Ananga (2010) argues that available literature on access, retention and completion in
Ghana is predominantly measured quantitatively (see World Bank, 2008; MOESS, 2006).
According to Hunt (2008), researchers know that low socioeconomic status, gender,
geographical location among others influence dropout rates but less is known about the
in-depth qualitative account of those involved. It is against this background that this study
was designed to quantitatively and qualitatively study the factors responsible for the
school dropout phenomenon in the Sekyere Central District.
1.3 Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to document the nature and causal factors responsible for
the high rate of school dropout in the Sekyere Central District of the Ashanti Region.
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1.4 Objectives of the Study
Specifically, the study set out to achieve the following objectives:
i. Explore the causal factors responsible for the high dropout rate in the Sekyere Central
District.
ii. Describe the precursors to the process of dropping out of school in the District.
iii. Examine the gendered nature of the problem in the Sekyere Central District.
iv. Examine the effects of dropping out of school on the children.
1.5 Research Questions
The study was designed to answer the following research questions:
1. What are the causal factors for the high dropout rate in the District?
2. What are the precursors to dropping out of school in the District?
3. What are the gender differentials in relation to the problem school dropout in the
District?
4. What are the effects of dropping out of school on the children in the Sekyere Central
District?
1.6 Significance of the Study
The future of every nation lies in her children and this future can only be realized if the
children are well equipped with the necessary skills to enable them take over from the
aging population. Disengaging one’s self from school before completing a cycle would
render one a burden to the society. Therefore, listening to the voices of dropouts will
provide a richer contextual for understanding their aspirations towards schooling, work
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and economic well-being. This will mark the beginning of an appreciation of their
experiences by teachers, educational stakeholders and policy makers in relation to policy.
Again, this study could throw more light on the ‘problem’ of school dropout in our
society, especially in the study area. Therefore, the findings from the study will help
authorities concerned to know the magnitude of the problem in the study area. The
recommendations, if implemented, could help minimize the problem in the community.
Also, given the rich contextual nature of the study, the findings would make significant
contributions to knowledge. The research outcome will also be invaluable to policymaking for programmes targeting pupils who are on the verge of dropping out and those
who have dropped out of school. It will further help re-enforce the need for appropriate
enforcement mechanisms to safeguard the future of those who drop out. The findings and
recommendations will stimulate interest in the area and possibly engender further
research in the future.
1.7 Delimitation
The problem of school dropout is a national issue, especially in the rural areas. The scope
of the study in terms of area was the Sekyere Central district in the Ashanti Region of
Ghana. However, given resource scarcity and time constraint, out of the fifteen schools,
only pupils who have dropped out were selected for the work. Children who have
dropped out at both the primary and the JHS classes were engaged in the work.
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1.8 Organisation of the Thesis
The thesis is organised in five chapters. Chapter one consists of the background to the
study, problem statement, purpose or objectives of the study, research questions,
significance of the study, delimitation and organisation of the chapters.
Related literature was reviewed in chapter two. This focused on themes such as causes of
school dropout, processes involved in school dropout, effects of school dropout, etc. The
methodology used in the study was in the third chapter. The research design, population,
sample selection and sampling procedure, instruments for data collection, type of data,
data collection methods are covered in this chapter. Chapter four involves presentation
and analysis of data, while chapter five looks at the summary of findings,
recommendations and conclusions of the study.
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CHAPTER TWO
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.0 Introduction
This chapter presents a review of the related literature based on the theoretical and
empirical study. The first section discusses some theories underpinning the issue under
study. The second part focuses on internal factors that lead to school dropout. The final
part discusses the external factors that lead to school dropout. The internal factors in this
context refer to school factors while the external factors refer to home and other related
factors responsible for the phenomenon.
2.1 Theories underpinning school dropout
Conceptually, one cannot discuss school dropout without first linking it up with school
enrolment and absenteeism, since they help make the issue surrounding the phenomenon
clearer. Galimaka (2008) opined that enrolment refers to the process of registering
children into the school register. This is done at the beginning of every academic year
where parents are required to take to school their children who have attained school going
age. Upon registration, a track record of their physical presence and learning in class is
monitored twice daily by a class teacher by marking their presence. In a situation where
attendance fluctuates, it amounts to absenteeism but if the child stops attending school for
a period of one year and does not return to school, the child is then considered having
dropped out of school in that year. School dropout is the difference between the number
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of pupils/students enrolled in school at the beginning of the academic year and the
number of those who remained at the end of the academic year (Okaja, 2007).
.
In the Ghanaian context, dropout is considered to have happened whenever student/pupil
falls out of the school system before completing basic nine which is the full basic
education cycle. Both school (internal) and non-school (external) factors contribute to
this scenario. According to a joint UIS/UNICEF global estimate (cited by Nakanyike,
Kasente & Balihuta, 2002), 115 million school going-age children are out of school. This
number is equivalent to 18 per cent or almost one in every five of the children in the
school going- age group worldwide. Nakanyike et al. (2002) reported that there are many
children who will never enter primary school, more who will enter late (over-age), and
others who will enter and drop out before completing the full cycle of primary schooling
regardless of Universal Primary Education’s (UPE) existence. This is as a result of
factors such as policy problems, lack of access to schools, poor quality education, high
schooling costs and low returns to education, among, others, which gang up to push
children out of UPE schools.
There are several concepts and theories that explain why some pupils drop out of school.
Considerable evidence supports the relational nature of students' motivation and
academic achievements including basic school completion (Finn, 1989; Whelage, 1989).
Also, qualitative evidence from both dropouts and school staff members (principals,
teachers, counsellors) identifies the psychological and social aspects of students' decision
to withdraw from school. Variables such as feelings of alienation, perceptions of teacher
caring, feeling a sense of school belonging, academic valuing, academic identity, locus of
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control, future optimism, self-esteem, disengagement, and participation are some factors
shown to be related to the outcome of dropping out of school (Anderson, Kerr-Roubicek,
& Rowling, 2006; Gallagher, 2002).
Theories underpinning this research come from a number of social science disciplines—
including psychology, sociology, anthropology, and economics—and identify a range of
specific factors related to pupil dropping out of school. According to Reid (1985),
children do not learn or participate in the lessons just because they are present in school.
However, psychological factors such as emotional conflict or lack of interest can interfere
with the continuous learning process of children. He said, “there are undoubtedly vast
number of pupils simply in schools who, though physically present, are mentally absent”
(p.39). It is well known that some pupils simply go through the emotions of pretending to
learn and paying attention in class when, in fact, their minds are on what for them are
more stimulating topics such as football, boy/girl relationship, and pop music. Lack of
interest on the part of children, irrelevant subject matter and the inability of teachers to
project themselves are but a few of the many contributing factors to the mass underachievement and disaffection which lead to truancy and dropout in our schools
(Pridmore, 2007).
Under the psychological factors, Reid (1985) emphasised that an individual’s personality
contributes to his/her withdrawal from school. He explained that personality simply
means being outgoing, loving and interesting. To be lacking in personality implies the
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opposite. Someone who is regarded as lacking in personality is often seen as a poor
companion.
Secondly, personality is situation-specific rather than being stable. Children and adults
may respond to something in one way with someone they like and quit another with
someone they do not, thus leaving the respondents to draw opposite conclusion. From
inference, children can display high self-esteem on the field of play and low self-esteem
in school attendance due to such facets as interest and ability. People naturally respond
positively to things that they have interest in and attract them also and negatively to
things they do not have interest in.
Anxiety is one of the many contributing elements which go to make up the total
personality. The relationship between anxiety and school dropout or school refusal has
long been established. Coolidge et al (1964) as cited in Reid (1985) noted that children
are particularly reluctant when they first begin voluntary or compulsory education in
nursery or infant section. However, sympathetic support from parents and teachers has
been found to be a key variable in helping children to overcome their worries (Baver,
1980).
Lloyd, Mete and Grant (2009) suggested that sometimes irrational fears can be reinforced
by illness, falling behind schoolwork, failure to complete homework or do well,
unpopularity among peers, inability to participate in or do well at any activity as well as
failure to wear or have a school uniform. Much depends on the age, sex; ability and
temperament of the child but such fears are usually short-lived and overcome by teachers
and parents alike without too much difficulty. Also, Tyerman (1958) as cited in Reid
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(1985) found that children who drop out of school are most likely to be unhappy and
insecure.
Research suggests that dropping out represents one aspect of three interrelated
dimensions of educational achievement: first, academic achievement, as reflected in
grades and test scores; second, educational stability, which reflects whether students
remain in the same school (school stability) or remain enrolled in school at all
(enrollment stability); and third, educational attainment, which is reflected by years of
schooling completed and the completion of degrees or diplomas (Rumberger & Larson,
1998; Wehlage, Goldschmidt & Wang, 1999).
Several researchers have suggested that educational attainment is dependent on both
educational stability and academic achievement. That is, students who either interrupt
their schooling by dropping out or changing schools, or who have poor academic
achievement in school, are less likely to graduate or complete that segment of schooling
(Rumberger, 1995) They also posit that engagement and educational achievement are
influenced by students’ background prior to entering school, including their educational
aspirations and past achievements. They further suggest that the most important
contributing factors to school dropout are the school, neighborhood, and the home
together with the individual makeup of the child.
Aside the psychosocial theory that provides a way to understand the concept of school
dropout from an individual perspective, Jessor (1993) has developed a new paradigm or
theory in the field of developmental psychology called developmental behavioural
science. This theory recognises that the various settings or contexts in which students
15
live—families, schools and communities—all shape their behaviour. Thus the child’s
social environment – the school, family or community has a great influence on whether
the child will stay in school or quit.
Family background is widely recognised as the single most important contributor to
success in school. Families at the low end of the social scale – a father who is either in
an unskilled or semi-skilled labour, families where paternal unemployment or irregular
employment is the norm, families overcoming or experiencing marital disharmony such
as parental divorce or separation or families where parents do not insist on their children
attending school or take no notice of their absence and or do not insist on prompt
attendance to school as manifested by their children oversleeping, being late and dislike
school journeys are more likely to drop out of school (Pong & Ju, 2000).
The developmental behavioural science theory further acknowledges the school as having
a powerful influence on students’ achievement and dropping out. The theory identifies
four school factors that influence student’s performance and drop out. These factors
include; students composition, school resources, structural characteristics of the school
and school practices (Rumberger, 1995; Rumberger & Thomas, 2000; Ananga, 2011)
Lastly, aside the school and the family, the community and peer can also influence
students’ withdrawal from school. A lot of research has shown that communities do
influence dropout rates. Poor communities may influence child and adolescent
development through lack of resources or negative peer influences (Brooks-Gunn,
Duncan & Aber, 1997).
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In support of the above assertion, Odaga and Heneveld (1995) using the logistic model
analysis in Kenya on the socio- economic determinant of primary school dropout, found
that factors such as communal factors, pupil’s personal characteristics/ background, as
well as the parental or family background have various degrees of impact on the
probability of pupil dropping out of school.
On their part, Wells, Bechard and Hamby (1989) as well as Asche (1993) in support of
earlier theories discussed above identified four major factors that contribute to a pupil
dropping out of school. These factors are school, family, community and individual
related. They also assert that, the likelihood of a child dropping out of school increases as
the combination of these factors become more multifaceted. They further stated that other
factors contributing to the problem could be incorporated into the four categories
mentioned above.
Socially there are theories that explain why children drop out of school. One of such
theories is the theory of Anomie. This theory provides a framework for which
delinquency and dropout is examined in terms of how society limits the ability of certain
groups of people to achieve their goals legitimately. The Anomie theory posits that
societal structures hinder people who do not fit in. Therefore these individuals are pushed
into finding ways in which they could achieve their goals albeit through illegal means or
those unacceptable to society. Accordingly, groups who fail to measure to the required
social structures and values are deprived of the legitimate means to achieve their goals.
The report on the educational attainment of prisoners (Harlow, 2003) reveals that most of
them did not finish high school.
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Bureau of Justice Report (2003) revealed that school dropouts with academic and
behavioural problems were cited more often as being caught or sent to correctional
facilities. This indicates that those who drop out of school are not really delinquent to
begin with but become so because they were not given the opportunity to become
functional members of society. According to the Anomie theory, society pressurized
them to fill the role of delinquents.
As a boost to the three theories discussed already, there are five other theories that also
explain why some pupil dropout from school. The five theories, namely ‘Academic
Mediation theory’, ‘General Deviance Theory’, ‘Deviant Affiliation Theory’, ‘Poor
Family Socialization Theory’, and ‘Structural Strains Theory’ are used to further explain
the internal and external factors that influence basic school dropout in the Sekyere
Central District in the Ashanti Region of Ghana. It must be noted that the five theories to
be discussed had been tested in a study conducted by Battin-Pearson and Newcomb
(2002) in the United States of America.
2.1.1Academic Mediation Theory
In the first instant, the academic mediation theory is premised on poor academic
achievement on the part of pupils. To this end, Krohn, Thornberry, Collins-Hall and
Lizotte (1995) emphasised that poor academic achievement, typically assessed using
standardized achievement tests or grade point average (GPA) has consistently been one
of the strongest predictors of dropping out of school. They explain that whereas the
relationship of poor academic achievement of dropout has been well documented
empirically, only a few studies have examined poor academic achievement as a factor
18
mediating the effects of other variables in predicting early school dropout (Gamier et al.,
1997; Janosz et al., 1997; Tinto, 1975).
However, the issue of poor academic achievement is clearly important in deliberating on
school dropout. Other variables such as deviant affiliation, personal deviance, family
socialization, and structural strains may be associated with dropping out only through
their effects on poor academic achievement. Therefore, an important question that has
implications for prevention is whether the relationships between variables such as antisocial affiliation and dropout are fully mediated by poor academic achievement.
Battin-Pearson and Newcomb (2002) hypothesized that low academic achievement
mediates the association between low school bonding and ultimately dropping out of
school. Similar arguments can be made for the mediating effects of achievement on other
antecedent variables. Although Battin-Pearson and Newcomb proposed four additional
theories that predict direct effects of these other variables on school dropout, over and
above the mediating role of academic achievement.
2.1.2 General Deviance Theory
Krohn et al. (1995) indicated that there is a relationship between deviant behaviour and
dropout rates. These have consistently been reported in educational literature. As a matter
of fact, both ‘prior delinquency’ and ‘prior drug use’ have been found to be good
predictor of school dropouts (Friedman, Glickman, & Utada, 1985; Mensch & Kandel,
1988; Weng et al., 1988). In addition, delinquent attitudes and behaviours have also been
shown to be associated with low academic orientation (McGee & Newcomb, 1992).
19
On their part, Krohn, et al. (1995) found that although drug use increased the probability
of dropping out of school, dropping out of school was not significantly related to either
subsequent drug use or subsequent delinquency. In addition, Elliott and Voss (1974)
found that delinquent students who dropped out of school committed fewer delinquent
acts after they dropped out. Janosz and LeBlanc (1996) found that both delinquency and
drug use had direct effects on types of school dropout after controlling other variables
such as gender, family background, and academic factors. Similarly, Gamier, Stein, &
Jacobs, (1997) found that drug usage directly predicted school dropout, although this
effect was fully mediated by other variables in a study by Kaplan and Liu (1994). Others
have found that only cigarette use, and not other types of drug involvement, has a direct
impact on school dropout (Ellickson, Bui, Bell, & McGuigan, 1998; Mensch & Kandel,
1988). These findings provide evidence that delinquency and drug use precede dropout
and should be modelled as predictors of dropping out of school.
Pregnancy during high school has been a consistent predictor of dropping out of school
(Anderson, 1993; Geronimus & Korenman, 1992). For instance, Geronimus and
Korenman (1992) found that teen births significantly reduced the likelihood of the mother
completing high school. In addition, early sexual activity has been shown to affect
academic failure (National Research Council, 2001) and is related to low academic
achievement (McGee & Newcomb, 1992). Teenagers who are not doing well in school
and have lower educational aspirations are more likely to have sex during adolescence
than those faring better in school (National Research Council, 2001). It is expected that
poor academic achievement would partially mediate the association between various
types of deviance and dropout. However, Battin-Pearson and Newcomb (2002)
20
hypothesised that general deviance or specific aspects of deviant behaviour would have
direct effects on school dropout.
2.1.3 Deviant Affiliation Theory
It is widely accepted that peers influence their friends' behaviour and development
(Gilmore, Hawkins, Day, & Catalano, 1992). Studies have demonstrated that peers also
have considerable influence over the academic achievement of their friends (Hallinan &
Williams, 1990). Whereas research has concluded that dropouts tend to have more
deviant friends who also show potential for dropping out (Cairns et al., 1989; Fagan &
Pabon, 1990), the mechanism of the influence of these deviant peers on the decision to
leave school has not been widely investigated.
In another review, Hymel, Comfort, Schonert-Reichl and McDougall (1996) emphasized
the lack of research attention devoted to examining the role of peers on academic failure
and dropping out of school. They identified several processes by which peers may
influence the decision to leave school early. Some of these include the negative influence
of peers and trouble with peers (i.e., rejection). These social factors are central aspects of
a teenager's life and may well affect both their academic achievement and their decision
to drop out of school.
Bonding to anti-social peers should, therefore, be a factor of interest when seeking to
understand the processes and predictors of dropping out of school. In particular, BattinPearson and Newcomb (2002) have predicted that low academic achievement would
partially mediate the expected association between deviant affiliation and dropout.
21
However, they also hypothesized that deviant affiliation would have a direct effect on
high school dropout over and above the mediating influence of low academic
achievement.
2.1.4 Poor Family Socialization Theory
As Hymel et al. (1996) pointed out, "it seems clear that academic, familial, school, and
social variables may all play a role in the decision to leave school early" (p. 332).
Nevertheless, families are the earliest and most fundamental socialization institutions for
a developing child (Newcomb, 1997). As such, they provide many of the pivotal
foundations and experiences for later life, including academic achievement and success in
school.
Rumberger (1983) notes that "significant influence of family background suggests that
the tendency to drop out begins early in a student's life" (p. 211). The early family
socialization influences are many and varied. They include parental divorce, family
stress, parental behavioural control and acceptance (Steinberg, Elmen, & Mounts, 1989).
However, the most prominent and consistent effects from the family on the child's
academic success has been the parents' own education levels (Janosz & LeBlanc, 1996).
Closely related to the educational background of school dropout are their parents’
expectations for the children's academic success. Therefore, Rumberger (1983) predicted
that low academic achievement would partially mediate the expected association between
family socialization factors and dropout. However, he hypothesized that low parental
expectations and low parental education would have direct effects on school dropout over
and above the mediating influence of low academic achievement. In other words, despite
22
the academic potential of a teenager, his or her parents' expectations and his or her own
achievement will directly influence the teenagers stay in school or not.
2.1.5 Structural Strains Theory
Research on the predictors of dropout has focused on demographic factors, school related
influences, and individual characteristics (Rumberger, 1987). Studies focusing on
demographic factors have indicated that dropouts are more likely to be boys than girls
and are more likely to be from families of low socioeconomic status (Rumberger, 1983).
Evidence on the relationship between ethnicity and school dropout is conflicting. Several
studies have found that African Americans and Hispanic American students are more
likely than European American students to drop out (Ensminger & Slusarcick, 1992;
McMillen & Kaufman, 1997). However, other studies found that ethnic minorities are no
more likely to drop out after the effects of socioeconomic variables are controlled
(Rumberger, 1983). Given the mixed evidence pertaining to ethnicity, there is the need to
model the direct effects of ethnicity, controlling for gender on both poor academic
achievement as well as school dropout. Therefore, Battin-Pearson and Newcomb (2002)
predicted that low academic achievement would partially mediate the expected
association between the structural factors of gender, ethnicity and dropout. However, it
was also hypothesized that these structural strain factors would have a direct effect on
high school dropout over and above the mediating influence of low academic
achievement.
23
2:2 Discourses on school dropout
One school of thought views truancy and dropout as an expression of an innate instinctive
urge. Reid (1985) as cited by Close and Solberg (2008) linked school dropout and
running away from school with man’s roving instincts, likening it to the migratory
instincts of animals and birds. In same vein, Reid (1984a) as cited in Grannis (1992)
whose thoughts on school dropout was partly influenced by Freudian theory viewed
truancy and dropout in three ways. Firstly, it saw school dropout as an attempt on the part
of children to escape from real intolerable psychological situations.
Secondly, Reid (1984b) indicated that school dropout is a way children try to avoid the
pressure and responsibilities which accompany maturity and adulthood. Thirdly, it is an
attempt to retreat from ‘normal’ intellectual growth brought about by an unstable ego,
possibly caused by developmental and psychological traumas. On his part, Grannis
(1992) asserts that dropouts tend to be passive rather than assertive and argue that their
behaviours are related to their intellectual capacity.
According to Hunt (2009), UNESCO (2005), and Akyeampong, Djangmah, Oduro,
Seidu, & Hunt, (2007), a drop out child is the one who starts schooling but does not
complete a cycle. However, whilst Hunt limits his scope to only basic education,
UNESCO (2005) extends it to all levels of education, be it primary, secondary or the
tertiary level. In further explanation, Akyeampong et al (2007) indicate that it is possible
for a child who drops out of school to re-enter at some stage.
24
On school life expectancy (SLE), that is, the expected number of years of formal
schooling a child should have, Education for All (EFA) Global Monitoring Report of
2005 cited by Ananga (2011) shows that the survival rate of schooling up to grade 5 in
Ghana in the year 2000 was just 66.3%. In 2001, the SLE (in Ghana) was 7.5 years (8
years for boys and 6.9 years for girls). Although these figures show an improvement in
the 1990 figure (6.5 years average SLE of which 7.5 years SLE for boys and 5.6 years
SLE for girls), one can argue without any reservation that SLE in Ghana is still very low
as compared to an African country like Cameroon where in 2001 the SLE was 9.3 years
(10 years for boys and 8.5 years for girls) (Obeng, 2006).
2.3 Causes of School Dropout
Research has shown that enrolment rates have improved substantially in Ghana in
particular and Africa in general (Sabates et al, 2010). In view of that, Sabates et al (2010)
indicate that the number of children enrolled in basic schools has increased over time.
However, a significant proportion of the children who start basic school are not able to
complete the cycle. They emphasise that there are many factors that are associated with
school dropout. To them, some of the factors that influence basic school dropout belong
to the individual, such as poor health or malnutrition and motivation. Others emerge from
children’s household situations such as child labour and poverty. School level factors also
play a role in the increasing pressures of school dropout such as teacher’s absenteeism,
school location and poor quality educational provision. The system of educational
provision at the community level generates conditions that can ultimately impact on the
likelihood of children dropping out of school. Therefore, both internal and external driven
25
factors are embedded in cultural and contextual realities, which make each circumstance
different.
2.4 External Factors: Socio-economic background of school dropout
The external factors of school dropout are interrelated processes and not isolated events.
Hunt (2008) stresses that for a child to drop out of school is often a process rather than
the result of one single event, and therefore has more than one proximate cause” (p.52).
For instance, poverty appears to influence the demand for schooling, not only because it
affects the inability of households to pay school fees and other costs associated with
education, but also because it is associated with a high opportunity cost of schooling for
children. As children grow older, the opportunity cost of education is even larger, hence
increasing the pressure for children to work and earn income for the household as
opposed to spending time in education (Ananga, 2010). More so, distance to schools,
poor quality of education, inadequate facilities, overcrowded classrooms, inappropriate
language of instruction, teacher absenteeism and, in the case of girls school safety, are
common causes for school dropout (Colclough, et al. 2000). These are seen as internal
factors that cause school dropout, mainly driven at the school level.
The factors that account for school dropout are discussed into some detail using empirical
sources from Ghana and across the world. The first factor to be put on the microscope is
household income and financial circumstances. According to Hunt (2008), household
income is found to be an important factor in determining access to education as schooling
potentially incurs a range of costs, both upfront and hidden. To Croft (2002: 87-88) as
cited in Hunt (2008),
26
Upfront costs include school fees, while the more hidden costs
include uniforms, travel, equipment and the opportunity costs of
sending a child to school. Household income is linked to a range of
factors: when children start school, how often they attend, whether
they have to temporarily withdraw and also when and if they drop
out.
In addition to the above exposition are results of some research studies which look at how
household income interacts with dropping out of school in particular. The studies
undertaken by Brown and Park (2002); Dachi and Garrett (2003); Hunter and May
(2003); and Porteus et al (2000) highlighted the link between poverty and dropping out
from school. Porteus et al (2000: 10), whilst describing exclusions rather than drop out
per se, paint poverty as “the most common primary and contributory reason for students
to be out of school” and Hunter and May (2003: 5) call poverty, “a plausible explanation
of school disruption”. Dachi and Garrett (2003) asked parents and guardians a series of
questions about the financial circumstances surrounding children’s school enrolment in
Tanzania: virtually all households responding said the main barrier to sending children to
school was financial and their inability to pay school charges. Hardly, none of the
respondents cited a negative attitude towards school on the part of the children, or the
unattractive nature of the school environment as a factor to school dropout.
On the other side of the argument, Hunt (2008) states that both statistical data and
empirical research suggest that children from better off households are more likely to
remain in school, whilst those who are poorer are more likely never to have attended, or
to drop out once they have enrolled. For example, Hunt cited Brown and Park’s (2002)
research in rural China and noted that ‘poor and credit constrained children’ three times
more likely than other children to drop out of primary school. In same way, Colclough, et
al (2000: 16) describes the links between wealth and school retention in more detail:
27
...amongst those out-of-school, the mean wealth index for school
drop-outs was generally higher than for those who had never
enrolled. ...children at school were, on average, from better-off
households than those who had dropped out, who were, in turn, from
richer backgrounds than school-age children who had never
enrolled.
Moreover, Colclough, et al (2000: 25) emphasises that “poor households tend to have
lower demand for schooling than richer households: whatever the benefits of schooling,
the costs, for them, are more difficult to meet than is the case for richer households”.
What this means is that children from less endowed households are more likely to drop
out of school than those from wealthy homes.
Looking at the issue from how people regard schooling and its importance, a study
conducted by Pryor and Ampiah (2003) in Ghana gives a bit of insight into the
interrelationships. The results of study sought to explain interactions between schooling,
household income and school dropout. For example, Pryor and Ampiah’s (2003) research
on schooling reveal in some villages in Ghana, that education is regarded as a ‘relative
luxury’, with many villagers considering education not worthwhile. On the contrary, Chi
and Rao’s (2003) research on rural China see things slightly differently, with children’s
education as one of the main household priorities. Yet, even in this context if rural
parents are short of money, expenses on ancestral halls and gift giving are prioritised over
educational spending. Another body of work indicates that withdrawal from school is a
last resort for many families (Hunter & May, 2003: 10). Research has shown that
households often do not want to remove children from school as they see it as an
investment for the future (Hunter & May, 2003: 10).
28
Sottie & Awasu, (2011) examined factors that affect school dropout at the basic level of
education in Ghana. The study focused on the experiences of students, parents, teachers
and welfare workers. Weak family support, poor academic performance, poor school
quality and low value of education, is identified as important to children’s stay in school.
It is observed that some children prevail against the odds and remain in school while
others drop out. Resilience is identified as an important factor that could enhance the
capacity of at-risk student to stay in school despite adverse circumstances. The study
recommends research on the underlying processes that foster personal resilience in school
age children from disadvantaged backgrounds in Ghana (Sottie & Awasu, 2011).
Again, research indicates links with household income, gender and dropping out. For
example, Fuller and Laing (1999) cited in Grant & Hallman (
2006: 6) found an
association with a family’s financial strength, measured by level of household
expenditure and access to credit, and the likelihood that a daughter will remain in school
in South Africa. Kadzamira and Rose (2003) indicate that when the cost of schooling is
too high for households in Malawi, it is often girls from poorest households who are less
likely to attend. Conversely, Glick and Sahn’s (2000) research in Guinea indicates that
when household income increases, there is greater investment in girls schooling, with no
significant impact on that of boys. Colclough et al (2000: 1) are keen to point out that
while poverty is associated with under-enrolment, ‘the gendered outcomes of such underenrolment are the product of cultural practice, rather than of poverty per se.
According to the Ghana Statistical Service (2003) as cited in Ananga (2010), in Ghana,
most out-of-school children – both those who have never enrolled and those who have
29
dropped out – come from economically deprived households. This assertion is supported
by a child labour survey report, which found that child workers claimed to be working to
raise the money to go to school. This had been found to be true because, children from
low socio-economic households, and those that are vulnerable and prone to income
shocks, commonly face some form of demand to withdraw from school if their parents
cannot afford the direct cost of education (Gubert & Robilliard, 2006). The payment of
school fees therefore acts as a barrier to enrolment and retention (Colclough et al., 2000;
Hunter & May, 2003; Liu, 2004; Mukudi, 2004). Thus, household poverty may be
regarded as affecting dropout through its interactive effects with other factors that trigger
events that result in dropping out from school. In exploring the conditions outside school
that influence dropout, this study sought to highlight how poverty shapes school
attendance and dropout in the study area. The next section looks at how the costs of
school —directly and indirectly, affect schooling.
Reports from several research work point out that the structure and arrangement of a
household impact on children’s school dropout. In the literature review of Ananga’s
(2010) study, the collated views of other researchers indicated that structure and
arrangement of a household influenced school dropout significantly.
According to Al Samarrai and Peasgood (1998), the household composition,
arrangement, interaction and support play crucial roles in retention and completion.
Structures in the home play very key roles that encourage and promote children’s
participation in schooling or conspire against it. The composition and structure of the
household, (gender, size, education, health, and income of members, etc.), shapes access
and retention.
30
In line with this discussion, a study on education access in South Africa on participation
and dropping out reported that children who live with their biological mothers are not
very likely to drop out of school as compared with those who live with other people apart
from their biological mothers. (Grant & Hallman, 2006). Also, households that are
headed by females place more emphasis on the education of their children (Al Samarrai
& Peasgood, 1998).
In addition, the number of children that live in a household also affects retention. For
example, where there are more children in the household with many of them being less
than five years old, it negatively affects the regular school attendance of girls (Glick &
Sahn, 2000). Nekatibeb (2002) showed that household size and compositions interact
with other factors to shape access and retention.
In addition, Ersado (2005) argues that parents’ education is the most consistent
determinant of a child’s participation in education. It has been documented that the higher
the education of the parent or the household head, the greater the chances of increased
access, regular attendance and lower dropout rates (Ainsworth et al., 2005; Connelly &
Zhen, 2003; Duryea, 2003).
Poor health of household members affects school attendance. For instance a pupil may be
asked to stay at home to take care of parents, guardians and sibling should they fall ill.
Girls are mostly affected and this results in most of them staying out of school for a long
period to the detriment of their studies (Case & Ardington, 2004; Kadzamira & Rose,
31
2001). Apart from this, death of parent(s) does have effects that reduce schooling of
children (Chipfakacha, 1999).
Besides the factors deliberated on above, research has shown that child labour affects the
schooling of children and leads to school dropout. Ananga’s (2010), in Ghana reveals
among others that specific work-related tasks, for example, full time child care and work
in peak agricultural times often clashes with schooling times and this finally leads to
school drop out if nothing is done . Child labour is described as the main reason behind
absenteeism, repetition and drop out in Tanzania (Dachi & Garrett, 2003). While poverty
is often cited as creating an enabling environment that encourages child labour (Blunch &
Verner, 2000; Duryea, 2003) and leads to school dropout, Duryea (2003) highlights the
pull of the labour market (as opposed to the push of poverty) as a main factor in children
dropping out of school in urban Brazil. Also, studies show that rural children are more
likely to work than urban or peri-urban children (Blunch & Verner, 2000; Canagarajah &
Coulombe, 1997; Ersado, 2005).
The PROBE Team (1999) in India found the period for agricultural activities as clashing
with school times and because such activities take place in rural areas and are seasonal,
they lead to seasonal withdrawals from school. Children who combine labour with
schooling often suffer and cannot attend school regularly. Working children therefore
attend school intermittently and irregular attendance predisposes pupils to dropping out
(Hunt, 2008). Rural children’s work is influential in drop out in Ghana (Hashim, 2005).
In relation to gender, studies have shown that, the girl child is more likely to drop out of
school to look after her younger siblings Brock & Cammish, (1997). Girls are found to be
32
engaged in duties that take them out of school than boys (Kane, 2004). In many contexts,
girls take on a heavier workload within domestic/household settings, whereas boys are
more likely to be involved in agricultural duties and the formal labour market though it
can also be the case that girls are employed in traditional agriculture (Canagarahaj &
Coulombe, 1997).
2.5 Internal Factors: Conditions within the School that influence the dropout
process
Ananga (2010) accepts the fact that the school exerts a powerful influence on children’s
achievement, and its characteristics have an impact on the dropout rate. In a study in
Ghana, Ampiah and Adu-Yeboah (2009) found that a wide variety of school-related cases
influence school dropout. Specifically, factors such as teacher attitude; grade repetition;
corporal punishment; difficulty in learning; and being overage for school grade were seen
to be among the internal factors that affect school dropout at the basic education level in
Ghana.
Also, other research findings point out that distance to school is an important determinant
of educational access and drop out. For example, cases in which there are more primary
schools than junior high schools in the locality, and in which the only available secondary
school is further away (Fentiman et al., 1999), the distance to the latter may be
considered too far for younger children, especially girls (Juneja, 2001). This is also true
in the cases of older girls and those children regarded by parents as vulnerable to sexual
harassment (Colclough et al., 2000; Nekatibeb, 2002; PROBE, 1999). Parents are afraid
of the safety of their children when they have to travel longer distances to school.
33
The issue of quality of education, which has to do with the processes and practices, is
another factor that affect school dropout. According to Akyeampong et al (2007) and
Hunt (2008), the level of school performance, its institutional configuration, its processes
and practices and relationships within the school between teachers and students, all
influence access and completion. These factors within the school have been found to
interact with other factors outside the school to cause children to drop out, although in
some cases, a single positive or negative experience at school can be the main
determinant of whether a child stays in school or withdraws.
Real and perceived educational quality has been raised by many researchers as a major
factor influencing schooling access (Brock & Cammish, 1997). Improved access to
education as a result of Education for All (EFA) and universal primary education (UPE)
programmes has highlighted the importance of quality as a requirement for ensuring
sustained access. It has been argued that quality has been compromised by rapid
expansion and increased access (Boyle et al., 2002), although the meaning of what
constitutes quality remains unclear (UNESCO, 2004).
Banerjee and Duflo (2006) state that there are varying definitions of what quality actually
means. There seems to be a dearth of empirical studies establishing the link between
quality of education and school dropout. Such shortcomings notwithstanding, the
discussion on education facilities are linked to quality in terms of human resources and
in-school resources. In the view point of Brock & Cammish, (1997), availability of
resources such as textbooks, desks and blackboards has been found to influence school
34
dropout. For teaching and learning processes to be effective, resources have to be in
adequate supply. Teaching practice and behaviour can particularly influence a pupil’s
decision to drop out. Smith (2003) found that in some schools in Zimbabwe’s Southern
Province teachers did not prepare lesson notes, had no schemes of work, and left pupils’
assignments unmarked. Such classroom practices and implicit lack of in-service teacher
development has serious implications for retention.
The prevalence of teacher absenteeism is noted in the works of Alcazar, et al., (2006) and
Banerjee and Duflo (2006); and the global teacher absence project, reports cases of public
primary school teacher absence (Chaudhury et al., 2005). Although much is still
unknown about how teacher absence leads to dropout, it clearly implies that pupils’
education – and by extension, interest in school – suffers as a result.
Another body of research findings had been concerned with school practices and
processes and how they impact on school dropout. This category of research report shows
that teacher attitudes towards pupils impact on whether they drop out or not. From their
research in Ethiopia and Guinea, Colclough et al. (2000) found that teachers were more
positive about the participation, interest and intelligence of boys rather than girls. In some
cases, this is because they believe that girls will drop out early, an attitude that can then
become a self-fulfilling prophecy (Ames, 2004).
In their study in Guinea, Glick and Sahn (2000) argue that the school environment and
classroom conditions in general seem to be less conducive to effective learning for girls
than boys. Rather surprising, in other contexts, educational practices have been found to
be more likely to exclude boys (Hunter & May, 2003). Although few researchers make
35
the direct link, there are issues related to the preservation of an appropriate teacher–
student relationship and dropout. For example, the use of corporal punishment or
violence is practised by teachers in many countries (Humphreys, 2006; Hunt, 2008; Seidu
& Adzahlie-Mensah, 2010). While it has been outlawed in some contexts, it is legal in
others although with varying degrees of restriction. Boyle et al. (2002) suggest that
beating and intimidation “affect children’s motivation to attend school.” As a result of the
caning and accompanying humiliation pupils suffer at the hands of their teachers, the
former gradually become less motivated to go to school (PROBE, 1999).
The issue of bullying from fellow pupils may also exacerbate the precarious situation of
children already suffering from corporal punishment by teachers inciting them to drop
out. In some studies, gender based violence in school has also been negatively correlated
with educational access, although it has not been directly linked to dropout (Dunne et al.,
2010; Human Rights Watch, 2001; Leach et al, 2003).
One internal factor that also finds meaning in the theories that influence school dropout is
the issue of academic performance. Regarding this, Colclough et al (2000) emphasise that
poor academic results are associated with high levels of grade repetition and dropout, and
with lower progression ratios to higher levels of the educational system. This is reflected
in the way in which the family perceives education quality in relation to its own context;
which is often regarded in terms of the expectations of children, the perceived relevance
of the education the children are receiving, and their ability to meet parental aspirations.
Family and community expectations of education quality affect decision-making around
access to school and pupil retention.
36
Again as cited earlier, Based on their research in rural Ghana, Pryor and Ampiah (2003)
found that parents did not consider the education available in their community to be
worthwhile because the quality of the village school was not high enough to warrant the
investment of time, energy and economic resources at their disposal. In the same breadth,
Zimmerman (2003) stresses that while pupils who perform exceptionally well
academically at an early age are often given preferential treatment by teachers in order to
pass exams, others who perform poorly are made aware how slim their chances are of
rising very high in the education system and pupils who feel left out very quickly become
disheartened. In a study that interviewed parents about children’s dropout rates in
Mongolia (Batbaatar et al., 2006), it was found that in schools where great emphasis was
placed on the maintenance of very high academic standards, children with poor academic
results were ‘allowed’ to drop out. In effect, pupils were encouraged to leave school
because it was considered that they were not able to survive for much longer in a
competitive educational system.
In other research on the internal side of school dropout, Ananga (2010) collated some
views that indicated that the age of the pupil at the time of enrolment is an important
determinant of retention and completion. Again, Ersado (2005) asserts that over age
enrolment predisposes pupils to dropout. In instances where children start schooling later
than the official entry age, they are not very likely to complete the basic school cycle
(UIS & UNICEF, 2005). Late enrolment may be attributable to the child’s poor health or
nutritional status; gender; household conditions; or, in certain cases, distance to school
(Brock & Cammish, 1997; Pridmore, 2007).
37
Also, late school enrolment creates the phenomenon of over age in grade, a situation in
which pupils may find schooling unappealing owing to the pressure of feeling inferior to
younger classmates. In addition, an unfriendly classroom environment is sometimes
created by the teacher’s attitude to overage pupils. These two conditions, together with
the use of a curriculum that is not designed for teaching pupils of varying ages, can
conspire to push children out of school.
As stated earlier, older children from poor family backgrounds, has the greater pressure
on them to engage in socio-economic activities (Ersado, 2005); and this together with an
unappealing school environment pushes them to drop out of school. Being from a poor
background, overage and unmotivated at school, pupils who gain access to a viable
market for their labour are attracted (pulled) to drop out and earn a living. An overage
pupil from a low-income household often starts working to make some money to support
the family income (GSS, 2003), and this results in irregular attendance. As children work,
they initially interrupt their education when they withdraw temporarily and/or stay away
from school on a seasonal basis. This is an indication that the pupil is losing interest in
schooling and on the path to long-term dropout. Hashim’s (2005) study has shown that in
Ghana, by the age of 13, children from economically poorer households have dropped out
of school to migrate to areas in which there is a viable labour market, such as Accra or
Kumasi.
In addition to late enrolment, grade repetition also produces over age pupils; and as
children grow older and progress through the grades; the likelihood that they will drop
38
out before completing the school cycle increases (UIS & UNICEF, 2005). Thus, in some
cases, a hostile school environment and lack of support for pupils (PROBE, 1999) results
in weak performance. As pupils perform poorly, they tend to stay away from school more
frequently. Weak academic performance often leads to grade repetition; repeaters and
underachievers attend school intermittently; and this somewhat circular chain of events is
eventually broken when pupils drop out of the educational system (Hunt, 2008).
Deprived circumstances and – the sometimes related – poor physical condition of
children have been positively correlated with late enrolment, irregular attendance and
dropout. For example, the health and nutritional status of children is one such condition,
which, according to Pridmore (2007), has a marked impact on pupils’ ability to learn
and/or to remain in school.
Pupils who suffer from ill health and poor nutrition are inclined to attend school
irregularly. They are more likely to repeat grades, and eventually drop out. Poor health
makes it impossible for children to maintain motivation and high levels of concentration.
it has also been found to result in poor cognitive function (Grantham-McGregor &
Walker, 1988; Pollit, 1990; Roso & Marek, 1996).
Studies of children in Ghanaian schools have shown that poor health negatively affects
pupils’ education. Research has shown that, anaemia, malnutrition, stunted growth, and
delayed enrolment are correlated (Fentiman, Hall & Buny, 2001; Glewwe & Jacoby,
1995; Pridmore, 2007). In some instances, irregular school attendance – which has been
identified as a precursor of dropout (Hunt, 2008) – has been found to be caused by the
poor health of children (Batbaatar et al., 2006; Boyle et al., 2002).
39
Another dimension of the connection between health and dropout is disability. It interacts
with other factors to restrict access. According to Rousso (2003), disabled girls are more
likely to have restricted access to school; and when disabled children are enrolled, userunfriendly school facilities and a hostile school environment have the potential to push
such children out of school.
2.6 Conceptual Framework for Exploring the Cause(s) of School Dropout In
Sekyere Central District
Figure 1 is a conceptual model for understanding the causes of school dropout. I
developed this model drawing on the causes of school dropout mentioned in the literature
reviewed above. The blue coloured circle indicates the conditions within the school that
have been identified and shown in the literature to have been the cause of school dropout
(see Ananga, 2011, Grant and Halman, 2003; Hunt, 2007; Obeng, 2006). The green
coloured circle also indicates the outside school factors that caused children to drop out
of school (Camfed, 1994; Hunt, 2008). The third circle – coloured yellow indicates how
both in and outside school factors interplay to cause children to drop out of school. Each
of the black arrows pointing to the rectangular box indicates the causes of school dropout.
These arrows- causes of dropout is what the study sought to explore contextually.
40
Figure 1: Conceptual model for understanding the causes of school dropout.
In school
factors
responsible
for dropout
Interplay of
school and
outside school
factors
responsible
for dropout
Outside
school factors
responsible
for dropout
School dropouts
2.8 Appraisal of Literature
The reviewed literature above identifies variables affecting school dropout at all levels.
Understanding why pupils drop out of school is a difficult if not impossible task because,
as with other forms of educational achievement, it is influenced by an array of individual
and institutional factors. There is no single prominent risk factor predicting dropout.
Rather, there are numerous risk factors that when in combination with each other raise
the probability of youth leaving school early. These factors fall into four broad categories
related to individuals (e.g., truancy, poor school attitude), families (e.g., low-income, lack
41
of parental involvement), schools (e.g., negative school climate, low expectations), and
communities (e.g., high crime, lack of community support for schools). Dropout rates
particularly correlate with high poverty rates, poor school attendance, poor academic
performance, grade retention (i.e., being held back), and disengagement from school.
Dropping out of school severely limits the chances of future success for far too many
children. It deepens and continues the cycle of poverty into future generations. Receiving
a good education is the lifeline by which many youth can lift themselves out of poverty.
Facing the basic school dropout dilemma will require commitment and investment in
high quality early childhood education, attention to social and emotional learning,
continual monitoring of student attendance and academic progress, intensive instruction
for those falling behind, using alternatives to school push-out, fostering of a positive
school climate, and engagement with parents, families, and communities.
42
CHAPTER THREE
METHODOLOGY
3.0 Introduction
This chapter describes the general approach and specific techniques adopted to address
the objectives for the research. The chapter also discusses the study area, the research
design, the population, the sample and sampling techniques as well as research
instruments. Finally, the procedure used for the administration of instruments for the
study and the data analysis employed are also discussed.
3.1 The Study Area
The Sekyere Central District was carved out of the former Sekyere District now
Mampong Municipal in the Ashanti region of Ghana in 2008 by Executive Instrument.
The Sekyere Central District with Nsuta as its capital is geographically located within
longitude 0.05o and 1.30oW and latitudes 6.55o and 7.30oN. It covers a total land area of
about 1,564 sq. km and has about 105 settlements. The district is generally low lying and
gradually rising through rolling hills stretching southward towards Nsuta. The highest
point is 2400m whilst the lowest is 135m above mean sea level. It is fairly drained by
several streams and rivers like Afram, Sene, Sasebonso and Kyirimfa.
There are four Town Councils namely; Nsuta, Kwamang, Beposo and Atonsu, and three
(3) Area Councils; Kyebi, Amoamang and Birem Afram Plains. Nsuta, Atonsu town
Councils. It has only one Constituency that is the Nsuta-Kwamang-Beposo constituency.
Traditional Authorities include; Nsuta,Kwamang and Beposo. The towns in the district
43
are; Nsuta, Kwamang, Beposo, Atonsu, Jeduako, Birem, Kyebi, Bonkrong, Amoamang,
Asubuasu and Abaasua. The estimated district population in 2008 was 75,969. Out of this
number 63.7% are rural settlers with the remaining 36.6% being urban settlers. The
population is represented in Table 1.
Table 1: Distribution of the Population by Major Towns in the District
Major towns in the district
Population
Kwamang
7,225
Nstua
7,026
Beposo
6,338
Atonsu
4,770
Jeduako
3,300
Birem
3,212
Kyebi
1,837
Bonkron
Not available
Source: http://www.sekyerecentral.ghanadistricts.gov.gh/?arrow=atd&_=154&sa=5767
The majority of inhabitants are farmers since 75% of the population is into Agriculture,
while 15% are in the industrial sector. The remaining 10% are in the service sector. Only
twelve out of 105 settlements enjoy electricity. The literacy rate is quite low in the
district. The combination of factors has led to subsistent farming and a high rate of
unemployment. Consequently, the level of poverty is high, a factor that compels many
children to work alongside their parents.
44
3.2 Research Design
Trochim (2006) has indicated that research design provides the glue that holds the
research project together. A design is used to structure the research, to show how all of
the major parts of the research project, that is, the samples or groups, measures,
treatments or programmes, and methods of assignment work together to try to address the
central research questions.
The descriptive research design is used for this study because, in the words of Creswell
(2002), it is used to answer descriptive research questions such as ‘What is happening?’,
‘How is something happening?’ and ‘Why is something happening?’ These questions are
applicable to the issue under investigation. This investigator investigated the factors that
influence school dropout in the Sekyere Central District in the Ashanti Region. The
specific descriptive design is the survey type because the views of teachers, parents and
dropouts are solicited on school dropout relative to causes, its effects and how to deal
with the phenomenon in the area under study.
3.3 Population
The district is divided into five educational circuits namely, Kwaman-Atonsu, Beposo,
Afram plains North and Afram plains South and Nsuta circuits. By the end of 2009/2010
academic year, there were sixty primary schools with a total enrolment of 10,285 pupils.
The total number of JHS was thirty nine with an enrolment of 3,321 Pupils. The district
had a total number of 658 teachers. Even though the number of pupils in primary and
JHS was known, that was not relevant to the study rather pupils who had previously
enrolled and were no more in school were significant to the study, however that figure
45
could not be determined off hand. The closest one could come to in determining the
number of dropouts was looking at persistent absentees who were potentials to drop out
of school. In spite of all this the population of dropout could not be ascertained before the
study was conducted.
3.4 Sample and Sampling Procedure
There were three samples for this study; the dropouts’ sample, which was made up of
children who had dropped out of school completely; teachers’ sample comprising head
teachers and classroom teachers, and parents’ sample. The three samples respectively had
sizes of 120, 60 and 50 for dropouts, teachers and parents. The sample sizes were
conveniently arrived at because the instrument for data collection was mainly interview.
In view of this a large sample size could not be used since that would have been
problematic during the data collection process. Ordinarily, the sample sizes for the
respective respondents should have been determined scientifically using the population
size as bases.
Three sampling methods were used in the selection of respondents and they were the
snowball, purposive and simple random sampling methods. The snowball and purposive
sampling methods were used in the selection of dropouts.
First of all some dropouts were identified by headteachers and teachers and these
identified dropouts helped to discover the remaining ones across the circuits. In effect,
the snowball method was used to identify the dropouts because they knew each other and
once a dropout was identified, he/she became an automatic participant in the study.
46
Teacher respondents were selected through the simple random sampling method. This
method was used because every school had experienced one form of dropout or another,
so it was imperative that every headteacher and teacher was in a position to give useful
information to the study. In view of this, all teachers and headteachers in the district were
grouped and 50 teachers and 10 headteachers were accordingly selected. The register
which contained the names of teachers in the district was given to me and one by one the
names were written on pieces of paper. Afterwards, the papers containing the names were
placed in a bowl. With the help of the research assistants, the lottery method was used to
select 50 respondents. During the selection, whenever a name was picked it was not
replaced giving the remaining the chance to be selected. This was exactly what was done
in the case of the headteachers.
Parents who participated in the study were selected purposefully. Thus, the purposive
sampling method had to be used because the identification of parents was facilitated by
headteachers and teachers. Moreover, the researcher could only interview parents whose
wards had dropped out of school and were willing to participate in the study.
3.5 Instruments for Collecting Data
The main instrument used for this study was an interview guide. There were three
interview guides and each one of them was used to interview school dropouts, their
parents and teachers. According to Silverman (2004), an interview whether, structured,
semi-structured or unstructured offers an insight into respondents’ memories and
explanation of why things have to be what they are, as well as description of current
problems and aspiration. Also, interview is a good way of accessing people’s perception,
47
meaning and definition of situation and construction of realities. Above all, an interview
can be used for marketing, political opinion or to produce data for academic purposes
(Punch, 1998).
The interview guide gave the researcher the opportunity to interact with the identified
dropouts in a relaxed manner because they were given the chance to relieve the incidence
that led to their dropping out of school. The items sought for, among other things,
information on their personal data and why they have to drop out of school. Similarly, the
interview schedules for parents sought information on their socio-economic status and
why their wards dropped out of school. Also, information on parents’ level of education,
occupation and commitments to pupils’ needs were elicited.
The interview guide for teachers examined school factors that contributed to high rate of
school dropout in the district. The questions sought among others, information on pupils’
regularity to school, frequency of punishment and availability of materials needed for
academic work. Aside the interview the researcher conducted field observation of the
school culture, work roles, pupil-teacher, teacher-teacher interactions and classroom
activities. The researcher attended classroom discussions and observed the varied
interactions that took place in the classroom in particular and the school in general.
3.6 Validity and Reliability
Generally, instrument validity is the extent to which an instrument measures what it is
supposed to. In actual sense there are four types of instrument validity and they are face,
criterion, construct and content validity. In this study, mainly, content and face validity
48
were used because they were basically concerned with determining whether the
instrument, on the face of it, measured what it was meant to measure. In this study,
validity of the instruments was determined mainly by the scrutiny that colleague students
and the supervisor conducted, since that was also acceptable. That was adopted because
the study was partially qualitative and also quantitative in nature and that the content face
validity was enough to validate the instruments for the study.
3.7 Data Collection Procedure
To ensure that data collection was smooth, five research assistants were hired from
among teachers in the various circuits. The research assistants were briefed on the
objectives of the study and were coached on how to interview respondents for the study.
The selection of the research assistants was informed by the local conditions and the
background knowledge of the teacher in a particular circuit.
Each research assistants was assigned to one circuit because they have to interview
twenty –four dropout at most and ten parents as well. Thus the interviewing of teachers
and headteachers was conducted by the researcher herself. The interviewing of
respondents commenced on 12th February 2011 to 15th May, 2011. This indicates that
data collection lasted for three months. Before the field interview the researcher visited
the district education office to seek permission from the District Director of Education to
conduct the study in that district. Consequently, the director gave all the needed
assistance in terms of the number of teachers and headteachers in the district. It was from
the two lists that teachers and headteachers were selected for the interview. In view of
that upon arrival in those schools, it was imperative to reintroduce one-self for smooth
49
collection of data. In schools, where headteachers were participants themselves it was
easier conducting the interview. However, in the schools where the heads were not part,
there were a reluctance on the part of the head to assist. In spite of this initial challenge,
the teachers cooperated during the interview and gave all the required information.
Data collection in respect of parents and school dropouts were also facilitated by teachers
and headteachers. They gave the needed support to the research assistants in identifying
the dropouts. In the end, the estimated 50 parents were contacted and interviewed.
Similarly, the 120 school dropouts who were identified were also interviewed. Thus, in
the end, all anticipated respondents participated in the study, giving data collection a
100% return rate.
3.8 Data Analysis Procedure
First of all, data collected were edited for clarity of expression, more especially because
interview was used to gather the information and they needed to be broken down into
meaningful sentences. During the editing process, similar responses were grouped taking
into account the objectives of the study. In respect of the actual data analysis, data were
analysed both manually and electronically. The manual analysis of data started with the
grouping and editing of the responses. Also, it became necessary to present some of the
results in tables and that required that such data were coded and inputted electronically.
This gave rise to the electronic analysis.
In the electronic analysis, data were given numerical values that enabled the researcher to
input them into the electronic software, the Statistical Product and Service Solutions
50
(SPSS) version 16. The, selected data were analysed using mainly percentages.
Percentages were easy to calculate and understand. Above all, percentages have the
advantage of making findings known to a variety of people who need to be informed.
Frequency tables were also used to enhance the presentation of the data.
3.9 Conclusion
The chapter described the study area, the research design, population of the research and
the sample and sampling techniques employed for the study. It also discussed the
research instruments used, data collection procedure and data analysis for the data
collected. The next chapter presents and analyzes the data gathered
51
CHAPTER FOUR
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
4.0 Introduction
This chapter presents the results that emerged from data collection. The study was mainly
concerned with the reasons why pupils drop out of basic school and the effect this
phenomenon can have on the future of the dropouts and society. A total of 120 dropouts
were selected from towns and villages in the Sekyere Central District of the Ashanti
Region. To have a deeper insight into the dropout issue, 10 headteachers, 50 classroom
teachers and 50 parents were also interviewed for their input. At the end of data
collection, all respondents participated in the study, thus, giving a 100% participation
rate. The presentation of results is done according to sections dedicated to each of the
four specific objectives that guided the study.
4.1 Background Characteristics of School Dropouts
Preceding the main research results are the background information on the dropouts. The
background characteristics of dropouts which were considered relevant to the causes of
the school dropout were their age distribution, class at which they dropped out of school
and their gender. These three issues are presented in Table 2.
52
Table 2 Background Characteristics of School Dropouts
Age of participants
Class level at which they
Gender of dropout
drop out
Below 9
No. of pupils
No. of pupils
No. of pupils
(%)
(%)
(%)
-
-
-
-
-
24 (20.0)
Lower
15 (12.5)
Boys/girls
10/5
60 (50.0)
Boys/girls
37/23
Boys/girls
13/32
years
09 – 11 years
primary
12 – 15 years
45 (37.5)
Upper
primary
16 – 18 years
51 (42.5)
JHS
45 (37.5)
Above 18
-
-
-
-
120 (100)
120 (100)
years
Total
120 (100)
From table 2, the age distribution of dropouts is displayed. It is seen that none of the
dropouts was below 9years nor 18years. 20% of the dropouts fell between the ages of
09-and 11 years while 37.5% were within the ages of 12 years and 15years. 42.5% of
them were within the ages of 15years and 18years. What possibly accounts for none of
them being below nine years is that children below this age are not physically strong
enough to support the family in the house or in farming activities? Again dropout was
high among the ages of 15-18 years followed by those in 12-15years. The reason for the
53
high dropout at these ages can be attributed to the fact that they are physically strong
enough to engage in economic activities to support the family and also help take care of
younger siblings most especially the girls.
Also, dropouts who should be 18 years or above would have gone beyond basic school
before dropping out. In the literature, the issue of age is not a significant factor in a pupil
dropping out of school because there are immediate causes such as poor family
background, among others, that would influence the child to drop out to help the family’s
income generating activities which would be considered more important than going to
school.
The second background characteristic that was of concern to this researcher was the level
at which pupils dropped out of school. The table shows that 50% of the pupils dropped
out at the upper primary level, 12.5% at the lower primary and 37.5% at the JHS level.
Once again, it must be noted that the level at which a pupil drops out of school is not an
independent factor; rather, it is dependent on factors such as weak family support, poor
academic performance, poor school quality and low value of education (Sottie & Awasu,
2011).
In the same light, Hunt (2008, p.52) stressed that “for a child to drop out of school, it is
oftsen a process rather than the result of one single event, and therefore has more than
one proximate cause”. Table 2 again shows that, 10% of boys drop out at ages 9 and 11
whiles 5% girls drop out between the same ages. Again, between 12 and15years 37%
54
boys and 23% girls drop out respectively. At age15 and 18 years, 13% boys and 32%
girls drop out from school.
On the average, more girls dropped out of school at the JHS level than boys but at the
primary level the boys dominated. The reason for the high girls’ dropout rate at the JHS
level could be that at the JHS level the girls had come of age and could be pregnant
which is possible during the teen age years. Another reason is the value society puts on
female education as opposed to males so if the family is to choose between the boy and
girl, they would opt for the boy and the girl would have to stop schooling because the
family cannot afford to pay the school expenses. These suppositions are largely given
credence by Kane (2004) and Canagarahaj and Coulombe (1997) whose research findings
alluded to those factors.
4.2 Background characteristics of parents of dropouts
It was imperative to look at some aspects of the background characteristics of parents of
some of the dropouts who were interviewed. Among the characteristics which were
deemed to be relevant to the phenomenon of school dropout were the educational
background of parents, parents’ occupational status, number of children a parent has
(family size) and marital status. Table 3 presents the parental educational background.
55
Table 3: Educational background of parents
Level of education
Frequency
Percentage (%)
No formal education
17
34.0
BECE (completed JHS)
26
52.0
MSLC (completed standard seven)
7
14.0
Total
50
100.0
Table 3 shows that 34.0% of the parents interviewed did not have any formal education.
However, during the interview, few of them indicated they were enrolled in school by
their parents but due to circumstances beyond their control they dropped out before
entering class three. Again, it is seen that 52.0% of the parents went to school and
managed to complete Junior High School obtaining a Basic Education Certificate in the
process. Yet again, there were 14.0% of the parents who also completed standard seven
in the old middle school.
It seems that since most of the parents interviewed had very low education, their interest
in their children’s education was not appreciable. The literature somehow points out that
such parents may not be well motivated to provide the necessary support and guidance to
their children in school matters. Besides they do not serve as significant role models.
The educational background of parents is significantly related to a child dropping out of
school for a couple of reasons. According to the Poor Family Socialization Theory as
championed by Rumberger (1983), the family background of a child is a significant
factor that has the tendency for the child to drop out of school early. While early family
socialization influences are many and varied, the most prominent and consistent effects
56
from the family on the child's academic success has been the parents' own education
levels (Janosz & LeBlanc, 1996). By inference, if the parent was not doing well, he/she
will be inclined to motivate the child to stay on in school even if the child is not doing
well academically but will have dropped out anyway.
4.3 Research Question One: What are the causal factors for the high rate of dropout
in the Sekyere Central District?
This research question sought to find out some of the major factors that contribute to
school dropout in the study area. The responses to this question are discussed under two
main headings - that is, external and internal factors. Basically, external factors are the
home related issues that influence school dropout. In other words, external factors are
concerned with the socio-economic background of the dropouts. The internal factors are
conditions within the school that influence the dropout process. The views of teachers
(made up of teachers and headteachers), parents and the dropouts are presented in the
same table, in both cases, to ensure concise presentation of ideas. Consequently, the
responses elicited from respondents on the external factors are presented in Table 4,
whilst the views collated on internal factors are displayed in Table 4
57
Table 4: Responses on the External Factors That Influence the Dropout Process in
the Sekyere Central District
Responses
Factors
Poor family background
Parental attitude
Weak family support
Parents
Teacher
Dropout
N (%)
N (%)
N (%)
50(100)
51(85.0)
120(100.0)
48(80.0)
45(37.5)
-
72(60.0)
39(65.0)
Low value put on schooling
36(60.0)
Child labour
45(90.0)
54(90.0)
102(85.0)
Truancy
35(70.0)
42(70.0)
24(20.0)
From Table 4, the most prominent external factor that influences the school dropout
process is poor family background of dropouts. It was seen that 85% of teachers and all
parents and the dropouts indicated that the dropout situation in the district is influenced
largely by the fact that the dropouts had come from poor family background. This finding
is situated within the Poor Family Socialisation and Structural Strains theories which
suggest that the most prominent and consistent effects from the family on the child’s
academic success has been the parents’ own educational levels (Janosz et al,1996).
Again, the poor family socialisation theory according to Hymel et al. (1996) points out
that academic, familial, school, and social variables may all play a role in the decision for
a child from poor family background to leave school early. Similarly, Rumberger (1983)
notes that studies that focus on the demographic factors have indicated that dropouts are
58
more likely to be boys than girls and that they are more likely to come from families of
low socioeconomic status.
Furthermore, results of several studies have indicated that poverty is a major contributing
factor to school dropout. For instance, the studies undertook by Brown and Park (2002);
Dachi and Garrett (2003), Hunter and May (2003), and Porteus et al (2000) highlighted
the link between poverty and school dropout. Porteus et al (2000) explained that poverty
is the most common primary and contributory reason for students to be out of school,
whilst Hunter and May (2003, p.5) emphasised poverty as “a plausible explanation of
school disruption”. On their part, Dachi and Garrett (2003) found that in Tanzania, the
families main barrier to sending children to school was financial and their inability to
pay.
One would argue that in Ghana these days, poverty cannot be used as plausible
explanation for school dropout because government takes over a chunk of the school
related costs at the basic level. But respondents explained that in spite of the capitation
grant there are some hidden costs which families are expected to bear which most of the
families can hardly afford. Issues of school uniform, exercise books, PTA dues and other
recurrent expenditures prevent most children from regularly attending school. This
eventually leads to termination.
It seems that all the other factors that come under the external factors are interrelated with
poor family background. For instance, Hunt (2008) stressed that dropping out of school is
a process and not one single event. Ananga (2010) buttressed Hunt’s point further
indicating that as children grow older, the opportunity cost of educating them becomes
59
larger, hence increasing the pressure on the children to work and earn income for the
household as opposed to spending time in education.
On the issue of child labour, 54 of teachers representing 90%, 45 parents representing
90% and 102 dropouts representing 85% agreed that it was a factor that influences school
dropout in the Sekyere Central District. Respondents explained that, sometimes children
have to help their parents on the farm to enable them raise money to pay for one school
item or another. When they fail to get the money, the child remains on the farm and does
not return to school because the school would not accept him/her unless he/she produced
the item required. In some circumstances too, the children would assist their parents in
the trading business especially on market days or better still sell in the morning before
going to school. Sometimes, after trading in the morning, the children get tired and late
for school, and because they will be punished for coming to school late, they refuse to
attend.
This point dovetails into the issue of low value placed on schooling. From Table 4, it is
evident that 36 teachers representing (60.0%) shared this view. No parent or dropout
agreed to this suggestion. They insisted that, it was poverty and not that they put low
value on education. In disagreeing with teachers’ views, parents explained that children
need to survive before they can go to school and succeed. They further said that if they
have had the opportunity of going to school, they would not be wallowing in poverty as
any casual observer can see. Teachers, on their part insisted that parents in spite of their
poor state can prioritise so that their wards can come to school on time and not skip
school because the children went out selling in the morning. Moreover, the children can
60
help parents in the evening when they have closed from school and not to be working on
the farm during school hours. This is further given credence by Ananga’s (2010) study in
Ghana and Dachi and Garrett (2003) in Tanzania. Ananga found that in Ghana, specific
work-related tasks, for example, full time child care and work in peak agricultural times
often clash with schooling times. In Tanzania, child labour is described as the main
reason behind absenteeism, repetition and drop out cases
Closely linked to the low value put on education is the factor of parental attitude towards
school. On this issue, 37.5% of dropouts agreed with the 80% of teachers that poor
parental attitude can be blamed for the incidences of school dropout in the district. The
pupils had explained that whenever they asked their parents for money to buy school
inputs, the parents would insult them and turn them off, saying they do not have anybody
to help them so they can come and stay at home. When this persists the children drop out.
The teachers’ pointed out that parents in spite of the poverty manage to procure new cloth
for every funeral that comes to their family while neglecting their wards’ school welfare.
For them, this is a poor parental attitude that smacks of misplaced priority.
Another related issue to poor parental attitude towards the ward’s schooling is weak
family support as confirmed by Sottie and Awasu (2011). Weak family support amounts
to helping one’s children in doing their homework; directing them to prepare for school,
reading over their notes and giving the needed financial assistance instead of loading
them with house chores which tend to weigh them down. The girls are the most affected
when it comes to house chores, especially, cooking and babysitting which eventually
affect their academic performance. On this issue, 60% of the teachers and 65% of parents
61
and 60% of dropouts held the view that weak family support was a factor in the school
dropout situation in the district.
The question of one’s family background is relevant to the dropout process. In their
study, Pong and Ju (2000) stated that family background is widely recognised as the
single most important contributor to success in school. Again, a family where parental
unemployment or irregular employment is the norm, it contributes to the possibility of
dropping out (Farrington, 1980). Moreover, families overcoming or experiencing martial
disharmony such as parental divorce or separation or families where parents do not insist
on their children attending school or take no notice of their absence and or do not insist
on prompt attendance to school as manifested by their children oversleeping, being late
and dislike school journeys are more likely to drop out of school (Galloway, 1976). On
the other hand children have the needed support to succeed in school (Fogelman &
Richardson, 1974).
The last external factor, which all respondents considered as one of the causes of school
dropout was children playing truancy. On this factor, 70% of teachers and parents and
20% dropouts subscribed to it. It is not surprising that the majority of dropouts do not
concur with the truancy factor. Teachers and parents pointed out some of the dropouts
nowadays are uncontrollable because no matter the punishment meted out to them, they
would still not conform to the acceptable standards of behaviour and would drop out of
school. What has become common these days is that these stubborn pupils would be seen
at video centres and computer game joints, of course operated by some members of the
community. Such children steal and use the money to patronize film watching during
62
schools hours. Others would be seen at funerals, particularly, Sunday evenings when the
funeral officially closes. The pupils who agreed with the truancy factors also gave similar
explanations but hastened to state that they drop out of school not because they were
truants but for factors beyond their control.
The truancy factor is explained by the general deviance and deviant affiliation theories.
Using the general deviance theory to explain school dropout situations, Thornberry et al
(1990) state that there is a relationship between deviant behaviour and dropout rates and
these have consistently been reported in educational literature. On their part, McGee and
Newcomb (1992) emphasise that delinquent attitudes and behaviour are shown to be
associated with low academic orientation.
Lastly, it has been observed that early sexual activity leads to
academic failure
(National Research Council, 1987). Teenagers who are not doing well in school and have
lower educational aspirations are more likely to have sex during adolescence than those
faring better in school (National Research Council, 1987). All the scenario cited are
possible in the district because watching of pornographic and violent films are not good
for growing children who tend to exhibit violent attitude towards teachers if they are
punished and eventually drop out from school. Besides, engaging in early sexual activity
leading to pregnancy will result in school dropout among the girls who may not be able to
return because of the high level of poverty.
With regards to the deviant affiliation theory, the possibility that a child whose friend is a
deviant would turn up to become a deviant himself and drop out of school in the long
run is high. This is because, as Gilmore, (1992) point out, it is an undeniable fact that
63
peers tend to influence their friends' behaviour and development. More instructively,
Battin-Pearson and Newcomb (2002) hypothesize that low academic achievement would
partially mediate the expected association between deviant affiliation and dropout. The
results of the prediction proved to be true in the end; it was found that deviant affiliation
had direct effect on school dropout over and above the mediating influence of low
academic achievement.
Table 4 presents the internal factors that influence school dropout situation in the Sekyere
Central District.
64
Table 5: Responses on the Internal Factors That Influence the Dropout Process in
the Sekyere Central District
Responses
Factors
Parents
Teachers
N (%)
N (%)
N (%)
Poor academic performance
50(100.0)
60(100.0)
75(62.5)
Teacher attitude
50(100.0)
18(30.0)
72(60.0)
Corporal punishment
22(44.0)
-
72(60.0)
Distance to school
20(40.0)
12(20.0)
42(35.0)
Poor school quality
42(84.0)
-
Dropouts
90(75.0)
Lack of teaching and learning
resources
40(80.0)
36(60.0)
78(65.0)
First and foremost, it is evident from Table 5 that poor academic performance is a major
school related cause of school dropout in the Sekyere Central District. This is because all
teacher and parent respondents agreed that poor academic performance has been a major
contributing factor to basic school dropout in the district. In the same vein, 62.5% of the
dropouts accepted that it was because of their poor academic performance that they
dropped out from school. Research clearly shows a correlation between poor academic
performance and school dropout. For instance, Rumberger and Larson (1998) found in a
study that academic achievement, as reflected in grades and test scores is a factor in
pupil’s retention in school. Similarly, it had been found that pupils, who have poor
65
academic achievement in school, are less likely to graduate or complete that segment of
schooling (Fogelman & Richardson, 1974; Farrington, 1980).
Again, Table 5 shows that teachers’ attitude is one of the internal factors that could
contribute to school dropout in the Sekyere Central District. Truly so, it was seen that all
parents and 60% of the dropouts who participated in the study as well as 30% of the
teachers agreed that teacher attitude contributed somehow to some of the pupils dropping
out from school. Research conducted in Ghana and elsewhere affirms that teacher attitude
is a contributory factor to school dropout. For example, Ampiah and Adu-Yeboah (2009)
found in a study that some school-related factors influenced school dropout and these
included teacher attitudes. Giving a more detail report about teacher attitude, Smith
(2003) found that in some schools in Zimbabwe’s Southern Province, teachers did not
prepare lessons, had no schemes of work, and left pupils’ assignments unmarked. He
went on to
state that such classroom practices and implicit lack of in-service teacher
development has serious implications for pupils’ retention in the school. However, other
research conducted in Ethiopia and Guinea found that teachers were more positive about
the participation, interest and intelligence of boys rather than girls, (Colclough et al,
2000). This state of affair in the estimation of Ames (2004) is that cases where it believed
girls will drop out from school early it becomes an attitude of self-fulfilling prophecy
when the girls eventually drop out of school.
One other factor which is considered to be a cause for pupils dropping out of school is
indiscriminate use of corporal punishment. No teacher respondent agreed to that factor,
even though 44.0% of parents and 60.0% of dropouts made that claim. The parents and
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dropouts explained that sometimes, teachers would go out of their way and met out
corporal punishment to offending pupils beyond the offence they may have committed.
The parents particularly indicated that they have had the occasion where they have to
confront teachers on the way they punish their wards but the teachers would not mind;
thus prompting pupils to think that the teachers do not like them. Teachers branded such
pupils as truants who deserved to be brought to order
Earlier studies find a correlation between the administration of corporal punishment and
school dropout. In the works of Humphreys (2006); Hunt (2008); Seidu and AdzahlieMensah (2010), use of corporal punishment is considered as widespread but while it has
been outlawed in some contexts, it is legal in others, although with varying degrees of
restriction. On their part, Boyle et al. (2002) suggested that beating and intimidation of
pupils affect their motivation to attend school. Consequently, the result of the caning and
the accompanying humiliation of pupils at the hands of teachers make them become less
motivated to go to school (PROBE, 1999).
Also, respondents (20% of teachers, 40% of parents and 35% of dropouts) believed that
distance to school was considered a factor influencing school dropout in the district. This
happened mainly at the JHS levels where not every community had one to take care of
the pupils graduating from the primary schools. The issue of distance being a factor in
school dropout has been confirmed to be so by reports from other researches. For
instance, Ananga (2010), Fentiman et al. (1999) as well as Juneja (2001) pointed out that
distance to school is an important determinant of educational access. For example, in
cases in which there are more primary schools than JHS in the locality, and in which the
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only available secondary school is further away, the distance to the latter may be
considered too far for younger children, especially girls.
Lastly from Table 5, it can be seen that 84% of parents and 75% of dropouts believed that
children had dropped out from school because of the quality of schools in the area. In the
same light, the table shows that 60% of teachers, 80% of parents and 65% of dropouts
think that lack of teaching and learning resources area also responsible. In both cases,
earlier research indicates their contribution to the problem. For example, in the case of
Sekyere Central District, Pryor and Ampiah (2003) found that parents did not consider
the education available in their community to be worthwhile because the quality of the
village school was not high enough to warrant the investment of time, energy and
economic resources at their disposal.
In the view of Brock and Cammish (1997), availability of school resources such as
textbooks, desks and blackboards has been found to influence school dropout since for
the teaching and learning processes to be effective, resources have to be in adequate
supply. The indication is that in the absence of the badly needed teaching and learning
materials such as textbooks, libraries, reference materials and audio visual aids for use by
teachers and students, those who cannot afford to procure them on their own drop out
from that school and find alternatives or leave school altogether. The issue of trained
teachers cannot be ruled out since most of the teachers in deprived communities are
untrained hence the high dropout rates in those areas.
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4.4 Research Question Two: What are the precursors to dropping out of school in
the District?
The main concern of research question two was the possible signs school dropouts
showed prior to dropping out from school completely. To this end the views that were
collated from respondents have been edited and are presented in Table 6.
Table 6: Responses on the Precursors to School dropout in the Sekyere Central
District
Responses
Precursors to school dropout
Teachers
N (%)
Parents
N (%)
Dropouts
N (%)
Irregular school attendance
57(95.0)
15(30.0)
45(37.5)
Continuous exhibition of truancy
48(80.0)
40(80.0)
34(28.3)
Lateness to school
35(58.3)
-
60(50.0)
Continuous poor academic
Performance/grade repetition
54(90.0)
36(72.0)
90(75.0)
Non-payment of school levies
30(50.0)
40(80.0)
84(70.0)
60(100.0)
18(36.0)
44(36.6)
Children in farming activities
60(100.0)
15(30.0)
54(45.0)
Children selling before school
36(60.0)
10(20.0)
39(32.5)
Continuous engagement of children
in trading activities
Continuous engagement of
From table 6 above, eight signs (precursors) are listed but it should be noted that most of
them are interrelated. For instance, children selling before attending school everyday
results in lateness to school. In the same vein, engaging children in trading and farming
activities also result in absence from school. Also, continuous absence from school could
69
result in poor academic performance and grade repetition and all these could result in
school dropout.
Table 6 shows that 95% of teachers, 30% of parents as well as 37.5% of the dropouts are
of the view that irregular school attendance is one of the foremost precursors to school
dropout. They explained that when a pupil is about to drop out he/she rarely attends
school. Besides, several research results had pointed out that one of the causes of school
dropout is irregular school attendance or continuous absenteeism. In giving credence to
this issue, Akyeampong et al (2010) indicated that students who are not at school cannot
receive instruction. This is because academic achievement scores are correlated with
school attendance. Therefore excessive school absence is a precursor of school dropout.
Sabates, et al (2010) added that irregular school attendance and very low achievement are
other precursors of school dropout. Rosenblum (2008) even considers ‘irregular school
attendance’ as hidden dropout and contends that “hidden dropout or irregular school
attendance may be the first stage of school dropout” (p.569).
One other precursor to school dropout is continuous exhibition of truancy by pupils. On
this scores, 80% each of teachers and parents as well as 28.3% of dropout agreed that
continuous display of truancy in the school or in the house is a sign that a pupil would
drop out from school if care was not taken. The theory of general deviance as postulated
by Thornberry et al (1990) shows that there is a correlation between deviant behaviour
and school dropout. On their part, Battin-Pearson and Newcomb (2002) hypothesized that
general deviance or specific aspects of deviant behaviour would have direct effects on
school dropout. Some of the deviant behaviours that are likely to affect the child’s
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academic performance and eventual school dropout are early sex, early pregnancy,
stealing, gambling, fighting, drug use and patronage of video centres during school hours.
If a pupil consistently comes to school late, he/she may be truant or not. This is because
the clear display of truancy begins with coming to school late and when the culprit is
punished he decides to skip school altogether and would come to school as and when
he/she wishes. This is what happens most of the time and if the school and parents
discover it early enough together something can be done to redeem the pupil in question.
Another angle to coming to school late can be seen from the point where the pupil stays
with an aunt or a step mother and he/she is required to do other house chores that eats
into the school reporting time. Such pupils are at risk of dropping out through no fault of
theirs. If teachers are meticulous and are able to unearth the reasons for the continual late
school attendance, that pupil can be helped to attend school on time by reasoning with the
guardian the pupil stays with.
On the other hand, if the guardian refuses to see reason, the child would eventually drop
out because the situation would be beyond him/her. Respondents are very much aware of
this precursor to school dropout because Table 5 indicates that 58.3% of teachers and
50% of pupils held that view. What matters is that late attendance to school is another
precursor to school dropout in the Sekyere Central District. It also a verifiable fact that
pupils who attend school late also absent themselves from school very often and
Continuous absence leads to school dropout.
From table 6, 36.6% of the pupils drop out of school because they engage in trading
activities. The issue of a child selling before going to school is another precursor to
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school dropout in the Sekyere Central District. This cause is situated within the context
whereby the child has to help the parents fend for the family. It is a normal practice to see
children selling in the mornings before they go to school with such pupils often coming
to school late. In some instances, for fear of being punished for coming to school late,
some of the children will not come at all and will eventually become deviants and drop
out altogether. It is clear then that such activities conflict with the child’s school times,
hence the argument that child labour impacts negatively on education, as noted by
Duryea (2003).
From the table 6, it was seen that all teachers, 36% of parents and 36.6% of dropouts
concurred on the fact that continuous engagement of children in trading activities during
school time is a precursor to dropping out of school. In the same light, all teachers, 30%
of parents and 45% of dropouts agreed that engaging children on the farm during school
hours is a recipe for school dropout. The question is what motivates parents to engage
children in trading or farming? The simple answer is that the children have to help their
family to fend for the family.
Many studies have found that family income and economic background is a factor that
cannot be discounted when it comes to school dropout. For example in Ghana, Hunt,
(2008) found that children who combined child labour with schooling often suffered and
could not attend school regularly. Again, Hashim (2005) found that rural children’s work
were influential in their dropping out from school in the northern region of Ghana.
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The last factor that respondents agreed that acted as a precursor to school dropout in the
Sekyere Central District is non-payment of school levies. Table 6 shows that 50% of
teachers, 80% of parents and 70% of dropouts think that children’s inability to pay school
levies is a precursor to school dropout. As a result of the Government of Ghana’s policy
on the capitation grant, pupils do not pay school fees but each school charges parents
with the view of mobilizing funds to complement government efforts. The consensus
among respondents is that children’s inability to pay the levies a school charges leads to
absenteeism and eventual dropping out. This issue can be linked with family income and
economic background of families. Highlighting on the issue, Hunt (2008) found that
household income is an important factor in determining access to education as schooling
potentially incurs a range of costs, both upfront and hidden.
It is reasonable to expect that if parents cannot feed their wards, they cannot pay for
levies which sometimes are not properly explained to them. Besides, government has
seen the need to lift that burden off the shoulders of parents but the school authorities
continue to disregard this fact and burden parents with the payment of levies.
4.5 Research Question Three: Are there gender differentials in relation to school
dropouts in the Sekyere Central District?
This research question sought to find out if there was any gender differential in relation to
the school dropout cases in the Sekyere Central District. From the responses collated the
answer to that question is ‘Yes’. In line with this response, Table 7 presents the gendered
nature of school dropout in the district as at the time of data collection.
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Table 7: Responses on the Gender Differential among School Dropouts in the
Sekyere Central District
Level at which a pupil dropped out
Boys
Girls
Total
Lower Primary
10
5
15
Upper Primary
37
23
60
Junior High
13
32
45
Total
60
60
120
It is clear from Table 6 that out of the 120 dropouts who were contacted, 60(50%) of
them were girls and the remaining were boys. The significant thing to note is that at the
Junior High School level the proportion of girls as opposed to boys is high. The reasons
that were given for this high rate were that most of the girls became pregnant. They were
made to take care of younger siblings, help their parents or guardians in trading activities
while a few of them worked on the farm. Regarding the boys, they were mostly truants
who did not do well academically and so were made to repeat class and that led to
dropping out. The reasons given by respondents are in tandem with research findings.
In different studies, Kane (2004), Brock and Cammish (1997) and Canagarahaj and
Coulombe (1997) established the fact that there is gender differentials in school dropout
due to some reasons. On their part, Brock and Cammish (1997) found that girls drop out
of school to look after younger siblings, which is a fact in Ghana. According to, Kane
(2004) many a times girls are engaged in duties that are likely to affect their schooling
compared to boys. This affects their academic performance which may lead to grade
repetition.
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Similarly, Canagarahaj and Coulombe (1997) found that in many contexts, girls take on a
heavier workload including domestic/household chores, whereas boys are more likely to
be involved in agricultural duties and the formal labour market, though, “it can also be
the case that girls are employed in traditional agriculture” (p.47).
One pertinent reason why more girls seemed to have dropped out at the JHS level than
boys is the value that society places on girl’s formal education. Teacher respondents and
a section of the girls who dropped out indicated that because of the family’s inability to
provide for their school needs, it was decided that the boys should continue schooling
whilst the girls helped in the house chores, which is likely to boost the family’s income.
The ultimate reason is that the girls will be married off by someone or they may become
pregnant and drop out any, so why should they continue if they can read and write their
names. It is also true that some of the girls became pregnant and could not continue
because by the time they delivered, they felt shy to go back to the same class where their
peers had moved on.
4.6 Research Question Four: What are the effects of dropping out of school on the
children in the research area?
Series of responses were elicited from respondents on the effects the dropout have on the
children and on society where they live. The responses that were collated are presented in
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Table 8: Effects of School Dropout in the Sekyere Central District
Responses
The effects of school dropout
Teachers
Parents
Dropouts
N (%)
N (%)
N (%)
Increase in social vices
42(70.0)
30(60.0)
40(33.3)
Increase in teenage pregnancy
15(25.0)
24(48.0)
27(22.5)
Perpetual poverty
48(80.0)
29(58.0)
21(17.5)
Underdevelopment of the area
30(50.0)
26(52.0)
30(25.0)
among the youth
55(91.7)
12(24.0)
78(65.0)
Increased streetism and street hacking
33(55.0)
37(74.0)
64(53.3)
Increased gangsterism
25(41.7)
5(10.0)
Increase in unemployment
-
First and foremost, all respondents agreed that one of the effects of school dropout is the
increase in social vices. Seventy percent of teachers, 60% of parents and 33.3% of the
dropouts concurred with the proposition that school dropout could lead to increase in
social vices such as stealing, truancy, disrespect for the elderly among others in society.
This is because most of the school dropouts might have dropped out and has nothing
meaningful doing.
Research conducted in the United States and other developed countries have found a
correlation between increase in social vices and school dropout. For example, the United
States General Accounting Office (2002) indicates that “about 30 percent of federal and
40 percent of state prison inmates are school dropouts” (p.5). In Ghana, a casual
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observation of court proceedings in Ghana would show that most of the suspects who
have been accused of one demeanour or another are semi-literates (school dropouts).
From Table 8 it is seen that 25% of teachers, 48% of parents and 22.5% of dropouts
agreed that teenage pregnancy is another social vice may result from dropping out of
school. The explanation that was given to this issue was that girls who drop out of school
because of poverty are likely to become pregnant in their teens or engagement in premarital sex which is a social vice. One of the associated effects is that the boy or man
responsible for the pregnancy is likely to refuse responsibility because he is not prepared
to give birth, thus leaving the pregnant girl with no one to share her financial burdens
with than herself or the poor family. The child to be born is likely not to attend school or
attend very late and would drop out some day for the same reason for which the mother
left school unceremoniously. In brief, one of the effects of school dropout is increase in
the teenage pregnancy phenomenon in the Sekyere Central District.
In a related issue, dropout respondents disagreed that school dropout can lead to
gangsterism. However, few parents (10%) and about 42% of teachers accepted the view
that school dropouts could become gangsters. Presently, gangsterism has become a
menace in the Ghanaian society. Many people believe that the majority of the gang
members are school dropouts. Even though the study was conducted in a rural district, the
possibility of the dropouts being recruited to engage in anti-social activities in the urban
areas is very high.
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In the same light, the issue of streetism come into the discussion. Regarding this issue,
53.3% of the dropouts agreed that it is a likely effect of dropping out, as they have to
leave the village, to go the urban centres in order to find jobs to do. They explained that
whilst in the city they could do shoe shine or sell iced water and many other things which
do not require any qualification. The view point of the dropouts was supported by 55% of
the teachers and 74% of the parents. The parents also explained that there are no jobs for
the youth in the village except farming so it would be better if they move to the urban
areas to work so that they can mobilise some resources to help their siblings back home.
All respondents however accepted that hawking is inappropriate because it is illegal to
sell on the streets especially under traffic lights.
Again, from Table 7, other significant effects of school dropout that respondents agreed
could emanate from the school dropout phenomenon are, poverty in the family the child
comes from, underdevelopment of the area and increase in youth unemployment. Table 7
shows that 80% of teachers as well as 58% of parents and 17.5% of dropouts think that
dropping out could lead to inter-generational poverty. They agreed that if someone left
school because of poverty and ends up as peasant family, the cycle will continue because
the family will not earn enough to get out of poverty. However, if the dropout decides to
take the bull by the horn and undertakes a farming venture that is ambitious he/she would
be able to break the cycle of poverty in the long run. Even those who become street
hawkers could succeed if they worked hard enough.
Furthermore, Table 8 indicates that 52% of parents, 50% of teachers and 25% of dropouts
held the view that school dropout can lead to underdevelopment of the area since
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education is an agent of development. Another effect of school dropout is that of high
rate of youth unemployment in the research area. 91.7% of teachers, 65% of dropouts and
24% of parents responded affirmatively to this. Respondents agreed that the world is
changing so there is an overriding need for people in the area to the educated.
If majority of the people are not educated, they would not be able to participate
meaningfully in local and national affairs. If it is tied in with youth unemployment, then
it means that the available formal job vacancies will go to people who do not come from
the place. This is because the more educated the people are, they acquire the pre-requisite
skills and competences that enable them get good jobs. This results in handsome returns
in terms of better incomes. Part of which can be used to provide quality shelter for their
families beside those provided by government. When they are properly educated they
would be able to lobby with the government for needed social amenities which they
would not able to do if they do not have classmates or do not know how to go about it. It
has been seen that people with better education also get better paid jobs and they educate
their children to the highest levels and this eventually reflect in the lives of their
immediate and extended families.
As Kemple and Snipes (2000) have pointed out, school dropout cases have huge financial
and economic effect on the individual and society at large. They explained that
uneducated people cannot earn substantial money to be able to help their families out of
poverty and this means school dropouts will not be able to get out of poverty. In the same
vein, Banerjee and Duflo (2006) emphasised that dropping out of school largely impedes
one’s chances of future success. They say that once the effects of school dropout deepen,
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the cycle of poverty continues into future generations of that family. Thus, the solution is
to receiving a good education to guarantee a lifeline to lift oneself out of poverty.
Finally, all respondents agreed with the assertion that a nation’s children are its future
workers, citizens and leaders. Hence, education remains the major tool by which people
become empowered and the economic, social, and personal well-being of all citizens in a
pluralistic society increases. A high school dropout rate diminishes the pool of qualified
people from diverse backgrounds who will enter the professional and political ranks that
make important public policy decisions for national development. Every school’s mission
is to educate children to become knowledgeable, responsible, socially skilled, healthy,
caring and contributing citizens.
4.7 Conclusion
The presentation of results was done in response to the four research questions that
guided the data collection. Thus, research question one was devoted to the causal factors
that accounted for high school dropout in the Sekyere Central District; research question
two was on the precursors to school dropout; the third one had to do with gender
differentials in school dropout cases in the district and finally, the effects of school
dropout on the children who have dropped out of school.
There is a clear indication that the home seems to be the major cause of school dropout in
the study area. The reasons identified showed that most of the children came from low
income homes coupled with large family size. This finding lends support to the literature,
For instance, Anderson (1998) found that in both developed and developing countries.
80
children who come from poor families do not enrol in school. Again, Hunt (2008) and
Obeng (2007) found that poverty is seen to be the most common reason for children to be
out of school. In this instance, household income is often correlated with when children
start school, how often they attend and whether they temporarily withdraw and if they
would drop out.
Another finding also indicated that most of the children who had dropped out of school
had parents with low or no educational background. This correlates with the existing
literature that the educational background becomes a challenge to the children who
compete to achieve their parents’ level of education or go beyond. Parents with low level
of education are said not to offer this challenge to their children (Hunt, 2007). It can be
argued that parents who have attained higher education invest and care more about their
children’s education as compared to parents with low or no educational background.
Furthermore, it came to light that more girls drop out at the JHS level more than boys.
This is not as a result of teenage pregnancy but rather as a result of supporting to run the
home. This confirms the findings of Kingdon (1999b) that the deeply embedded
undervaluation of female labour identified primarily with reproductive or household
chore, underlie the belief in many communities that educating females bring low returns
as skills required in the reproductive sphere demand domestic socialisation and not many
years of schooling. Some of the effects of dropout included unemployment, high
dependency rate and high rate of social vices, which finally lead to low development.
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CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.0 Introduction
This chapter of the thesis covers the summary of findings, conclusions and
recommendations based on the findings.
5.1 Summary
The study explored the causal factors that account for school dropout in the Sekyere
Central District in the Ashanti Region. Owing to this, the background of the study
established the fact that for every nation to flourish, it needs to ensure that its citizens,
particularly the youth, are appropriately educated and imbued with the needed skills.
Also, the background noted that the schooling process is sometimes bedevilled with
issues of dropout cases that need to be dealt with so that a nation’s objective of human
resource development would materialise. The issue of school dropout was looked at from
the global perspective and brought to the local scene because its occurrence is worldwide
and several researches have been done in that direction.
The study was guided by four research questions, which focused on the factors that
account for high school dropout in the district, precursors to school dropout, effects of
school dropout and whether there was any gender differential in the school dropout in the
Sekyere Central District.
The background to the study, statement of the problem and research questions informed
the literature review for the study. Thus, the literature was reviewed along themes such as
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conceptual and theoretical framework of school dropout, discourses on school dropout,
external and internal factors of school dropout and the consequences of school dropout.
The methodology gave details on the research design adopted for the study, description of
the population for the study, sample and sampling procedures used for selecting
participants, instruments used for data collection, data collection and analysis procedures.
Data obtained from the field through interviews were analysed and presented on the basis
of the main research questions of the study.
5.2 Summary of Findings
The results of the study showed that there were two main causal factors, which are
internal and external factors. The external factors emanated from the dropout’s home and
family background and the society where the dropout lived. The most pre-eminent of the
external factors were poor family background, child labour and truancy. Other external
factors were parental attitude, weak family support and low value put on education by the
community where the dropout hailed from.
The internal factors were attributed to the school environment and educational policy.
These factors included poor academic performance, distance to school, corporal
punishment, teacher’s attitude, quality of school and lack of teaching and learning
resources. Regarding these factors, poor academic performance, distance to school,
teacher’s attitude and lack of teaching and learning resources were the most potent as far
as the causes of school dropout was concerned.
83
The study also elicited responses on the precursors to the school dropout challenge in the
Sekyere Central District. From the results that emerged seven signs were very obvious in
the conduct of the school dropouts but one was not very visible but could not be
discounted as a precursor to school dropout either. The factors include: irregular school
attendance, continuous exhibition of truancy, poor academic performance/grade
repetition, non-payment of school levies, engagement in work before going to school,
continuous engagement of children in farming and trading activities and late attendance
at school.
On gender differentials in the school dropout case, the results showed that the overall
school dropout rate was 50% each for girls and boys. The significant difference was that
at the primary level, more boys than girls dropped out and at the JHS level more girls
seemed to drop out. The reasons for more girls dropping out at the JHS level were that
most of the girls became pregnant, were made to take care of younger siblings, helped
their parents or guardians in trading activities as a few of them worked on the farm. The
reasons common to boys and girls were poor academic performance leading to grade
repetition. Besides, truancy was a major factor in the case of boys dropping out.
The last objective of the study was the impact of school dropout on the children. Even
though the emphasis was on the dropouts themselves, it is seen that society will feel the
impact in very many negative ways. Consequently, the results indicated that there would
be increment in social vices such as stealing, gansterism and gambling among the
dropouts. There would also be increase in teenage pregnancies and unwanted children,
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increase in unemployment among the youth and long term poverty because the youth are
unskilled and so would not be employable.
5.3 Recommendations
Some pertinent recommendations are being proposed based on the findings of the study.
These recommendations are directed to policy makers, educational administrators,
teachers, parents and all stakeholders in education because they need to work together to
stem the tide of school dropout in the Sekyere Central District.
Firstly, since pupils who drop out from school show behaviours that indicate the
likelihood to drop out, teachers should draw the attention of the parents to the trend and
nib such behaviours in the bud. Also, the attention of school counsellor can be drawn to
this for appropriate counselling. Alternatively, teachers as surrogate parents can counsel
the children to be of good behaviour.
Again, on the precursors to school dropout, parents and guardians are urged to stop
engaging their wards on the farm or in trading activities during school hours and before
school. It has been seen that pupils who consistently go to school late tend to stop all
together. On this score, teachers should rather sympathise with pupils who are engaged in
labour before school hours and attend school late instead of unnecessary victimisation.
It was seen that poor family background and lack of family support were attributable to
school dropout. Based on these, it is recommended that both the school and community
should endeavour to work together so that such children could be helped with financial
assistance to continue schooling. More specifically, the government should help parents
85
and families to be economically stable so that they can conveniently help their wards to
go to school. This can be done by setting up income generating activities such as soap
making, gari processing and batik tie and dye.
Also, it is recommended that parents should get involved in their children’s education
since this can make a difference between academic success and failure. It has been
observed that pupils do well academically, when their parents show concern in their
schooling; they are likely to remain in school even if their academic performance does
not appreciate.
In respect of the clash between the arrangement of the academic year and seasonal
activities that pull children out of school, policy on the school calendar should be
reformed to adopt it to local seasonal migration. School calendars must be flexible if the
authorities are to address persistent drop out from school, which is caused by seasonality
of economic and agricultural activities that encourage dropout from school.
Policy on compulsory universal basic education should be localized, thus empowering
regional authorities to ensure that children are enrolled and attend school regularly.
Where communities condone child labour, school authorities and other stakeholders
working in the education arena have to work closely with community leaders in order to
institute measures that will discourage parents and other community members from
exploring child labour to ensure that the goals of education for all are met
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In addition, there should be training of more guidance and counselling coordinators for
our schools to help children know their worth and pursue the correct programmes in
relations to their intellectual abilities and interests.
The district assembly, in conjunction with community leaders, needs to make by-laws to
ensure that children go to school and at least complete the basic level, which is free now.
The parent’s teachers association (PTA) and school management committee (SMCs) and
school authorities should be formed to monitor the attendance of children in school.
Through their activities they can identify children who are genuinely in need to the
district assembly for sponsorship.
5.4 limitations
The constraint of easy accessibility to some of the selected respondents was overt
because of the vastness of the District and socio-economic activities of the people.
Besides, there was the challenge of recruiting research assistants to support data
collection because of the desirability of in-depth contextual knowledge. The study was
limited in scope, since it did not cover the whole country to generalize the findings.
5.5 Conclusions
This study has shown that dropping out of school cannot be attributed to one single event.
Rather school dropout is influenced by a range of interacting factors, some of which are
specific to the individual child. These factors include parental irresponsibility and socioeconomic background of the family. Apart from these general factors, there were other
external factors that could be blamed on society and the individual dropouts themselves.
87
Additionally, the internal factors that emanate from the school environment and
educational policies accounted for the incidence of school dropout in the Sekyere Central
District.
Certainly, incidence of school dropout has some negative consequences for the
individual, the family, the society and the nation at large. When there are many social
vices they result in a wave of crimes which pose security threat. Also, dropout cases
result in youth unemployment because those who drop out and who would not learn any
form of trade would be unskilled leading to youth unemployment. Thus, the
consequences of school dropout to the individual, the family and the nation are
enormous. In view of these, it is imperative for stakeholders in the education delivery
process to put the wheels to the ground and come out with pragmatic measures to deal
with the issue once and for all.
5.6 Suggestions for Future Research
In the light of the findings of this thesis, it is recommended that the following areas must
be considered for future research:
1. The relationship between parental occupation and children’s academic performance.
2. A comparative study of school dropout in rural and urban school areas in the Sekyere
central district.
3. The extent school dropouts are involved in criminal activities.
88
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APPENDIX A
INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR PARENTS
TOPIC: SCHOOL DROPOUT AMONG BASIC SCHOOL PUPILS IN GHANA. A
CASE STUDY OF THE SEKYERE CENTRAL DISTRICT OF THE ASHANTI
REGION OF GHANA.
Please this interview is solely for an academic purpose and would therefore be treated
with the necessary confidentiality. Kindly respond to the following questions in a free
and frank manner.
Name
……………….....................................................….
Age………………………
sex…………………….occupation…...............................……...
Educational
level………………….
Marital
status
single……
married……..
Divorced……….
Number of children ……………………….
1. Do you know the name person?
2. What is your relationship with him/ her?
3. Why is he/ she out of school?
4.
For how long has your ward been out of school?
5. What do you think are some of the factors that pushed your child out of school?
6. Did he/ she show any sign that he /she will drop out of school? If yes mention
some of the signs?
7. Are you able to provide him/her his or her needs?
academic needs? If yes how? If no give reasons?
8. What have you done to get your ward back to school?
105
Most especially their
9. What has your ward being doing now that he /she is out of school?
10. Do you have any plans to get your ward back to school in the future?
11. Have you ever contacted the school authorities about the situation? If yes what
did they do? If no why?
12. In your opinion what do you think must be done to minimize the problem?
106
APPENDIX B
INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR HEAD TEACHERS
TOPIC: SCHOOL DROPOUT AMONG BASIC SCHOOL PUPILS IN GHANA. A
CASE STUDY OF THE SEKYERE CENTRAL DISTRICT OF THE ASHANTI
REGION OF GHANA.
Please this interview is solely for an academic purpose and would therefore be
treated with the necessary confidentiality. Kindly respond to the following questions
in a free and frank manner.
1. Name of school?
2. How is dropout a problem in your institution?
3. Were the pupils officially enrolled in this school?
4. Would you please tell me how the factors listed below lead to their dropout?

School factors

Home factors

Individual factors
5. Is there a gender differential in dropouts? If yes what do you think is the
explanation?
6. Do dropouts show any signs when they want to dropout?
7. Please share with me some of the signs that they exhibit to indicate that they want
to dropout?
8. What does your school do when you identify such children?
9. What become of those children who dropped out of school?
10. In your opinion what must be done to minimize the problem?
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APPENDIX C
INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR TEACHERS
TOPIC: SCHOOL DROPOUT AMONG BASIC SCHOOL PUPILS IN GHANA. A
CASE STUDY OF THE SEKYERE CENTRAL DISTRICT OF THE ASHANTI
REGION OF GHANA.
Please this interview is solely for an academic purpose and would therefore be
treated with the necessary confidentiality. Kindly respond to the following questions
in a free and frank manner
Name of school …
Number of years taught in this school…
Sex: female
1. Once pupils are enrolled, do they all stay till they complete school?
2.
If no please explain what happens?
3. Those who dropout do they have peculiar characteristics they exhibit?
4. If yes share with me some of those identified characteristics?
5. In your opinion how does these factors cause pupils to dropout out of school

School factors

Home factors

Individual factors
6. Percentage wise, which people have shown high dropout out rate: boys or girls
7. What becomes of those who drop out of school?
8. What has been the attitude of parents towards their children’s education? Any
relationship with dropout?
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9. What are the academic achievements and occupations of parents whose wards
drop out of school?
10. In your opinion what do you think must be done to minimize the problem
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APPENDIX D
INTERVIEW GUIDE FOR PUPILS
TOPIC: SCHOOL DROPOUT AMONG BASIC SCHOOL PUPILS IN GHANA. A
CASE STUDY OF THE SEKYERE CENTRAL DISTRICT OF THE ASHANTI
REGION OF GHANA.
Please this interview is solely for an academic purpose and would therefore be
treated with the necessary confidentiality. Kindly respond to the following questions
in a free and frank manner.
NAME:……………………. AGE:…………………… CLASS…….………. SEX M/F
1. Tell me the story from the beginning till now.
2. Why did you decide to drop out of school?
3. Whom are you staying with? ;
4. What work do they do?
5. Who takes care of you?
6. How many siblings do you have?
7. If you have to pay something at school, who pays?
8. What challenges do you face outside school that affects your decision about
schooling?
9. How do the challenges facing you outside school make you feel about schooling?
10. Did you talk to somebody? What advice did the person give?
11. How did it help you?
12. When not in school what do you do?
13. Have you thought of going back to school? If yes give reasons if no give reasons
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14. Who ensures that you go back to school?
15. Has anyone in your household ever contacted with a school about you dropping
out of school and to help you get back to school?
School and classroom factors
1. How did you see the school and the classroom environment?
2. Explain the kind of relationship that existed between pupils and teachers?
3. How were they treating you when teaching?
4. Did that kind of relationship contribute to you dropping out of school?
5. Has anyone from your school had contact with someone in your household
about why you have dropped out of school and to get you back to school?
6. How was your academic performance good/ bad/ average?
7. Did that contribute to you dropping out of school?
8. Do you have other friends who have dropped out of school?
9. What reasons have they given to their decisions to drop out of school
10. Other critical issues that influence pupil’s aspirations towards schooling
1. Are you working?
2. How many hours do you work in a day
3. Do you get paid?
4. What do you use the money for?
5. Did this work influence your decision to drop out?
6. What do you want to be in future?
7. Would you like to go back to school? If yes give reasons? if no give reasons?
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8. Do you think you will ever go back to school? If yes how do you hope to this
happen? What will you do? Has anyone spoken to you about going back to
school? Yes my teacher
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