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CH A PT E R
9
Realidades Culturales y Identidades
Dimensionadas: The Complexities of
Latinas’ Diversities
Alberta M. Gloria and Jeanett Castellanos
Abstract
To understand the realities and complexities of Latinas’ multidimensionality of identities, this chapter
addresses the different sociocontextual considerations and cultural dimensions and roles with which
they contend. Implementing a gender-cultural strength lens, the ways by which Latinas infuse their
multiplicity of identities as a strength-based and powerful process are examined. Through the bridging
of Latinas’ cultural and familial costumbres, valores, y practicas culturales (customs, values, and cultural
practices), the chapter emphasizes the energetically spiritual transmissions of Latinas’ internal strength
patron (blueprint) while (re)defining una buena mujer and the process of tranformation to una Latina
poderosa (a powerful Latina).
Key Words: Latinas, identities, cultural values, with-group heterogeneity, gender roles, spirituality,
mestisaje
Long-standing questions for Latinas are those
addressing ¿Quién somos? (Who are we?), ¿Cómo
estamos? (How are we?), and ¿Qué somos? (What
are we?). From whose voice, from what perception or assumption, or from what role and context
are Latinas defined? All too frequently, Latinas are
aggregated as a single group, with similar values,
beliefs, and behaviors, without consideration of the
dimensionalized identities and multiplicity of roles,
influencing contexts and circumstances, and complex nuances that create the lived experiences of different Latinas in the United States. In elucidating
the intertwining of Latinas’ identities and processes,
it is necessary to address considerations of context,
difference, moderating processes, and cultural considerations in the theory and research of exploring
and understanding ¿Quién son Latinas? (Who are
Latinas?).
Estableciendo el Contexto
(Setting the Context)
To create a context in describing and lending
definition to Latinas’ experience, a brief overview
of general descriptors of who Latinas are within the
United States is necessary. As this chapter cannot
provide the scope, depth, and detail of each characteristic dimension of Latinas, select and consistently
identified dimensions from which to understand
Latinas are provided. Doing so will call further
attention to the range and complexities inherent to
Latina identities.
¿Qué es lo que me llaman—Qué es lo que me
llamo? (What Am I Called—What Do
I Call Myself?)
The term “Latina” in and of itself encompasses
multiple identities and the aggregation of identity
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dimensions. First, the label “Latina” is a gendered
term that intertwines gender and race/ethnicity. That
is, the term “Latino” is gendered as it refers to both
males and females (i.e, Latinos) or males only (i.e.,
Latinos). The term Latinos places males as the “standard” or norm from which females must call attention to differentiate their gender (e.g., Latino/a).
The subjugation of identity through language (and
terminology) is a well-known and scholarly debated
conversation (Comas-Díaz, 2001; Dernersesian,
1993; Oboler, 1995) in finding voice and identity
for Latinas. For example, how does a Latina identify
when in a group of Latino males? If she identifies as
a Latina, she is inherently placing her gender before
her ethnicity and is open to criticism from her male
counterparts for not having solidarity to ethnicity.
Yet, she is de-emphasizing her womanhood should
she identify with her ethnicity first (i.e., Latino). It
is an on-going consideration to identify both gender
and ethnicity are identified simultaneously (Latina/o)
in order to honor the full range of Latinas’ identities. Choosing gender before ethnicity (i.e., a/o) as
opposed to ethnicity prior to gender (i.e., o/a) is
a seemingly small choice (i.e., spelling), yet the selection of a self-referent and self-identification is an
important part of the meaning-making process for
Latina identity (Comas-Díaz, 2001). The emphasis
of gender before race/ethnicity (i.e., a/o versus o/a)
is a political and even ideological struggle, as Latinas
have been omitted or marginalized from sociocultural and sociopolitical systems and processes that are
male-privileged (Dernersesian, 1993). Nonetheless,
choosing a self-referent is one of the first of many layers inherent to the identity of Latinas as a means of
resistance (Sandoval, 2008) and a “straddling of borders” that are often imposed by others (Viramontes,
2008, p. x).
Whether a Latina chooses a self-referent that is
reflective of ethnicity (e.g., Peurana), ethnicity and
geographic region (e.g., Nuyorican), sociopolitical identity (e.g., Xicana), indigenous origins (e.g.,
Taíno), spiritual connection and indigenous roots
(e.g., Mestiza), or generational status and ethnicity
(e.g., Boricua), it is the self-ascribed meaning and
psychological implications that are ultimately of
most relevance (Padilla, 1995; Quintana & Scull,
2009). “Hispanic” was a governmentally imposed
term with colonial implications (García & Marotta,
1997), in which ethnicities were not identified as
a race (Ennis, Ríos-Vargas, & Albert, 2011; Saenz,
2010), yet a racially-mixed population (SantiagoRivera, Arredondo, & Gallardo-Cooper, 2002). The
ability to name and emphasize salient dimensions of
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identity through self-referents has become a source
of strength and resistance for many Latinas (ComasDíaz, 2001; Gloria, 2001).
Also inherent to the term “Latina” is the combining and subsuming of vastly different ethnicities and heritages. Specifically, the within-group
heterogeneity included within the pan-ethnic term
of Latina/o (Comas-Díaz, 2001; Oboler, 1995)
includes individuals of Mexican, Puerto Rican, and
South and Central American heritage. Similarly,
the term commingles and even de-emphasizes the
historical and social oppressions, languages, religions, generational and immigration statuses, and
processes of being Latina (Gonzalez, 2000; Oboler,
1995). Although no definitive answer has emerged
from the long-standing debate as to whether the
term “Hispanic” (as per U.S. Census) or “Latino”
(i.e., Latina/o, Latino/a, or even Latin@) is the most
culturally appropriate or accurate, this chapter will
use the term “Latina” to reference a group of women
who have culturally similar yet vastly different characteristics and sociocultural realities.
Dimensiones de la identidad
(Dimensions of Identity)
Although a discussion of each descriptive dimension influencing Latinas is beyond the scope of this
chapter, several of the most salient considerations
that engender the multiple differences subsumed
within the term are addressed. Despite the assumed
homogeneity of Latinas, contradicting realities and
processes exist. The way by which Latinas navigate
and traverse the contradictions of identities and
physical and psychological borders is perhaps best
brought to life by the poignant poem of self and
identity by Gloria Anzaldúa (1993, p. 97), “To Live
in the Borderlands Means You,”
To survive the Borderlandsyou must live sin
fronteras,be a crossroads.
A Large and Growing Population
Counted as individuals of any race, Latina/os
are the largest U.S. minority group (Passel, Cohn,
& Lopez, 2011), with a projected population of
132.8 million by 2050 (i.e., 30% of the nation’s
population; Ennis et al., 2011). As of the 2010 U.S.
Census, the Latina/o population was estimated at
50.5 million, or 16.3% of the total U.S. population, having increased 15.2 million over the last
decade and accounting for more than half of the
total U.S. population increase (i.e., 27.3 million;
Ennis et al., 2011). Although exceeding four times
the national population growth rate since 2000, the
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overall growth rate for Latina/os was lower than in
previous decades (Passel et al., 2011).
Much like the previous 2000 report, Latina/os of
Mexican, Puerto Rican, and Cuban origin remain
the largest groups as per the 2010 census (Lopez &
Dockterman, 2011). Based on country of origin,
those of Mexican descent comprise 63% of the U.S.
Latina/o population, followed by those of Puerto
Rican (9.2%) and Cuban (3.5%) origin (Ennis et
al., 2011). Yet, the diversity of Latina/os is changing
considerably as the growth rate of the Guatemalan
(180%), Salvadorian (152%), Colombian (93%)
and Dominican (85%) country-of-origin populations rose substantially over the last decade. By
comparison, the Puerto Rican (36%) and Cuban
(44%) populations had a lower growth rate (Ennis
et al., 2011).
As the diversity of ethnicities has changed,
so have the areas in which Latina/os live. Nine
states have consistently had the largest established
Latina/o communities (i.e., Arizona, California,
Colorado, Florida, Illinois, New Mexico, New
Jersey, New York, and Texas); however, nine other
states had a 100% or more increase in populations
in the last ten years. Primarily in the Southeastern
portion of the U.S., the Latina/o populations
are steadily growing in South Carolina (148%),
Alabama (145%), Tennessee (134%), Kentucky
(122%), Arkansas (114%), North Carolina (111%),
Mississippi (116%), Maryland (106%), and South
Dakota (103%) (Passel et al., 2011). Although the
numbers of Latina/os who live in the high Latina/o
population states have decreased over the decades
(i.e., 76% in 2010, 81% in 2000, 86% in 1990),
the largest number of Latina/os continue to live
in California in Los Angeles county (4.7 million)
(Passel et al., 2011). Clearly, the ethnic diversity
and subsequent sociopolitical processes of immigration are increasing the diaspora of Latina/os in the
United States.
Immigration and Generational Status
As a function of the reason for and the process
of immigration to the United States, many Latinas
are challenged to define first-time and lifelong identities as “minorities” (Arredondo, 1991; Gloria,
2001; Ginorio, Gutiérrez, Cauce, & Acosta, 1995).
The timing (e.g., Puerto Ricans after World War II)
and context (e.g., Cubans as political refugees) for
different Latina/o racial and ethnic groups coming
to the United States create a sociopolitical blueprint
that informs the larger conceptualization of what
it means to be Latina in the United States (Gloria,
2001; Gloria & Segura-Herrera, 2004). The blueprint is further impacted by Latinas’ legal status
or citizenship as they adapt and integrate within
their communities and access resources and services (Gonzales, 2007; Ortega, Fang, Perez, Rizzo,
Carter-Pokras, Wallace, & Gelberg, 2007).
As the time from original immigration increases
(i.e., familial generations born in the U.S.), there
is the amplified propensity for intergenerational
conflict or disagreement regarding the relevance,
application, and engagement of cultural values
between the generations (e.g., grandparents, parents, children) (Dennis, Basaíez, & Farahmand,
2010). Increasingly, differences in adherence to
cultural values and approaches (i.e., acculturative
gaps) become part of the lived experiences in claiming and living out different identities (Hurtado &
Cervantez, 2009). Given that U.S.-born Latina/
os are outpacing immigration as the key source
of growth, Suro and Passel (2003) estimated that
in the next 20 years, second-generation Latinos
(i.e., the U.S.-born children of immigrants) will be
the largest subpopulation of Latina/os, which will
have immediate consequences for school systems
(Suro & Passel, 2003). As a fast-growing and young
population, Latina/o children are entering the U.S.
educational school system, which is inadequately
prepared to provide language resources (e.g., bilingual teachers, translators for parents and families),
an integrated curriculum (e.g., Latina/o history and
contributions to U.S. history), and professional
training considerations (e.g., cultural competence,
assessment of student persistence, cultural audits)
(Quijada & Alvarez, 2006). Critical to immigration
and generation status, however, is the emotional and
psychological proximity to those experiences that
prompted immigration (e.g., economic need, political unrest, physical violence). It is “the emotional
and physical legacy of war and trauma exposure”
(Kaltman, Green, Mete, Shara, & Miranda, 2010,
p. 32) for Latina/o first-generation immigrants that
becomes part of the survival and transmission of
different values and practices that shape Latinidad
(the meaning of being Latina/o) and la condición de
la mujer (womanhood).
El lenguaje de la identidad (The Language
of Identity)
Almost two-thirds (62%) of the 55.4 million who
speak a language other than English speak Spanish
(34.5 million). From 1980 to 2007, the percentage
of individuals who spoke Spanish at home increased
210.8% (23.4 million more individuals) (Shin &
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Kominski, 2010). Understandably, Latina/os who
were non-U.S. born (73%) were more likely to speak
English less than “very well,” compared to U.S.born Spanish speakers (21%). Although language
ability differs based on native status for Latina/os of
different ethnicities as well as socioeconomic standing, nearly half of Latina/os are bilingual (speaking
Spanish at home and speaking English well to very
well) (Saenz, 2010).
Although able to speak English, many Latina/os
have a strong preference to hablar Español en casa
(speak Spanish at home) (Santiago-Rivera et al.,
2002). The use of Spanish has been linked to comfort and willingness to discuss personal or intimate
matters (Gloria, Ruiz, & Castillo, 2004), in particular for conversations that are emotion-oriented
(Echeverry, 1997; Santiago-Rivera, Altarriba, Poll,
Gonzalez-Miller, & Cragun, 2009). As communication in one’s native language (Spanish) is more natural and facilitates free expression, Santiago-Rivera
and Altarriba (2002) argued that Spanish-English
bilingual Latina/os “represent emotional words differently in their two languages and typically associate these words with a broader range of emotions in
their first language . . . ” (p. 33). Despite differences
in dialect (based on region and ethnic group) and
language ability, the Spanish language is frequently
considered a primary process for maintaining cultural tradition and identity (Santiago-Rivera &
Altarriba, 2002; Santiago-Rivera et al., 2009).
Yet, being Latina/o and being a heritage-language Spanish speaker are erroneously assumed to
be synonymous (Ardila, 2005) and result in the
frequent essentialization of Latina/os (e.g., “Real
Latina/os speak Spanish,” Gloria, 2001). Yet, there
exists great variability of Spanish language mastery
among Latina/os, from native Spanish speakers who
speak no to very little English to those who understand or speak no Spanish at all (Ardila, 2005).
This language variability is frequently an artifact of
generational status, historical educational and cultural oppression, or processes of survival (Gonzalez,
2000). The blending of English and Spanish (i.e.,
Spanglish) creates a permanent mixture of both languages and “represents the most important contemporary linguistic phenomenon the United States
has faced that has unfortunately been significantly
understudied” (Ardila, 2005, p. 65). Although the
use of Spanglish is frequently negatively perceived,
with an undertone of stigma for Latina/os due to
a loss of intergenerational language continuity by
other Latina/os, the use of Spanglish can in fact
bridge acculturation gaps and solidify evolving
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identities for Latinas. Indeed, usando Spanglish puede
crear espacios de seguridad y facilita (using Spanglish
creates spaces of security and facilitates) rapport
among diverse Latinas. As there are Spanish words
that do not translate easily or have the same feeling
or meaning when spoken in English, the ability to
share the feelings, images, and sensations of certain
words in conversation can allow for connection. For
example, referring to one’s familia (family) and telling about the comida (food) made en la cocina (in
the kitchen) of our abuelitas (grandmothers) engenders a different conversation than telling about the
food made in the kitchen of our grandmothers.
Again, it is not the level or sophistication of Spanish
spoken; rather, feelings and stories may be rendered
incomplete without a combination of Spanish and
English.
Education and Socioeconomic Status
As Latinas seek to integrate and acclimate, two
key factors influencing their gender and ethnic
identities are education and socioeconomic status. Briefly examining but not fully encompassing
Latinas’ representation in education and the workforce, it is clear that there is a strong relationship
between education, occupational attainment, and
upward mobility (Chapa & De La Rosa, 2004;
Kochhar, 2005; Thomas-Breitfeld, 2003). As a
whole, Latina/os are more likely to be of low socioeconomic means and to have lower economic
indices (e.g., education, employment, health
insurance, and income) (Kochhar, 2005; Saenz,
2010), which influence their adjustment, adaptation, and integration. Underscoring the role of
dimensionality, birthplace affects socioeconomic
status and education, as foreign-born Latina/os evidence less educational attainment (e.g., lower high
school graduation) and lower occupational statuses
(Gonzales, 2007; Saenz, 2010). Latinas, however,
face high rates of impoverishment (Cawthorne,
2008), regardless of place of birth or generation
(Saenz, 2010), reflective of Vasquez’s (1994) notion
of Latinas being “affected by the triply oppressive
experiences associated with being female, ethnic,
and . . . poor” (p. 121).
Although underpaid and underemployed within
the work force (Gonzales, 2007), Latinas continue
to be viewed as wives and mothers first and foremost, which may create domestic and gender role
stains (Niemann, 2004). Linked to economic
empowerment and social mobility, Latinas’ educational preparation and achievement is abysmal,
as only 59% graduated in four years with a high
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school diploma (National Women’s Law Center and
Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational
Fund, 2009). Although Latinas outpace their male
counterparts through the educational pipeline
(American Council on Education, 2007; Gloria,
Castellanos, Scull, & Villegas, 2009), they encounter unique challenges (Rodriguez, Guido-DiBrito,
Torres, & Talbot, 2000) and make familial and
cultural “sacrifices” to pursue higher education
(González, Jovel, & Stoner, 2004, p. 19). The
quality of educational experiences is influenced by
stereotyped expectations, cultural incongruity, and
unwelcoming academic environments (Castellanos
& Gloria, 2007), coupled with familial pressures
(González et al., 2004) and guilt for moving
beyond the family to pursue an education (Gloria
& Castellanos, 2012).
Mediating Processes of Latina Identity:
Acculturation, Enculturation, and Ethnic
Identity
An accurate understanding of identity for Latinas
must include the concepts of acculturation, enculturation, and traditionality to circumvent the process of essentialism and misattributions of behaviors
and interactions. The notion of a universal Latina,
much less the concept of a universal woman, is perilous, as it renders the understanding, meaning, and
application of values and approaches of vastly different realities and lived experiences to oversimplified
stereotypes and misassumptions (Gloria, 2001).
The concepts of acculturation and enculturation are two closely related yet different processes
in understanding Latina experiences and identities.
Considered multidimensional constructs (Alamilla,
Kim, & Lam, 2010; Kohatsu, 2005), acculturation and enculturation both address psychological
and cultural elements (Berry, 2007; Hurtado &
Cervantez, 2009). More specifically, “psychological
acculturation describes individual changes resulting from socialization to dominant cultural norms,
psychological enculturation describes individual
processes or changes resulting from (re)socialization to indigenous cultural norms” (Alamilla et al.,
2010, p. 58). That is, acculturation encompasses
a cultural exchange between the native and host
culture, requiring a psychological adjustment by
the recipient. In contrast, enculturation is the learning of one’s own culture through socialization into
and maintenance of specific practices embedded in
native values and beliefs. The individual adaptations
of these processes have been described as “assimilation, integration, or biculturality, separation or
maintenance of traditionality, and marginalization
or peripheral status in both cultures” (Gamst, Dana,
Der-Karabetian, Aragón, Arellano, & Kramer,
2002, p. 480), a series of processes that can moderate Latinas’ general health and well-being. For
example, Latinas who experience minority stress
reported higher perceived discrimination, leading to general anxiety symptoms (including tension and nervousness), somatization, and hostility
(e.g., resentment, aggression) (Lechuga, 2008).
A simultaneous social-cultural process of identity making and a person’s response to their lived
experiences creates ethnic identity—an individual’s attitudes, values, knowledge, behaviors, preferences, and affiliation of membership to their own
ethnic group (Gonzalez, Fabrett, & Knight, 2009;
Ocampo, Bernal, & Knight, 1993; Quintana &
Scull, 2009). Concurrent with the process of cultural socialization and maintenance, ethnic identity
influences the perception of the experiences and the
interpretation of the contrasting expectations for
personal encounters. For instance, if a Latina selfidentities as Mexican (versus Mexican American
or Hispanic), her affiliation to her heritage group
or host culture will influence her experiences and
perceptions (Lechuga, 2008). Consequently, the
straddling of two cultures and the various difficult
encounters that accompany the transitional phases
and ongoing adjustments of Latinas result in complex psychological functioning (Kim & Omizo,
2006).
As a plethora of research has emphasized the challenges and difficulties of balancing multiple identities, resilience models and frameworks (Hurtado &
Cervantez, 2009; Zimmerman, Bingerheimer, &
Notaro, 2002) emphasized the protective factors
that reduce negative outcomes. Two key factors that
influence the process are centrality (i.e., the extent
to which an individual places importance on their
racial self-concept) and public regard (i.e., one’s
belief and evaluation of others of one’s racial and
ethnic group) (French & Chavez, 2010; Sellers,
Smith, Shelton, Rowley, & Chavous, 1998). As
Latinas negotiate their identities and work toward
being culturally grounded, they are protected by
keeping culture at the center of their processes but
are simultaneously conflicted as they begin to make
other identities more salient during various stages
of their lives. Hence, as culture serves as a protective
factor, Latinas often use la familia (family) as their
central resource (Keefe, 1980; Marín, 1993; Padilla,
1980). Simultaneously, the cultural values when
shifted by acculturation or traditionality can create
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cultural incongruence or familial stress (Alamilla
et al., 2010; Vasquez, 1994). Moreover, the role of
public regard in relation to their family is heightened if Latinas do not maintain and preserve the
traditionality of cultural values passed down generationally (Gloria et al., 2004; Ramírez, 1991). Yet,
it is the mujer’s ability to navigate these conflicts and
assist in the immersion and continuum of collision
of differences (Anzaldúa, 1987; Arredondo, 2002)
that allows her to create a seamless integration of
successfully living out the multidimensions of her
various evolving identities. More simply stated, it is
the mezcla de las diferencias (intermingling of differences) that manifests a transformed reality of intersecting contrasts in which Latinas are situated.
Complexity of Roles
As Latinas seek to manage the complexity of their
roles, the notion of a “wild zone” or the “ . . . contextualization or space that applies to the mental, physical, and spiritual chaos that has enveloped many
Latinas” (Arredondo, 2002, p. 308) has emerged.
The challenge of identity politics, which are tied to
gender, economics, sexual orientation, and spirituality, makes the wild zone and the concept of living
within the borderlands of different identities relevant spaces of discussion for Latinas (Arredondo,
2002). As part of the complexity of merging and
re-amassing the intersections of identities (Anzaldúa,
1987; Vasquez, 1994), Arredondo (2002) persuasively argued that Latinas must also find grounding or reestablish connection to our raices (roots)
of past and present mestizas to create opportunities
for knowledge and identity. More specifically, para
conocer el presente o el futuro hay que conocer el pasado
(to know the present or future means knowing the
past). Knowing the past can assist in the process of
claiming and living out different identities, as they
often do not come without challenge or question
of authenticity. As Latinas broaden the notion of la
condición de mujeres Latinas (Latina womanhood),
or what it means to be mujeres Latinas at the individual, group, community, and societal levels, their
diversities become evident.
The following section is a discussion of the different roles and identities that are frequently negotiated by Latina women; yet, the conversation must
consider moderating constructs of acculturation,
enculturation, and traditionality. Considering these
processes guards against the essentializing of core
values and roles for Latinas and provides a working
framework from which to delineate the salience of
one’s identity and an interpersonal approach.
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Madres, comadres, hijas, y pecadoras
(Mothers, Co-mothers, Daughters, and
Sinners)
Any scholarly investigation or clinical intervention about Latinas inherently involves la familia
(family), cultural scripts and gendered expectations,
and an operationalization in some form of what it
means to be una buena mujer (a good Latina woman).
Central to the discussion is the widely known and
written value of familismo, around which many cultural values emanate and are interrelated (Gloria &
Castellanos, 2009). Familismo is the “preference for
maintaining a close connection to family” (SantiagoRivera et al., 2002, p. 42), which is demonstrated
by solidarity, interdependence, and reciprocity
(Gloria & Castellanos, 2009). Including both fictive
(e.g., abuelas de crianza [“adopted” grandmothers])
and nonfictive (e.g., primas [cousins]) relationships
(Gloria et al., 2004), an allocentric or collectivistic
approach often drives the process of emphasizing the
well-being of the family first and foremost, despite
detriment to individual needs (Marín & Triandis,
1985; Santiago-Rivera et al., 2002).
It is from this context of familismo that Latinas
negotiate their interactions. Regardless of whether
they themselves have children or are married, they
are frequently defined by being part of la familia, as
a woman, daughter, or (co)mother simultaneously.
The cultural and gender scripts for Latinas have
been described through psychological, sociological, and women’s studies literatures, ranging from
docile and subservient women who are venerated as
saints (Castillo, Perez, Castillo, & Ghosheh, 2010)
to guerreras chingonas (bad-ass warrioresses) who
have fought against male subjugation and traditional conceptualizations of Latina scripts (Gaspar
de Alba, 2005). One of the first scholarly discussions of marianismo, a Latina gender script, was
by Stevens (1973), who described it as a religious
manifestation in which Latinas were regarded as
semi-divine, morally superior, sexually chaste, and
spiritually stronger than their male counterparts.
Upholding the roles of mother and caregiver, familial backbone, and cultural transmitter of values was
required, or else their womanhood was questioned
(Stevens, 1973). Adherence to the role was considered a “maintenance of honor” (p. 94) and responsibility to uphold the cohesion and status of the
family (Frevert & Miranda, 1998). In particular, the
daughter’s chastity and purity were tied to familial
dignity (Espín, 1997), such that females who do not
conform to the traditional gender script of marianismo are considered una mala mujer (a bad woman)
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or even a malinche or malinchistas (traitors). The
original malinche was Malintzin Tenepal, an indigenous Mayan woman, who interpreted and assisted
Hernán Cortés in the conquest of Mexico and
bore his children (Gaspar de Alba, 2005). Inherent
to marianismo is the assumed heterosexuality of
Latinas, as lesbianas (Latina lesbians) are charged
with the act of favoring the foreign (Gaspar de Alba,
2005). In turn, they seek out alternative spaces away
from their families of origin in order to express their
sexuality, thereby creating new spaces and families
of choice—an act that is considered culturally defiant (Acosta, 2008). By doing so, Latina lesbians
are believed to repudiate the concept of family, the
most serious of betrayals.
A more recent conceptualization known as the
“Maria Paradox” described marianismo as an “invisible yoke which binds capable, intelligent, ambitious
Latinas . . . to a no-win lifestyle” (Gil & Vazquez,
1996, p. 7). Their “ten commandments of marianismo” (p. 8) identify the strictest of traditional gender scripts and subsequent self-beliefs, interactions,
and approaches to self. Each of the beliefs or commandments places the needs of the woman’s husband and family first, whereby Latinas are yoked to
a role of subservience and without self-expression
or power. Drawing out the cultural strengths, there
is a reclaiming of positive qualities such as dependability, trustworthiness (Gloria & Segura-Herrera,
2004), loyalty, compassion (Gil & Vazquez, 1996),
perseverance, and ability to survive (Comas-Díaz,
1989). Yet, the attempt to fulfill multiple role
expectations has been identified as working the
doble jornada (double day both at home and work,
Comas-Díaz, 1989), giving rise to the super macha
or la hembra (superwoman), who is continuously
charged to haceralgo de lo nada (to make something
from nothing), based on her espiritu creativo (creative and innovative spirit of survival) (Nogales &
Bellotti, 2003).
Mestizaje y espiritualidad (Practices/Beliefs
of Mixed Ancestral Indigenous Heritage and
Spirituality): The Sacredness of Open Spaces
Oppression and social injustice have opened the
path for Latinas to implement mestizo (e.g., a mixture of indigenous and Spanish blood and cultura
[culture] (Falicov, 1998)) skills, tools, and practices
to navigate their current circumstances and spaces.
Considering the historical colonization of Latina/o
cultures and the ongoing discrimination and marginalization of Latinas’ experience (Campesino
& Schwartz, 2006), sociopolitical, religious, and
gender movements have assisted in the liberation of
oppression. At the same time, Latinas’ dual minority
status has been negated (Aquino, 2002; Campesino
& Schwartz, 2006) as they contend with continued and consistent struggles of imposed patriarchy
(Arrizón, 2009). It is the synergistic ability to convert difficult realities into manageable experiences
that promotes the healing and well-being of women
as they forge their pathways. Within the multiple
and varied definitions of spirituality (Fukuyama &
Sevig, 1999), mestizaje ultimately encompasses the
experiential encounter of the divine through subjective lenses (Cervantes, 2010). Mestizo spirituality recognizes the connection of the psychological
adjustment of a people, nurtures the practice of history in context, unifies harmony with all, maintains
openness to diversity, and promotes a willingness to
learn from differences (Cervantes, 2010).
As a result, Latinas have passed indigenous
knowledge (consciously and subconsciously—
orally and behaviorally) intergenerationally, having
learned the connection of nature, soul, and spirit
(Lara, 2008). Latinas understand the holistic role
of interpersonal interactions and the centrality of
energy, intention, mind-set, and beliefs. Embodied
in a culture that offers a range of spiritual beliefs
and practices (e.g., folk beliefs, Espiritismo, Santeria;
Baez & Hernandez, 2001; McNeill & Cervantes,
2008), Latinas are often socialized with a fundamental belief system with dual beliefs rooted in
religiosity (e.g., Dios me ayudara [God will help
me]) and spirituality (Soy una con el universo—Yo
puedo crear mis realidades [I am one with the universe—I can create my realities]). Given the emphasis of el espíritu (spirit), Latinas often gravitate to
the teachings of their mothers and grandmothers,
who often provide insight into family interactions,
how to navigate differences, and shift energies to
facilitate tranquilidad (tranquility) of differences
(Arredondo, 2002; Cervantes, 2008). Cognizant of
the psychological impressions that can occur in conflict, Latinas digest old traditions and subsequently
create new ones to persist (Gil & Vazquez, 1996).
For example, Latinas have converted the energy of
la malinche (Espín, 1997; Gaspar de Alba, 2005)
to la mujer radical (a radical woman)—transformed
into a survivor through personal stories and intuitive abilities to understand the invisible and parallel
spiritual processes (Lara, 2008).
The application and transfer of spiritual knowledge and practice for Latinas to meet their daily
demands of la familia, work, home, and school
(Comas-Díaz, 1989) keeps them conscious of their
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needs and personal power in the process. One challenge that augments Latinas’ dual belief systems
includes the separation of sensuality and sexuality as
a sacred component of human processes, of which
“both are integral aspects of the self ” (Lara, 2008,
p. 28). As sexuality has been used to promote the
subjectification of Latinas with the role of spirituality fragmented from the body, the attraction and
energetic pulls that come through personal energy
exchanges are minimized and negated (Arrizón,
2009). In the context of larger society, Arrizón
(2009) contends that “ . . . Latina sexuality and its
representative ‘brown’ body becomes the product
of objectifying stereotypical processes and complex
subject formations” (p. 191) from a colonizing perspective. Simultaneously, the practice of identifying
Latinas’ sexual exchanges as solely corporal necessities and pleasures ignores Latinas’ active powers
in mutual spiritual exchanges. As Latinas work
through the polarizing messages regarding sexuality
and sensuality (Arrizón, 2009) by acknowledging,
understanding, and working with their personal
and spiritual power within multiple dimensions
(including sexual identity and sensual being), they
create spaces that nurture collective consciousness
by awakening a “transformed consciousness” and
an empowered mujer (Lara, 2008). For example, a
sexual encounter becomes more than family honor
or cultural script; it can instead be a divine energetic
exchange, equally engaging and balancing the sexual
powers of reclaiming the self (Acosta, 2008).
Poderosas (The Powerful Ones):
A Different Latina Power
Latinas have created a mujer-grounded culturally centered skill set in which they translate and
transform everyday processes while preserving and
nurturing healthy elements of tradition to reinforce
their evolving identities and values. For example,
Latinas poderosas must dailylive through negative
experiences about who they are and what they
represent in today’s society. Staying strong to the
strengths of their valores culturales (cultural values)
allows them to maintain a sense of groundedness
and meaning of who and what they are as Latinas.
With the internal ability to navigate incongruence,
Latinas morph and transcend within their multiple
identities, harvest in changing contexts and cultures,
while facilitating the practice of cultural shapeshifting. Understanding the essence of survival and
connectivity with their surroundings, Latinas function as transformers, connectors, and key or wisdom keepers to different realities (Cervantes, 2008).
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They learn to be present in one world, consistently
working toward an internal seamless continuity
in the midst of change. Their practice of moving
and transferring within the changing tapestry of
their daily realities, however, is not implemented to
meet the needs of others or to lose their person to
another, but to grow and persist despite challenges.
Given that Latinas’ value-centered coping strategies
are founded in spirituality and familia, la condición
de la mujer (the condition of the Latina woman)
and their feminismo (feminism) are evolving.
Consequently, with the goal of remaining culturallygrounded, Latinas face the continuous challenge
of infusing a combination of their core values of
familismo and espiritismo into their engagement of
everyday activities.
Imprinted in their ancestral blueprint and spiritual makeup, Latinas have survival skills that are
generationally passed down, both consciously and
unconsciously. Through daily encounters, the basic
task of sharing time and coexisting (e.g., eating a
meal, sitting, and sharing space) transmits ancestors’ costumbres, valores, y practicas culturales (customs, values, and cultural practices). Nuestras
madres y abuelas (Our mothers and grandmothers) may take the initiative to share the details of
how to sobrevivir (survive), but this knowledge is
already energetically transmitted via the management of challenges and subsequent strength patron
(blueprint)—a collective consciousness awaiting to
be awakened. A lack of awareness, or self-doubt, or
limited confidence to tap into the subconscious will
often lead Latinas to borrow from external, oppressive, and non-native systems. Doing so creates
a foreign cultural blueprint for la mujer that is often
inadequate and manifests as incongruence, depression, and other mental health concerns (Ginorio et
al., 1995). When Latinas mask their identities with
others’ words, labels, and practices, they simultaneously dismantle and contaminate their most natural
inner support system of self-definition to live out or
complete processes in sacred spaces.
Reclaiming ourselves is a strength and powerful
process of spirit and energy transformation and creation. As Latinas embrace their range of identities,
they move from victims to survivors, fearful fighters
to warriors, and ultimately poderosas, transforming
realities as they engage daily processes and struggles.
More specifically, Latinas’ active identification,
acknowledgment, ownership of their skills, and
conscious permission to embrace inner ancestral and
spiritual abilities (e.g., intuition, creative practices)
reinforce an identity of active healer (Lara, 2008).
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As healers of different capacities, Latinas merge and
connect dimensionalized realities, which can lead to
seamless navigation of identities.
The evolving poderosa identity promotes a culturally referenced skill set that instills a preparedness,
personal resourcefulness, and intuition regarding the
fluidity of life exchanges. In owning these qualities,
Latinas slowly and progressively engage the fluidity
of their identities (e.g., gender, educational, generational, sexual, spiritual). Although identity fluidity
can create discomfort, ambivalence, and ambiguity
for la familia, los hombres, and other social conexciones (connections), it becomes the space of power
for the poderosas (warrioress) as Latinas engage and
express their full scope of being una buena mujer.
Implications for Practice, Training, and
Research
There are several implications for practice and
training, as well as research and advocacy, that
emerge from the previous discussion of identities
and complexity of roles of Latinas. The following
recommendations provide salient considerations
and set a baseline for minimal competence for
working effectively with Latinas. In particular, we
pose questions to generate ideas about and around
areas of practice, training, and research in providing
best practices.
En terapia (In therapy)
What is the meaning and importance to
Latinas’ self-referents to their individual and
family patron? Ask how the client identifies herself
racially and ethnically and what it means to her. The
self-referents that she uses may mean nothing, or
they may mean everything to her (e.g., a source of
pride and strength). Either way, a conversation about
self-referents can provide a sense of ethnic identity
and a way to access the psychological meaning and
importance of being of a particular self-referent.
Further, ask how others in her family self-identify.
Identifying differences may reflect generational and
acculturative changes and stresses that can serve to
story the client’s patron.
How is cultura integrated into interpersonal
and social interactions with Latinas? Engage in
the cultural values being emulated in the interaction (e.g., personalismo, respeto, simpatia). Knowing
cultural values and interacting within the context of
cultural values are different processes. That is, knowing the definition of personalismo is quite different
from interacting in a manner that is steeped in personalismo. For example, a client may ask after the
therapist’s familia and expect a response that is genuine in order to engage in harmonious and caring
interactions (i.e., personalismo). The counselor may
recognize that the Latina’s question is based in the
value of personalismo; however, how the counselor
responds will influence subsequent counseling interactions. Responding in kind will likely lead to confianza (trust) and respeto (respect) needed for a strong
counselor-client relationship. In addition to implementing culturally familiar interactions in therapy,
counselors can access the resources and systems that
represent Latinas’ beliefs. For instance, counselors
can collaborate with spiritual consultants or include
other spiritual healers (e.g., santero, priest) as part of
the therapeutic process based on the Latinas’ beliefs.
What dimensions and contexts need to be
considered in the assessment of Latinas’ challenges? Include the assessment of psychological
(the individual and their struggles), social (external oppressive systems), and cultural (family, gender and cultural scripts) factors in the context of
understanding the client (Gloria & Rodriguez,
2000). Ultimately, helping Latinas to traverse and
bridge their different realities are of concern within
treatment approaches (Flores-Ortiz, 1995) and as a
means of empowerment.
What must be considered to create a culturally
seeded treatment plan that integrates the different roles and realities that Latinas may encounter? Develop a treatment plan that incorporates
and is parallel to the cultural values (e.g., familia,
espiritualidad), cultural gender scripts (e.g., marianismo, madre), and realities (e.g., educational status,
immigration history) of the Latina to understand
and address competently her multiple realities and
roles. Doing so will require an assessment of the
different roles in which Latinas engage to address
potential areas of conflict and spaces in which they
can be integrated. For example, is the client experiencing a doble jornada as she attempts to balance
her varied and contrasting roles? How are her cultural and gender scripts influencing her choices and
challenges? Importantly, the therapist will need to
refrain from defining which behaviors, beliefs, and
decisions are grounded in a poderosas framework
and allow the Latina to define these for herself and
within her context.
What are Latinas podersosas’ strength-based
processes? Be aware, sensitive, and reinforcing of
those inner strengths that Latinas bring to their challenges and concerns. Empower them to find their
own voice and cultural processes that are congruent
to their worldview and sociocultural patron as they
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find wellness and balance. Doing so will require that
the therapist examine, challenge, and re-work his or
her own biases, assumptions, and stereotypes about
and for Latinas.
Training Considerations
How do training programs assess their students’ readiness, progress, and processes to work
with Latinas? Training programs can implement a
comprehensive and ongoing cultural audit of students’ beliefs, biases, and assumptions as part of
their supervision, such that they can understand
how their own worldviews and cultural values may
interact (e.g., be similar or different) with those of
Latina clients.
What venues can be accessed to gain historical, spiritual, and cultural information about
Latinas? In that “to know the past is to know the
present and future,” practice-based training programs should require students to take a course on
Chican@/Latin@ histories and psychological processes to understand the diaspora of issues and identities within the different Latina/o communities. In
particular, counselors will benefit from learning and
understanding the roles that different Latina/o spiritual systems play for Latinas. For example, espiritualidad, is often used as a coping response, serving as
a moderating factor for everyday decision-making
processes (Castellanos & Gloria, 2008). Moreover,
understanding how espiritualidad influences the
counseling interactions and the Latina client’s progress warrants conceptualization and assessment.
What specific training components need
to be incorporated to most effectively understand Latinas poderosas? Expose therapists to the
complexity of Latina/o cultures through specific
one-on-one interactions that will assist the understanding, implementation, and inclusion of cultural
practices familiar to clients. For example, programs
can require some portion (if not all) of the practica
and externships to work specifically within Latina/o
families and communities in outreach and community service. Supervision should intentionally
address diversities within the community, its multiple social systems, various means of coping, and
venues to work with clients within their worldview,
beliefs, and value systems.
Who needs to be included in developing an
effective cultural forum within a program curriculum to understand the Latina poderosas
paradigm? Practicum curricula should consistently
include Latina cultural experts as part of the training (including community service providers) to
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share insight and understanding of Latinas. Latina
experts can provide practicum lectures and conceptual consultations using composite vignettes to
engage real-life considerations and cultural interactional processes. Addressing cultural nuances,
varying levels of diversities, and cultural strengths
can provide a working model to facilitate a strong
therapist–Latina client relationship for efficacious
exchanges and services.
How can comunidad be bridged with Latinas’
needs to enhance the existing cultural and social
networks? Prepare and teach psychologists to access
comfortably the resources and health-system networks that include ethnocultural processes and
beliefs that support effective services. In particular,
there is the need to shift the paradigmatic focus
of individual counseling to include those systems
and networks of individuals who are the primary
constituents working for Latina well-being. For
example, counselors can learn to use a collaborative
community approach to develop partnerships with
local Latina/o communities and community centers, Latina leaders, and gatekeepers to access the
wellness services needed to support culturally integrated and comprehensive mental health services.
Conducting Research
What types of research can be implemented
to better understand Latinas poderosas? Research
should be considered (and taught) as the connection
between practice and social advocacy for Latinas.
By focusing on the value of action research, scholars and students in training can gain the narratives
and foundational information (e.g., exchanges with
the community) needed to implement a culturally-grounded perspective for the development of
strength-based research questions. With students,
for example, a required field studies and ethnographic project including participant observation
of the social issues within Latina communities will
facilitate their identification of salient community
concerns and, in turn, the transfer of this knowledge into counseling services.
What are the specific research components
necessary to understand Latinas’ dimensionalized realities? Research questions need to be dimensionalized so that they include psychological (e.g.,
self-beliefs), social (e.g., connections), and cultural
(e.g., values and behaviors) dimensions within the
context or setting of the individual (Castellanos
& Gloria, 2007). Engaging in this practice can
allow for a holistic and comprehensive approach
to explore concerns and processes for Latinas.
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Similarly, researchers would do well to formulate
questions that are strength-based and to consider
the moderating processes of acculturation, enculturation, ethnic identity, and traditionalism.
What is the role of including Latinas’ voices
and narratives in the context of research?
Researchers should consider how the addressing
of narratives or phenomenological processes for
Latinas holds prominence equal to that of quantitative investigations. Despite challenges or criticisms
of qualitative approaches, it is from individual stories and voices that insight into the deep-structure
culture is gained and more nuanced questions can
be asked for and about Latinas. Similarly, using
mixed-method designs within studies can provide
deeper and more comprehensive understanding of
Latina issues, concerns, realities, and lives.
What is the added value of creating and implementing an emic versus etic research measure for
Latinas poderosas? Given the limited culturally
emphasized scales developed for Latinas, there exists
the need to create, pilot, and validate measures and
assessments that are specific to their concerns and
cultural constructs. For example, scales that assess
how Latinas are poderosas or are negotiating the process of intertwining different identities (e.g., sexual,
ethnic, gender, education, career, family) could assist
in developing new programmatic research agendas.
Direcciones Futuras (Future Directions)
As the process of meaning making and the struggle to create a strength-based and culture-steeped
self-ascribed definition of being Latina continue,
there are many directions in which multicultural
feminist psychology can address concerns and challenges. The following are offered as areas of continued exploration and reflection.
As the field of psychology strives to provide
socially just and culturally relevant and competent
services for individuals and communities of difference, the development of counseling guidelines and
practices for Latinas is warranted. While guidelines
exist for the psychological treatment of women and
girls (APA, 2007), specific and culturally steeped
guidelines are similarly needed to differentiate the
community concerns, cultural moderators, and processes unique to Latinas.
As the immigration processes and histories of different Latina ethnic subgroups are varied, attention
to how the immigration process influences the conceptualization and reconfiguration of family is warranted. As a frequent core consideration for many
Latinas, an exploration of how the family occurs
transnationally and across geographic and psychological borders increasingly warrants examination.
An examination of the continual balance of
identities and competing processes of Latinas’ roles
that are perceived as strength-based is needed.
Identifying how a reclaiming of voice and a redress
of the junction and mixing of traditional and contemporary values can be accomplished is pivotal.
There is a need to acknowledge and facilitate
Latinas’ efforts to fuse and live out the multidimensionality of their identities, while still encouraging them to perceive themselves as mujeres
buenas who balance energies and nurture wellness and well-being. In particular, an expansion
of what is currently believed to encompass una
buena mujer to include Latinas with professional
identities (e.g., advanced educational degrees), of
all sexualities, of different belief systems and practices (e.g., healers, santeras, curanderas, shamana,
espiritistas), and with different constellations of
family systems (e.g., single madres, multigenerational households, mujers sin hija/os [women without children]) is warranted.
As the field has moved to understand the
Latina/o cultural values, beliefs, and practices, multiple psychological models have offered culturebased directives for clinical practice. Still, relatively
few Latina-specific psychological models integrate
multiple dimensions and emphasize the fluidity
of identities that are important for addressing the
dimensionality of Latinas’ varied experiences and
processes that support mental health.
Relative to Mestizo and Latina/o psychology, the
identities of spirituality, sensuality, and sexuality are
fragmented, limiting the understanding of the psychology of la mujer. By integrating the identities,
Latinas can move beyond the societally imposed
unidimensional stereotypes to a multi-dimensionalized Latina poderosa who is connected spiritually
and culturally to herself, her contexts, and social
networks. In the process of integrating the identities, researchers and practitioners must explore and
refine methods to address the dimensions fully and
contextually.
As the transforming identities of la mujer have
been criticized, it is the acceptance and embracing of Latinas’ multidimensional processes by their
social and cultural systems that will allow mujeres
to live out their experiences with increased tranquilidad (tranquility), congruence, and continuity
of identity. As the cultural and gender-scripts for
Latinas have been formulated from a static rubric,
allowing for a fluid, evolving open system invites
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the voice, needs, and complexity of identities, and
the bridging of Latinas’ realities.
Authors’ Notes
This chapter, Realidades Culturales y Identidades
Dimensionadas (Cultural Realities and Dimensioned
Identities), is dedicated to our abuelas maternas
(maternal grandmothers), Refugio Fuentes and
Maria Perdigon—the women who transmitted to
us the strengths and resources to traverse multiple
boundaries and identities via their daughters.
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