Perceptions & Values:
Citizen Perspectives on
Environment in South China
David Hu
Jon Urlie
Deme Yuan
Mentor: Dr. Hong Xiao
Final Research Paper
NSF/REU China Program
“Society and the Environment in South China”
August 14, 2002
Abstract
This study compares the perceptions and values of Chinese university students and faculty
members in the southern coastal cities of Shanghai and Xiamen. Using surveys, civilian
awareness and opinions towards the current environmental situation in China, as well as role of
citizens in protecting the environment, were explored. Interviews to validate conclusions from
the collected data were also conducted. In general, awareness of environmental issues, and
willingness to reduce environmental degradation in both cities was high. Differences were noted
in what the most pressing problems facing each city were, and how they were being addressed,
as well as whose responsibility it was to care for the environment. Comparisons between
hometown, gender, and age were also conducted.
Introduction
This research observes how China’s civilian populations’ perceptions, values, and
behaviors, regarding environmental protection and economic prosperity, are influenced by the
development agendas of their local governments. It contributes broadly to a large volume of
research examining the complex relationship between environment and sustainable economic
development in China. While previous papers have primarily focused on national-scale planning,
this study follows Yuan and James’ (2002) stride by examining regional-scale sustainable
development, specifically looking at the effects of developmental policies in Shanghai and
Xiamen. A search of secondary sources did not reveal any previous studies directly comparing
Shanghai and Xiamen citizens’ attitudes toward environmental issues. Furthermore, only modest
amounts of information disclosing Chinese civilian perspectives on environmental issues could
be located.
According to Yuan and James (2002), every city-system is unique; despite the
appearance of similarities between two cities, when presented with identical policies, their
reactions will differ according to their histories. Likewise, the sociological assumption is that
people’s reactions to new and existing experiences will vary according to their unique social
histories. Individuals’ perceptions, attitudes, and values are gathered from experience with
external stimuli; therefore, groups of individuals who are exposed to the same stimuli, under
similar conditions, will often share similar perceptions, attitudes, and values. Since it follows that
each city has its own unique history, then a civilian population from one city must have at least
slightly differing perceptions, attitudes, and values from a civilian population of another city.
The following sections of the literature review will consist of brief descriptions of: 1) China’s
history and current status of environmental degradation; 2) economic growth, environment
preservation, and sustainability; 3) philosophical traditions and the ideological crisis; 4) the role
of Chinese citizens in environmental preservation; and 5) a comparison of Shanghai and Xiamen.
Literature Review
China’s History and Current Status of Environmental Degradation
Post 1949, after the founding of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), in Mao Zedong’s
endeavor to compete economically with the rest of the world, a war on nature was waged.
Several campaigns were designed and implemented in an attempt to conquer and use
every available resource from the land to increase agricultural production. Scientists who
spoke out against his policies were exiled, and in some cases, executed. Additionally,
despite the warnings of many, in the early 1950s, he launched a Soviet-style plan for
rapid development of heavy industry. By the end of the decade, he was encouraging
citizens to bear more children, so that China could increase the population, thus
increasing production. According to Shapiro:
Such policies led to the eventual decimation of the natural landscape. Lakes were filled
in, leaving nothing but marshy land unfit for crop production. Forests with sandy soil
were cut down, and floods moved loose topsoil into the rivers and fields. Grasslands
were converted to cropland, leading to soil depletion, desertification, and resulting
sandstorms. Furthermore, in China’s frantic effort to compete with the rest of the world,
farmers did not alternate the crops they planted, thus key nutrients slowly depleted, and
left many of China’s soil sterile, and useless. (2001, p.107)
Mao’s campaigns to stimulate the economy were a failure. Environmentally, socially,
politically, and economically, the country was left in shambles, and up until his death in 1976, it
struggled to recover. The country broke out of this economically pedestrian period in the 1980’s
with Deng Xiaoping’s economic reform policies. Following their implementation, the country
experienced rapid economic growth, but in doing so, many facets of the environment were
neglected. In the past ten years, however, change, and a more concerted effort to protect the
environment has occurred. Environmental problems are now being addressed, and while a
plethora of problems linger, the situation has improved.
A few of the most serious environmental problems facing China’s urban centers today include
traffic congestion, air pollution, and water pollution (US Embassy Beijing, “Greener...”, 1999).
Since 1980, the number of private vehicles in China has been increasing at an annual rate of 15%
(Johansen, Central Washington University, 19 June 2002). Private vehicles have created more
traffic congestion, which has resulted in the canceling of public transportation routes, further
exacerbating the situation by leading to an increase in the number of private vehicles and taxis on
the roads (He & Cheng 1999/2000).
Vehicle emissions in China are currently at the harmful level that they were in the United States
in the 1970s (Johansen, Central Washington University, 19 June 2002). By the year 2010, it is
predicted that China will have the largest middle-class population in the history of the world
(Casten, Central Washington University, 5 August 2002). If Chinese citizens were to purchase
private vehicles at the same rate as U.S. citizens, the ecological implications could be
astronomical. In their China 2020 report, the World Bank reported that children were found to
have blood-lead levels averaging 80% above levels considered dangerous to mental
development; this can be attributed to atmospheric pollution (World Bank, “Clear water, blue
skies”, 1997 ).
In Shanghai, eighty percent of water comes from the Huangpu River, which is heavily polluted,
and requires extensive treatment and boiling before consumption (US Embassy Beijing,
“Environmental Protection in...”, 2001). Experts agree that a large portion of pollutants actually
come from small to mid-sized township factories upstream of Shanghai, in the Jiangsu province.
In these rural areas, environmental awareness is lower than in urban centers and regulations
policing is rare.
The effects of China’s environment degradation are not contained by national boundaries. Due to
the general circulation of the atmosphere, air pollutants emitted in China’s urban industrial
centers can travel thousands of kilometers, for weeks, reaching far-lying continents, not only
contaminating the air of neighboring countries, but contributing to green house gases and global
warming as well (Johansen, Central Washington University, 19 June 2002). For the above
reasons, China’s environmental protection policies and practices receive international attention—
and much international criticism.
Economic Growth, Environment Preservation, and Sustainability
Over the course of the last 20 years, political scientists, economists, historians, cultural theorists,
and policy-makers alike have taken great interest in the relationship between China’s
environment and its economy. At the expense of its environment, China’s economy has enjoyed
rapid growth. Developed nations have urged China to sacrifice the speed of economic
development in order to slow ecological degradation, which inevitably bares consequences for
the sustainability of the entire global community. Yet, the central government is driven, not only
by lofty goals for rapid progression to status as a developed nation, but also out of necessity to
support its enormous population. Zhang, Vertinsky, Ursacki, and Nemetz note that, “Curbing
growth is not a viable option; population pressure alone creates environmental strain as the
resulting poverty leads to myopic, survival-oriented practices” (1999, p.10).
Kuznet’s hypothesis theorizes that economic growth’s resulting environmental degradation is
unavoidable, and that the economy must develop to a particular level before growth can begin to
promote the improvement of environment (Yuan & James 2002). The Chinese central
government states that economic growth must take precedence over environmental protection
(Hertsgaard 1997). It argues that wealth is necessary to implement environmentally conscious
policies, such as the polluter pays principle; the economy must be improved before green laws
have the potential to be effective (Hertsgaard 1997). Thus, a pollute first, pay later policy is
adopted. However, the central government does understand the necessity of environmental
protection to sustainable economic prosperity (Yang; Shapiro 2001; Ma & Ortolano 2000; Wang
1999; Zhang et al. 1999). Experts explain that, while the central government has put wellintentioned environmental regulations into affect, problems lie in implementation and
enforcement, which lies un der the jurisdiction of local-level Environmental Protection Bureaus
(EPBs) (Shapiro 2001; Ma & Ortolano 2000).
Taking into account the context of China’s political administrative hierarchy can aid in
understanding the challenges inherent in enforcing environmental regulations in the PRC.
Lichenthal (1995) identifies Mao’s conscious fostering of competition among various
bureaucracies, a method to maximize the control of top leaders, as the origin of China’s “matrix”
problem today. The matrix problem, resultant of a complex bureaucracy with criss-crossing lines
of authority and unclear relationship distinctions, creates the fragmentation of authority, which
undermines the capacity to implement constructive policies. Frustrations born from the
stagnation of any real productivity often breed disillusioned officials who resort to corrupt
practices, namely the acceptance of bribes from foreign investors seeking to avoid policy
compliance by circumventing official registration.
In some cases, enforcement of environmental regulations can be a double-edged sword. Shutting
down a non-compliant company, or pushing a company to bankruptcy with pollution charges,
leads to worker unemployment. Enforcing the law in this circumstance could be political suicide
for government officials (Hertsgaard 1997). The “soft law syndrome” describes the
government’s excusing of State Owned Enterprises from full compliance with environmental
regulations in order to prevent social unrest. With “soft laws,” working civilians, companies, and
officials are all shielded from negative consequences, but at the expense of the environment.
Shapiro critiques the socialist element of public property ownership, pointing to “its frequent link
to public indifference and lack of sense of stewardship,” which she argues, “is relevant to
excessive resource exploitation during the Mao years” (2001, p.17). She identifies democraticassociated elements, including intellectual freedom, political participation, government
accountability and transparency, and local self-governance, as important to “sound
environmental behavior” (2001, p.18).
Congruent with Shapiro’s analysis is Meyer’s (2001) interpretation of Taipei’s transformation, in
the last decade, from an over-polluted metropolis to a green city. Taipei’s environmental
achievements, which include (but are not limited to) the creation of more parks, the maintenance
of cleaner streets, and an upgrading of the city’s infrastructure, are attributed primarily to its
residents’ demands for a cleaner and healthier living environment. Citizen and NGO pressure led
to the construction of a new subway system, which drastically reduced the number of vehicles on
roads, lending cleaner air and contributing to the nearly 50 percent drop in the level of suspended
particles over the course of the last seven years. Taipei residents’ have taken on new personal
responsibilities as well. Meyers recognizes that Taipei’s environmental advancement can be
directly linked to the past decade’s economic prosperity and the drivers behind democratic
reforms:
As native-born Taiwanese took control of the government, they began to treat the capital
as home, rather than a pit stop on the way to retaking China. With the lifting of martial
law in 1987, a whole generation of Taiwanese, educated abroad, began to return and try
to raise Taipei to international standards. (Meyer, p. 2)
Meyers attributes the increased sense of civic duty toward the environment to a
burgeoning middle class with more leisure time, as well as, a new sense of ownership and
political self-determination. His suggestion, that Taipei serves as a good model for the
Mainland’s over-crowded and polluted urban centers, may become increasingly feasible as
citizens in major coastal cities continue to enjoy rising incomes and growing freedoms in speech.
However, Meyer’s acknowledgement of the economic factor validates the gravity of the
environmental situations inland and away from China’s booming coastal cities.
It is widely accepted that environmental issues are addressed only after basic human needs are
met (Casten, Central Washington University, 5 August 2002), which raises problems when
considering environmental conditions in most regions of China. The State Environmental
Protection Administration (SEPA) and the Chinese Academy of Sciences, which surveyed
environmental situations in 12 provinces in west China, found the region’s condition to be
worsening (Xinhua, “Environment in W. China...”, 2001). A SEPA official attributed the
increasing ecological degradation to “irrational human activities,” namely the abuse of water
resources and the overdevelopment of the stockbreeding industry, by local people. Although the
official points to the region’s citizens as most responsible for reversing the damage, he identifies
poverty as the root of the problem.
Philosophical Traditions and the Ideological Crisis
An ideological crisis has been cited as another contributing factor to the complexity of China’s
environmental problems. Over the centuries prior to 1949, various modes of thought influenced
the relationship between the Chinese people and the environment. Under Buddhist thinking,
material desires were the root of all suffering, and nature was something to be revered. The focus
in Daoism was on complimentary and interdependent relationships; a harmonious existence with
nature was understood as the way to enlightenment. Confucianism, the dominant traditional
philosophy, emphasized hard work, perseverance, morality, and pursuit of group welfare; here,
nature was considered a resource to be used in moderation for the benefit of human beings.
Buddhism, Daoism, and Confucianism each provide, to varying degrees, methods of interacting
with the environment that foster ecological sustainability (Xiao, Central Washington University
20 June 2002; Shapiro 2001).
In the years during the Great Leap Forward, CCP suppressed these traditional ideologies, yet it
failed to replace them with a new set of values. Consequently, when the revolution failed to
deliver on its promises, and the people became disillusioned with socialism, an ideological crisis
was produced. Shapiro identifies, characteristics of the post-Mao crisis of values:
the tendency of individuals to focus on short-term personal gain; corruption and
information-hoarding among bureaucracies whose behavior affects the environment; a
utilitarian approach to relationships…deep mistrust of government campaigns and
exhortations toward public goals, including environmental goals such as pollution
control.” (1994, p. 204)
An example of “short-term personal gain” today is the common practice of dumping pollutants
down-stream, forcing the next community to deal with the problem, a behavioral pattern that
plagues the country and explains a considerable amount of China’s environmental issues.
Corruption and self-advancement by way of bribery, as described earlier, also illustrate products
the post-Mao crisis of values.
Shapiro states “the destructive influence of the Mao years on traditional values has facilitated
China’s plunge into the current phase of materialistic exploitation of nature” (2001 p. 11). She
explains that the disillusionment of the Chinese population, following the Cultural Revolution,
left it susceptible to later find comfort in a market ideology. Whereas Buddhism, Daoism, and
Confucianism emphasized respect for nature and allowed for the preservation of natural
resources, a market ideology, which emphasizes consumerism, is likely to deplete natural
resources and produce more waste.
Shapiro concludes, however, with an outlook on the future that provides room for
optimism. She points to signs of a reemergence of old traditions, as young educated Chinese
citizens articulate the necessity of balancing Confucian utilitarianism with the Daoist “sense of
humility and understanding of humans as part of nature” (2001, p. 215).
The Role of Chinese Citizens in Environmental Preservation
Empirical evidence has supported the hypothesis that communities are often able to successfully
pressure local plants, either through negotiation or informal methods, into reducing pollution in
places where “formal regulatory mechanisms are absent or ineffective” (H. Wang, 3).
Citizen Pressure
Contrary to popular belief, Chinese citizens can play an active role in environment preservation.
There exist channels through which citizens have the ability, and are actually encouraged to,
influence the enforcement of environmental regulations at the local level. Civilians can file
complaints via phone calls, written letters, or personal visits to government offices (Ma &
Ortolano 2000; H. Wang); in Shanghai, email was recently set up as a fourth medium for filing
citizen complaints (Interview 21, Shanghai EPB, 1 July 2002). Environmental authorities
respond to complaints by conducting inspections (H. Wang). Research reveals that complaints
increase the frequency of inspections, which has led to increases in pollution fees, and ultimately
to the reduction of pollution.
It is reported that hundreds of thousands of complaints come in each year (H. Wang), and that
the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) responds to at least 80% of the issues raised (Ma &
Ortolano 2000). Yang Chun Lin, deputy chief at Shanghai’s municipal EPB reported that, in the
year 2001, 27,000 complaints were filed through the city’s emergency call center, which was set
up in December of 2000. Noise pollution, primarily from construction, was the most frequent
complaint. Yang explained that a high volume of citizen complaints gives legitimacy and more
power to the EPB.
The public also has the right to sue non-compliant companies, as well as local authorities and
EPA officials who do not enforce compliance (Ma & Ortolano 2000; H. Wang). Though this line
of recourse may occur less frequently, it has been reported that class-action suits are rising in
number. Cases include suits in which citizens seek compensation for damage caused by water
and air pollution and excessive noise. Citizens are limited, however, in that complaints can only
be made after the damage has been done; they cannot prevent future environmental hazards.
A World Bank study found that, in China, informal pressure (community pressure) is at
least as strong, if not stronger than formal pressure (pollution charges), indicating that Chinese
citizens significantly influence the enforcement of environmental regulations (H. Wang).
Community pressure tactics, including demands for compensation, social ostracism of plant
employees, product boycotting, monitoring and publicizing emissions, and repo rting standard
violations to government officials, provide polluters with the previously lacking incentives to
clean up (H. Wang).
Citizens’ personal behaviors
The triangle model of environmental treatment holds that because city residents, government,
and society and industry all contribute to waste production, each sector shares equal
responsibility for proper disposal (Ji & Wang 2002). In addition to influencing commercial
industry regulation compliance, citizens’ personal environmental behavior can include
participation in recycling programs and city-organized green events, such as tree planting,
knowledge bowls, and battery drives.
A study by Ji and Wang (2002) investigated environmental awareness in Shanghai residents.
Data collected from 342 surveys included responses to questions targeting information about
citizens’ levels of environmental knowledge, perceptions on the necessity of garbage sorting,
sources of environmental information, as well as environmental behaviors and the values
associated with them. Results showed high levels of awareness (89%), but lower levels of
behavior (60%). 89% indicated that recycling is necessary, 69.9% support expanding the recycle
program, and 81.9% were willing to participate in environmental protection activities, but only
61.4% had, as of yet, exhibited environmentally conscious behavior. There existed a strong
positive correlation between environmental awareness and environmental behavior.
Ji and Wang (2002) also found that 32% of respondents felt personally responsible for proper
waste disposal, compared with 21.6% who did not feel responsible—the remaining 46.5% either
responded that they did not know or did not care. 72.7% agreed with the statement that sorting
garbage is inconvenient but “understandable”—23.7% disagreed that recycling was
inconvenient.
A Beijing survey of over 4,000 respondents found that Beijing residents were seriously
concerned about the environment. Of the 93.3% respondents who were interested in
environmental preservation, many pointed to science and technology as the best potential
solution to environmental issues and indicated that money should be allocated to developing
these fields for the purpose of solving environmental problems. Emphasis on the central role of
science and technology may reveal a lack of personal sense of responsibility for environmental
protection. (Xinhua, “Beijingers concerned”, 2001)
Awareness and sources of information on environmental issues
The public receives information on environmental issues through local EPBs, the media, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and institutions of education (Ma & Ortolano 2000). The
EPB strives to enhance public participation through city-wide environment events, official
service, and public education.
Media and NGOs, including green university organizations, play important roles in raising
awareness, informing the public on environmental issues, educating citizens about how to protect
the environment in their daily lives, and encouraging the public to expose illegal actions that
cause environmental damage (Ma & Ortolano 2000). Official Gu of the EPB reported that over
160 NGOs exist in Shanghai (twelve of which focus on environmental issues), explaining that,
while these organizations are not visible because of the prominence of government agencies, he
foresees them as increasingly playing an important role in the years to come (Interview 22,
Jiaotong, Minhang, 2 July 2002). Although NGOs are not, as of yet, popular in China, (Yang;
Ma & Ortolano 2000), the EPB collaborates with university green groups to raise environmental
awareness among the public. According Yang Chu Lin, deputy chief of Shanghai’s municipal
EPB, each year universities bid for EPA-sponsored research projects. Typically the EPA
dispenses three million RMB annually for such projects, however, in the last two years it granted
10 million RMB. In cases such as the student-run green club Blue Space, from Jiaotong
University’s Minhang branch campus, the NGO was formed by environmental science majors
and receives membership from every student in the department (Interview 2, Jiaotong, Minhang,
3 July 2002). Consequently, the EPA-sponsored research projects are going to a collective of
NGO members. While government officials are more lenient with green groups, than political or
human rights activists, criticism of the central government is not tolerated (Leicester 1998).
In 1996, Xinhua News Agency reported over 20,000 undergraduate and 1,200 post-graduate
students majoring in ecology and environmental sciences. All of China’s universities and
colleges are required to offer environmental protection courses. Moreover, EPA officials were
campaigning for compulsory environmental science courses in all universities (Xinhua, “China
stresses...”, 1996). In the same year, an EPA official projected that a nationwide framework of
environmental education would be built by the year 2000 1; the public would be expected to
participate in environmental protection supervision; and efforts would be made to train a group
of trans-century talented people in environmental protection (Xinhua, “China sees big
progress...”, 1996).
Values and attitudes
Vaclav Smil suggests that, “most environmental controversies are trans-scientific: in the final
analysis, value judgments and different degrees of willingness to tolerate risk are more important
than the best scientific evidence” (Smil 1995, p. 12). Hence, an understanding of what citizens
value might offer a more accurate forecast of the future, as it will be largely determined by the
sacrifices China and its people are willing to make. Smil recognizes in China the characteristics
typical of a nation in the early stages of rapid industrial development. China’s present economy
resembles the U.S. economy a century ago. The Chinese people are, for the first time, enjoying
the conveniences of private cars. In the new market economy, pursuit of wealth is the
cornerstone of modern Chinese life (Hertsgaard 1997). How willing will the public be to give
these luxuries up for the purpose of creating a healthy and sustainable environment?
Yang stated that citizens realize that they themselves must do something to preserve the
environment (Interview 21, Shanghai EPB, 1 July 2002). Ecology professor Wenhua Wang, from
Shanghai Jiaotong University, claims that many Shanghainese have questioned the safety of
waste disposal, via landfills and incineration, and are concerned about the potential hazards to
human ecology. She postulates that Shanghainese citizens are more concerned about health and
living standards than their northern counterparts. Whereas Beijing’s political atmosphere fosters
outward-oriented citizens, Shanghai’s cosmopolitan environment cultivates a civilian population
more focused on improving personal standards of living. (Interview 23, Jiaotong, Minhang, 29
June 2002)
A Comparison of Shanghai and Xiamen
Many parallels exist when comparing the histories of Shanghai and Xiamen. In 1842, after
China’s signing of the Treaty of Nanjing, Shanghai and Xiamen were forced to open their
borders to western traders. In 1949, after the CCP claimed rule over China, both cities fell into
an economically sedentary period that lasted for over thirty years. In these thirty years, all
foreign relations and trade were eliminated.
Whereas Shanghai’s exclusionary policy represented Mao Zedong’s isolationist philosophy,
prohibiting economic development, entrepreneurship, and capitalism, Xiamen’s struggle to
economically progress, while also consequence of Mao’s exclusionary policy, was largely
influenced by cross-straits politics, the China-Taiwan conflict, and Xiamen’s close proximity to
Taiwan, which was occupied by the rival Guomindang (GMD). In order to protect Mainland
China, and the interests of the CCP from the GMD, Xiamen became a military stronghold.
Economic development was suppressed and the city experienced pedestrian growth.
1 The authors of this proposal have been unable to locate information on the realization of this projection.
In the 1980’s Deng Xiaoping’s economic reform policies opened both Shanghai and Xiamen
borders to trade and foreign investment. Deng proclaimed Xiamen to be a “special economic
zone” (SEZ) in which investors, producers, and consumers received tax breaks in order to
stimulate economic growth. Such policies eventually led to the tremendous rate of expansion
that Xiamen has experienced in the past decade. The national government recognized the
potential in Shanghai’s strategic geographic location, at the mouth of the Yangtze River Delta,
and began investing in the development of the city as a new international economic, financial
and trade center (Yuan & James 2002). The strong presence of the central government in policymaking in Shanghai has contributed to the city’s high economic growth rate over the last 20
years. Yuan and James state for Shanghai, and the same can be said for Xiamen, that,
“Economic liberalization has changed the growth dynamics of the…city region. As centralized
control has been relaxed, city planners have been increasingly influenced by global and regional
drivers” (2002, p. 299). Presently, Shanghai and Xiamen are considered to be two of China’s
most westernized cities.
Although Shanghai and Xiamen have discernible similarities in their reentrance into the global
market, there are differences in the policies that each city’s government has enacted to deal with
its environmental issues. Shanghai’s local government follows the pollute first, pay later policy,
taking the stance that economic growth must be achieved first, leaving the negative after-affects
of urbanization to be dealt with later. Xiamen, on the other hand, has matured with policies
focusing on the coexistence of economic expansion and environmental protection.
Xiamen offers an example of a successful coexistence between environmental preservation and
economic development; it was designated as a “model green” city by SEPA in the late 1990’s.
The city’s green-friendly activities include the expansion of green areas and measures to reduce
vehicle-derived pollution. Ninety-eight percent of Xiamen’s running water met local and national
standards and its sewage treatment plants treated approximately 50% of the annual discharge, an
unprecedented number for Chinese standards. The city also has recycling plants, which take used
newsprint, beer bottles, and certain plastics. City planning offices require developers to file
environmental impact reports, assessments, or statements for new construction. The cancellation
of eleven projects in 1997, due to the failure of proposals to meet city environmental standards,
demonstrates Xiamen’s resolve to uphold its environmental policies, impressive in a country
with such a weak enforcement record. More importantly, however, in addition to providing
environmental education in schools, the city trains government officials and factory workers in
environment-friendly practices to be used in the workplace. (US Embassy Beijing, “Greener
than...”, 2001)
Shanghai’s production of forty percent of China’s industry is largely accountable for the city’s
high levels of air pollution (Johansen, Central Washington University, 19 June 2002). A twentyeight percent annual increase in the number of vehicles since 1980 further exacerbates the
situation. The city’s particulate levels are three to five times higher than the recommended World
Health Organization’s standards.
Dr. Yi Tong Lu, an ecology professor at Shanghai Jiaotong University argues that the difference
between the environmental situations in Shanghai and Xiamen is not illustrative of a
management problem in the former: Shanghai is a larger city, so it has more environmental
problems; Xiamen’s more suitable conditions make environmental issues easier to handle.
Lee, et al. (2000) conducted a study comparing the environmental concerns and opinions of
primary and secondary school students in Beijing and Hong Kong. Data consisted of responses
to five open-ended short-answer survey questions providing freedom in interpretation of the
concept of environment. With regard to city-regional differences, Lee found that the Beijing
students generally described issues related to the physical environment (e.g., desertification and
drought, solid waste and sewage manage ment), while the Hong Kong respondents tended to
emphasize issues in the realm of the social environment (e.g., poverty and inequality, population
growth, global security).
Lee concludes his article by communicating a need for future studies that implement large-scale
quantitative surveys across China’s major cities, in order to confirm patterns of environmental
opinions, as well as in-depth case studies “to trace the socio-cultural influences...in each place so
as to enrich the understanding of students’ transactions with their physical and socio-cultural
surroundings” (2000, p.154). The present study answers this call.
Objectives
Given the government’s recent campaign to raise environmental awareness, and the increasing
number of environmental education programs and publicity of environmental issues, we
expected to find high levels of awareness among citizens living in China’s coastal cities. Our
intention was to better understand how citizens interpret environmental issues, by gathering
information about their perceptions, attitudes, values, and behaviors regarding environmental
issues. How do Chinese citizens assess the current status of the environmental? What do they
perceive as solutions? Who do they perceive as responsible for environmental protection? Are
they willing to be participate in environmental preservation efforts? What do they see in store for
China’s future? How do these perceptions, values, and behaviors vary between Shanghai and
Xiamen?
Based on the dissimilarities in environmental conditions and policies between Shanghai and
Xiamen, four hypotheses were posed, and a fifth hypothesis considered the variable of age:
1) Given Shanghai’s long history of heavy industrial pollution, its increasing number of private
vehicles, and its geographic location, in the middle of a delta at the end of the heavily polluted
Huangpu River and Suzhou Creek, we predicted Shanghai respondents to identify air pollution,
water pollution, and traffic congestion as three of the most pressing problems facing the city
today. Given that Xiamen is an island and is situated in an estuary, we speculated that
respondents might give priority to water pollution and water shortage as most pressing problems.
2) Reports of Xiamen’s strict enforcement of environmental standards as well as its status as a
green city guided the expectation that a majority of Xiamen respondents would indicate that
enough steps were being taken to clean up and prevent environmental pollution. Given the
severity of Shanghai’s environmental problems we expected the majority of Shanghai
respondents would indicate that not enough steps were being taken in these areas.
3) Given the differences between environmental policies in Shanghai and those in Xiamen, we
predicted that, while a majority of Shanghai respondents would agree that residents must accept
environmental problems if they wish to experience economic development, a majority of Xiamen
respondents would disagree.
4) We reasoned that Xiamen respondents would tend to recycle more than their Shanghai
counterparts, due to Xiamen’s local government’s commitment to green policies, ensuring the
availability of recycling incentives and resources.
5) Because the older generation of Chinese citizens experienced the heavy hand of the central
party during the authoritarian years between 1949 and 1979, we presumed that faculty
respondents would indicate central government as the most responsible for environmental
preservation.
Significance
Ascertaining attitudes towards environmental priorities in China’s thriving economic centers is
important to understanding the future direction of the nation’s policies. China’s enormous
population and dominant culture have the potential to significantly impact global ecology.
Therefore, policy makers, political scientists, environmentalists, sociologists, and scholars, in
general, would likely benefit from an understanding of Chinese citizens’ views and behaviors.
Additionally, this study may help dispel common myths about Chinese citizens’ level of
awareness on environmental issues.
Methods
The primary method of gathering data on citizens’ environmental perceptions and values
was through surveys distributed at Shanghai Jiaotong University (Jiaotong), and Xiamen
University in late June and early July of 2002. Interviews were also conducted at the schools to
provide further clarification and understanding of any conclusions drawn from the evidence.
Formerly Nang Yang Public School, Jiaotong was founded in 1896. It is one of the
oldest science and engineering universities in China. It has five different campuses spread out
in various parts of the Shanghai municipality. The majority of our research was conducted on the
grounds of three of the campuses: Xuhui, Minhang and Qibao. In the past decade, with the
opening of new campuses, enrollment at Jiaotong had increased from 5,000 to 18,000, with
14,000 being undergraduate students and 4,000 graduate and doctoral students.
Xiamen University was founded in 1921. It was the first university in modern Chinese
history to be established by an overseas Chinese. Xiamen University is currently home to 12,000
students; 10,000 undergraduates, 2,000 masters and doctoral students. The university is
renowned for promoting international academic exchanges through its Overseas Education
College.
The surveys conducted were anonymous to allow respondents to freely respond to
questions that may have been considered sensitive. An example of such a question asked
respondents to mark the most pressing issues facing their city. One of the options was
“Corruption of Officials”.
In the first section of the survey, demographic questions, some of which were duration of
residence, hometown, gender, education level, major, occupation, and income were asked. The
second set of questions sought to examine respondents’ perceptions, values, and behaviors
towards environmental protections and the current efforts to minimize its effects. Some of the
questions asked related to air pollution, water pollution, traffic congestion, recycling habits,
policy implications, and environmental education.
The majority of our surveys were conducted on campus cafeterias, where we felt, given
the conditions under which our study was conducted, we could best achieve a random sample.
These conditions were that because of school rules, we could not have access to student
information that would have helped us target an entirely diverse sample pool based on students
majors and residence. In addition, in Shanghai the students were taking finals, and in Xiamen,
the students were on summer vacation, resulting in a small number of students being on campus.
Thus, the best possible method of targeting a random sample was to distribute the surveys in
campus cafeterias.
While the majority of our surveys were distributed in cafeterias, students and faculty also
distributed surveys to friends and colleagues. Surveys were given to specific students to
distribute to their acquaintances, and professors were given surveys to distribute other faculty
members.
In total, 458 surveys were collected, coded, and recorded on a spreadsheet. All entries were also
double-checked for errors to ensure that recorded information was valid. Pie charts, bar graphs,
and tables based on the quantitative data were then constructed. At this point in time, some
information from the surveys, which was thought to be incorrect, was removed. For example,
one respondent indicated that he had 50,000 siblings, and, because we felt the information could
possibly skew results, it was removed; the information is still included in the spreadsheet, but it
is not included in our tables and graphs.
Aside from distributing surveys, interviews were conducted, which permitted us to
explore in-depth some of the questions asked in our survey. The six interview questions, along
with having respondents fill out the demographic information from section one of our survey,
helped us discover citizen awareness of environmental issues, what environmental issues citizens
focus their attention on, and citizen views on certain environmental policies.
We interviewed undergraduate students, graduate students, and professors from various
fields and backgrounds. In addition, interviews with Environmental Protection Bureau officials
in both cities, as well as Blue Space, Jiaotong’s student environmental non-governmental
organization, were conducted. In total eleven interviews were conducted in Shanghai, and
twelve in Xiamen.
Data Analysis
Demographic Information
Table 1 illustrates the basic demographic information of individuals surveyed in
Shanghai and Xiamen. Of the respondents, 247 reside in Shanghai, and 211 live in Xiamen.
Most ages range between 21 and 25, and there is a higher ratio of male to female respondents.
Compared to their counterparts in Xiamen, respondents in Shanghai have lived in their respective
city for longer periods of time; 43% of respondents in Shanghai lived there for over ten years,
while over 75% of respondents in Xiamen lived in the city for five years or less. As a result of
distributing the questionnaire on college campuses, the majority of respondents surveyed were
either undergraduate or graduate students. In addition, Shanghai had more responses from
students and faculty members in environmental science fields because many of the surveys were
distributed at Minhang, Jiaotong's agriculture and environment campus; while surveys in Xiamen
were conducted on a campus that did not specialize in a particular field of study.
Citizen Perceptions of Current Situation
Table 2 demonstrates that Chinese citizens are aware that environmental pollution is a
problem harassing their nation. 94.8% of respondents either strongly agreed or agreed that
environmental pollution was a serious problem. These findings parallel those of the 2002
Beijing study, which reported 93.3% of Beijing respondents to be concerned about protecting the
environment (“Beijing citizens concerned...”, 2002), as well as Wang and Ji’s (2002) conclusion
that 89% of Shanghai respondents exhibited environme ntal awareness.
Most Pressing Problems—Shanghai/Xiamen Perspective
Shanghai respondents ranked the two most pressing issues in their city to be air pollution
and water pollution, placing traffic congestion third (Table 3). In contrast, Xiamen students
considered the social problems of corruption of officials and unemployment to be the two most
pressing issues, ranking water pollution third. This marked difference in perceptions—Shanghai
residents’ emphasis on issues concerning the physical environmental and Xiamen citizens’
highlighting of issues relating to the social environment—possibly reflects the unique
environmental situation of each city. In comparison to Shanghai, Xiamen has a cleaner natural
environment. Thus, environmental issues in Xiamen, such as air and water pollution, are not as
severe, allowing more attention to be focused on social issues such as government corruption and
unemployment.
The difference in views may also reaffirm the widely-held belief that the further away one is
from large cities controlled by the central government, the more corrupt policy makers are. In
the eleven interviews conducted in Shanghai, never once did any interviewee mention corruption
of government officials as a problem plaguing the city, but interviews conducted in Xiamen
revealed stories of fraud. An accounting undergraduate in Xiamen believes that many
government officials embezzle government funds because if they were to succeed in solving
environmental problems, their positions would become obsolete (Interview 11, Xiamen
University, 15 July 2002). This same undergraduate also stated that corruption had become so
rampant in Xiamen that a special supervising office was established to ensure that government
offices would follow proper protocol (Interview 11, Xiamen University, 15 July 2002).
Another possible explanation for Xiamen residents’ pinpointing of government
corruption as a major problem may be a result of the 1999 indictment of Changxin Lai, a former
resident and owner of the Xiamen based company, Fairwell Group. Lai was indicted by the
Chinese government for illegally smuggling upwards of $10 billion into China, which included
thousands of barrels of oil, cars, and semiconductors, as well as over $300 million dollars of
telephone equipment into Xiamen. Lai had evaded over $50 million in taxes and bribed Major
General Ji Shengde of the Peoples Liberation Army (PLA) with $3.5 million in return for the
officer’s turning a blind eye to his illegitimate business practices (ABC, “China Rocked by $10B
Smuggling Ring”, 2000). Lai’s seeking of asylum in Canada brought international attention to
the scandal, and his egregious acts may have contributed to an increase in Xiamen residents’
distrust of the government.
Perceptions of Most Pressing Problem—Gender Comparison
In traditional Chinese culture, women are
responsible for the majority of domestic activities, for example, child rearing and housekeeping.
We expected to find a gender difference in answers to questions on the most pressing needs of
the city. Therefore, we predicted that women, more so than men, would regard issues important
in the domestic realm, including water pollution, lack of housing, and population control, as
more pressing than such problems as traffic pollution and unemployment, which are not
commonly associated with daily household tasks. However, we found no significant variation
between male and female responses.
Citizen Response to Environmental Problems
In both Shanghai and Xiamen, a majority of respondents concurred that, in order to continue
economic development, environmental problems must be accepted (Table 4). This finding is
puzzling when one looks at results from the question that inquired whether or not respondents
felt that in five years, the environment in their city would get better, worse, or stay the same
(Table 5). Most responded that the environment would improve. Thus, it might be inferred that
respondents believe that in the next five years, economic growth will have improved to the point
where adequate environmental protection and clean-up measures can be enforced and funded.
Students we interviewed shared similar opinions. An electrical engineering graduate student in
Shanghai felt that “with increasing economic development, more attention will be paid to the
environment” (Interview 5, Jiaotong University, Xujia, 1 July 2002). In Xiamen, an optical fiber
sensor graduate student believed the environmental problems related to development are
forgivable and “expected because the country is still developing” (Interview 18, Xiamen
University, 15 July 2002).
Cleaning Up Environmental Pollution
Respondents in Shanghai identified environmental pollution, especially air and water
pollution, as the most pressing issues facing their city. Moreover, their responses demonstrated
that the majority of college-educated citizens in Shanghai feel there are insufficient steps being
taken both to clean up and prevent environmental pollution (Table 6).
Respondents to the survey in Xiamen, however, had views contrary to those in Shanghai. The
majority of respondents in Xiamen felt adequate measures were being taken to prevent (57.0%)
and clean up (51.5%) environmental pollution in the city. These results coincide with reports
and literature on Shanghai and Xiamen. After a long period of economic growth, Shanghai is in
the process of restoring and improving its natural environment. Xiamen, on the other hand, has
been able to maintain its scenic landscape while simultaneously economically developing
because its clean environment, and its environmental policy, has attracted many foreign
investors.
Primary Reasons for Environmental Policy—Shanghai/Xiamen
A question within the survey asked citizens to rate
the government’s primary reasons for environmental policies in their cities. Shanghai and
Xiamen results were similar: both cities ranked economic growth and health of the city’s
population as the top two influences. These were followed by motives to beautify the city, attract
tourists, and bring in foreign investment. Diminishing natural resources and international
pressure as pressures in government environmental policy were ranked last.
Ranking economic growth and health of the
population first shows that respondents believe that, while committed to economic growth, the
government still aspires to produce a healthy living environment for its citizens. However,
equilibrium between economic development and protecting the civilian health has yet to be
established. A hydraulics undergraduate in Shanghai stated that even though people desire to
live in a clean city, citizens understand that the country still needs to grow economically, and
currently, the government is trying to find the balance between the two (Interview 1, Jiaotong
University, Minhang, 29 June 2002).
Respondents within both cities ranked diminishing natural resources sixth, placing it behind
economic growth, attracting tourism, and foreign investment, in order of importance. This
demonstrates how, although natural resources may be thinning due to efforts to stimulate the
economy, the government may feel that it is necessary and beneficial because it will help the
country achieve its primary goal of economic progress.
Primary Reasons for Environmental Policy—Student/Faculty Comparison
When comparing student and faculty rankings
regarding beliefs on the government’s primary reasons for environmental policy, there were no
discernible differences. Students and faculty members perceived that promoting economic
health and improving health standards were the primary reasons for the current environmental
policy. Foreign investment, increasing tourism, and beautifying the city were seen as secondary
considerations; international pressure and depletion of natural resources, as possible reasons for
the environmental policy, were seen as last in order of importance.
Responsibility of Caring for the Environment—Shanghai/Xiamen Comparison
Table 7 compares the attitudes of Shanghai and Xiamen citizens with regard to who is
most responsible for nurturing the environment. Both Shanghai and Xiamen respondents
identified citizens as most responsible for environment preservation, however, when ranking
who, after citizens, should shoulder the burden, the responses between the cities diverged.
Shanghai residents rated the central government (21.1%) as the second most responsible party,
while Xiamen residents ranked the local government second (29.8%) and the central government
third (7.3%).
Shanghai respondents’ ranking of central government second might reflect the unique role the
central government has played in the city’s development. Since Shanghai is the economic hub of
China, the central government has invested an immense amount of energy and effort in
developing the city’s economy and directing its modernization. The presence of the heavy hand
of the central government may have influenced Shanghai citizens’ views regarding the
construction and achievement of policy goals, ingraining into their minds that the central
government will take care of, and is responsible for taking care of, most problems in the city.
The differences between the perceptions of Shanghai and Xiamen respondents may also
convey an effect that Xiamen’s developmental policy has had on its citizens’ attitudes, with
regard to taking initiative in caring for the local environment. The “hands on” approach that the
local government in Xiamen has taken, developing its economy while simultaneously preserving
its environment, has implanted in the minds of its residents that issues will most effectively and
efficiently be addressed if citizens rely on themselves and the local government, rather than on
the central government, to accomplish their goals.
Responsibility of Caring for the Environment—Gender Comparisons
There is no significant gender difference when
examining opinions of whether or not economic development should be favored over
environmental protection (Table 8). Nor is there a variation in opinions concerning the party
most responsible for environmental care. Both males and females ranked citizens as most
responsible, followed by local and central government, respectively (Table 9). A minor
difference revealed that women placed more responsibility for environmental protection upon
citizens, whereas males indicated that responsibility must be borne primarily by local
government.
Responsibility of Caring for the Environment--Student/ Faculty Comparison
A generation gap between students and faculty
respondents may account for the differences in the rankings and percentages seen in Table 10.
Students ranked citizens as most responsible for environmental care, followed by local
government. Faculty members, however, clearly deemed the central government most
responsible. This finding could be attributed to China’s legacy of central planning. Many
faculty respondents in our study belonged to the generation of Chinese citizens who experienced,
first-hand, the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution, when the CCP held
responsibility for providing in all facets of the people’ s lives.
Student respondents, on the other hand, have grown up with liberalization in freedom of speech
and a decentralization of central government power, with more rights and responsibility being
delegated to local governments and citizens. This shift has given citizens a voice to speak out
against practices harmful to the environment. A Shanghai student stated that citizens are now
able to call newspaper agencies, radio stations, and television stations if they want to publicize
an environmental issue. A journalist will interview the concerned resident, and then a program
or report is often given on the issue (Interview 5, Jiaotong University, Xujia, 1 July 2002).
Students may also have realized that the most efficient method of accomplishing their goals
involves a proactive role, in which they take upon themselves the initiative to solve problems,
rather than waiting for the government to respond. As one student puts it, the government tends
to be reactive, not proactive, and by that point in time, the problem is often beyond repair
(Interview 1, Jiaotong University, Minhang, 29 June 2002). The same student in Shanghai
stated, “Currently, [citizens] must wait for the municipal government to decide something is a
problem, and then clean it up once it is deemed a worthy issue, which is often too late.”
Citizen Recycling Habits
60% of those surveyed participate in some form of recycling, with newspaper, paper, and plastic
bottles being the most common items turned in. Of those who indicated that they recycle, the
opportunity to help the environment was the most common motivation. Other major incentives
for recycling included conveniently placed recycle bins and the influence of family members.
Respondents who did not recycle indicated the scarce availability of recycling bins and peer
influence as the main deflectors.
Urban/Rural Recycling Differences
When comparing the recycling habits of rural and urban civilians, the percentages for those who
do and do not recycle in the two regions are the same (60% recycle and 40% do not). This
finding could indicate that social conditions, such as different living standards, do not affect an
individual’s recycling habits. However, the equalizing effect of institutions of higher education
offers a second explanation for the similarity. Because our survey was distributed on university
campuses, where the top 10% of the nation’s student population congregates, the majority of
respondents have received a quality of education that exceeds levels achieved by the general
population.
Gathering Environmental Information—Shanghai & Xiamen
A majority of respondents in our survey received environmental education in school
(76.6% of Shanghai respondents and 70.1% of Xiamen respondents). In addition, data indicated
that, as respondents progressed in their schooling, the amount of environmental education they
received increased. 23.3% of Shanghai respondents received environmental education in
elementary school, and 47.4% have received it in college; 20.5% of Xiamen respondents
received it in elementary school, and 38.4% have received it in college.
The majority of citizens in Shanghai and Xiamen obtained their information about the
environment from newspapers and television 2 (Table 11). This finding is congruent with Wang
and Ji’s (2002) study, which also found that citizens receive the majority of their environmental
information via newspapers and television.
Gathering Environmental Information—Rural/Urban Origin Behaviors
There are well-known, and well-documented,
differences in the upbringing a child receives in an urban environment versus rural one; children
reared in urban environments are thought to receive a more well-rounded and westernized
education. An undergraduate in Shanghai believes that the Shanghai school system adequately
educates their students about environmental problems, but believes that rural environmental
education programs are inadequate (Interview 3, Jiaotong University, Minhang, 29 June 2002).
A professor at Xiamen University stated, “urban knowledge of environmental problems is higher
than rural”, and he believed that environmental education must be increased all over the country,
especially in rural areas (Interview 10, Xiamen University, 16 July 2002).
The majority of residents raised in urban cities are more affluent than those educated in rural
regions. Comparatively, urban residents do not have to worry about issues such as where their
next meal will come from, permitting them to focus on activities such as environmental
protection. A graduate student in Shanghai stated that poor people “care more about getting by
and little about the environment” (Interview 6, Jiaotong University, Minhang, 29 June 2002). A
student in Xiamen shared this thought: “Chinese people will put their personal interests before
the interests of the environment, especially if they are poor because they need to survive and
cannot think of protecting the environment when they do not have enough to eat” (Interview 20,
Xiamen University, 15 July 2002).
In Table 11, respondents with rural origins are compared to those raised in urban environments
to determine if there are any differences in the mediums through which those living in different
social cultures obtain their environmental information. The table shows that those in rural and
urban areas receive about the same percentage of environmental information through newspapers
and the television. However, the two regions have wide, and expected gaps, because it takes new
movements in technology longer to enter rural regions than urban regions. One example of this
gap was that 83.2% of urban residents, compared to 38.1% of rural residents, received some
form of environmental information through the internet.
There were also sharp rural and urban differences in obtaining environmental information
through the radio and at school. 57.8% of urban residents used the radio to obtain environmental
information, compared to less than half of that (25.7%) for rural residents. Urban citizens also
seem to have received more environmental education in school (68.8%) compared to those who
grew up in rural regions (29.5%).
Gathering Environmental Information—Students/Faculty Behavior
When comparing channels through which students and faculty members receive their
environmental information, percentages were similar for newspaper and television mediums.
Differences were that students used the internet about 10% more often, and that faculty members
used the radio 7% more often. These slight differences were expected because the current
generation of college students has grown up with the internet being a source of knowledge, while
2 Shanghai and Xiamen had similar percentages, so their data is grouped into the same category.
faculty members, for the majority of their lives, instead of the internet, used the radio as a source
of information for, among other things, improving environmental awareness.
Willingness To Take An Active Role—The Future of the Environment
Water pollution is one facet of environmental pollution that citizens are worried about, as
evident from the 93.3% of respondents who identified it as a serious problem in China.
Furthermore, 94.7% of citizens surveyed were willing to pay a small fee for cleaner drinking
water (Table 12). However, when asked whether they would be willing to give 5% of their
earnings if they were certain the money would be used to prevent environmental pollution, yes
answers dropped to 86.9%. One interpretation of this difference is that citizens see 5% as too
large a proportion of their income to be giving toward environmental protection; an undefined
“small fee” could be interpreted as much less than 5%. An alternative explanation might be that
citizens highly value clean drinking water, and thus are willing to pay more for it than for general
environmental pollution clean-up.
Future Cars?
Table 13 looks at whether or not citizens who
agreed that there is a traffic problem plan on buying a car in the future. 69.5% of those who
strongly agreed that there is a traffic problem plan to buy a car, and 60.4% of those who agreed
that there was a traffic problem wish to purchase a car in the future. These percentages are
similar to those who disagreed and strongly disagreed there is a traffic problem, are planning to
buy a car (68.4%). The similarities in responses possibly indicate that, even though citizens may
recognize there is a traffic problem, the prestige and convenience that come with owning a car
take precedence over exacerbation of traffic problems in the city.
An electrical engineering graduate student in
Shanghai, who has lived in the city for more than twenty years, shared similar thoughts of
understanding there is a traffic problem, but still wanting to buy a car. He stated that Shanghai
currently has a traffic problem, and that there has always been a problem. However, because he
believes that the government has done a lot to alleviate gridlock on Shanghai roads by improving
public transportation routes, such as the subway, he desires to and will, “for sure”, own a car in
the future (Interview 5, Jiaotong University, Xujia, 1 July 2002). An undergraduate student in
Xiamen had a grave outlook on the effect an increase in the purchase of cars will have on the
future. She felt that with increasing incomes, more people would be able to buy cars, which will
worsen the problems of air pollution and traffic congestion (Interview 11, Xiamen University, 15
July 2002).
Conclusion
The results of our data clearly indicate that environmental awareness is high among college
students and professors in Shanghai and Xiamen. This is not surprising when one takes into
account that college students represent the top ten percent of students in the country. Survey
respondents indicated that as they moved on in school, at each level, they received more
environmental education. This implies that that environmental education is either more
commonly provided the higher up one goes in school, or that it is a relatively new phenomenon
where, as the country progresses, at each grade level, it is increasingly being offered. Whatever
the reason, the increasing availability of environmental education helps explain China’s growing
sensitivity to environmental issues.
Not only is awareness high, but a majority of college students and faculty respondents take at
least some steps towards helping the environment. For example, most recycle, and most are
willing to pay five percent of their annual income to help prevent and clean up environmental
pollution. More respondents were willing to pay a small fee for cleaner water in their homes,
than were willing to pay five percent of their annual income to help clean up and prevent
pollution, but this seems to be a reasonable prioritization. Citizens’ willingness to pay more for
water pollution prevention indicates the graveness of the problem. Water pollution affects
citizens’ daily lives, and though most would like to see a healthy environment for China as a
whole, considering clean and safe water to be of greater importance is logical.
While most respondents felt that the ultimate responsibility for environmental protection should
be in the hands of the citizens, certain groups had different views. Notably, highly educated
faculty members on the college campuses believed that the central government should be most
responsible for caring for the environment, while students felt that it was the citizens’
responsibility. This is a situation that has the potential to cause the environmental movement to
take steps backwards. In order for a country to provide adequate attention to the environment,
especially one the size of China, citizens will have to be major contributors to the collective
effort. As it stands now, professors are setting an example of dependence on the central
government, which has its benefits, but also has many drawbacks. Although the data collected
indicates that students are not deeply influenced by this line of thinking, there is always the
potential for professors to pass on this logic to the students, be it intentionally or not.
Fortunately, the country has taken significant steps towards encouraging citizens to take a more
active role by opening lines of thought and communication. Hopefully, as each generation
passes, this trend of citizen involvement, and government policy focused towards protecting the
environment, will contin ue to thrive.
Most respondents have an optimistic outlook for China’s environmental future. Table 5 indicates
that a majority believes China’s environment will improve in the next five years. This could be
due in part to the flourishing economy, which makes it possible to fund environmental
prevention measures, clean up efforts, education campaigns, and any number of other potential
factors.
Students have indicated that they are willing to accept responsibility for caring for the
environment, and are possibly going back to the traditional ideological and sustainable way of
thinking which was prominent prior to Mao’s era. Environmental education has taken on many
forms on China’s college campuses. Not only is it offered in classrooms, but student groups
have organized and have gotten involved in campaigns to educate the rest of the public about
protecting the environment.
The outlook on China’s future is promising. With the upcoming 2008 summer Olympics in
Beijing, the capital will want to demonstrate to the rest of the world that China’s environment
and economy are stable and thriving. Furthermore, as the economy improves, and a middle class
emerges, citizens will have more leisure time to spend learning about environmental issues and
taking an active role in creating a cleaner and more sustainable China.
Further Studies
Our study attempted to examine the environmental perceptions and attitudes of citizens in
two economically-focused coastal cities. While many similarities existed between the two cities,
there were also many differences, making for an intriguing comparison. After conducting this
research, and making comparisons between the cities, age, gender, and family origin, we believe
there are numerous educational and worthwhile studies that remain to be conducted.
One study that we suggest is further probing the comparison we touched upon in our
study between urban and rural citizens regarding their perceptions on environmental protection,
responsibility to protect the environment, and environmental education. Our study obtained data
from students and faculty members with rural backgrounds, but it did so in the college setting,
and, most likely, lent itself to an overly educated sample pool, not representative of the true
differences between rural and urban citizens. We suggest targeting a major metropolis, such as
Shanghai, and comparing it with a small rural city or village.
A comparison between a conurbation on the coast of China and city in the hinterlands of
western China is also a suggestion. Data indicates that the environmental situation in many
regions of west China is moving backwards, while based on our study and available literature, it
appears the movement in coastal cities is the exact opposite. Exploring why there is a difference
and the attitudes of the citizens within the two regions would shed light onto where the
government is focusing its policy efforts, and where the future of west China, compared to east
and south, lies.
Prior to distributing our survey, we believed there would be differences in answers
regarding gender, but these assumptions proved to be false. A possible reason for not finding
any major differences in gender was that we targeted college students, where males and females
are essentially exposed to similar experiences and receive comparable educations, which thus
influence their outlook towards the environment. A possible future study would be to compare
gender differences throughout the entire population of one specific area, targeting not only
college age students, but also individuals of all ages.
Conducting studies on differences in generations is also a possibility. Our study found
that faculty, those older in age, believe the central government should be most responsible for
environmental protection, while students, the younger generation believed that citizens ought to
be most responsible in taking the lead. Further exploration into this subject could possibly shed
light onto the lingering affects of the obtrusive, centrally planned economy Mao implemented,
and the current steps being made towards educating youth about environmental protection. Age
cross sections could broken-up into twenty-year intervals and comparisons made.
We hypothesize that China’s central government is one of the main factors that influence
Chinese citizens’ beliefs and behaviors about the environment. We also wonder what some of
the other factors are that influence citizens’ beliefs and behaviors about the environment. Future
studies could be conducted on the historical and contemporary influence of Confucianism,
Buddhism, Daoism, and other religions or schools of thought on citizens’ environmental attitudes
and behaviors.
Wang and Ji concluded (2002) that a person’s income has no correlation with their views on
environmental protection. We had hoped that our survey would enable us to further investigate
their results, but the income data we collected in China was unreliable. Many respondents were
unwilling to fill in their income data; income data was provided for 71.2% of the surveys. Of the
surveys for which income values were collected, many respondents either overlooked or
misinterpreted the term “annual”; these respondents reported monthly incom es, rendering the
data unreliable. A future study could focus on income disparity and its possible effect on
environmental attitudes and values.
Future studies could further investigate students’ views on the basic principal behind Kuznet’s
hypothesis—the assumption that a certain level of economic prosperity must be attained before
stringent environmental protection and regulations can be implemented, and that environmental
degradation is an unavoidable cost of economic growth. How do students react to this statement?
What do they imagine to be the implications? If they accept the Kuznet’s hypothesis, how much
funding do they think should be allocated for environmental protection? How much money
should be invested in economic growth? If environmental degradation is understood to be
unavoidable, do students feel less responsible for preservation?
As the results of this study, and other studies, have revealed, the central government’s campaign
to raise the public’s awareness of environmental issues has been very successful—we know that
Chinese citizens are aware of environmental problems. Yet, further research could provide a
greater understanding of the specific forces that influence their values and perceptions.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank The National Science Foundation and The Lancy
Foundation for their generous financial support. This research would not have been possible
without it. We would also like to express our extreme gratitude to the faculty mentors and guest
lecturers from Central Washington University, who guided us in this experience. Special thanks
goes to the students and faculty at Shanghai Jiaotong University and Xiamen University for
facilitating us with invaluable resources. We would also like to thank Dr. Ping Ji for generously
giving up her free time to assist in our research efforts. Lastly, we would like to express our
appreciation to the 458 students and faculty members who took the time to complete our survey,
and to the 21 individuals who participated in interviews.
Tables
Table 1- Demographic Information
Shanghai
Number Surveyed
Gender
Male
Female
Age (Shanghai)
20 and below
21-25
26-30
31 and above
Duration of Residence
< 1 year
1-5 years
6-10 years
Xiamen
%
53.9
n
247
%
46.1
n
211
55.1
44.9
136
111
64.5
35.5
136
75
17.2
57.4
4.9
20.5
42
140
12
50
25.7
50.5
16.2
7.6
54
106
34
16
Total
458
458
454
458
15.0
35.2
5.7
37
87
14
27.0
55.9
11.4
57
118
24
11-20 years
> 20 years
Education Level
High School and below
College
Graduate School
Occupation
Student
Faculty
Major
Environmental Focus
Earth Science Focus
Other Major
Family Origin
Rural
Urban
10.5
33.6
26
83
1.9
3.8
4
8
8.5
58.1
33.3
21
143
82
6.2
51.2
42.7
13
108
90
457
450
77.4
22.6
183
53
90.2
9.8
184
20
29.8
4.9
65.4
61
10
134
9.1
9.1
81.8
15
15
135
370
441
36.0
64.0
87
155
43.2
56.8
86
113
Table 2—Citizen perceptions of environmental problems in China
Strongly
Agree
Environmental pollution
49.3% (226)
is a serious problem
Agree
Disagree
Strongly
Disagree
44.3% (203)
5.5% (25)
0.7% (3)
N=457
Table 3—Three Most Pressing Problems Facing One’s City—Shanghai/Xiamen Comparison
Three Most Pressing
Problems
Problem
Air Pollution
Water Pollution
Dust Storm
Water Shortage
Lack of Housing
Traffic Congestion
%
17.6
17.3
2.0
5.0
8.4
14.9
Shanghai
N=219
n
116
114
13
33
55
98
Rank
1
2
11
8
5
3
%
4.2
11.6
2.9
9.9
8.3
7.2
Xiamen
N=181
N
23
63
16
54
45
39
Rank
10
3
11t
4
6
8
Population Control
Floating Population
Crime Rate
Unemployment
Corruption of Officials
Social Inequity
Other
Do Not Know
10.2
8.1
0.6
8.1
4.7
2.9
0.3
0.0
67
53
4
53
31
19
0
3
4
6
12
7
9
10
13
14
6.8
9.0
2.9
11.9
12.7
7.9
1.8
2.8
37
49
16
65
69
43
15
10
9
5
11t
2
1
7
14
13
Table 4—Must Accept Environmental Problems in Order to Economically Develop?
Strongly
Agree
Agree
Disagree
24.0% (106)
35.5% (157)
25.3% (112)
13.1% (58)
N=442
25.9% (63)
35.0% (85)
23.9% (58)
12.8% (31)
N=243
21.6% (43)
36.2% (72)
27.1% (54)
13.6% (27)
N=199
Accept env. problems in
order to develop?
Total Sample
Strongly
Disagree
Shanghai
Xiamen
Table 5—In the Next Five Years, the city’s environment will...?
Shanghai
Answer
Get Better
Get Worse
Stay the Same
Do Not Know
%
91.0%
0.8%
2.9%
5.3%
Xiamen
n
222
2
7
13
%
77.6%
6.5%
7.5%
8.5%
n
156
13
15
17
Table 6—Attitudes Towards Whether or Not Enough is Being Done for the Environment
Enough steps being taken to
prevent environmental pollution
in your city?
Enough steps being taken to
clean up environmental
pollution in your city?
City
Shanghai
Yes
36.5% (89)
No
63.5% (155)
Xiamen
57.0% (118)
43.0% (89)
Shanghai
35.5% (87)
64.5% (158)
N=451
N=449
Xiamen
51.5% (105)
48.5% (99)
Table 7—Most Responsible For Caring For the Environment—Shanghai/Xiamen
Most responsible for caring for
the environment
Organization
Central Government
Provincial Government
Local Government
Work Unit
Citizens
NGOs
Do Not Know
%
21.1
11.9
18.1
6.6
39.6
1.3
1.3
Shanghai
N=227
n
48
27
41
15
90
3
3
rank
2
4
3
5
1
6
7
%
7.3
4.7
29.8
5.8
46.1
3.1
3.2
Xiamen
N=191
N
14
9
57
11
88
6
6
rank
3
5
2
4
1
7
6
Table 8—Favoring Economic Development Over Environmental Protection—Gender
Male
Ans wer
Strongly Agree
Agree
Disagree
Strongly Disagree
Do Not Know
%
21.6
35.5
25.9
14.3
2.7
Female
n
56
92
67
37
7
%
27.3
35.5
24.6
11.5
1.9
n
50
65
45
21
2
Table 9—Most Responsible for Caring for the Environment—Gender Comparison
Most responsible for
caring for the environment
Organization
Central Government
Provincial Government
Local Government
Work Unit
Citizens
NGOs
Do Not Know
%
15.4
8.1
25.9
6.1
40.5
2.0
2.0
Male
N=247
n
38
20
64
15
100
5
5
rank
3
4
2
5
1
6t
6t
%
14.0
9.4
19.9
6.4
45.6
2.3
2.3
Female
N=171
N
24
16
34
11
78
4
4
rank
3
4
2
5
1
6t
6t
Table 10—Most Responsible for Caring for the Environment—Student/Faculty Comparison
Most responsible for caring for the
environment
Organization
Central Government
Provincial Government
Local Government
Work Unit
Citizens
NGOs
Do Not Know
Student
N=333
n
37
25
77
21
158
7
8
%
11.1
7.5
23.1
6.3
47.4
2.1
2.4
rank
3
4
2
5
1
7
6
%
35.3
14.7
20.6
2.9
23.5
1.5
1.5
Faculty
N=68
n
24
10
14
2
16
1
1
rank
1
4
3
5
2
6t
6t
Table 11—Where Environmental Information is Obtained
China
N=458
Where citizens get
their environmental
information
Newspaper
TV
Internet
Radio
School
Other
%
77.7
81.0
55.4
38.1
45.1
13.0
n
356
371
253
174
206
59
Rural
N=268
%
77.7
81.3
38.1
25.7
29.5
6.0
Urban
N=173
n
207
218
102
69
79
16
%
79.2
80.3
83.2
57.8
68.8
23.1
n
137
139
144
100
119
40
Student
N=367
%
77.4
80.9
57.2
37.1
46.0
11.7
Faculty
N=73
n
284
297
210
136
169
43
%
78.1
80.8
47.9
43.8
47.9
21.9
n
57
59
35
32
35
16
Table 12—Giving Money for Environmental Protection
5% of earnings to pollution
prevention
Yes
No
86.9% (398)
13.1% (60)
N=458
94.7% (432)
Small fee for cleaner drinking
water
5.3% (24)
N=458
Table 13—Agree There is a Traffic Problem, but Plan to Buy a Car in the Future?
Problem?
Buy Car?
Yes
No
Do Not Know
Strongly Agree
%
69.5
22.0
8.5
n
57
18
7
Agree
%
60.4
31.1
8.5
n
128
66
18
Disagree
%
68.3
27.6
4.1
n
84
34
5
Strongly Disagree
%
68.8
25.0
6.3
n
11
4
1
Appendix 1
Sociological Survey
Central Washington University
Section One
_____________________________________________________________________________________
How long have you lived in Shanghai/Xiamen?
____ Less than 1 year
____ 1-5 years
____ 6-10 years
____ 11-20 years
____ More than 20 years
Was your last home:
____ Rural
____ Urban
How old are you? ______
Are you a:
____ Male
____ Female
What is your highest level of formal education?
____ None
____ Elementary School
____ Middle School
____ High School
____ College
____ Graduate Degree
What is your major/occupation? _______________________________
How many siblings do you have? _______
How many people live in your household? ________
What is your family’s annual income? ________
Do you and/or your family own ______, or rent ______ your house?
Do you or does your family own a car?
Yes _____
No _____
If you answered Yes to number 11, how many cars do you and your family own?
If you answered No to number 11, do you plan to buy one in the future?
Yes _____
____
No _____
Section Two
Environmental pollution is a very serious problem in China.
Strongly Agree____ Agree____
Disagree____ Strongly Disagree____ Do not Know____
Would you give five percent of your earnings if you were certain that the money would be used to prevent
environmental pollution?
Yes _____
No _____
If you answered No to number 15, would you give less?
Yes ____
No ____
With the added costs of cleaning up drinking water, the price of water service will probably increase.
Are you willing to
pay a small increase for cleaner and healthier water in your home?
Yes ____
No ____
The government has to reduce environmental pollution but it should not cost citizens any money.
Strongly Agree ____ Agree____
Disagree____ Strongly Disagree____ Do not Know____
If residents of Shanghai/Xiamen want to continue economic development, they shall just have to accept environmental
problems.
Strongly Agree____ Agree____
Disagree____ Strongly Disagree____ Do not Know____
Water pollution is a serious problem in China.
Strongly Agree ____ Agree____
Disagree____ Strongly Disagree____ Do not Know____
Shanghai/Xiamen has a traffic congestion problem.
Strongly Agree____ Agree____
Disagree____ Strongly Disagree____ Do not Know____
Which of the alternatives listed below do you feel are effective ways to reduce traffic congestion? (Please mark all that a pply.)
____ Public transportation
____ Bicycling
____ Walking
Which three problems listed below would you say are the most pressing problems facing modern-day
Shanghai/Xiamen?
_____ Air pollution
_____ Water pollution
_____ Dust storm
_____ Water shortage
_____ Lack of housing
_____ Traffic congestion
_____ Population control
_____ Floating population
_____ Crime rate
_____ Unemployment
_____ Corruption of officials
_____ Social inequality
_____ Do not know
_____ Other (Please specify.) _________________________
Which one of these three is the most pressing of all?
_____ Air pollution
_____ Water pollution
_____ Dust storm
_____ Water shortage
_____ Lack of housing
_____ Traffic congestion
_____ Population Control
_____ Floating population
_____ Crime Rate
_____ Unemployment
_____ Corruption of Officials
_____ Social Inequality
_____ Do not know
_____ Other (Please specify.) _________________________
Do you feel that it is important to provide environmental education in schools?
Yes ____
No ____
Do you feel that environmental education is adequately provided in schools?
Yes ____
No ____
Have you received environmental education in school?
If you answered Yes to number 27, in which grades
Yes ____
No ____
have you received environmental education? (Please
check all that apply.)
____ Elementary school
____ Middle School
____ High School
____ College
Where do you get most of your information about the environment? (Please mark all that apply.)
_____ Newspapers
_____ Television
_____ Internet
_____ Radio
_____ Studied in school
_____ Other (Please specify.) ____________________________________
In your opinion, are enough steps being taken to prevent environmental pollution in Shanghai/Xiamen?
Yes ____
No ____
In your opinion,
are enough steps being taken to clean up environmental pollution in Shanghai/Xiamen?
Yes ____
No ____
Who should be most responsible for caring for the environment? (Please choose only one.)
_____ Central government
_____ Provincial/city government
_____ Local Governments
_____ Work unit
_____ Citizens
_____ Non-governmental organizations
_____ Do not know
Please rate from 1 to 7 (one being the
most important and seven being the least) what you think is the primary
reason for Shanghai’s/Xiamen’s environmental policy.
_____ International pressure
_____ Diminishing natural resources
_____ Economic growth
_____ The health of Shanghai’s/Xiamen’s population
_____ Attracting tourists
_____ Beautify the city
_____ Attracting foreign investment
Is there a recycle business/program in your residential community?
Yes ____
No ____
Is there a recycle business/program at your school?
Do you currently recycle? Yes ____
No ____
Yes ____
No ____
If you answered No to number 36, skip to number 39.
What are the things you recycle? (Please mark all that apply.)
_____ Newspapers
_____ Metals
_____ Plastic bottles
_____ Glasses
_____ Wood Products
_____ Paper
_____ Other (Please specify.)____________________________________
What motivates you to recycle?
(Please mark all that apply.)
____ Conveniently placed recycle bins
____ Chance to help the environment
____ Influence of peers
____ Influence of family
____ Influence of government
____ Added income
____ Other (Please Specify.)
What discourages or prevents you from recycling? (Please mark all that apply.)
____ Scarce availability of recycle bins
____ Family does not recycle
____ Peers do not recycle
____ Other (Please specify.)
In the average 5-day school/work week, how many days do you take a taxi on the way to school/work?
____ 0 days per week
____ 1-2 days per week
____ 3-4 days per week
____ 5 days per week
In the average 5-day school/work week, how many days do you ride public transportation to school/work?
____ 0 days per week
____ 1-2 days per week
____ 3-4 days per week
____ 5 days per week
In the average 5-day school/work week, how many days do you ride a bike to school/work?
____ 0 days per week
____ 1-2 days per week
____ 3-4 days per week
____ 5 days per week
In the average 5-day school/work week, how many days do you walk to school/work?
____ 0 days per week
____ 1-2 days per week
____ 3-4 days per week
____ 5 days per week
Which of the following cities do you prefer to live in?
_____ Beijing
_____ Shanghai
_____ Xiamen
Would you say that, in the next five years, the environment in Shanghai will:
_____ Get better
_____ Get worse
_____ Stay the same
_____ Do not know
-Thank you for taking the time to fill out this survey. Your participation has been very helpful.
Appendix 2
1.
Are there any serious environmental concerns that you feel have been paid little or no
attention in China?
2.
What is the most pressing concern?
3.
How might these concerns be addressed?
Do you feel that college students care about and take
an active role towards creating a
cleaner environment in China?
5.
Do you feel that environmental education is important in schools? Is it
adequately
provided?
6.
In which one of the following cities do you prefer to live, Beijing, Shanghai, or
Xiamen?
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