SOUTH ASIA REGIONAL REPORT OF
THE ASSESSMENT OF WECAN PHASE II
Prepared by
Anuradha Rajan
Swati Chakraborty
1
Prepared by
Anuradha Rajan
Swati Chakraborty
TABLE OF CONTENTS
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY.............................................................................................
3 - 32
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION AND STUDY OVERVIEW................................................. 33- 37
CHAPTER 2: CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK OF THE STUDY...........................................
38 - 42
CHAPTER 3: BRIEF BACKGROUND ON CAMPAIGN EVALUATIONS .................................. 43 -45
CHAPTER 4: METHODOLOGY AND TOOLS .................................................................... 46 - 50
CHAPTER 5: OVERVIEW OF CONTEXT OF WECAN IN THE REGION .................................. 51 - 56
CHAPTER 6: REGIONAL FINDINGS OF THE ASSESSMENT ................................................. 57 -138
CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSIONS ......................................................................................... 139 - 143
CHAPTER 8: RECCOMENDATIONS......................................................................................144
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
The WECAN campaign
I.
II.
III.
IV.
V.
This report is an assessment of phase II of WECAN, a campaign (2005-2011) to reduce the
social acceptance of violence against women. It is a six year campaign and is currently
running in six countries of South Asia- India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Afghanistan and
Bangladesh. WECAN has used a strong communication strategy, comprising of print and
video materials, to engage communities on the issue of VAW.
The campaign has been implemented in phases. The first phase of the campaign (2005-2008)
focused on signing up change makers. Change maker are people who commit themselves to
never being perpetrators of violence or passive bystanders to such incidents. They also
commit to spreading the message of non acceptance of VAW to others around them, using
the materials given to them. A total of 1.8 million change makers signed up during phase I of
the campaign. Anyone who volunteers to make personal changes and work on the issue can
sign up to be a change maker.
However, from 2008 onwards, the focus of the campaign has been on re-engaging old
change makers and deepening the change among them. To facilitate re-engagement, the
campaign initiated a number of activities across the region, some of which were country
specific and some were commonly implemented in all the countries covered by the
assessment. Common activities included:
 Use of mobile vans and van rickshaws to reach out to pockets of old change makers,
re-connect with them and distribute campaign materials of phase II and phase I.
 Distribution of periodic newsletters through connectors
 Use of wall hoardings/paintings
 Radio programmes that have stories of change also included in the print material.
 Encouraging change makers to hold small meetings/events in their areas. This was
known as the thousand events initiative as the objective was to hold a thousand
events in the geographical unit equivalent to a district, in each country.
In addition, country specific activities were held. Key among them were change
maker assemblies, formation of a human chain and a door-to-door campaign.
Activities on a much smaller scale such as holding courtyard meetings and change
maker gatherings were also held by local partners in all countries.
The objective in phase II of WECAN was to nurture, strengthen and deepen change among
old change makers. Deepening/Intensifying change among existing change makers was
articulated by the campaign team as motivating change makers to think of new actions and
identifying new situations to apply the gender discrimination lens. Much of the campaign
communication material of this phase contains examples and illustrations of changes made
by change makers. These stories offer alternatives and options to change makers for taking
actions and making behaviour changes. An important aspect of deepening of change is to
move from the realm of preparing for action to actually engage in actions. Hence the focus
and thereby the communication material of phase II focuses a great deal on manifestation of
change through actions. Through actions, the phase also subtly presents several
“invisibilised” forms of violence widely prevalent around us.
Phase II of the campaign has also emphasised on moving beyond individual change to
changes in attitudes of the change maker’s circle of influence and the wider community, so
that the onus of change is not only on the change maker but also on those around him/her.
Thus, much of the communication material also talks about how changes in the community’s
own outlook, attitudes and behaviour create a more equitable environment for women and
girls. The poster given below is an illustration of this idea. This notion has been articulated
by the campaign as a collective attitudinal shift in the change maker’s circle of influence.
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Assessment of phase II of WECAN
VI. In 2009, OXFAM initiated an assessment of this phase of the campaign in five countries,
Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and India. The purpose of the study was to
understand whether and how deepening of change was taking place among existing change
makers as well as explore collective attitudinal shifts within the change maker’s circles of
influence.
VII. Therefore, the key questions addressed by the assessment were:
1. Are existing change makers experiencing a deepening of change?
2. If yes, what is the nature of this change and how is this change occurring?
3. In what way is the deepening of change among old change makers linked to the process of
re-engagement?
4. Is the change was spreading from the change maker outwards to their circles of influence?
5. If yes, what are the kinds of changes occurring within these circles of influence?
6. Has the campaign managed to influence perceptions and beliefs on violence against women
within the change maker’s broader circle of influence?
Assessment methodology
I.
The sample size was finalised after considering the advice of a statistical expert as well as
the resources available to undertake the assessment. The assessment aimed at covering a
maximum sample size of 400 respondents per country, to allow for a 5% margin of error at
95% confidence level.
II. The assessment has combined qualitative and quantitative methods of enquiry. Narrative
data was gathered from change makers using a life history technique. This technique
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enabled the research team to understand the change maker’s engagement with the
campaign and the issue within the broader context of their lives and experiences. Such a
holistic understanding has been very useful in understanding why and how the change
maker has responded to the campaign and thereby enabled contexualisation of the journey
of change. The narratives of the change makers were gathered through day long experience
sharing workshops. Facilitated exercises and an in-depth interview was used to explore the
change maker’s life experiences, their attitudes and engagement with the issue of VAW as
well as the role of the campaign in personal change.
III. Some illustrative domains on which change maker’s experiences were gathered included:









Influences that have shaped the change maker’s life
Important milestones in the change maker’s life
Motivation for having become a change maker
Value derived by becoming a change maker
Views and perceptions about WECAN
Personal values about beliefs about gender norms
Journeys of personal change, both in terms of thinking and actions
Challenges and hurdles in making this journey
How these have been dealt
IV. During the course of these in-depth interviews, the change makers were asked to volunteer
people from their circles of influence who could be interviewed for a follow up interaction.
These potential respondents were placed under the different systems they represented (eg
family, friends, neighbours etc.) and a stratified random sample was drawn from this list.
The respondents from the change maker’s circle of influence (hereby referred to as COI)
were covered using a semi structured interview tool.
V. Change makers and the people in their circles of influence were asked to respond the same
set of questions on their attitudes to gender roles and VAW.
Assessment sites and sample covered
The assessment was conducted in twenty one sites spread across five countries. The details of the
sites covered are shown in the table below.
Pakistan
Mardan
district,Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa
province
Jamshoro district,
Sindh province
Sri Lanka
Bangladesh
India
Nepal
Batticoloa district
Shahapara union and
Kamarjai union
Gaibandha district
Pauri block, Pauri
district, Uttaranchal
Garuda VDC, Rautahat
district
Luni block, Jodhpur
district, Rajasthan
Dang municiaplity,
Dang district
Mandir Bazaar, South
24 paragana district
& Govindapur, Ward
No 93, Kolkata
district, West Bengal
Dangibari VDC, Jhapa
district
Puttalam district
Monaragala
district
Badulla district
Ward no.2 and Akua
union, Mymensing
district
Quetta district,
Baluchistan
Muzafagarh
district, Punjab
Hatiya VDC,
Makwanpur district
Pangreta VDC,
5
Sindhupal chowk
district
Province
The criteria for selection of sites were as follows:
 Sites that offer geographical variation
 A combination of sites where the campaign is old (that is where WECAN has been
operational since 2005-2006) and those where it has been introduced more recently (that is
areas where WECAN has been operational since 2008 onwards.)
 Efforts were also made to include a mix of urban, rural and semi urban/rural areas.
VI. The sample size of the assessment is 1756 respondents. 560 of these respondents are
change makers and 1196 are people from the change maker’s circles of influence. Of the
1196 people, 1002 people have been covered through a structured interview and 194
people were covered through focus group discussions.
Table showing sample size by country
Study site
Change makers
People in change makers
circle of influence
India
116
260
Pakistan
117
254
Bangladesh
115
307
Nepal
100
134
Sri Lanka
112
241
Total sample size
560
1196
VII. A random sample of change makers, from amongst those re-engaged by phase II of the
campaign, was drawn for the assessment.
VIII. Respondents from the change maker’s circles of influence were also randomly drawn from
each constituency or system mentioned by the change makers. However, in doing this, each
system has been represented proportionally.
Data quality and analysis
IX. Data quality was rigorously managed through extensive capacity building of field
investigators, daily reviews, ensuring verbatim recordings, daily cleaning of interview data
and maintaining log sheets on a daily basis.
X. Formats in excel sheets were developed for entering and analysing narratives of change
makers as well as people in their circles of influence. A detailed analysis framework was
developed and applied to unravelling degrees of deepening of change among change makers
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as well as changes in the change maker’s environment. Attitudes of change makers and
people in their circles of influence to gender roles and VAW were coded and analysed using
SPSS software.
XI. The process of data analysis was undertaken in stages. Initially the categories of deepening
of change were fleshed out after a preliminary review of the change maker narratives.
Thereafter, the assessment team read and re-read the narratives thoroughly before placing
the change makers in one or the other category of deepening of change. The context of the
change maker and their life experiences were taken into account thoroughly while making
this decision. This process yielded the distribution of change makers across different
categories of deepening of change. The attitudes of change makers (measured through a
structured interview) were then examined, by category, to explore differences if any. It may
be noted that attitude measures were not used as a criteria to categorise the change
makers. In the absence of baseline data on the attitudes of change makers, applying these
criteria was not viable. Therefore the criteria for different categories of deepening of change
(mentioned on page 12 of the executive summary) were applied carefully to each change
maker’s journey of change, to decide which category the change maker fell into.
Conceptual framework
The campaign is based on the stages of change theory being used by RAISING VOICES, an
organisation in Uganda (which in turn has adapted it from Prochaska J., DiClemente C., Norcross J.,
1992, in search of how people change -applications to addictive behaviours,
American Psychologist, 47(9), 11021114). The various categories of
deepening of change contain elements
from each of these stages, in differing
ways. Change makers showing significant
deepening of change have travelled well
ahead in this journey, engaged in several
kinds of changes, reached out to others
and tried to nurture an informal set of
connections (build a network) of like
minded individuals and are making
efforts to consolidate the changes they
have made. Whereas some others are at
the stage of taking initial actions and a
few change makers are preparing to take
actions. However, the movement among change makers is not in the same sequence as the model
suggests.
Based on the model of change, the assessment began with a very loose definition of what the
deepening of change meant, which has been detailed out through the stories of change makers. The
reason for using such an approach has been the campaign’s non prescriptive approach to personal
change. It does not aim to privilege certain kinds of changes over others but celebrates every
behavioural change as a step towards reduced social acceptance to VAW. Therefore, the exact
components of deepening of change have had to be defined by the change maker’s narratives. Such
an approach is defined as “inductive”. The primary purpose of the inductive approach is to allow
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research findings to emerge from the frequent, dominant or significant themes inherent in raw data,
without the restraints imposed by structured methodologies.
The framework below represents the journey of change emerging from the assessment. Quite
obviously, each change maker is at a different point in the journey but this pathway shows us how
the deepening of change may be understood.
Collective attitudinal shift has been analysed using the whole systems framework and Malcom
Gladwell’s theory of tipping point. Systems’ thinking suggests/ proposes that social change is not
only an outcome of individual change. It is the combined product of individual change and its impact
on others within the same system by virtue of the relationship each of them share with each other.
It examines change from the lens of interconnectedness. An interesting application of whole systems
thinking is visible in the theory of the “Tipping Point”. A tipping point the way Malcolm Gladwell
describes it in a book by the same name is the point where what has been recessive suddenly
becomes dominant. This is not just the result of individual change but also a change in the context
around the individual. He calls it the “power of context”.
KEY RESULTS
The section on key results has been divided into the following sections:
-
Profile of change makers and people in the circles of influence
-
Insights pertaining to the deepening of change
8
-
Insights on change makers’ attitudes to and understanding of VAW
-
Insights in collective attitudinal change in the change maker’s circle of influence
9
A FEW ASSESSMENT RESULTS AT A GLANCE
Total number of change makers
covered by the assessment = 560
Change makers showing personal
change = 533 (95.17%)
Change makers showing
deepening of change = 443 (79.1%)
Change makers reporting
that they have impacted
systems around them=
507 (90%)
Key finding:
At a regional level, 7 out
of 10 change makers have
shown deepened change
due to re-engagement
processes of WECAN. 5
out of these are showing
significant deepening of
change and 2 have shown
some degree of deepened
change
Change makers offering
names of people in COI
for follow-up interviews
= 473 (84.5%)
Key result:
Key results:
 The spread of change in systems around the
change maker is the highest in Pakistan, followed
by Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. Each and every
change maker covered by the study in Pakistan has
mentioned change in one or more systems around
him/her.
 96.5% of change makers in Bangladesh and 94% in
Sri Lanka have mentioned changes in one or more
systems around him/her.
Number of people in
change maker’s COI
mentioned for
follow up interviews
= 2707
* On an average each
change maker has
impacted 5 people in
his/her environment.
Sample of COI covered in
assessment = 1196.
(1002 through structured
interviews and 194
through FGD’s)
 84% and 78.4% of change makers in Nepal and
India respectively have impacted one or systems in
their environment.
Key results:
 While the deepening of personal change has been
significant in Nepal, the impact of such change on
the
change
maker’s environment is less evident.
Key
Results
*94.2% of people in the change maker’s circle of
influence have reported personal change due to the
change maker and/or the campaign.
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*62% of the COI also feel they are change makers,
irrespective of whether they have signed the form
or taken the oath, pointing to a strong association
with the issue among a fairly large proportion of
people in the COI.
Profile of change makers and people in the circles of influence
1. The sample of change makers and the people in their circles of influence are fairly similar in
terms of the distribution of sex. 60% of the sample of change makers consists of women and
40% consists of men. Among the people in their COI, the distribution of women and men is
57% and 43% respectively.
2. Young adults (20-24 years) form the largest proportion of the sample in both groups.
However, overall, change makers are a marginally younger group than the people in their
circles of influence.
3. Change makers have a better educational profile than people in their circles of influence.
23% of change makers have completed their matriculation or O levels and 40% have
completed high school and above. 20% and 31% of people in their circles of influence fall
into these respective categories. This group also has a much larger number of people who
can only sign or cannot read and write (16.5% compared to 9% of change makers).
4. This is also reflected in occupations where greater proportions of respondents from the
circles of influence are in unskilled occupations.
5. There are a greater proportion of married respondents among the circles of influence
Insights about deepening of change
1. One of the serious challenges posed by the assessment has been that of measuring
deepening of change. Such a measurement involves moving beyond a state of “before” and
‘after” becoming involved with WECAN- it involves studying a journey of change from an
altered state (when the change maker signed up) to a more altered state (deepening of
change). Hence the assessment has measured this concept by understanding the change
maker’s journey of change as a part of his/her life journey and context.
2. The components of deepening of change could be fleshed out and clearly articulated only
through a process of inductive analysis of the change maker narratives. This has been an
important learning for the assessment of such phenomena.
3. Based on their journeys of change, the assessment has tried to categorise change makers
into different groups. The element of actions or behavioural change has been given a great
deal of importance in phase II of the campaign. Hence taking actions has been an important
criterion for assessing deepening of change. At the same time, this journey has been
different for each change maker, influenced significantly by their context, levels of
motivation and life experiences. Therefore, categorising change makers has been heavily
determined by their context of change. This essentially means that the change makers’
social, economic and familial background, marital history and key turning points have been
considered and appreciated before placing them in one category or the other.
The assessment has yielded essentially four categories of deepening of change:
I.
Significant deepening of change
II. Some deepening of change
III. Awareness plus, that is, where change makers who have expressed a deepened
understanding of the issue, though they have shown no or very little movement in terms of
actions. This category has two sub-categories, those change makers showing only awareness
with no action and those who are aware and have shown limited actions.
IV. Those who have shown no change of any kind
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However, the study has also yielded an additional category and a sub-category. The additional
category (column F in table on page 13 includes new change makers, who signed up to the campaign
six months ago but were re-engaged through the activities of phase II also. This category is specific
to India. The additional sub-category under the broader category of “awareness Plus”, is called
“Aware with minimal actions”. This sub-category has emerged essentially only from Bangladesh. The
change makers from this sub-category fall within the broader category of those showing awareness
plus but have been placed in a separate group. This has been driven by the context of Bangladesh.
The assessment team here felt that they do not really seem to fall into either the category of some
deepening of change or only awareness. This is because their levels of awareness on the issue have
risen and they have taken actions at a minimal level. The actions taken by this group has been largely
at the level of maintaining engagement with the issue by making efforts to seek information on VAW
through other change makers in the area. For example, two middle aged women from this category
have reported that they have kept in touch with change makers in their area and have now
mustered up enough confidence to participate in future programmes henceforth. This is because
they feel the campaign has triggered in them the realisation that equal decision making in the family
is a desirable quality and that women can go out alone, unescorted. Similarly, there is another case
of a young boy who has shared that he is trying to curb his tendency to tease girls and shouting back
at people, though he seems to falter from time to time.
4. The spread of the 560 change makers along the continuum of deepening of change is as
follows:
5. The criteria identified for placing change makers in each of the categories are described
below:
Significant deepening of change
Some deepening of
change
No deepening of
change and very
little movement
No change of any kind
1. Those showing a deeper understanding
about VAW, which is, identifying newer
1.Deeper
understanding about
1.Shows change in
Shows no awareness on the
12
forms of violence, in newer contexts, a sense
of feeling more strongly about the issue of
VAW
2. Those engaging others on the issue in
terms of talking to them, sensitising them
and convincing them to relate to the issue.
Those who strongly believe in interacting
with others to make a difference.
- These change makers try to influence
others on regular intervals to highlight the
severity of VAW and the need to end VAW.
VAW, which is,
identifying newer
forms of violence, in
newer contexts, a
sense of feeling
more strongly about
the issue of VAW
2. Evidence of
actions but these are
few.
awareness level or
shows a
maintenance of
same awareness
level
issue; has signed form with no
real understanding of the
issue.
2. Those who do not show any
involvement with issue
2.No clear
evidence of actions
or very limited
actions.
3. Change makers with examples of actions/
behaviour change in one’s own life and a
sense of continuity in taking actions
4. Change makers showing examples of
taking actions vis a vis situations involving
other people and a sense of continuity in
doing this. In other words, they show
continuous engagement and re-engagement
with issues of VAW.
The table below shows the distribution of change makers from each country across different
categories of deepening of change
B.Change
makers
showing
significant
deepening of
change
C.Change
makers
showing
some
deepening of
change
N
%age
N
India
45
38.7%
Nepal
91
A.Country
D.Awareness plus
E.Change
makers showing
no change/ Lack
knowledge on
issue/campaign
F.New change
makers who
have taken
actions and
shown
deepened
engagement
with issue
G.Total
D1.Aware
with very
minimal
actions
D2.Change
makers
showing
change in
awareness
levels only
%age
N
%age
N
%age
N
%age
N
%age
23
20%
0
0%
29
25%
14
12%
5
4.3%
116
91%
0
0%
0
0%
4
4%
5
5%
0
0%
100
Bangladesh 71
62%
38
33%
6
5%
0
0%
0
0%
0
0%
115
Sri Lanka
33
29.5%
43
38.4%
0
0%
33
29.5%
3
2.6%
0
0%
112
Pakistan
59
50.4%
40
34.2%
0
0%
18
15.4%
0
0%
0
0%
117
Total
299
53.4%
144
25.7%
6
1.1%
84
15%
22
3.9%
5
.9%
560
13
6.
Overall, approximately 53% of change makers exhibit significant deepening of change, 25%
have shown some deepening of change, 16 % change makers have reported deepened
awareness and 3.9% have shown no change of any kind at all. The last category (N=5)
include new change makers who have signed up during the activities of phase II but have
taken actions and shown deepened engagement with the issue of VAW.
7. In other words, 7 out of 10 change makers are showing deepening of change (either
significant or somewhat) as a result of re-engagement with the issue and/or the campaign.
8. In Bangladesh and Pakistan, 62% and 71% of change makers from the category of significant
deepening of change belong to districts where the campaign has been operational for a long
period of time, with strong alliance partners. Whereas districts where the campaign is
relatively more recent have a larger number of change makers from the category of some
deepening of change or only awareness. Thus in these two countries duration of the
campaign seems to have had a bearing on the deepening of change. However, such a trend
is not clear in other countries where the change makers from each category are spread
across both new and old districts.
9. The report contains case studies of change makers from each of the categories.
These case studies show a distinct variation among change makers from each category in
terms of their context, motivation levels and the ability to reach out to others. The key
aspects of change emerging from the stories of change across all countries are:
 Enhanced awareness of a wide spectrum of VAW, beginning from everyday forms of
discrimination such as controlling mobility of girls and passing derogatory comments on them, to
more severe forms such as dowry harassment, rape and wife beating. The extracts from change
maker narratives from Nepal illustrate a growth in awareness on VAW. There are many similar
examples from other countries also.
“To deprive a woman of equal rights, torturing her mentally when she gives birth to a
daughter, undervaluing the feelings and emotions of women, misbehaving with her and
discrimination in food is considered as VAW.” 24 years old female from Makwanpur.
“To hate, misbehave, criticise others and torture women; misuse of power and property,
superstitious belief and drinking alcohol is violence.” 50 years old female from Dang.
“To humiliate women and treat them as subordinate, undervaluing their needs & desires
and torturing women for not bringing enough dowry, drinking alcohol and harassing them
if food is not tasty (is VAW).” 20 years old male from Rautahat.
“To scold a woman without any reason, restrictions on mobility, using bad language while
talking to her, blaming her for not giving birth to a child, polygamy, educating only one’s son
but not daughter, accusing her of being a witch and deprivation of her rights is violence
against women.” 50 years old male from Sindhupalchok.
The table on page 74 further elaborates the nuanced understanding of VAW among change
makers.
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 Evidence of behavioural change that reflects greater gender sensitivity. This has taken various
forms such as sharing housework, not engaging in teasing girls and using foul language as well as
an appreciation of constraints faced by women.
 The category of change makers showing significant deepening of change have also displayed some
common features. These include:
 A deep recognition of the value of personal change, which has prompted them to
“practise before preaching”.
 Realizing the importance of also engaging with others on the issue to change the
context of acceptance.
 Gaining self-confidence in bringing changes in the environment around oneself.
 Tenacity in dealing with challenges while making and bringing changes, which shows
a deep sense of conviction about the issue.
10. Change makers showing some deepening of change are those who have shown a growing
understanding of the issue and greater awareness but have engaged in fewer actions and
behavioural changes than the previous group. Most of their actions have been in their own
lives and their engagement with others in their communities on the issue of VAW is not very
high.
11. The change makers from the category of “awareness plus” have engaged with the issue at a
more cerebral level than in terms of actions or behaviours. Their stories illustrate
recollection and reiteration of their belief in the issue or thinking more deeply about the
issue with the passage of time. Many of them may be categorised as those ‘preparing to act’.
This category also shows that there are country level variations within categories. This is
particularly true of change makers from the category of ‘awareness plus’. The stories of
change from Bangladesh and Pakistan which fall into this category are quite different from
the stories from India and Sri Lanka. Stories from this category In India and Sri Lanka clearly
reveal little else beyond awareness on the issue. However, stories from Bangladesh and
Pakistan within the same category reveal increased awareness with burgeoning actions,
although some of these actions, while seemingly minimal, have been taken under
challenging circumstances. Nevertheless, these change makers have been categories as
those showing “awareness plus”. The assessment team in Bangladesh in particular felt that
the presence of such actions did not warrant placing these change makers in the category of
some deepening of change, neither could they be classified as showing deepened awareness
alone. While the criteria described in the table on page 12 have been used to categorise
change makers, the starting point of the stories of significant change for a given country
seems to have created a benchmark against which other categories get influenced and
defined. In both Pakistan and Bangladesh the stories which fall into the category of
significant change are very intense, which has influenced the subsequent categorisation of
change makers. This also points to the significance of difference in context during the
process of measurement.
12. The following examples illustrate the stories in the categories of deepening of change and
awareness. It is through these illustrations, that the difference between these categories
becomes clear.
Shahid, a 20 year old male change maker from Mardan, Pakistan – Narrative showing
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significant deepening of change
Shahid’s first memory as a 5 years old child is of his mother screaming. He hid behind the
door and saw his mother being thrashed by his father.
“This was a constant routine. I used to see my mother being beaten up (tears in his eyes) and
wonder when I would grow up and be able to stop my father. My younger brother and sister
used to hide under the bed and the elder ones just pretended they had not heard anything.
My father was a terror everyone of us was scared of him.”
Shahid’s father was a shop keeper. “Sometimes he would be in a pleasant mood and return
home calm and quiet. But we would still not dare say anything in front of him. My mother
was always tense and in a hurry to give him hot food. He was very particular about our
studies. I remember the worst beatings we got from him were due to bunking school. He
wanted all of us to study. My two sisters were put in the public school while we went to
private school. They were taken out of school after grade 5 because my father said that for
girls this was enough education. They didn’t need any more and they should just be home
and help our mother in housework which is what they will be expected to do when they get
married.”
Shahid managed to complete his Matriculation education and got admission in college. By
that time his younger sister had also been married. He knew that both his sisters’ husbands
were violent and hated that feeling. His mother always told him not to go to their house or
interfere in their family matters.
We had a seminar in college one day where these WECAN people came to talk to us about
VAW issues. I heard it with a lot of interest like many of the other boys because I saw it in my
own house every day like they did. My friends and I immediately signed up for the campaign
as CMs. We were given the campaign material. I went home and read all the material. I knew
that I had to fight against VAW.
As if my father wasn’t enough my elder brother does the same with his wife. He beats her
regularly. But she answers back and tells him this is not right. He shouldn’t be beating her.
She doesn’t realize that this makes him angrier and he then beats her even more. I tried to
take their children in my room sometimes I could manage it. I remember seeing my mother
beaten up and feeling helpless. So I didn’t want these kids to see that.
But when I became a CM I sat with my father and brother and told them about the seminar
and what they had said. My father was very angry. He kept saying this is a western agenda
now they are trying to get to our youth in schools. My brother laughed at me and cursed me
for being such as soft non macho man. It was only after repeated discussions and constant
arguments about what religion says, that I was able to get them to understand. I then took
my father with me to one of the WECAN events where many famous people of our district
were present. My father was impressed with their discussions and finally appreciated this
point. He became a CM (very proudly) and now my brother also has stopped beating his wife.
Shahid’s intervened in his friend’s family and tried to convince his friends father to give a
portion of the inheritance to his sister, who was divorced. Another friend of Shahid, Anwar
has shared, ‘Shahid has taught me a lot about women’s rights and opened my mind to a sea
of new ideas and viewpoints. I now realize that alot of my views were outdated and rigid.’ He
has become a CM, he now discusses matters like VAW with others
Discussion: Shahid has managed to make significant changes in his own family, which was
16
highly resistant to change and also influence his friends. His own understanding of violence
against women has intensified. Shahid is contesting a culture where violence by men is
widely accepted. Significant change is visible in him.
Bharatram, a 14 year old, unmarried male change maker from India – narrative showing
some deepening of change
Bharatram lives in village Utesar, Luni block of Rajasthan. He has two brothers and a sister.
Bharatram reports a very united and happy family. He is closes t to his sister because she
intervenes when he gets into a scuffle with someone and understands him the most. He
shares that there are no conflicts in the family as such. He shares about a particular incident
in the village when a girl who had gone to the forest to get wood was accosted by a stranger
who tried to molest her. She raised an alarm and the man ran away. He says that if such
forms of violence take place the mobility of girls will get restricted. He aspires to be a lawyer
so that he can handle cases of VAW in his village and stop violence.
Bharatram became a change maker in 2009. “In my school where I was studying, Ghevar
and Pappu (very active change makers) came and put up a play which enlightened us on the
topic of VAW. It was then that I decided to become a change maker. I really liked this activity
and felt I too will take the initiative to stop violence against women. We understood the illeffects of VAW and that it should be avoided. We were informed about VAW and that
beating women is wrong. We should not take dowry and they asked us questions around
this. They gave us books about the campaign to read and they even gave us a bag.” After
becoming a change maker Bharataram has not taken part in any other activity.
Speaking of his motivation, Bharatram says, “I became a change maker to eradicate VAW. By
becoming a change maker the women in my village will travel outside the village premises.
They will freely move outside our houses. We will not tolerate VAW....On joining the
campaign the change I have experienced is that I do not abuse people or use foul language.
We should stop VAW. I participate in a more active manner in house work. I fill the water and
sometimes wash the utensils as well and even bring wood for cooking purposes. My elder
uncle’s son has seen me do this work and has taken inspiration from me and lends a hand in
the household chores. He sees me do this work and feels he too should do the same. We
should work on time. We should not be abusive or violent against someone. We should do
our work carefully and properly. I believe that we should not allow child-marriage. We
should not allow infanticide. We should also avoid gender discrimination.... At first I used to
feel bad about violence against women. I feel more comfortable to discuss the issue now. “
Discussion: Bharatram’s journey of change shows that he has initiated changes in his own life
and feels strongly about the issue. His experiences are not as intense as Shahid but he has
started making earnest efforts towards behavioural changes. He also shows a deepened
understanding of the issue.
Noor, a 40 year old married, female change maker from Bangladesh – narrative showing
some deepening of change
Noor lost her mother at a very young age and was brought up by her stepmother. She
17
intended to study but her father did not have capacity to support as she had many siblings.
At the same time, the boys in the neighbourhood would harass her. Due to these reasons
she decided to discontinue her study.
Noor met a boy in a village fair and this relationship eventually matured to a level where
they got married. Both families were part of the marriage. After marriage there were
restrictions placed on her going out of the house. Such strictness, at times, led to bitterness
with her husband and mother-in-law. Sometimes this went to the extent of physical
harassment. Eventually, due to these constant frictions, they decided to live on their own,
away from the extended family.
Since Noor’s husband’s income was not adequate, she took up a job in an NGO. On
watching a street drama by ‘WECAN’ and a poster where a woman was shown getting
beaten up and her hair were being pulled, she shares that she realised that she too was
being subjected to domestic violence.
Now she shares that she understands more appropriately the behaviours that fall under
violence on women. Since then she has become concerned about women’s right to mobility.
This has influenced her to change her behaviour. Now she does not discriminate between
her son and daughter and takes good care of both. From the street plays of WE CAN and
booklets she has come to know that to discriminate between son and a daughter is a form of
violence. She has shared that she now gives equal food to both because she has understood
that both children are growing and require equal amounts of food. Noor is presently a Union
Parishad member (an administrative level of self governance, below the district). As a
member of the Union Parishad during her visits in the areas within the constituency, out of a
sense of responsibility she takes up discussion on discriminatory practices between men and
women related to food and access to education. In the process she tries to inspire others to
end discriminatory practices.
Discussion: Noor’s narrative shows a change in her understanding of VAW s well as a change
in her own behaviour. She has also using her position as a Union Parishad member to
spread the message of the campaign.
Manel, a 17 year old unmarried female change maker from Sri Lanka- narrative showing only
awareness
Manel is a 17 year old female change maker from Monaragala. She is the eldest of three
children and is presently in secondary level at school (O/L). Her mother is a housewife and
her father is a farmer.
Talking about how she came to know about WECAN, Manel says, “When I was 15 the
principal told us that the 10 students who had scored highest marks at the term test were
selected for this WECAN program. We were told about domestic violence, signed a
document giving attendance but nothing else. I received a bag and there were some
documents in it which talked about domestic violence and VAW. The sticker was sent to
those who did art as a subject in school. Then the newsletter was given to girls only. It
improved my knowledge on the issue of VAW. We were asked to go and tell others about
18
domestic violence. Posters were hung on the walls and boys read them. I wanted to get my
friends to join the campaign too but I didn’t know how to. Though they told us that it was a
continuous program, we didn’t hear about it until the stickers were sent to some of us. I do
not know whether I’m a change maker or not. I received the newsletter and the sticker. I
didn’t see the mobile van.... WECAN deals with matters that mostly affect elders. It helped
me to understand the problems that women face in this society..... At school assembly the
students who participated in the WECAN program were asked to share their experience with
the others. I became popular for some time after the program and felt that it was a good
opportunity to share my views/ideas”.
Discussion: Manel’s narrative shows that the campaign has made her aware of the issue but
beyond this, personal change in terms of actions or behaviours is absent. She has shown
interest in being part of the campaign but has not really engaged with the issue after
attending the WECAN programme and receiving the newsletter.
13. The key difference between each of these categories lies in the extent of behavioural change
and actions taken. This is because phase II of the campaign has emphasised a great deal on
change makers taking actions rather than only developing their awareness. Therefore,
behavioural changes and actions demonstrating change have played a key role in
determining whether or not deepening of change can be said to have happened
Insights on change makers understanding of VAW
14. Change makers have identified VAW in the form of very subtle yet widely prevalent,
everyday practices of discrimination and gender bias. Apart from obvious, visible behaviours
such as physical and emotional torture, change makers have also mentioned behaviours
such as forcing one’s opinions on the woman; preventing her from marrying someone her
own age; not allowing women to talk to others; exchange marriages, not allowing her to do
what she wants, controlling behaviours etc. Change makers have developed a very nuanced
understanding of what constitutes VAW.
15. The notion that inequality is a form of violence and that equal is a desirable feature in
relationships, has been internalised very well by change makers. 36% of all change makers
have mentioned equality in decision making and equal treatment of boys and girls; men and
women as a key feature of a violence free family.
16. 90% of change makers view VAW as a problem; 64% view it as a serious problem. The
maximum proportion of change makers feel VAW is a serious problem because it stems from
inequality between men and women.
17. 89% of change makers have managed to name one family in their environment which they
feel is violence free. This is a positive trend as it shows that for a large number of change
makers there is an example of a family in their immediate surroundings that is living out
violence free relationships. When asked for reasons why they consider these families as
violence free, the most common response has been that there is absence of verbal abuse
(expressed as no fights/peaceful family by 42.4% of change makers). At the same time,
47.9% of change makers have articulated equality within these families as a reason why they
feel these families are violence free. This again resonates with the results on what
19
constitutes a violence free family which has been described as one where boys and girls;
men and women are treated equally by 36% of change makers.
18. The responses to questions that have assessed the understanding of VAW shows that the
notion of inequality as a form of VAW has become well ingrained in change makers.
Insights on change maker’s attitudes to VAW
Change makers’ attitudes to VAW were assessed through two sets of questions.
 The first set of questions consisted of 9 statements on specific features of violence
free families. The change makers had to indicate whether they felt this feature
applies to a violence free family or not.
 The second set of questions consisted of a set of 10 statements on gender roles and
VAW. The change maker was asked to indicate their level of agreement or
disagreement to these statement along with reasons.
These statements were placed under four themes for purposes of analysis:
 Women’s rights
 Discrimination against women and girls
 Acceptance of violence
 Sharing of household work
19. The results as shown in the table below indicate that overall change makers have
consistently rejected discriminatory behaviours and supported behaviours that express
equality. Education for all children in the family, equal distribution of food, equal rights to
all family members in expressing their opinions and not marrying girls before they turn 18
have all been endorsed by large numbers of change makers as a feature of violence free
families. Similarly, the notion that women should receive money even if the husband gets
her everything and that decisions are made jointly by husband and wife have also been
endorsed by a large number of change makers as a feature of a violence free family.
However, the same level of endorsement is not visible on the rejection of occasional abuse
by husband and the need to seek permission before women go out. Hence ambiguity is
more visible in situations which reflect deeper levels of control.
Table showing change maker’s views on whether these statements apply to violence free
families1
Yes, this happens in
Statement
No this does
a violence free family not happen in a
violence free
1
The results do not include responses which were excluded for the analysis due to discrepancy in ratings and
reasons given.
20
No
response
family
Statements related to rights of women
1
Husband and wife take all the major decisions together
96.1
3.8
.2
2
Wife cannot go out of the village/community without
27.2
70.1
.5
15
83.4
.9
asking her husband
3
Wife is denied money as husband gets her everything
Statements related to discrimination
4
All the children are sent to school
95.3
4.3
.4
5
Boys and girls get the same kind of food
93.9
5.5
.5
6
Daughter is married off before the age of 18 yrs if the
10.9
88.2
.5
95.7
3.4
.5
10.4
88.2
.4
19.3
78.9
.5
family finds a good match
7
All family members can express their opinion freely
Statements related to VAW
8
Mother in law abuses the daughter in law if she does
not cook properly.
9
Husband abuses his wife occasionally
20. The results shown in the table below indicate very positive attitudes on the issues of
extending community support for women facing violence, sharing of housework and
unacceptability of violence; positive on all statements pertaining to women’s rights but
more ambivalent when it comes to attitudes towards VAW when there is the scope to offer
justifications for the particular behaviour. This suggests that deeper change in attitudes
where viewing violence as a non negotiable value has not happened to the same extent as
the understanding on discrimination and equality. Women speaking out to others on their
experiences violence has been endorsed by 66% of change makers, although 70% seem to
feel that she should not tolerate domestic violence to keep the family together. There seems
to a hierarchy of situations in which violence becomes acceptable or unacceptable. For
deepening o change to grow it is important to unpack some of these contradictions with
change makers.
21
Table showing attitudes of change makers to gender roles and violence against women
S.no
Statement
% of change makers
1.
It is the responsibility of the community to support
women who face violence
92.3% Strongly agree
Violence in any form is unacceptable
84.8% strongly agree
2.
Sharing housework does not suit men
81.2% strongly disagree
2.
Men deserve more rights than women
76.7% strongly disagree
3.
Husband can demand sex from wife whenever he wants
75.5% strongly disagree
4.
Denying money to your wife is a form of domestic
violence
72.5% strongly agree
5.
Women should tolerate domestic violence as it is their
responsibility to keep the family together
70.7% strongly disagree
6.
A man is never justified in hitting his wife
68.5 % strongly agree
8.
Women should not talk about their experiences of
domestic violence with anyone
66.5% strongly disagree
9.
An occasional slap does not amount to domestic violence
63% strongly disagree
21. However, analysis of these statements by categories of deepening of change among change
makers shows that those showing significant deepening of change have shown far more
positive attitudes than their counterparts in the other categories on all statements (this has
been discussed extensively in the section on deepening of change). There is a large to
significantly large gap between the attitudes of change makers showing significant
deepening of change and the rest of the change makers, whereas this gap is lesser between
change makers from the rest of the categories.
22. However, on two of the statements, that “A man is never justified in hitting his wife” and
that “violence in any form is unacceptable”, the group with no change has more positive
opinions than the groups showing some change and awareness. This is also reflected in
justifications and reasons offered by this latter group on circumstances where violence is
inevitable.
Insights on collective attitudinal shift
22
The key aspect of collective attitudinal shift that the assessment has tried to explore is
whether the change is spreading outwards from the change maker to other systems in their
spheres of influence. Strong indications of this trend are visible through the assessment
results.
23. The movement of the campaign messages from the change makers to their circles of
influence has taken place on a significant scale. Of the 560 change makers covered by the
study, 478 change makers have offered names of 2707 people from their various circles of
influence for follow up interviews
24. 91% of change makers have reported a change in one or more systems around them as a
result of their interventions, which again points to a spread of the campaign. Within this
category, the largest proportion is of change makers showing significant or some deepening
of change. All change makers from these two categories have reported changes in systems
around them.
25. Impact on the change maker’s families has been reported in maximum numbers. 72.3% of all
change makers covered feel that their families have changed as a result of their interactions
and intervention, followed by relatives (56.4 %), Friends (48.9%) and neighbours (45%).
26. 94% of respondents in the COI have shared that they have undergone personal change due
to their association with the change maker and/or the campaign.
27. The personal changes among the COI were explored through open ended questions. The
most common themes of change emerging from the COI narrative data are:
-
Greater awareness in community on subtle and ‘invisible’ forms of VAW
Clear articulation of non acceptance of VAW and the need to intervene in stopping it.
Strong acceptance of the belief that men and women/boys and girls are equal
A high degree of support for education of girls, equal educational opportunities for girls
A strong recognition of the need to treat men and women/boys and girls equally
Supporting mobility of women and girls by rejecting the stigma/ supposed dishonour
attached to it
Rejecting the mindset and practise of early marriages of girl children
Greater participation of men in housework (particularly striking in Bangladesh)
Becoming conscious of using non abusive language towards girls and women (particularly
striking in Nepal)
The narrative data below illustrate the changes in the change maker’s COI, very effectively. They are
examples of the kinds of changes being articulated by the COI and represent the larger mass of
narratives gathered from the COI.
Suman Negi, is a 17 year old unmarried girl from Pauri, Uttaranchal, India. She has passed her
matriculation and lives with her 3 sisters, a younger brother, father and mother. Suman’s family
history shows her parents to be very supportive to girls. She has spoken at length about how much
23
her parents value her and her sisters. She is also a very articulate person herself. She became a
change maker when she was 13 and felt motivated to end VAW so that a good society,
neighbourhood and family can be created. She has shared how she, along with another change
maker, convinced a neighbour who had 6 daughters not to worry and instead focus on educating
them. She says her father has always been supportive but is also aware of the programmes
happening around and has seen some of the material.
When Suman’s father and neighbour were interviewed, this is what they had to say:
Father: “It’s not just my thinking but that of my whole family that VAW should not happen. I used to
think of my son as more important than my daughters. But I don’t think that way now. I allow my
daughters to also do all that my son does. “
Neighbour: “There is change. I have some understanding now. Suman explained to me and my
mother-in-law. I was not able to speak in front my mother-in-law but now I protest anything wrong.
Because of Suman explaining these issues to me, I have changed. My mother-in-law used to
discriminate between girls and boys but does not do so now. Suman convinced my mother-in-law.”
The neighbour’s mother-in-law speaks of accepting the 6 grand- daughters (mentioned earlier),
though with an air of compromise. However she says she liked all that Suman told her- also that girls
should be educated.
In Bangladesh, the sharing of household work has emerged as a strong theme from the narratives of
change makers and their COI from all sites.
Sharing of housework has been vividly depicted in the street plays shows in the campaign and
discussed extensively through the one thousand events initiative in different district in Bangladesh.
Change makers and people in the people in their circles of influence have reported practicing the
same in their personal life. This is a common theme that runs through the narratives of most change
makers and their COI. Some interview excerpts are given below to substantiate this conclusion.
“After becoming a change maker I have understood that everybody can do every work. After that I
help in household works like putting fire in open oven, chopping vegetables, washing clothes etc.
Instead of seeing it as a help to wife I take it now as a responsibility of mine. That is why now as a
member of the family I participate in the household works from a sense of self-responsibility” ----- 57
years old graduate businessman and a married male change maker
“Through association with Wecan I have come to know there is no difference between men and
women. I discuss this with my husband and share the household works” ---- 24 years old private
sector employee and a married lady change maker
“Now I wash my clothes, help wife in cooking. I also share household works because I have
understood that all works are same and contributing to domestic responsibility is everybody’s
responsibility” --- 30 years old graduate, teacher, a member of the change maker’s circle of influence
and husband of the change maker.
“After becoming a change maker my husband realised that the male members of a family could do
household works also. There is no shame in doing this. All men in fact, need to contribute to the
domestic works. Now my husband participates in domestic activities and that is one reason why
24
there is no discrimination on working in the family” ---40 years old female homemaker, Matriculate, a
member of the change maker’s COI.
“I behave nicely with the members of the family, especially with mother and wife and help them in
cooking and washing clothes. I am clear now that there is no set rule that only women have to do the
household work. Everybody can do every work. Men sharing domestic works will help improve the
relationship within family --- 28 years old businessman, COI respondent.
“Earlier I used to advise the younger sister to keep things in order at home and even scolded her at
times if things were not kept properly. I learnt now that this practice was wrong and that keeping
home in order is my responsibility as well. Now I help mother and sister in household work.” – 24
years old male, unmarried respondent from change maker’s COI.
Information gathered through focus group discussions also support this view. According to the
women from the change maker’s COI in Sahapara, men of the area now participate in household
work. According to the men from the same area, there is, in fact, no such division of work. All work is
equal. And everybody can do every kind of work. They have reported that a majority of male
members in a family normally share the responsibilities of household activities. They believe that
such engagements eventually make the relationship between husband-wife and among the family
members firm and solid. The FGD respondents (male) Kamarjani have said, “Men now participate in
household works because it gives relief to wife and brings happiness in family.” The male participants
in the focus group discussions of Maimansing Ward 2 and Akuya have also shared the same view-“Now we help in household works because it reduces load on wife”.
28. 84% of people in the change maker’s COI have begun discussing the issue of VAW with others
in their families and among their relatives.
29. The attitudes of people in the change maker’s COI are similar the change makers in many
respects. A very large proportion of people in the change maker’s COI have strongly endorsed
the unacceptability of VAW (81%)and are strongly in favour of extending community support
for women facing violence (90%). However, there is greater ambivalence in the group on
taking a stand in situations where justifications for violent behaviour have been added. On
the issue of women speaking out to other on their experiences of domestic violence, people
in the COI have shown less positive attitudes than change makers. A large proportion (74%)
of them have displayed positive attitudes to men’s participation in housework and has
rejected discriminatory practices that undermine women and girls.
Table showing responses of change makers and their COI to different statements on VAW
and gender roles
S.no
Statement
% of change makers
% of people in the
COI
1.
Sharing housework does not suit
men
81.2% strongly disagree
74.1% strongly
disagree
25
2.
Men deserve more rights than
women
76.7% strongly disagree
71.1% strongly
disagree
3.
Husband can demand sex from
wife whenever he wants
75.5% strongly disagree
70.8% strongly
disagree
4.
It is the responsibility of the
community to support women who
face violence
92.3% Strongly agree
90.3% strongly agree
5.
Women should tolerate domestic
violence as it is their responsibility
to keep the family together
70.7% strongly disagree
61.1%strongly
disagree
6.
A man is never justified in hitting
his wife
68.5 % strongly agree
67.9% strongly agree
7.
Violence in any form is
unacceptable
84.8% strongly agree
81% strongly agree
8.
Women should not talk about their
experiences of domestic violence
with anyone
66.5% strongly disagree
55.4% strongly
disagree
9.
An occasional slap does not
amount to domestic violence
63% strongly disagree
59.1% strongly
disagree
10.
Denying money to your wife is a
form of domestic violence
72.5% strongly agree
67.4% strongly agree
The attitudinal data suggests that change makers and their COI are a group with shared set of values
on VAW. While the change maker’s have understandably done better than the people in their COI,
the attitudinal stances in both groups lean to the same side. In order to grow attitudinal change both
the change maker and their circles of influence would have to be targeted so that each one supports
the other in maintaining the context of change.
Insights on re-engagement and deepening of change
30. The data shows that re-engagement with the issue is closely linked to the deepening of
change. Evidence of constant engagement with the issue of VAW is much stronger among
those who have shown significant or some deepening of change. At the same time, reengagement with the issue has not been dependent on the activities of phase II alone. The
26
causes of constant engagement with the issue have been a combination of the following
factors:
a) presence of other change makers in the vicinity;
b) Close contact with the implementing partner;
c) Regular actions some of the change makers seem to have taken with regard to
either their own situation or that of others as well as activities for re-engagement in
phase II.
This is an important insight because it shows that activity based re-engagement is a contributing
factor but cannot be linked solely to the deepening of change.
31. The process documentation of phase II activities suggest that the role played by the formal
re-engagement activities of phase II has been in reiterating an association with the issue. But
by their very public nature, these events have not managed to engage change makers in a
deeper dialogue on the issue.
The relevance and evidence of tipping point in WECAN
A tipping point is when a particular behaviour becomes the norm and where any behaviour contrary
to that behaviour is an exception. In the case of WECAN the tipping point would be reached when
the acceptance of discrimination or any form of violence is an exception in the community and
gender equality is the norm.
However, normative change is seldom reached all of a sudden. It is the result of incremental shifts;
the result of several smaller tipping points within the community. What this means is that each time
a majority of people in the community adopt a new practise/behaviour that either reflects a
changed belief or leads to a strong articulation of a hitherto held positive belief, a tipping point is
created.
The assessment data suggests that such smaller tipping points are occurring at a localised level
within the campaign. These are being reflected in the kinds of behavioural changes being reported
by the COI, the most common among which are :
-
A visible effort to educate girls in the community and ensuring that they get equal access to
educational opportunities (Particularly striking in India and Pakistan)
-
Reduction in restrictions on mobility of girls and women (in all countries)
-
Rejecting the practise of child marriage (particularly striking in India)
-
Consciously adopting non abusive language towards girls and women (particularly striking in
Nepal)
Greater participation of men in housework (particularly striking in Bangladesh)
Practising equality in the family in various ways such as in distribution of food, joint decision
making, giving equal money, eating together etc.
-
Evidence of a tipping point at a larger scale is to be found in two examples, one from India and the
other from a set of narratives in Bangladesh. This latter example is given below.
27
Evidence of tipping point from Bangladesh
Women possess less social, political and economic power and resources. They have limited
opportunities to take part in decision making at different levels. In this context WECAN has
contributed towards developing leadership skills among women change makers and the
members in their circle of influence.
“By associating myself with this campaign I have found a platform to continue my struggle. I
protest when there are incidents of violence against women and for that I even receive threats
from various vested interests in society. I keep writing in journals and magazines on the subject
of violence against women. In the process of this struggle I have involved school girls into the
‘We Can’ campaign and organised debates, discourses and other programmes with them. While
discussing with school girls I make them aware about their rights and try to integrate them with
the larger nation building process. At the same time I encourage them to raise their voice
against VAW. Village women often come to me with their family problems to explore a solution”
31 years old married female change maker who works as a teacher.
Various initiatives are evident among women change makers even in far-off places. One of
them signed up to the campaign as a result of her experiences on the issue. In her words, “We
sit together to discuss. I tell women not to remain weak as we had been. We were vulnerable
but this should not happen in your and your children’s life. Many among those women who
engaged in child marriage, received dowry and used to quarrel on trivial issues at home are now
becoming change makers. They are influencing their family decisions. Now people engage us
even for counselling”
55 years old literate, married female change maker.
Women change makers and the members in their circles of influence are participating in
community mediation forums (Salish). In the words of a female change maker, “Earlier I used to
believe that women will remain at home and their power and authority will be less than men. I
also have discriminated between son and daughter. After becoming a change maker I have
realised that all women are, in one or other way, subjected to violence. They are subjugated by
men for not having their independent earning. Over time I have become more aware about
women’s rights. I have understood that they won’t be able to establish their right unless they
become economically self- reliant. That is why I have trained them on livelihood skills and then
linked them up with livelihood opportunities.”
58 years old female change maker, married and educated upto class XII
“I understand that other than distinctive physical features there is no difference between men
and women. Like men, women can also do all types of works. Now I feel easy to talk before a
public gathering. I understand about right and power of women. Through my work I have
established that women are also moving forward. Now I am doing my study so that I can
become self-reliant in future. I make people understand about the domestic violence and
various forms of inequality. I organise small household level sitting in the area to make people
aware about violence against women. As a result women, who never came out of their house,
28
are now coming out in public and participating in ‘We Can’ campaign. Many of them have even
become change makers ---- 21 years old female unmarried change maker, student.
The trend of growing awareness and reduction in violence is evident from the information
obtained through focus group discussions also. For example, school students of Kamarjani of
Gaibandha and Maimonsing Ward 2 have shared that they have conscientised neighbours in
their areas on violence against women. As a result the awareness level on violence against
women in that area has enhanced. According to them, family quarrels and wife beating has
come down and eve-teasing in the area has reduced. Women in Akua have shared that they
have become courageous after becoming aware about violence against women and women’s
right. Their self-confidence has gone up and they now work to enhance income. At the same
time, they inspire others to stop violence against women. They protest against any such incident
and work together to enhance awareness among the people around. They have arranged sitting
at the household level on their own initiatives. The husbands, who earlier discouraged their
wives to be part of the campaign, are now, along with their wives, participating in the campaign
activity.
Conclusions: The evidence points to localised tipping points. Women have started sitting on the
Salish, which is a public forum for mediation; Domestic violence has started reducing and men
who were earlier resistant to their wives participation have now turned into allies of the
campaign. Each of these are significant, visible changes where a dominant practise has been
replaced by a new behaviour and by doing this has added one more push towards normative
change.
At the same time, a tipping point leads to a change in social norms and any norm is the consequence
of a set of attitudes and beliefs. Therefore, a change in a norm requires a shift in several interrelated
attitudes and beliefs. For example, the norm that violence in any form is not acceptable is upheld by
several sets of beliefs about women’s social status, their roles, what their rights and entitlements are
as well as what their duties and responsibilities are. In order to change the norm that VAW is not
acceptable in any form, several sets of such attitudes and beliefs would need to change. The
campaign assessment shows that some of these attitudes and beliefs are changing significantly
whereas on some others the change is slower. The belief that men and women are equal, have equal
rights and that men should participate in housework and that specific forms of discrimination are
unacceptable are emerging as strong values. However, to move to a stage where non tolerance to
VAW under any circumstances and in any form becomes a habit, the changed values need to be
practised continuously, with awareness. The assessment results suggest that the campaign’s
contribution has been to set in motion smaller tipping points at a local level, which if consciously
nurtured can lead to broader social change.
Conclusions
1. A significant proportion of change makers have shown deepening of change.
2. The campaign has shown significant gains in achieving the outcome of reduced acceptance
of VAW among change makers and people in their circles of influence; greater awareness
29
among change makers and their circles of influence about the benefits of violence free
relationships as well as increased evidence of change makers and other community
members taking responsibility to build and strengthen violence free relationships. However,
on the outcome related to greater acceptance about women speaking on their experiences
of violence, the gains have not been substantial.
3. The table below outlines some of the key results vis a vis these outcomes.
Outcomes
Indicators
Results
I. Rejection/ reduced
tolerance/ non acceptance
of violence against women
in the community in any
form by community
members and change
makers
1. Change-makers and community
members can identify:
* 79% of change makers have
provided concrete examples of
taking actions to prevent VAW.
- at least one alternative way to
resolve conflicts in relationships
- report actions to prevent violence in
each community
2. Community members (that is
change makers and people in their
sphere of influence) hold the view
that violence against women is
unacceptable
II. Greater acceptance
towards women speaking
out against domestic
violence
- Change makers display positive
attitude towards women speaking out
about domestic violence
- Community members (that is people
in the change makers sphere of
influence) display positive attitude
towards women reporting domestic
violence
- Change makers report incidents
where they have facilitated making
visible instances of domestic violence
in the community
III. Increased awareness
- Change makers and community
30
* 84.8% of change makers and 81%
of people in their circles of
influence have endorsed the view
that VAW is not acceptable. The
most common reasons given are
that violence will increase if people
keep quiet, it is important to
protest and that VAW is
unacceptable (66.7% of change
makers and 61.7% of people in
their COI have shared this).
*66.5% of change makers and
55.4% of people in their COI have
endorsed the view that women
should share about her
experiences of domestic violence.
44.2% of change makers have
shared the view that women
should talk about the issue only if
they feel that a solution can be
found. Shame and family honour is
the other strong reason among
those disagreeing with this notion.
* All change makers from the
category of significant deepening
of change and a smaller proportion
of change makers from the
category of some deepening of
change have shared instances of
making the issue visible in the
community.
*89% (502/559) of change makers
among change makers
about the benefits of
violence free relationships
for men, women and
families
members are able to identify the
benefits of violence free families to
men, women and families
IV. Increased evidence of
change makers and other
community members
taking responsibility to
build and strengthen
violence free relationships
- Change makers believe that they
have a role in ending VAW
- Change makers and community
members believe that violence free
homes are possible and equal
relations in intimate relationships is
worth achieving
- Community groups recognise they
have a role to end VAW
and 70% of people in their COI
have been able to identify a family
around them that is an example of
a violence free family.
*The most common reason quoted
by both groups for considering
them as violence free is because
they practise equality (31% of
people in the COI and 59% of
change makers have offered this
reason in different ways).
* 92.3% of change makers and
90.3% of people in their COI
strongly endorse the view that the
community should support women
facing violence.
* 62% of people in the change
maker’s COI identify themselves as
change makers, whether or not
they have taken the oath or signed
the form.
4. An important methodological learning from the study has been that Indicators to measure
change are best applied and understood by also taking into account the circumstances and
context in which the change takes place. Appreciation of constraints and challenges is
central to measuring what has been the change and by how much. Applying indicators in
blanket manner to measure change on issues such as VAW may provide only a partial view
of the truth.
5. The notion of inequality as a form of VAW has become well ingrained in change makers as
well their circles of influence. Both groups have identified several situations of inequality as
forms of violence as well as expressed equal relationships as a feature of violence free
families.
6. Change makers showing significant deepening of change have also far more positive
attitudes to gender roles and VAW than their counterparts from the other categories. This is
significant from the assessment point of view because attitudes were not used as a criterion
for categorising change makers but compared later with the categories of change makers.
7. The category of change makers showing significant deepening of change is clealrly a highly
sensitised and aware group that is not just showing change in terms of thinking and
behaviours or actions but is also displaying attitudes that are very positive. In the absence of
baseline, it is very difficult to compare their movement with a pripr situation. However, this
cannot take away from the fact that they are showing consistency in attitudinal stances as
well as behavioural changes. This group is one of pioneering champions.
31
8. Awareness about the issue has moved well beyond the change maker and permeated groups
within their environment. However, WECAN is not the only cause as sources of messaging
are multiple but the change maker is an important source of information and knowledge.
9. The key issues on which changes are being reported by the COI across all countries, include
 Greater awareness in community on subtle and ‘invisible’ forms of VAW
 Clear articulation of non acceptance of VAW and the need to intervene in stopping
it.
 Strong acceptance of the belief that men and women/boys and girls are equal
 A high degree of support for education of girls, equal educational opportunities for
girls
 A strong recognition of the need to treat men and women/boys and girls equally
 Supporting mobility of women and girls by rejecting the stigma/ supposed dishonour
attached to it
 Rejecting the mindset and practise of early marriages of girl children
 Greater participation of men in housework (particularly striking in Bangladesh)
 Becoming conscious of using non abusive language towards girls and women
(particularly striking in Nepal)
10. In this way, the campaign is playing an important role in tipping the balance in favour of
intolerance to VAW. The community level changes may be seen as smaller tipping points
that are pushing gender norms to change.
Recommendations

The campaign needs to It is imperative that the momentum generated by the campaign be
sustained through mechanisms for regular interactions with and more importantly among
change makers.

Larger proportions of change makers will move into the category of significant deepening of
change if mechanisms can be built in that enable change makers to become more conscious
of the change they and their COI’s are going through. The campaign should develop a robust
M&E plan that allows for learning and iterations in the campaign.

Small scale interactions should be utilised more for promoting deepening of change.

The notion of inequality as a form of violence is well entrenched in the minds of the change
makers and to a large extent among their circles of influence. However, deeper attitudinal
change among change makers that embeds the values that violence is not acceptable under
any circumstances needs to be planned and facilitated. This would help the campaign to also
improve the change maker’s understanding of issues perceived as “high risk”, such as
women’s mobility and women speaking out against domestic violence. This could be
addressed through communication materials as well as the use of self reflection tools.

The narrative data and inspiring stories of change generated through the assessment should
be utilised in material development for the campaign.
32
ASSESSMENT OF PHASE II OF WECAN, A CAMPAIGN TO REDUCE THE SOCIAL ACCEPTANCE OF
VOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN IN SOUTH ASIA
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION AND STUDY OVERVIEW
1.0 Introduction
WECAN is a six year south Asia level campaign (2005-2011) on violence against women. Its goal is to
reduce the social acceptance of violence against women in its different forms. It is currently running
in six countries of South Asia- India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangladesh. It aims
at reaching out to 50 million people, symbolic of the 50 million women who are missing in South Asia
because of gender discriminatory practices.
WECAN functions in a campaign mode, in terms of its scale, outreach and strategy. It veers away
from a programme approach which works with a specific target population or group through
repeated, frequent interventions in the form of capacity building, services or other inputs. It sees
itself as a trigger for action. WECAN focuses strongly on non- acceptance of domestic violence in all
its manifestations. It aims at engaging public opinion on the issue of violence against women by
building mass awareness on the issue of violence against women and emphasizing that small actions
can make a big contribution to addressing VAW. The campaign believes that personal change can
become the vehicle for social change. Therefore it encourages people to reflect on their attitudes
and take that first step of personal change - however big or small, it may be, that challenges gender
discriminatory practices. The campaign emphasizes that equal relationships are violence free. Thus
by taking steps that support women’s equality in one’s own life and relationship, one can actually
contribute to reducing the social acceptance of VAW. According to the campaign, no change is
insignificant and small changes open avenues for dialogue and larger changes.
Change makers who volunteer to make small changes in themselves and reach out to others and
sensitise them on the issue of VAW are an integral part of the WECAN strategy. Strong
communication material that enables change makers to talk with others as well as engaged change
makers are the back bone of the campaign.
1.1 WECAN IN SOUTH ASIA
WECAN is one of the largest campaigns on VAW in India. OXFAM has been supporting WECAN since
2004 with the understanding that this would be a 6 year campaign. It works in 6 countries across
South Asia through a wide network of alliance members and partners. Operationalising the
campaign through the alliance was a conscious strategy of the campaign so that a network of groups
wanting to work on VAW could take the campaign forward. The WECAN alliance in each country has
a wide diversity of members from different fields- the media, police, training institutes, gender
groups, trade unions, schools etc. In India alliances have been formed at the state and district levels.
Those wanting to be part of the alliance and work on the campaign sign up to an MOU.
Change makers have been mobilized through the alliance. Currently there are 2.5 million change
makers spread across South Asia. Typically, alliance partners hold community level and public events
where change makers are mobilized through public awareness activities such as street plays, songs,
film shows etc. At these events WECAN material is displayed and used for discussion.
Communication material is a very important component of the campaign and includes a wide variety
of items such as posters, flip charts, stickers, comic books etc. The material of phase II has several
real life stories and cases of change makers who have explored new ways of bringing change in
situations of violence. Most material of phase II focuses on offering alternatives to change makers to
33
encourage them to take more actions as well as sends out a clear signal that the change maker alone
cannot be the harbinger of change- building a broader community of support is equally important.
2.0 Phase I of WECAN – the strategy
The first phase of the campaign aimed at building people’s engagement with the issue of violence
against women. It tried to make this issue relevant to people by helping them reflect on forms of
gender inequality and discrimination that one faces in routine, daily life and offering a way to
address this through personal change. Violence against women was explained in the context of small
and large, visible and invisible, hidden and obvious forms of discrimination that deprive women of
equal rights and opportunities. In fact a common refrain of the campaign has been “equal
relationships are violence free”. Since the problem is manifest in our lives in many ways, it is we who
have to start the process of change- this message has been actively emphasized by the campaign in
phase I. Small actions can lead to big change and therefore, through small changes, one can address
VAW.
During phase I, (2005-2007) well developed communication material was utilized in large scale
public events held by alliance members in various states, to engage people on the issue of VAW.
3.0 Phase II of WECAN – the strategy:
The campaign entered its second phase in 2007, where the focus was on re-engaging old change
makers (mobilized in phase I) and increasing the spread and intensity of the change triggered in
phase I. The strategy was to promote attitudinal change exponentially, through existing change
makers, so that the change process deepens among change makers but also moves outwards among
a broader set of people within the change makers sphere of influence. By doing this, the process of
change would begin to build a enabling environment where violence against women would get
addressed in different ways. At the end of phase I, there was growing anecdotal evidence of change
makers coming together to take action or to build community awareness. This collective action was
encouraged in phase II as a way of sustaining communities of interest and shared values among
change makers.
Thus, the key elements of phase II included the following:
1. Re-engaging old change makers through direct contact programmes as well as mass
outreach methods, in ways that establishes their identity as change makers as well as
makes them feel valued for their commitment to personal change.
2. Seizure of direct mobilization of change makers by alliance members. Mobilisation of
new change makers would happen through old change makers. The role of the alliance
vs. a vs. change makers would be to ensure a regular and timely supply of
communication material to old change makers, ensuring the data base is up to date and
to some extent orienting the change makers to the new messages and materials being
rolled out under phase II. However, it is envisaged that their role would be more intense
in promoting institutional change.
3. Nurturing networks of change makers to sustain change and strengthen an enabling
environment.
4. Deepening/Intensifying change among existing change makers by motivating them to
think of new actions, identifying new situations to apply the gender discrimination lens,
new ways in which they can improve women’s situation.
5. A collective attitudinal shift. In phase I, the change maker was the pivot of change and
was expected to talk to 10 others about the issue of VAW. Phase II envisages a situation
where attitudinal shifts in change makers are sustained by and in turn, reinforce, an
34
attitudinal shift among a broader set of people in the change makers sphere of
influence. Thus, small and large shifts in individual attitudes and practices begin
influencing broader social attitudes and beliefs around VAW. This is what is often
referred to as an ‘enabling environment’.
6. Promoting Institutional change, with a specific focus on schools and institutions of local
governance. Change makers within these institutions would be motivated to mobilize
relevant decision makers and influential persons, so that small changes that support
women and girls equality can be introduced in the these institutions. This is being
planned as a district level activity.
4.0 Outcomes and indicators for Phase II:
The underlying outcomes central to phase II of the campaign are:
1. Deepening of change among existing change makers and;
2. Building networks that sustain change
3. A collective attitudinal shift translating into the creation of an enabling environment for the
issue of VAW to become more visible.
These were broken down further into visible outcomes and indicators as presented below:
Visible Outcomes
Indicators
I. Rejection/ reduced tolerance/
non acceptance of violence
against women in the
community in any form by
community members and
change makers
1. Change-makers and community members can
identify
- at least one alternative way to resolve conflicts in relationships
- report actions to prevent violence in each community
2. Community members (that is change makers and people in
their sphere of influence) hold the view that violence against
women is unacceptable
II. Greater acceptance towards
women speaking out against
domestic violence
- Change makers display positive attitude towards women
speaking out about domestic violence
- Community members (that is people in the change makers
sphere of influence) display positive attitude towards women
reporting domestic violence
- Change makers report incidents where they have facilitated
making visible/speaking out instances of domestic violence in the
community
III. Increased awareness among
change makers about the
benefits of violence free
- Change makers and community members are able to identify the
benefits of violence free families to men, women and families
- Change makers and community members believe that violence
35
relationships for men, women
and families
free homes are possible and equal relations in intimate
relationships is worth achieving
IV. Increased evidence of change
makers and other community
members taking responsibility to
build and strengthen violence
free relationships
- Change makers believe that they have a role in ending VAW
V. Women change makers and
the women in their spheres of
influence feel confident to
address and deal with domestic
violence in their own lives and
the lives of others
- Women reached out by change makers and female change
makers believe that VAW is not women’s fault
- Community groups recognise they have a role to end VAW
- Examples of institutions adopting positive steps to support
violence free relations and/or address violence against women
- Women being reached through the change makers and female
change makers report taking actions to address violence in their
own relationships
- Women being reached through the change makers and female
change makers report supporting other women facing violence
It is against this background that the assessment process was initiated in 2009.
3.0 Background to the study report
WECAN was launched in Dec 2004. Between 2004 -2007 the focus of the campaign was on creating
change makers and building a groundswell of people who volunteered time and energy on the issue.
During this period close to 1.8 million change makers signed up to the campaign across 13 states of
India. However, since 2007 the campaign has made a conscious and strategic effort to re-engage and
revitalize this large mass of change makers. This period of re-engagement was marked by a slightly
different approach where the focus was on deepening the change among the existing change
makers and galvanizing them to take more steps for change. The key messaging during this phase
also focused on non acceptance of violence, celebrating actions of change makers and by doing so
offering alternatives to change makers on how to grow the change in themselves and those around
them.
In 2009, OXFAM initiated an assessment of this phase of the campaign in five countries. The
purpose of the study was to understand the nature and content of deepening of change through
various efforts to re-engage change makers. In keeping with its realigned strategy, it also sought to
explore whether the change process moved beyond the change maker into their circles of influence.
With these objectives in mind a regional assessment with a common design and framework was
initiated in five countries- Bangladesh, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and India. This report is the
assessment of phase II of the WECAN campaign in India.
4.0 The key research questions of the assessment were:
2. Whether existing change makers are experiencing a deepening of change as a result of the
re-engagement process
3. If yes, what was the nature of this change/ how was this change occurring?
36
4. Whether the change was spreading from the change maker outwards to their circles of
influence?
5. If yes, what are the kinds of changes occurring within these circles of influence?
6. Has the campaign managed to influence perceptions and beliefs on violence agasint women
within the change maker’s broader circle of influence?
CHAPTER 2: CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK OF THE STUDY
1.0 Introduction
A conceptual framework is described as a set of broad ideas and principles taken from relevant fields
of enquiry and used to structure a subsequent presentation (Reichel & Ramey, 1987). When clearly
articulated, a conceptual framework has potential usefulness as a tool to scaffold research and,
therefore, to assist a researcher to make meaning of subsequent findings. Such a framework should
be intended as a starting point for reflection about the research and its context. The framework is a
research tool intended to assist a researcher to develop awareness and understanding of the
situation under scrutiny and to communicate this.
37
In other words, a conceptual framework provides the theoretical moorings for any research study.
The key issues being studied by the assessment are the deepening of change among existing change
makers and collective attitudinal shift among the change makers circle of influence.
2.0 Deepening of change:
Deepening of change implies a growth/journey in the change being experienced by the change
maker. It implies a movement forward from where change makers were at the time/soon after they
became change makers to where they are now. Since the focus of the campaign was on awareness
generation during phase I of the campaign, the deepening of change implies a movement from
awareness to “awareness +”. The model of change that WECAN has adopted talks of this kind of a
movement in terms of stages. From a stage of being unaware of the problem, the individual moves
to a stage of awareness, begins thinking about the problem, finds a network of like minded people,
prepares to take action and implements the action. If the individual continues taking actions he falls
into a state of sustained change or “maintenance.” However, these stages are a very loose definition
of what the deepening of change means. It was through the change maker narratives that these
stages were fleshed out clearly.
Stages of change model adopted by
WECAN
Since phase II of the campaign has placed a great deal of emphasis on actions and behavioural
change, deepening of change implies that individuals are in a state of “maintenance” or at least
moving towards it.
Given below is the framework that describes the deepening of change. This framework has emerged
through a preliminary analysis of change maker narratives.
38
Collective Attitudinal shift
The notion of collective attitudinal shift draw’s its conceptual framework from whole systems
thinking and Malcolm Gladwell’s theory of the tipping point.
“Systems thinking is a method of analysis…..that looks at the interrelationships of the constituent
parts of a system rather than narrowly focusing on the parts themselves.”
That is instead of studying the parts of a system in isolation, it seeks to understand how the
behaviour of an individual unit in a given system is also influenced by the relationship that it shares
with other units in the same system. This framework offers us a useful and interesting background to
study social change. It suggests/ proposes that social change is not only an outcome of individual
change. It is the combined product of individual change and its impact on others within the same
system by virtue of the relationship each of them share with each other. It examines change from
the lens of interconnectedness. The human body, for example is an excellent example of studying a
systems approach.
The human body can itself be called a system which consists of various sub-systems, such as the
digestive system, respiratory system, nervous system etc. However, each of these sub-systems is
also a system in itself. When we talk of the digestive system, it comprises of various organs such as
the oesophagus, stomach, liver, intestines etc, which work together to facilitate digestion. Each
organ functions independently but is dependent on the other to perform the digestive function. If
39
the stomach is diseased and cannot break down food, the liver and the pancreas have to work
harder; it also impacts absorption of essential minerals by the intestines. If the digestive system is
weak it impacts the immune system due to low absorption of nutrition and overall resistance to
diseases. The digestive system also impacts the endocrine system because hormones needed for
digestion are released by certain actions of the stomach.
What this shows us is that for a given system to function effectively, each organ is dependent on the
other and therefore impacted by changes in the other organ. It also tells us that each system
depends on the other for its smooth functioning. Therefore, when we apply the systems thinking
framework to the assessment, it means studying individual level changes, but also how this change
impacts other groups the change maker is part of, because of the relationships among them. In the
assessment this has been framed as collective attitudinal change.
The key concepts of whole systems thinking that have informed the assessment are:
•
A system is a group of units related by a common purpose/interest
•
The character of a system is defined by the interrelationships between the units of a
system.
•
Because of interdependence between different units, a change in any one unit impacts the
other units in the system.
•
Change in any one system can potentially impact another system with which it shares a
relationship.
Drawing from systems thinking, one of the aspects of collective attitudinal shift that the assessment
has tried to explore is the exponential impact of individual change as it impacts a system. That is, the
“whole is more than the sum of its parts.” In other words, the impact of individuals changing within
a system is more than a sum of change in each of them separately. Thus, changes within the change
maker along with his/her family are leading to a change in the outlook and behaviour of the family
as a whole/ unit.
An interesting application of whole systems thinking is visible in the theory of the “Tipping Point”. A
tipping point the way Malcolm Gladwell describes it in a book by the same name is the point where
what has been recessive suddenly becomes dominant. In the context of WECAN, the tipping point
would be when wide spread acceptance of domestic violence is replaced by its non-tolerance.
According to Malcom Gladwell, three principles underlie the attainment of a tipping point:
1. The law of the few or who carries the message. There are essentially three kinds of ‘carriers”connectors with have a huge network of people; mavens who are subject matter experts and gather
a huge amount of information on any issue; salespersons who are good at convincing and motivating
people.
2. The law of “stickiness”. What makes a message stick is repetitiveness of the message; its delivery
using a dialogue based participatory method and identifying the one critical aspect that can have an
exponential impact on how the message is being delivered.
3. The power of context. The context theory states that individual behaviour is much more a
function of the context in which the individual lives, works and interacts, than a function of
individual traits alone. Thus when the context is altered, individual behaviour also begins to change.
40
In her book Contagious Commitment, Andrea Shapiro explains these three principles of the tipping
point as “carriers” (those who carry the message of the law of the few); “content” and “context”.
The spread of an idea is a result of the right combination of these three elements.
In the assessment, both deepening of change and collective attitudinal shift can be seen as
contributing to the creation of a tipping point where VAW becomes unacceptable.
Deepening of change
New ways of thinking and behaviours that don’t support
VAW or smaller tipping points
Collective attitudinal shift
Pushing towards a larger tipping point where VAW becomes
Unacceptable
The tipping point principle and its relevance to whole systems thinking
The power of context, one of the key principles in causing a tipping point to occur, is also an
important element of whole systems thinking. This essentially means that an individual’s propensity
to behave in a certain way is reinforced or deterred by the context in which he operates. For
example, Indians are famous for following traffic rules and standing in queues when they travel to
the West. However, we might find the same Indian breaking traffic rules and queues liberally in
India. Why? Because in India the overall context in India tolerates traffic violations and breaking of
queues. In other words, the context theory states that individual behaviour is as much a function of
the context in which the individual lives, works and interacts, than a function of individual traits
alone. Whole systems thinking tries to explore this context by looking at how changes among
individuals in a given system impact the behaviour of the system as whole and how they influence
each other. That is what is the relationship between different components within the system, how
much do they influence each other and how do they act together in changing/influencing other
systems.
References
Smyth, R. (2004). Exploring the usefulness of a conceptual framework as a research tool: A
researcher's reflections. Issues In Educational Research, 14(2), 167-180.
http://www.iier.org.au/iier14/smyth.html)
A general inductive approach for qualitative data analysis David R. Thomas School of Population
Health University of Auckland, New Zealand August 2003.
Definition of whole systems thinking has been taken from (http://pathtree.com/whole-systemsliving
Creating Contagious commitment, Applying the tipping point to organisational change, Shapiro
A.(2003), Strategy Perspective Hillsborough, North Carolina.
41
CHAPTER 3: BRIEF BACKGROUND ON CAMPAIGN EVALUATIONS
5.0 A brief background on campaign evaluations
Evaluation of campaigns is a comparatively new concept in the development arena. According to the
available literature of campaign evaluations there are two types of public communication campaigns
–individual behaviour change campaigns and public will and political change campaigns. By
42
Individual behavior change campaign we understand that campaign which leads to change in
individual behavior and increase social well being. Where as the later one tries to mobilize the
community and brings change in policy. The outcomes of the two campaign are different but
increasingly the public will change campaign is becoming more common and popular. According to
Ethel Klein, public will change campaigns are sometime borne out of individual behavior change
campaign.
The aim of campaign evaluation is to explore whether people have changed their attitude and
behavior after acquiring information on specific issue through it. Campaign evaluation is a relatively
new area of research with limited examples and practical guidelines. Evaluation designs test specific
points of the change theories on which a given campaign may be based. The most commonly
adopted theories within campaigns include the Theory of Reasoned Action, Social Cognitive Theory,
the Health Belief Model, and Stages of Change Model.
In the field of programme evaluation there are many studies to show how to assess the impact of
certain programmes which bring change in attitude, behavior and knowledge However, the field of
campaign evaluation is just growing and there is a scarcity of documents on tools and methodology.
It is well understood that assessing the campaign outcome is difficult due to its subtle nature many
times and various confounding factors in the environment. More over it is well accepted that only
knowledge about an issue cannot change all the behavioral problems of society. This is why more
campaigns are paying attention to context and linking their traditional media and behavior change
strategies with on-the ground community action to make the social and policy environment more
supportive of the desired campaign results (Coffman 2002).
According to Gary Henry we are still at the early stage of how to evaluate such campaigns. For
assessing change, both numerical and verbal data are required but quantitative evaluation methods
are more defined and specified and used for most of the campaign evaluation in comparison to
qualitative and participatory methods.
The evaluation design depends on the stage of evaluation. While formative or front end evaluation is
designed at the beginning of the campaign, the back end evaluation identifies and analyses the
changes that occurred at individual, community and societal level. The back end evaluation
compromises of process evaluation, outcome evaluation and impact evaluation. Among them the
impact evaluation is referred as gold standard of evaluation and use rigorous research design to
ensure the certainty of its measurement. The common methods that are mostly used in campaign
evaluation are focus group, interviews, surveys and polling. Besides them there are a few methods
which are used depending on the type of evaluation.
Different Methods associated with different evaluation design
Process evaluation
Outcome evaluation
News paper tracking
Direct response tracking
Television tracking
Framing analysis
Radio tracking
Rolling sample survey
Website monitoring
43
Ad assessment
Case studies
For any evaluation to be effective and successful, its design should have been incorporated in the
campaign or programme from the very beginning. Impact evaluation designs are generally
experimental or quasi experimental by nature. But in campaign evaluations it is difficult to use the
experimental deign. So generally quasi experimental evaluation deign is used for impact evaluation.
Still there are examples when the evaluation cannot use a control or comparison group due to a
number of reasons. Now a days planning of most of the international development impact
evaluation does not start until the programme or campaign is well advanced. More over most of the
evaluations are carried out under time, resource and data constraints. To address these issues
recently the Shoestring Evaluation approach has come into practice. When many of the basic
principles of impact evaluation design like comparable pretest-post test design, control group,
instrument development and testing, random sample selection, control for researcher bias etc are
sacrificed for the time, money and data constraint then the "Shoestring Evaluation" approach is used
to provide tools for ensuring the highest quality evaluation possible under such circumstances. This
approach follows 6 steps for a robust evaluation design:
 Planning and scoping the evaluation- this includes identifying client needs, the change model
that informs the intervention and being cognizant of the data and resource constraints
within which the evaluation must work
 Addressing the budget constraints- reviewing alternative evaluation designs and adopting or
adapting the strongest available model in a given context. Budget constraints also include
ways of reducing the sample size without compromising on the quality of statistical rigor.
 Addressing time constraints- by conducting preliminary studies that complement the work
being undertaken by resource intensive consultants. This phase could also include optical
scanning of documents to reduce data input time.
 Addressing data constraints- such as identifying secondary data sources that can provide
baseline information or using recall to build a baseline. However, since this could be biased
and is highly subjective, triangulating this information with at least two independent
sources.
 Addressing threats to the validity and adequacy of the evaluation design and conclusion- this
includes checking the evaluation design against various parameters of va lidity such as being
able to establish a causal relationship, the appropriateness of statistical analysis,
generalizability and clarity around theoretical constructs that have informed the
intervention.
 Addressing identified weaknesses and strengthening evaluation design and analysis- this
step includes taking the most feasible measures to address threats to validity. If it is not
possible to address the identified weaknesses, the limitations of the evaluation design
should be clearly spelt out as also what has informed the adoption of a particular evaluation
design over the other. This step also entails articulating the assumptions and premises on
which the evaluation design has been developed.
The purpose of this approach is to provide the evaluation design with a robust methodology which
can address the existing weakness of the design and support to produce useful evaluation findings
while working under the real world constraints.
44
As has already been mentioned that public will campaign evaluation is a very difficult area and
people involved in it are still struggling to come up with effective evaluation methodology. An
investment in evaluation to tackle these issues in an environment that encourages some degree of
risk-taking and exploration could go a long way toward moving the field forward. As Gary Henry put
it, "I think we should be undaunted by the challenge of systematic measurement of the impacts of
these kinds of programs. We have to push ahead; we have to try some things." (Coffman, 2002)
References:
1. A guide to measuring advocacy and policy: Jane Reisman, Anne Gienapp, Sarah Stachowiak,
2. Public campaign communication evaluation—an environmental scan of challenges,
criticisms, Practices and Opportunities.: Julia Coffman Harvard Family Research Project ,May
2002
3. Shoestring Evaluation: Designing Impact Evaluations under Budget, Time and Data
Constraints:Michael Bamberger; American Journal of Evaluation, Vol. 25, No. 1, 5-37 (2004)
4. Evaluation methods for non experimental Data: RICHARD BLUNDELL and MONICA COSTA
DIAS; Fiscal Studies (2000) vol. 21, no. 4, pp. 427–468
5. A Review of Campaign Evaluation and Its Role in Communication For Development :Frances
Kinghorn, 2006
6. Evaluation of the Zero Tolerance Respect pilot project: Sheila Henderson, Reid-Howie
Associates; 2002
7. Soul city 4, Evaluation Methodology, Volume 1;2001
45
CHAPTER 4: METHODOLOGY AND TOOLS USED FOR ASSESSMENT OF WECAN PHASE II
Methodology:
There are 2.5 million change makers who have signed up to WECAN, from 6 countries of South Asia.
Any attempt to draw generalizations about the effect of a campaign which is so wide spread and
diverse is highly challenging both methodologically and resource wise. What the assessment has
sought to understand is the change makers’ journey of change; within this journey whether
deepening of change has occurred; the role played by the campaign in this journey and the
movement of change beyond the change maker into their circles of influence.
In order to meet these objectives it was important to use a methodology which would allow the
researchers to engage with the change makers in-depth and at the same time, provide data on an
acceptable scale with their circles of influence. Therefore, the study has employed a mix method
approach to include qualitative and quantitative methods of enquiry. However, to minimise bias,
significant care has been taken to ensure that the sample of change makers has been randomly
drawn from the pool of re-engaged change makers and their communities.
In recent times, evaluation researchers have begun questioning the validity of establishing linear
relationships between cause and effect within social change processes (see Sarah Earl, Fred Carden
and Terry Smutylo, Outcome mapping, IDRC, 2001). People’s increasing access to information and
technology means that social interventions can seldom hope to start on a ‘blank slate’. Social change
interventions take place in an existing social and political context. Similarly, people’s own life
experiences are yet another context in which social change interventions are received. Against this
backdrop it is important to recognize that in some countries of South Asia where WECAN is
operating, there has been significant mobilization by the women’s movement to shape public
opinion and policy making on issues affecting women, including gender based violence. The
campaign is therefore being implemented in a context where the strategy and approach of WECAN
is novel but the issue of VAW itself has been within the arena of policy change and public debate, for
several years. Against such a background, a campaign such as WECAN should be viewed as a
contributor, a trigger for change.
It also needs to be emphasised that the assessment process was not built into the campaign from
the beginning and was planned later. Therefore, a comparable baseline has not been possible
Assessment tools:
The key questions explored by the assessment were:
 Whether existing change makers are experiencing a deepening of change as a result
of the re-engagement process
 If yes, what was the nature of this change/ how was this change occurring?
 Whether the change was spreading from the change maker outwards to their circles
of influence?
 If yes, what are the kinds of changes occurring within these circles of influence?
 Has the campaign managed to influence perceptions and beliefs on violence against
women within the change maker’s broader circle of influence?
The specific methods and tools employed with change makers and people in their circles of influence
to explore these questions were as follows:
46
 In order to understand the deepening of change a quasi life history approach was followed.
Here, we explored several key phases of the change maker’s life to understand where and in
what context the campaign had entered his/her life as well as their journeys of change.
 In order to find out who constituted the change makers circle of influence and how this was
changing, a social influence map was developed and used with change makers.
 A structured interview guide was used to assess the change maker’s attitudes to VAW and
gender roles.
 Change makers were invited for a day long workshop and the mixed methods were used
with them to elicit their responses.
 A semi-structured interview guide was used with people in the change maker’s circle of
influence. It consisted of several open ended questions to assess personal change. The
interview guide also contained a section on attitudes to gender roles and VAW (identical to
what was used with the change makers).
The key principles that informed the use of these methods were:
 They were aimed at creating a space for reflection and analysis of personal experiences of
change makers. Thus it was hoped that this exercise should become mutually beneficial.
 They were used to elicit the participation of the change maker in analysing their experience.
 The in-depth interviews with change makers explored some sensitive aspects of the change
maker’s life. Therefore, informed consent and maintaining confidentiality was given utmost
importance. Hence the report does not contain the real names of change makers whose
stories have been added or who have been quoted.
Criteria for selection of assessment sites
Selection of the assessment sites has been done keeping in mind the following criteria:
 Geographical representation of the campaign.
 The operational period of the campaign. To ensure that no bias came up in the assessment
process a mix of both old and new sites were selected. The time period for old sites has
been 2005-2006, whereas new sites are those where the campaign has been working since
2008.
 Since the study was basically a qualitative one it was important that the lead researchers be
familiar with the local language. Hence familiarity with the language also determined the
choice of states.
The assessment has taken place in the following sites
Pakistan
Mardan
district,Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa
province
Jamshoro district,
Sri Lanka
Bangladesh
India
Nepal
Batticoloa district
Shahapara union and
Kamarjai union
Gaibandha district
Pauri block, Pauri
district, Uttaranchal
Garuda VDC, Rautahat
district
Luni block, Jodhpur
district, Rajasthan
Dang municiaplity,
Dang district
Puttalam district
Monaragala
Ward no.2 and Akua
union, Mymensing
47
Sindh province
district
Quetta district,
Baluchistan
Badulla district
district
Muzafagarh
district, Punjab
Province
Mandir Bazaar, South
24 paragana district
& Govindapur, Ward
No 93, Kolkata
district, West Bengal
Dangibari VDC, Jhapa
district
Hatiya VDC,
Makwanpur district
Pangreta VDC,
Sindhupal chowk
district
The sample size covered by the study is as follows:
Study site
Change makers covered
People in change makers circle of
influence covered under study
India
116
260
Pakistan
117
254
Bangladesh
115
307
Nepal
100
134
Sri Lanka
112
241
Total sample size
560
1196
Sampling process
Sampling of change makers: Sampling process was designed keeping in mind the objective of phase
2 of the campaign as re-engagement was an integral part of this phase. To ensure that a list of
reengaged change makers were prepared in all the sites by the local implementing partners of the
campaign. From the master list, a random sample of change makers was selected. Efforts were made
to ensure that the proportion of male and female change makers was reflected in the sample
selected.
Sampling of people in the change maker’s circle of influence: The social mapping tool was used with
change makers to identify people in their circles of influence. The next step was to put into a matrix,
all the people from the various circles of influence of the change makers. A stratified random
sampling method was adopted to ensure that all systems covered by the change makers were
reflected in the sample.
Data quality management
The success of any study depends on the quality of the data. Data quality control and management is
the key to a successful study. To this end the assessment placed a lot of emphasis on adequate
quality check processes. These included:
a) Selection, training and capacity building of the research team - The research teams were
recruited in each site after consulting the local partners. It was decided that as far as
possible, articulate change makers with good documentation skills would be recruited to
48
work as field researchers. It was felt that this would facilitate rapport building. The
familiarity of the change makers with the local language and context of the area would also
aid the process of data collection. Each state was covered by one research team. The
number of field researchers in each site was different depending on need and duration of
data collection. After the selection of the team a 5 days residential training workshop was
organised in each state. The training was conducted by the study team members. Besides
training the team on various methods of collecting information, they were also trained on
the ethics of research studies on VAW. Mock interviews and field tests were organized
before finalizing the research team. The number of boys and girls were almost equal to
ensure that the change maker whether a male or female should feel comfortable during the
interview. Data collection began in each site immediately after the training was completed.
Just before the second phase of data collection (with people in the change maker’s circle of
influence)a one day reorientation training was organized for the team.
b) Reviews: Daily reviews of the data collected and daily experiences. The problems
encountered during the data collection were used to improve the process for the following
day.
c) Monitoring: Interview schedules were checked on a daily basis to weed out mistakes in
filling data. The importance of recording the interviews verbatim was emphasised constantly
and checked. The interview transcripts were finalised on the same day, before beginning the
next interview. Since a quasi life history approach was used with the change makers, each
interview was covered by a pair of field researchers- one of whom was the interviewer and
the other was the recorder. At the end of the day the research team would together to
review the day’s work and complete their schedules. This was never compromised.
Besides these measures, the research leads and supervisors were present at the site throughout the
duration of both phases of data collection to ensure onsite support and monitor data quality.
Challenges
Sampling change makers from the data base was the biggest challenge in the study. This proved to
be an uphill task for many reasons. To begin with there were no clear lists or databases of reengaged change makers and hence a lot of planning and ground work went into developing such a
data base. In a few places, the alliance partners felt intimidated by the process of random selection
of change makers and a great of effort and time had to be spent allaying their doubts and fears. At
another level, they also had to work very hard to identify and locate re-engaged change makers as
most activities for re-engagement were public events and no system for tracking people taking part
in these activities had been built in. Another challenge was to convince and bring the change makers
to the workshop. It was difficult to convince people to come for a day long interview.
In the second phase of data collection again the identification of the people from the change
maker’s circle of influence and ensuring their availability for the interview was a difficult task.
It is also important to note the hardships borne by the research team during both phases of data
collection. In spite of long, odd working hours, difficult interviewees, poor accommodation, extreme
weather conditions and long distances which had to be covered on foot to reach the respondents,
there was no dearth of commitments from the field researchers who gathered excellent and
valuable data for the assessment. Nonetheless, the time given by the change makers and people in
their circles of influence as well as their cooperation during the study warrant maximum
appreciation.
49
CHAPTER 5: AN OVERVIEW OF THE CONTEXT OF WECAN IN THE REGION
50
The growth of the campaign in each of these countries and sites is an interesting story by itself.
Given below is a country wise description of the manner in which the campaign was launched and
has grown in each of the sites covered by the study. It highlights the difference in contexts but also
brings out the wide spread shared experience of VAW that women in South Asia share.
India:
The WECAN campaign was launched in India in December 2004 and currently works in 225 districts across 13
states. It has a signed up database of 2.5 million change makers mobilized through a network of over 2,500
alliance members. The study sites in India vary considerably in terms of the social context as well as in terms of the
implementing partner. This has impacted the way the campaign has shaped up in these areas.
Luni Block, Jodhpur district, Western Rajasthan,
This study site is an extremely arid part of the country. Employment opportunities are few but the area is known
for its entrepreneurial culture. It is also steeped in strong patriarchal traditions. Women’s mobility and education
is low and caste identities are very strong.
The campaign has been active in Rajasthan since 2006. The implementing partner in the sites where the study was
carried out in Rajasthan is VIKALP sansthaan. The strategy employed by them has been to work through a cadre of
‘volunteers’ to mobilise change makers. The role of this cadre or the ‘meso’ layer cannot be overemphasised in
keeping the campaign and the issue alive and vibrant.
In fact during the assessment many people in the COI have constantly referred to the role played by the volunteers
or active change makers from this meso level in convincing them about the issue and sensitising them to the ills of
child marriage- a practise that is rampant in the area. During field work, the credibility of the volunteers became
even more apparent. Their standing in the community opened many doors for the assessment team and people
spoke readily because of the trust they repose in the volunteers. The presence of this meso level has also meant
that along with the formal activities for re-engagement (such as the mobile van, puppet show and the newsletter)
informal village level interactions through household level visits, small scale meetings, community activities
around March 8th etc. have kept the issue alive in the village. It is also notable that the implementing partner in
Rajasthan has consciously engaged in regular reviews with the volunteers during phase I of the campaign. These
reviews also doubled as capacity building sessions for the volunteers.
Pauri block, Pauri district, Uttaranchal
Uttaranchal state was formerly part of western Uttar Pradesh. It is largely mountainous and living conditions are
harsh. Employment opportunities in the hills are few and hence migration of men to cities in the plains in search of
jobs is very common. Women are left behind and land up managing the household singlehandedly. Women’s
labour is the backbone of the hill economy.
WECAN was launched in Uttaranchal in early 2005. The campaign here has been active through two implementing
partners, PARAJ and PARAM, of whom the latter has taken a greater lead during the last one year. PARAM is a
theatre group which performs largely social plays in different parts of the state and all over India. It works largely
with young people and in the campaign has reached out to adolescents and youth in schools and colleges in Pauri
and nearby districts. Adult populations in villages and in the town also have been targeted but the focus on youth
has been stronger.
The sample of change makers from Pauri district was drawn from Pauri town (an urban area) and from villages
bordering Pauri town (peri-urban). The degree of social cohesion in these sites is looser as people are from more
heterogeneous backgrounds. Many of the change makers from this site are students and young people, with a
high level of exposure to urban influences and higher levels of education. Therefore while their ability to articulate
issues is high, their pre-occupation with their career, finding a job and becoming economically self sufficient is also
51
greater.
Mandir Bazaar, South 24 paragana district & Govindapur, Ward No 93, Kolkata district, West Bengal
WECAN was launched in West Bengal in 2007. In the sites selected in West Bengal, WECAN is being implemented
through Thought shop Foundation (TSF). TSF is a social communications agency which has developed most of
WECAN’s communications material. TSF, like PARAM works largely with and through young people. The sites
selected in West Bengal are a mix of an urban and a rural area. The urban site (Govindapur) is a slum community.
This is a very poor part of Kolkata city, where most people work as daily wage labourers, as house maids, hawkers
or engage in other odd jobs. Social cohesion in urban slums such as Govindapur is impacted by sheer survival
needs and severe poverty. Mandir Bazaar, the other site in West Bengal is a semi-rural site, with a preponderance
of agriculture labourers. Lack of viable livelihood opportunities and congested living arrangements is a depressing
reality of this area also. According to the campaign implementing organizations, the levels of domestic violence
against women is also very high in both the study sites. Alcoholism is rampant and many narratives of change
makers reflect alcohol related abuse by the father or other male members in the family. In such a context,
initiating and sustaining change on an issue such as VAW is very challenging.
Sri Lanka
Sri Lanka has witnesses one of the longest civil conflicts in the world and WECAN began its work in Sri Lanka in
those areas where OXFAM was providing humanitarian assistance to those affected by the conflict. With time, the
campaign spread to the other districts also.
In Sri Lanka the assessment was conducted in four districts, one of which (Batticaloa) was severely affected by the
civilian conflict. The sites covered were Badulla, Batticaloa, Monaragala and Puttalam2.
Badulla
A district with large tea estates, a majority of Badulla’s population, especially women, consists of labourers in
these estates. Since independence, concerns over the living conditions of estate Tamils (as oppose to Tamils from
the North and East of Sri Lanka) have been raised, including, for example fair and equal wages for women and
men. They are heavily underpaid and women more so than men. Their issues are rarely addressed by the state.
Though the district was not directly affected by the violent internal conflict, Badulla is known for other forms of
conflict (based on gender, class and caste), alcoholism and lack of education. WECAN activities started here in
2005. An NGO consortium was the initial partner of the campaign. Currently the WECAN alliance partner is a Tamil
community based organisation working on rights issues. Approximately 2,500 change makers have been registered
in Badulla.
Batticaloa accommodates a multi-ethnic population - Burghers, expatriates, Muslims, Sinhalese and Tamils, who
have been affected by violent conflict, ethnic clashes between Muslims and Tamils. Batticaloa was also affected
during the tsunami. The number of internally displaced people rapidly escalated at the time when the campaign
was introduced here. People were subjected to violence generated by various political groups. A state of power
2
Trincomalee was selected as back up district in case of failure to have access to one of the above four, where the
assessment was not conducted as it was successfully conducted in the first four districts.
52
struggle between political groups resulted in uncertainties of everyday life. It also influenced the way people think
and cope with rapidly changing conditions, especially when it came to trusting others. The situation was such that
even the same family members differed in their political ideologies or beliefs, and this sometimes resulted in
clashes, relating to, for example, the grievances discourse as illustrated by Frerks and Klem (2005). The WECAN
campaign started in 2004/5 in Batticaloa with the support from Oxfam Great Britain office in the district. Initially
different organizations took various responsibilities of the campaign activities, including a few INGOs. At present
the WECAN alliance partner is a Tamil community based group that was registered as an organisation after
mobilising their ideas through the WECAN campaign in the district. There are 15,000 registered change makers in
the district.
Monaragala is located in the Uva province in Sri Lanka. Monaragala is mostly occupied by Sinhalese with a small
population of Muslims and Tamils. The main income is drawn by farming. Monaragala is one of first districts where
the WECAN campaign was launched in Sri Lanka in 2004. The NGO consortium was the initial campaign partner.
There were fifteen organizations carried out campaign activities under the guidance of the NGO consortium. At
present the WECAN campaign is managed by a Sinahala community based organisation working on community
mobilisation. Approximately 4,000 change makers have been registered in the district.
Puttalam is located in the north western province. It largely consists of Muslims and Tamils. There are also
Sinhalese and other ethnic minorities including African descendents. Puttalam continues to be a place of internally
displaced Muslims from the northern parts of Sri Lanka. Muslims from the north were forced to leave the
northern, so called Tamil area, by the LTTE in early 1990s. The majority of the displaced Muslims came to Puttalam
as many had relatives there. Most of them have not returned to their places of origin due to the war. Though the
war has ended now, there is no proper guidance for these displaced Muslims in Puttalam in terms of return and
resettlement. Also they are considered to be old displaced people. The new internally displaced people from the
Tamil majority in the north where the last phase of war was fought are given the priority in the return and
resettlement processes. The WECAN campaign started here in 2007 with the support of three local
organisations. Currently the WECAN alliance partner in Puttalam is a Sinhala women’s organisation. Street plays
were introduced by this local organisation as a medium for increasing awareness in phase I of the WECAN
campaign. The change maker database in the district has registered 1,500 names of change makers.
Pakistan
WE CAN Campaign in Pakistan:
The Pakistan campaign initially focused on engaging directly with over 65 District based NGOs or Campaign allies,
who are doing awareness raising and undertaking the process of recruiting voluntary change makers. These are
mostly rural based, small and medium in sized NGOs working in the least developed regions of Pakistan which are
known for honour killings and other issues related to violence against women. The activists working as allies
became the first change makers because they were already engaged with the issue and had a certain degree of
clarity about the change maker concept. These partners subsequently and successfully motivated the second tier
of change makers within their families, or in their area of work either by engaging with other NGOs/CBOs or other
community activists. Furthermore these CMs also motivated and recruited change makers from the local
professional and youth groups including journalists, lawyers, teachers, students and LHWs. During the first phase
of the campaign the activities undertaken by these partners have been similar, yet tailored to their own context.
Some of the key activities included corner/Group meetings/dialogues, seminars, school events like debates,
Community theatre, large seminars or melas, boys’ sports events etc. These have resulted in motivating a number
of men and women to take on the role of change makers. A large amount of resource material developed
regionally was also contextualized and circulated in all districts3. Initially the campaign was rolled out in 20
3
leaflets, posters, T-shirts, caps, key chains, badges, calendars, stickers, banners, bags
53
districts, followed by another 21 districts. Mardan and Muzafargarh were included in the first phase of the
campaign roll out. Jamshoro and Quetta were in round II of the campaign roll out.
The second phase of the campaign focused on alliance building and consolidating the existing resources available
for ending VAW. The individuals who had signed up as CMs in phase I were re-engaged/ involved through activities
of the campaign. These activities focused on intensifying the changes, highlighting new forms of VAW and focusing
on the CM carrying the message within community to recruit others. Besides workshops and seminars the key
activities during this phase included mobile vans, theatre, newsletters and CM courts/kacheris.
The CMs were also exposed to other areas where they could see good practices for eliminating VAW. The
exposure visits were not limited to interprovincial exchange but also to other countries in the region where the
campaign was being implemented. OGB Pakistan also enhanced the capacity of some of the active CMs by sending
them to trainings in Pakistan and in the region. Furthermore the provincial and national CM assemblies held
annually also contributed to the reinforcement of the messages and commitment to eliminate VAW. All four
districts included in the sample have actively participated in these activities.
The campaign materials have been found to be a huge success, well received and heavily used. They have enabled
difficult messages to be widely accessible without being overwhelming - in spite of the complexity and sensitivity
of the issues involved.
Newsletters and study circles; an innovative method:
Another innovative technique called study circles was also used during this phase. From among the CMs reengaged through Phase II activities some were identified as ‘connectors’ these connectors were trained intensively
on gender and VAW. They were then asked to carry out study circles with community members. In Pakistan the
newsletter was distributed through these connectors and study circles. Hence people had a chance to really see
and comprehend the issues highlighted in the newsletters. This also ensured outreach and reading of the
newsletters.
Nepal
In Nepal VAW frequently takes the form of psychological violence, verbal harassment and emotional abuse in
addition to physical violence. Psychological violence is more pervasive than purely physical violence. Poverty,
alcohol, gambling, witch hunting, and lack of employment opportunities also contribute significantly to the high
incidence of domestic violence in Nepal (Oxfam 2008; Oxfam 2004). The stark economic and social reality in Nepal
is that most women do not have opportunities. Their economic dependence on men along with highly restrictive
gender norms greatly aggravates domestic violence and makes it difficult for women to extricate themselves from
an abusive relationship. Within this context WECAN has tried to bring greater dialogue and understanding on the
issue.
The five sites covered by the assessment in Nepal represent geographically very different regions. The way the
campaign has grown in these sites is very organic and each district has its own story of growth, which is fascinating
and inspiring.
We Can Campaign in Dang
Dang is one of the districts in the mid-western region of the country with deep-rooted patriarchal norms and
values that discriminate girls and women. The culture of dowry is a wide spread social problem here. Culturally,
the practise of bonded labour exists here among one of the ethnic groups called "Tharu" families. They work as
bonded labourers for local landlords. Tharu girls used to be maintained by the landlords families as bonded labour
(kamlari). Although the government of Nepal eradicated this system on 17 July 2000, the status of girls and
54
women is very low in Dang district.
In the WECAN launch programme in Nepal, Sabita Chaudhary a victim of bonded labour of Dang took part in the
"Women's Court" in Dec 2004. After the few months of the launch of the campaign,a member of the partner
organization FOPA, Mr. Yuvraj Gyawali brought the two copies of changemaker forms and shared about the
campaign and asked his two enthusiastic friends of Dang to fill up the form as change makers. These two people
photocopied the forms into another eight copies and recruited other enthusiastic friends as change makers. In this
way in a short period around 200 people signed up as change makers in this district. In 2006, because of their
active involvement, a few change makers were invited to an orientation on the campaign held in Arghakhanchi
district (Western Nepal) by the Oxfam office. The change maker’s in Dang started mobilizing more change maker’s
using the campaign materials, and few of them also started attending the campaign alliance meetings as well as
national events organized in Kathmandu.
In order to build the capacity of change maker’s and extend the campaign activities, FOPA formally introduced the
campaign in Dang with the partnership of People’s Awareness and Development Forum (PADF). Many campaign
activities have been conducted since then. An alliance has now been formed.
We Can Campaign in Hatiya, Makawanpur
The situation of women in Hatiya is no different from those in other parts of Nepal. According to the implementing
partner, WOSCC, women in this part suffer from very low self-esteem and confidence. WOSCC became aware of
the debilitating situation of women while implementing an earlier intervention called the Women’s Empowerment
Programme (WEP). They realized that the campaign would help to change the situation of women by building their
understanding on VAW and addressing their attitudes to gender norms. WOSCC started mobilizing change maker’s
among the women's networks formed for WEP.
In the words of Bishnu Ojha (Director of WOSCC) "Hatiya VDC is one of the VDCs where the change makers are
very active and their number is higher than the other 20 VDCs, where we have introduced the campaign".
According to her, the campaign has easily spread in Hatiya VDC because of “very active change makers who have
owned the norms and mission of the campaign, joined hand with us and worked restlessly for recruiting change
makers in the community.” The change maker’s network in Hatiya VDC is very active with a mixed group of 19
change makers, who meet regularly. The network members are continuously mobilizing other people on the issue
of VAW. Sometimes the community people also come to them to seek their help to resolve the different cases of
VAW.
We Can Campaign in Garuda Rautahat
The majority of the people in this VDC are from Madhesi community, which places strong restrictions on women's
mobility as well as a system of using a veil for women. Girls were not allowed to go out for higher studies
discrimination in food for women and men was commonly observed. Before marriage their life was under their
parents control whereas after marriage husband or in-laws took decisions for them. Their life was confined within
the boundary of the house doing household work from dawn to dusk wearing a long head veil so that no man
could see their face. If they wanted to look outside the house they had to fulfil their desire by peeping from a hole
in the wall. They were not allowed to even look out of the window. WOSCC (the implementing partner mentioned
above) knew of this situation of women in Rautahat through its women’s empowerment programme and felt it
was utmost necessary to implement WECAN here.
When WOSCC introduced the campaign in Garuda they visited the households to bring women out of their home
to participate in the campaign interactions and orientations. According to WOSCC, this was a very difficult task in
the beginning. Making them speak in orientation was another difficulty as these women had never had a chance
to talk to each other or in front of people. Every effort was made so that these women could speak and remove
their veil as least in the training hall. Gradually few women of Gardua VDC especially Bina Sah and Mala Devi
55
Jaisawal internalized the objective and main thrust of the campaign.
Prior to the campaign in Garuda it was almost impossible to bring women out of their houses but now Bina (a very
active change maker) alone can gather more than 200 women in her premises to talk about the campaign or other
issues. Bina has shared that she has a dream to make the women of her village like other women in Hetauda
bazaar, who she had seen walking and doing things freely without any hesitation and veil. Inspired by her dream
she came to Garuda and shared about campaign with her colleagues, neighbours and relatives in a formal
meeting, which was held in Women’s Development (Government Organization) office. As time passed many
women showed willingness to join the campaign because they wanted to come out and they enjoyed listening and
talking with Bina about the message of the campaign. Bina has been greatly supported by her father in law and
husband to come out of the home and to work as an active change maker in the community. A VDC level change
maker’s network has been formed in Garuda VDC. 18-20 women are part of this network. They meet regularly and
discuss on the campaign materials. These days the community people ask these women to solve the conflicts or
any problem in their families or in the community.
We Can Campaign in Dangibari, Jhapa
In 2005, the chairperson of Mahila Janachetana Kendra (MJCK) visited Kathmandu for a meeting and on the way
saw a wall painting of the We Can Campaign. She became curious to know about it and visited the Oxfam office to
know more. After discussions with the programme officer at OXFAM and getting to know about the campaign she
was very inspired to join in and take up the campaign in Jhapa. She shared this with her colleagues. Everybody
liked the messages/objectives/activities of the campaign, as they all knew that the issues of VAW were/are severe
in the area. They developed a work plan and selected some VDCs to launch the campaign, including Dangibari.
We Can Campaign in Pangretar Sindhupalkchok
GMSP the implementing partner in Sindhupalchok was one of the co organizers of the WE CAN launch programme,
"Women's Court" in Dec 2004. During the launch of the programme the core focus issue of the campaign was
trafficking. After the launch of the campaign the core focus issue of the campaign was decided as the domestic
violence. GMSP was also a part of the discussion process in shifting the core focus of the campaign from trafficking
to domestic violence. GMSP was convinced with this idea as it knew from experience that domestic violence is the
root cause of the trafficking. They started mobilizing change makers from 2005.
Bangladesh
The WECAN campaign was launched in Bangladesh in 2004 under the leadership of seven organisations in seven
districts. With each passing year the campaign has spread to newer districts. In 2004 before the launch of WECAN,
Oxfam informed various rights based organizations and groups in Bangladesh about WECAN and its proposed
activities. This was the beginning of the campaign alliance. A campaign secretariat was created within OXFAM and
an MOU was signed with the various partners joining the campaign. Between 2005 and 2008, various district level
campaign activities were implemented However, since 2009, small scale activities in which old change makers
were re-engaged and where change makers themselves took a great deal of initiative were also organised. From
2009 the secretariat has also been actively involved in organizing national level campaign events once or twice a
year.
The WECAN campaign was launched in Bangladesh in 2004 under the leadership of seven organisations in seven
districts. With each passing year the campaign has spread to newer districts. In 2004 before the launch of WECAN,
Oxfam informed various rights based organizations and groups in Bangladesh about WECAN and its proposed
activities. This was the beginning of the campaign alliance. A campaign secretariat was created within OXFAM and
56
an MOU was signed with the various partners joining the campaign. Between 2005 and 2008, various district level
campaign activities were implemented However, since 2009, small scale activities in which old change makers
were re-engaged and where change makers themselves took a great deal of initiative were also organised. From
2009 the secretariat has also been actively involved in organizing national level campaign events once or twice a
year.
We can campaign in Shahapara Union and Kamarjai Union, Gaibandha district
Gaibanda district is one of the earliest sites where the campaign was launched (in 2004), through Gana Unnayan
Kendra (GUK). GUK is a non-government development organization which has been active in Bangladesh since
1985. Both these study sites are rural. The WECAN campaign was launched in 2006, through a union level group
formed in Shahapara to protest against VAW. This group organized discussions, meetings and group songs (PALA
GAAN) to create public awareness on the issue. In 2008, change makers were re-engaged through an activity
called the “1000 event activity”. Through this activity, old change makers were motivated to conduct small scale
awareness meetings and activities in their area. In 2009, many of the old change makers actively participated in
the mobile van activity. This was a process in which old change makers were re-engaged through street plays,
films and distribution of new materials of WECAN phase II. The activity itself is called mobile van because ‘vanrickshaws’ or large three wheel cycles, covered with WECAN banners and posters were used to ferry new materials
of phase II. In addition, at the beginning of 2010 a change maker’s assembly was also organized in Shahapara. At
present there are 1029 change makers in this Shahapara union.
The campaign was launched in Kamarajani union of the same district through 10 Nari Samiti (women’s groups) and
Kunder para Gano Unnoyan Kendra. In 2005, a students forum also joined the campaign. Through this forum
debates, competitions and street plays were organized for the students on the issue of women’s rights. In 2006, at
the initiatives of the female change makers an annual assembly of women was organized. The purpose of this
assembly was to voice public disapproval of domestic violence. In 2007 change makers of the area organized group
songs and street plays on the campaign messages. A union level change maker assembly took place here in 2009.
At present 57 Nari Samaiti’s (Women’s groups) are taking forward the campaign. At present there are 415 change
makers in this union.
Ward No.2 and Akua Union, Maymensingh district
Mymensingh district is among those areas where the campaign has begun recently. WECAN was launched here in
February, 2009, through Development Wheel (DEW), a non-profit development organization founded in 1996.
DEW grew out of the vision of a few development professionals and researchers with the aim of promoting selfhelp and poverty alleviation initiatives for the poorest households in Bangladesh. The assessment site, Ward no. 2
was selected as it represented an urban site in Mymensing district. WECAN was launched here through a group of
25 students. More change makers signed up in March 2009 due to public meetings, door to door campaign and
material distribution. Change makers in ward 2 have participated in various activities of WECAN such as rallies,
discussion meetings, formation of a uman chain and sticker/poster campaign. In 2009, the change makers took
active part in the 1000 events activity (described above) as well as in the mobile van activity in 2010. Currently
there are 184 change makers in the area.
Akua union in the same district is a rural site. WECAN was launched in this union in January 2009 through a group
of 30 rural women. Currently the campaign has moved ahead in Akua union under the leadership of 20 members
was made to take the campaign ahead in the area. Several activities such as the “1000 events” (described above),
court yard meetings, collective material reading and mobile van have taken place which in turn helped create
more change makers in the area. Currently there are 1424 change makers in the area.
57
CHAPTER 6: REGIONAL FINDINGS OF THE ASSESSMENT
This chapter is divided into four sections.
Section I contains a description of the profile of the respondents of the study, namely, change
makers and people in their circles of influence.
Section II and III describe the insights related to the deepening of change and change maker’s
understanding of violence against women, respectively.
Section IV details the key results related to collective attitudinal shift
Section I: Profile of study respondents
Key results:
 The sample of change makers and the people in their circles of influence are fairly similar in
terms of the distribution of sex. 60% of the sample of change makers consists of women and
40% consists of men. Among the people in their COI, the distribution of women and men is
57% and 43% respectively.
 The age profile of the change makers is marginally younger than those in their circles of
influence.
 However, the change maker group shows better levels of education than the sample from
their circles of influence.
 This is also reflected in occupations where greater proportions of respondents from the
circles of influence are in unskilled occupations.
 There are a greater proportion of married respondents among the circles of influence.
The study has covered a total of 560 change makers and 1196 people in their COI. Of the 1196
people in the change maker’s COI 1002 were covered through structured interviews and 194
through focus group discussions. The quantitative results presented in this and subsequent sections
are based on the data from the structured interviews with the 1002 respondents.
The profile of the change makers and the people in their circles of influence are quite similar in as far
the ratio of men and women is concerned but there are differences with regard to their age,
education levels and occupation.
 Distribution by sex:
Distribution of males and females among change makers and the sample from their circles of
influence are almost the same as seen from the table below. 39.5% of all change makers and 42.9%
58
of the COI respondents are male, whereas 60.5% of change makers and 57.1% of COI respondents
are female.
Table showing distribution of males and females among change makers and people in their circles of influence.
Category of respondents
Change makers
People in change makers circle of influence
Female
N
%
338
60.5
572
57.1
Male
N
%age
221
39.5
430
42.9
Total
N
%age
559
100
1002
100
 Marital status:
There is a higher proportion of unmarried respondents among the change makers and a higher
proportion of married respondents in their COI.
41.1% of change makers are unmarried compared to 35.6% in their circles of influence (35.6%).
59.2% of people in the circle of influence are married, whereas 53.5% of change makers are married.
 Age distribution
The age distribution among change makers and their COI is illustrated in the charts below. The
maximum representation (20.9% and 17.4% among change makers and their COI respectively) is that
of young adults (20-24 years). 22% of change makers are between the ages of 25 to 34 years. The
same proportion among people in the change maker’s circle of influence amounts to 28%. 23% of
the change makers are between 35-44 years of age. The same proportion among their COI amounts
to 20%. However, among the older age groups 45- 60, there is a higher percentage of people
among the change maker’s COI (17% compared to 15% of change makers). Overall, change makers
are a marginally younger group.
59
The age distribution of people in the COI shows a decreasing proportion with increasing age groups
but the distribution is more even. As in the case of change maker, young adults (20-24 years) form
the highest proportion (17.4%).
60
 Educational level
Change makers with no or minimal literacy skills form 9% of the sample. 16% have studied between
6th to 9th standards. The largest proportion of change makers have either completed their
matriculation or studied up to high school. 13.4% have completed their graduation and 5.5% are
post graduates. A large portion of change makers covered by the sample are fairly well educated.
The educational profile of people in the change maker’s COI shows a large proportion of people who
can either not read or write at all or can only sign (approximately 16.5%). Equal proportions (16%)
have completed matriculation or studied between 6th-9th standard. 10% of respondents are
graduates and 3% are post-graduates. Overall a greater proportion of change makers have higher
61
levels of education, compared to their COI.
 Profession
62
The charts below show that the highest proportion of change makers are students, followed by
home-makers, whereas the inverse is true of people in their COI. Among change makers,
teachers, self employed individuals and those in private employment are approximately the
same proportion (10%). 7% are NGO employees, largely from Sri Lanka. Approximately 14% of
change makers are involved in agricultural and non agricultural labour.
Among their COI, those cultivating their own land, working as agricultural and nonagricultural labourers are a greater proportion. However, one finds a wider spread of
professions among the COI- drivers, tailors, veterinary doctors, household help etc., though
their numbers are very small. The graphs below depict only those professions which occur
most frequently. The educational and professional categories mirror a similar trend. Change
makers are showing a higher proportion of people with higher education (post
matriculation) as well as regular employment. While the reverse is true of people in their
circles of influence.
Figure showing occupation of change makers
Figure showing occupation of people in change maker’s Circle of Influence (COI).
Section II : Deepening of change among change makers
63
Measuring the deepening of change has been a challenging yet immensely satisfying feature of the
assessment. This is largely because measuring this concept involves moving beyond a state of
“before” and ‘after” becoming involved with WECAN- it involves studying a journey of change from
an altered state (when the change maker signed up) to a more altered state (deepening of change).
Studying deepening of change has meant looking for a growth in the understanding of change
makers as well as examples of continuous and multiple actions.
Based on the movement shown by change makers along the path of change, the assessment has
tried to categorise change makers into different groups. The element of actions or behavioural
change has been given a great deal of importance in phase II of the campaign. Hence taking actions
has been an important criterion for assessing deepening of change. At the same time, this journey
has been different for each change maker, influenced significantly by their context, levels of
motivation and life experiences. Therefore, categorising change makers has also been heavily
determined by their context of change. This essentially means that the change makers’ social,
economic and familial background, marital history and key turning points have been considered and
appreciated before placing them in one category or the other.
The assessment has yielded essentially four categories vis a vis deepening of change:
I.
Significant deepening of change
II.
Some deepening of change
III.
Awareness plus, that is, where change makers who have expressed a deepened
understanding of the issue, though they have shown no or very little movement in
terms of actions. This category has two sub-categories, those change makers
showing only awareness with no action and those who are aware and have shown
limited actions.
IV.
Those who have shown no change of any kind
However, the study has also yielded an additional category and a sub-category. The additional
category (column F in table #) includes new change makers, who signed up to the campaign six
months ago but were re-engaged through the activities of phase II also. This category is specific only
to India. The additional sub - category called, ”Aware with minimal actions” falls under the broader
category of ‘Awareness Plus”. This category is specific only to Bangladesh. It consists of change
makers who are actively seeking out information from other change makers about VAW, seeking
material, want to know about other WECAN programmes and are thus trying to engage with the
issue. For example, this category consists of middle aged women who have faced discrimination and
even family abuse during their youth. However, they are out of such situations at present and have
now become aware of the issue through other change makers in the area. They have reported about
making efforts to keep themselves engaged with VAW through discussions with other change
makers. These women change makers have reported a growing consciousness about the value of
joint decision making and the importance of mobility. This understanding has built their
determination to want to become more active in the campaign. The assessment team felt that these
change makers do not really seem to fall into either the category of some deepening of change or
only awareness. They have not taken any actions as such that indicate a change in behaviour but
have taken the first step by keeping in touch with other change makers and finding the confidence
to engage more with the issue. Some of them have also reported reaching out to other members of
the family and discussing the issue. They have not reported making any personal changes beyond
this level.
64
The criteria for each of the categories are described below:
Significant deepening of change
Some deepening of
change
No deepening of
change and very
little movement
No change of any kind
1. Those showing a deeper understanding
about VAW, which is, identifying newer
forms of violence, in newer contexts, a sense
of feeling more strongly about the issue of
VAW
1.Deeper
understanding about
VAW, which is,
identifying newer
forms of violence, in
newer contexts, a
sense of feeling
more strongly about
the issue of VAW
1.Shows change in
awareness level or
shows a
maintenance of
same awareness
level
Shows no awareness on the
issue; has signed form with no
real understanding of the
issue.
2. Those engaging others on the issue in
terms of talking to them, sensitising them
and convincing them to relate to the issue.
Those who strongly believe in interacting
with others to make a difference.
- These change makers try to influence
others on regular intervals to highlight the
severity of VAW and the need to end VAW.
2. Those who do not show any
involvement with issue
2.No evidence of
actions.
2. Evidence of
making behavioural
changes or taking
actions but these are
few.
3. Change makers with examples of actions/
behaviour change in one’s own life and a
sense of continuity in taking actions
4. Change makers showing examples of
taking actions vis a vis situations involving
other people and a sense of continuity in
doing this. In other words, they show
continuous engagement and re-engagement
with issues of VAW.
Figure showing distribution of change makers across different categories of deepening of change
65
The categorisation of change makers has shown that 53.3 % of change makers fall within the
category of significant and 25.7% fall into the category of some deepening of change. 16% of change
makers have shown enhanced awareness and 3.9 % have not been impacted by the campaign in any
way. In addition, there are 5 change makers (all from India) who are new (that is have signed up 6
months ago) but are showing greater awareness with the passage of time and have taken actions.
Table showing distribution of change makers across different categories of deepening of change
B.Change
makers
showing
significant
deepening of
change
C.Change
makers
showing
some
deepening of
change
N
%age
N
India
45
38.7%
Nepal
91
A.Country
D.Awareness plus
E.Change
makers showing
no change/ Lack
knowledge on
issue/campaign
F.New change
makers who
have taken
actions and
shown
deepened
engagement
with issue
G.Total
D1.Aware
with very
minimal
actions
D2.Change
makers
showing
change in
awareness
levels only
%age
N
%age
N
%age
N
%age
N
%age
N
23
20%
0
0%
29
25%
14
12%
5
4.3%
116
91%
0
0%
0
0%
4
4%
5
5%
0
0%
100
Bangladesh 71
62%
38
33%
6
5%
0
0%
0
0%
0
0%
115
Sri Lanka
33
29.5%
43
38.4%
0
0%
33
29.5%
3
2.6%
0
0%
112
Pakistan
59
50.4%
40
34.2%
0
0%
18
15.4%
0
0%
0
0%
117
66
Total
299
53.4%
144
25.7%
6
1.1%
84
15%
22
3.9%
5
.9%
Discussion
1. At a regional level, out of every 10 change makers covered by the assessment, 7 change
makers are showing deepening of change.
2. With the exception of Sri Lanka, maximum numbers of change makers from each country
belong to the category of significant deepening of change. Overall 53.3% of all change
makers belong to this category. Nepal and Bangladesh have reported the maximum number
of change makers from this category, Nepal in an overwhelming proportion. The main
reason for the diverse proportions in this category has been the profile of old change makers
who have been part of the re-engagement processes and activities in each country and hece
were selected for the assesment. In Nepal, Pakistan and Bangladesh, a large proportion of
old change makers covered by the study have remained re-engaged with the issue and the
campaign either through activities and repeated interactions with the implementing
partners or through other organisations working in the area. This has been the case
particularly in Pakistan where in the study sites of Jamshoro, Muzzafargarh and Mardan,
NGO’s such as Aurat Foundation and Noor Foundation as well as the media have been very
active in highlighting cases of VAW. Many change makers in these districts are also involved
with these organisations. In Bangladesh the campaign has consciously created spaces for
regular interactions with the change makers. Therefore, re-engagement with the issue has
been ongoing. In Nepal, a large number of change makers included in re-engagement
activities of the campaign also include those who are active in their areas and in some way
being accessed by the implementing partners. In India and Sri Lanka, as is the nature of a
campaign, the spread of the campaign has been wide, particularly so in India. This has
translated into more sporadic and less intense periods of contact with the change makers.
3. 25.7% of all change makers have shown deepening of change but to a lesser extent than the
previous category. Within this category, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Sri Lanka have shown a
similar trend, although Sri Lanka has the highest proportion of change makers in this
category.
4. 16% of all change makers have shown deepening in awareness but very minimal or no
behaviour change. 3.9% have not reported any change.
5. The table above shows that in Nepal and Bangladesh to a large extent and in Pakistan to
some extent, most of the change makers are clustered at the end of deepening of change,
whereas in India and Sri Lanka, the change makers are distributed across all categories of
deepening of change.
6. In Bangladesh and Pakistan, maximum numbers of change makers from the category of
significant deepening of change belong to districts where the campaign has been
operational for a long period of time, with strong alliance partners. Whereas districts where
the campaign is relatively more recent have a larger number of change makers from the
category of some deepening of change or only awareness. Thus in these two countries
duration of the campaign seems to have had a bearing on the deepening of change.
However, such a trend is not clear in other countries where the change makers from each
category are spread across both new and old districts.
Understanding the four different categories of deepening of change
67
560
An important learning of the assessment has been that the criteria for measuring deepening
of change in an intervention such as WECAN (which does not articulate change in terms of
definite/ specific actions) have to be evolved ground up, from the experiences of change
makers. Thus while the assessment began with a broad understanding of what constitutes
deepening of change, the evolution of clear categories with their own specific criteria, has
evolved through an inductive process of data analysis.
Each category, explained below has been brought to life through narratives of change
makers to illustrate what has gone into constructing this category.
Category 1- Significant deepening of change:
Narratives of change makers from this category are replete with examples of a deepened
understanding of the issue as well as multiple and repeated actions. These narratives are
essentially of two types—a) those where men and women have managed to make personal
change and impact others even under extraordinarily challenging circumstances. and b)those
where the presence of a supportive environment has enabled people to make changes in their
own lives and intervene in situations of violence around them.
Narratives from both categories are inspiring. However, individuals from the former category are
highly motivated, with a very deep sense of discomfort around the issue of VAW-- deep enough
to want to tackle the issue in spite of serious constraints and challenges in their environment.
The narrators of these experiences have also displayed a strong capacity to identify and
articulate personal changes.
The narratives below bring out the wide range of experiences that constitutes this category.
Case study of Geeta Devi (name changed) from Nepal.
Geeta is a thirty-five year old married woman completed who has studied up till ninth grade.
Her husband is forty years old and is a businessman in the capital. Her three sons also stay in
the capital for the sake of their schooling. The main source of income of the family is
business and agriculture.
Geeta’s childhood was very different from her life as it is now. She had joined school but
could not attend for more than ten days in a month because she needed to help her family.
She was very interested in studies and even wanted to take tuitions but it was not possible
because the tutors available were male and getting a male tutor was unacceptable to the
family.
The change maker has shared in her story that in school there was no toilet for girls so she
and her friend took permission to use a nearby stream. When they went there, they saw a
paper hanging on a bamboo stick on which it was written, “Geeta (name changed) I like
you”. Many people saw this too. Geeta’s father was the principal of the same school.
Instead of finding the culprit and punishing him, he stopped his daughter from attending
school. Likewise, other parents did the same with their daughters so that such incidents
would not happen in the community. Somehow Geeta managed to complete her current
year of schooling but could not study further.
Geeta was married at the age of 14. It was an arranged marriage. She had a good
relationship with her husband and his family members but the tradition of the family was
strict which she had accepted as a norm of the society. Once she was married she remained
in the house covering her head with a veil; doing household chores and taking care of her
68
husband, parents-in-law, Brothers and sisters-in-law.
She has shared that although she would cook the food she would remain hungry for a long
time as she could not eat until everybody else ate. She had to wear a sari but often fell
down as she was not used to wearing saris before marriage. But nobody from her family
came forward to say that she could wear comfortable clothes. The change maker was
always very conscious of what she said because she did not want any conflicts in the family.
After sometime her brother-in-law (husband’s younger brother) got married and this
created complications in her life because he told his wife not to work at home. Although
Geeta would get exhausted from doing all the household work, she never complained so
that the family could live peacefully. One day she had a conflict with her sister-in-law
regarding household work. Her sister-in-law said to her, “You are a servant of this house”. In
the mean time the brother-in-law reached home and instead of solving the problem he beat
Geeta and she became unconscious. Her husband as well as father-in-law reached the scene
immediately. Her father-in-law felt disappointed and decided to separate the joint family.
The change maker was upset for a long time but her husband advised her to forgive her
sister-in-law. Later her sister-in-law also realized her mistake and requested her for
forgiveness.
Geeta joined the campaign through WOSCC (an alliance partner) where she attended a
program on Women's Empowerment. After she became a change maker, she learnt that
one should offer help if somebody is facing violence. Daughters and sons should not be
discriminated and trafficking girls/women should be stopped. She also learnt that it is also
the responsibility of the change maker to spread messages of VAW among people. She said,
“Since my involvement with the campaign I have changed and improved my way of thinking.
For instance, I can express my thoughts, can oppose bad talks/things and do not tolerate
violence anymore, which I tolerated before. When I was pregnant I wished to have son
because if I will have son he will be respected if I will have daughter she will be a burden and
will not get the same love and care as a son. I was so happy to have had a son. But after I
became a change maker I realized my way of thinking towards daughter and son was wrong.
Now I know labour pain to have both children is the same, so there should not be any
difference between them”. The change maker is proud of herself as she has brought all
these changes and because she is able to go out and do things, as she wants.
Earlier, she was scared to even see men but now she can talk with many men and tackles
any kind of situation. Although her father-in-law and husband did not place restrictions on
her, she had to be careful about what the society around her would say. In her society,
removing the ghunghat (veil) is taken very seriously. When Geeta attended the program of
the campaign and received materials she shared it with husband and father-in-law because
she knew making own family aware about the situation was most important before moving
to others. With a smile on her face she shares, "I talked to my family members when they
were in a happy mood and finally I succeed them to convince to remove my ghughat (veil).”
She changed her father-in-law who was very conservative. For example, although he was
kind and very caring father-in-law he would say that the daughter-in-law should not come
out in front of the father-in-law; in case she has to come she should wear a veil; If she served
food he did not eat because in their culture the daughter-in-law does not serve food to the
father-in-law, it is the mother-in-law or sister-in-law (sister of husband) who can serve food.
But slowly she shared with him what she learnt and made him aware that “all these social
practices should change from us.” She also told him, “if you want that your daughter should
be treated well in her husband’s house, you should treat me in a similar way”. Change did
69
not come overnight and it took her six-seven months because it was difficult to convince her
father-in-law. The CM not only changed him but changed the behaviour of many people in
her community. Now she has become a role model in the village. When she knew that
women of her village are far behind due to social practices which are manmade she was
determined to bring change by motivating people and making them conscious about these
realities. She decided to spread the message of the campaign to make people aware about
VAW.
She faced many challenges in bringing changes as people from neighbourhood teased her
and called her 'rupmati' (satirical word). Still she did not give up her efforts but put all her all
effort in fulfilling the responsibility of a change maker. She could convince people to join the
campaign and also implemented the message of the campaign in her own life. A majority of
change makers and people in the circle of influence interviewed for this assessment said that
they are inspired to join the campaign due to the dedication and commitment of this
particular change maker. They further stated that Geeta had already influenced many
people and brought noticeable changes in the community. Because of her effort, women
have come out home without a veil and mobility of women has increased (where women
were confined within the boundary of the home even after having four-five children).
Quarrelling within the family and among neighbours has reduced whereas schooling of
daughters increased. Men have reduced/stopped drinking alcohol and the change maker is
known as the ‘hero’ of her community.
Discussion:
Geeta’s narrative has examples of several actions by her in changing age old practices and
beliefs. Her understanding of the issue has grown with time so that she has been able to
identify invisible but significant ways in which women are subordinated. She began
negotiating practices such as the use of the veil and the mindset behind the thought that
daughters-in-law have the lowest status in the family. Geeta’s husband has been supportive,
but she has dealt with her father-in-law’s resistance in a positive way. Community biases
about what women can and cannot do and their taunts have not deterred her from making
personal changes and bringing changes among other women in the community. Hers is a
story of significant change for all these reasons.
Case of Dimuthu (name changed)from Sri Lanka
Dimuthu, a 44 year old female change maker from Monaragala, runs a private play school
and conducts private tuition class for children. Currently she is studying for her
undergraduate degree through distance education. Her husband (52 year old) is also a
teacher and studying towards a undergraduate degree. The eldest son (24) has passed A/Ls
(high school examination) and is a Grama Niladari4. The second son (18) and youngest
daughter (8) are still in school. All the family members are involved in some kind of social
service, as Dimuthu expressed, “we enjoy helping others”. She identifies her husband as the
closest person in her life. “He understands me. When there's a problem I can talk about it
with my family without any problem. We all discuss and try to find solutions”. She seems to
have an understanding family where every member is treated equally. She also lives in a
supportive neighbourhood. “We have been living there for 14 years. Since we live in school
4
Local government official according to the SL administrative system
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premises our neighbours are also teachers. When my husband met with an accident all my
neighbours were there to help me out. They gave me something close to 100,000/= for my
husband’s treatment. There were queues at the hospital to see my husband”. This clearly
indicates that Dimuthu’s family is well respected in the community.
Dimuthu was forced to get married at the age of 19 due to difficult family circumstances.
She feels her marriage and life were decided for her. Neither her wishes nor her voice was
respected. She has shared about the struggles she faced during the early years of her
marriage, “We were newly married I was selected for a drama competition. But my husband
didn’t like it. He asked me not to go. I cried and begged asking for his permission but he
didn’t agree. Later the teachers who were training for the drama came to my house to talk
to my husband and take me with them. But he asked me to go and hide. And he told them
that I was not at home and that I went to see my mother and that he's not sure if I'd be back
soon. I was helpless and there was no one I could turn for help”. The same husband has
taught Dimuthu to cook. “When we were newly married I couldn’t cook, my husband was
my teacher. My husband has even beaten me up for not helping him out with his social
services. Those days I didn’t think it was important. But now I understand how important it is
and help him with it. I had my son when I was 20. I was pregnant when I was doing my A/Ls
(high school examination). It was very difficult. My husband forced me to sit for the exam. I
passed two subjects. During the same time my husband lost his job. So we had no income.
Then we had to go into cultivation. It was only the two of us who worked because we
couldn’t afford to pay someone else. Some people came and helped voluntarily. We kept our
son near the paddy field and worked”. It is ironical that in a violent way, she also learned
about social service from her husband. Dimuthu has also spoken about public violence
instigated by political parties and how her relationship with her husband went through up’s
and down’s because they were caught up in it. She has shared, “As a woman I have faced an
enormous amount of violence. Some of them are not my own experiences. But I have seen
the others experience those kinds of extreme forms of violence”.
Dimuthu joined WECAN in December 2004. She feels after joining the campaign, she can
intervene when a woman is facing any form of violence. She says, “I have always had the
desire to help women but I didn’t know how to. WECAN showed me the way and now I’m
capable of doing many things that I couldn’t do earlier. In a way being a member of WECAN
is a strength. I took the oath in one of the programs when I gave the oath I did that with my
soul. I meant what I said. I have organized walks/rallies, camps, and many more activities as I
promised to do so. I remember participating in a program where we were told about gender.
It was a five day program and we did dramas, street dramas, etc. I met a female Change
Maker at a program held at Hambantota. She told me that she killed a bus conductor but
was acquitted5. Hearing those kinds of stories inspired me to do more. I received the sticker.
I took part in the mobile van activity and I think it was successful. We did street dramas, etc.
People usually hear mobile vans announcing about power cuts, etc this was a whole new
experience for them. The performers were dressed in costumes and when people see them
they were curious to know what is happening. The fact that I'm a woman has helped me in
this journey. In WECAN we talk about change. So I'm trying to avoid the wrong things I've
been doing. When a woman is faced with a problem we don’t keep quiet, and when we talk
people listen. My husband is a Change Maker too”.
Talking about the re-engagement activities of WECAN, Dimuthu says, “Through the mobile
5
Dimuthu did not expand on this incident where a change maker had killed a bus conductor
71
van activity we managed to highlight certain issues that were controversial. People were
attracted to it as it was different. The newsletter contained details about the ways in which a
person could change. When we were going in the mobile van people came and started
asking questions. What we are trying to do is to get women a right to do what they are
capable of doing. Earlier conducting awareness programs were difficult. The participation
was very low. People are more enthusiastic now. They come to our meetings and discuss
their problems with us”.
While Dimuthu has been reengaged with campaign messages, she is continuously engaged
with the issue of VAW and its impacts on women as she continues to help women in her
community. She is also a member of the Youth Farmers Association (26 years), Youth Society
(20 years), Sports club (about 20 years), Rural Development Society (about 20 years),
Treasurer at The District NGO Consortium (18 years), and President of Women
Empowerment Society. Dimuthu said, “the women empowerment society didn’t talk about
VAW earlier but after I joined WECAN we discuss about it. Most of them are CMs now. It was
different earlier but now both of them are doing similar kind of work”.
Speaking of her personal change, Dimuthu shares, “I was weak earlier. I couldn’t speak up
when girls face various types of injustice. But now I have become stronger. I have become a
person who would go forward to discuss these issues. After joining WECAN we have the
weapons to attack the other party (she laughed). Earlier I was scared of travelling alone.
Now that fear is not there in me anymore.... Even if a woman is being harassed by a man in
the bus I can speak. I quickly respond to those things. If a pregnant lady doesn’t get a seat I
would ask from a man close by ‘Mahattaya (Sir) if you are not pregnant could you please
give your seat to her?’ When I started the awareness programs they were saying that I have
started a lesson to teach filth. That was because we spoke about gender. Then we invited
those who said such things to listen to what we say. Some people called us ‘The riots’. Some
said we are doing this to get money from the NGOs. But we didn’t get discouraged. We kept
on working and now there are so many of them who believe that we are doing something
important. Parents of those children who are taking part in WECAN activities we organize
know what we are doing. They help us out the way they can. Those who said men should be
like men and women should be women, now say that women can do what men are capable
of doing. A couple in my area had a problem. The reason was that they didn’t listen to each
other. I told him about his wife's rights and the freedom that she should have as a human
being. My husband also had to get involved to solve it. The cause of the problem was about
sexual desires. We managed to solve it. There was another man who didn’t let his wife go
anywhere. We went and spoke to him. We were prepared to argue with the knowledge we
gained from WECAN. We used our camps and leaflets in educating him as to what is right
and what is wrong. After joining WECAN peoples' respect for our family had grown.
Whenever there's a problem people directly come to us asking or help, advice, etc. There are
some people who come asking for WECAN bags and T-shirts and get liberated. After joining
WECAN my stage dramas, street dramas performances focus more on VAW related issues”.
Taking about the change in her husband and son, Dimuthu says, “My husband does not
differentiate work as work that men can do and what women can do. He doesn’t mind going
at the back of the motorbike when I ride. Eldest son used to say that he will not let his girl
friend travel like me. Now he understands and is helping me even in the kitchen”. According
to her elder son – “I'm not married yet but when I do I'm planning to lead a balanced family
life where both husband and wife respect each other. Unlike early days I try to think of all
the women in a positive manner. The reason for change is participating in WECAN programs.
Our family tends to solve problems through discussion. I think this is because these kinds of
72
programs help people to see what is right and what is wrong”. Discussion:
Discussion
In her narrative, Dimuthu shows a growing understanding about VAW. She has also made
several efforts to find appropriate ways to communicate the seriousness of the problem to
others. She has gained community credibility in working on the issue. Dimuthu’s narrative
also brings out the complexity of living in a violent relationship. Although she herself has
been in a violent relationship she has now managed to make her husband also into a change
maker. Her narrative is silent on how she has negotiated the restrictions and violence she has
faced but the kind of changes she sees in her husband, point to a more positive relationship.
She has quoted several incidents where she has intervened to resolve domestic violence. Her
articulation about her own personal change shows growth in confidence and capacity to deal
with VAW. Dimuthu’s attitudes to gender roles and VAW are also very positive. All of these
point to significant deepening of change.
Case study of Safia (name changed) from Pakistan
Safia from Jamshoro is uneducated married woman 29 years old, works as home based
worker.
‘My father beat my mother constantly. He would come home and beat my mother. He was
a laborer and it took me a while to realize that when he didn’t get any work he would come
home and vent anger on my mother. I remember my mother being totally beaten. At times
her bruises would show for days. Everyone in our neighbourhood was aware that my father
beat my mother. He didn’t care what the world thought and I knew that at times my
mothers screams could be heard on the streets.’ (cries and tries to control herself)
Sniffing she goes on ‘I felt really angry and helpless. I didn’t want to end up with the same
fate (Kismat) but I did. My (mother’s sister) aunt’s in laws were well off and her brother in
law (husband’s brother) was educated and on a job. They asked for my hand in marriage. I
was excited thinking that God had heard me and my prayers. I wanted to get married there.’
Her hopes were totally shattered when she heard her parents arguing that night.
‘ my father refused because he said that we couldn’t give their level of dowry. I couldn’t say
anything. My mother kept on saying that they don’t want anything. But he said no. I think his
real reason was that this was my maternal side and he didn’t want to lower his ego by giving
his daughter to them.
Safia married to Amjad who was also a laborer. Amjad worked with her father and he was
wanting to get married again after his first wife had died in labour. He wanted to get married
to a rich girl but couldn’t afford it. ‘I remember how he mocked me when we got married. I
couldn’t explain it but I felt so so so so (sobbing) naked as if someone had pulled my clothes
off. He was violent with me. Every day… and I could go to no one. I thought that was the lot
of my life my kismet. I had four daughters one after the other and that added to the
continuous violence by my MIL and husband.’ Every day Safia was told that she doesn’t even
73
die during child birth. ‘ Every day my MIL would tell me that she was going to get him remarried for a son. Living with this uncertainty and insecurity was very scary. I would hold my
daughters and wonder where I would go if my husband remarried’. At this point Safia
started stitching and embroidery to earn a living. ‘I used to get some income from this,
atleast to pay for my children’s food. I hid some money from my husband but when he
needed money he used to beat me. My daughters were growing up with the same fear that I
had seen in my childhood.’
One day her neighbor Ghazala (name changed) who was a CM invited her to a gathering at
her place. It was a discussion on VAW and how women also have a right to education, equal
food, not be killed in the name of honor. They also talked about the right to take decision for
marriage and dowry as a form of violence.
My neighbor asked me to become a CM. I didn’t want to tell any one. But now I feel that I
can argue for my rights and the rights of my daughters.’ She broke down and cried
For the first time I felt that the arguments made sense. They also gave me the arguments to
fight for my rights. Ghazala asked me to become a CM. ‘I didn’t want to tell anyone, I
remember I spent the whole night thinking about it but I think I knew from the moment I
heard the talk that I will become a CM. I asked Ghazala to fill out my form.’
For a few weeks no one knew that Safia was a CM. ‘I knew that I will have to disclose it
sometime because being a CM has no meaning if I just kept quiet. Plus I also had to talk to
my husband about educating the girls.’ Safia finally got the courage to talk to her husband.
He beat her black and blue and locked her up for days. He went to his mother’s house and
refused to come back to her. Amjad’s mother lived in the same neighbourhood. The girls
went to beg their grandmother for food but she refused. Amjad (their father) threw a shoe
at them and told them to go to their mother. The neighbours fed the girls and after a few
days Ghazala came and broke the lock of the room in which Safia was locked. The next
morning Safia went to the government school in the vicinity and told the principle that she
had to put her daughters in school. The money that she had hidden away was used to pay
for their admission and books. She had no money for uniforms. She borrowed money from a
neighbor and stitched the clothes overnight. The next day her husband came home and beat
her again. ‘I refused to take the girls out of school. I knew I was not doing anything wrong. I
think it was my stubbornness (zidd) that forced him listen to me.’ He heard her arguments
and finally agreed that the girls could remain in school. However the violence did not stop.
He continued to beat her regularly.
Finally Safia felt that she had had enough. ‘I decided that if I am a CM I have to stop this
VAW on myself. I refused to let my MIL in my house. She had not given food to a 5 year old
girl who was her own granddaughter. She stood on the street and cursed me and my
daughters. I was scared but I didn’t open the door. I knew everyone on the streets was
hearing her shouting and abusing.’ Finally she talked to her husband and told him that this
VAW was bad and there was no reason for her to tolerate it. ‘I think it was not only me but
the fact that two other women who were CMs (ghazala and another friend) came and
brought their husbands to talk about VAW. Finally he stopped… he screams and still does
but it has decreased.’
Now Safia has a pleasanter life. Her daughters are going to school. Her husband has stopped
beating her and tries not to scream at her. She earns her living from the stitching to feed her
daughters. She has become a very active CM. she goes to every CM meeting seminar and
event. She has enrolled 30 more CMs. She regularly discusses the issues of girls education,
right to food and no VAW with her neighbours. As a result of her struggles others have
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fought with their husbands and sent their daughters to school.
Nosheen her neighbor and COI says ‘Safia came to my house and talked to me about the
importance of girls education. We all knew how she used to be beaten by her husband. We
had heard her mother in law also. Seeing her struggles gave me strength. My husband was
not violent like Safia’s but he was strict. I asked Safia and Ghazala to come and talk to him.
He got convinced and agreed to send our daughters to school. I still have to struggle when
they get beyond the primary school’.
Safia says very proudly ‘now I feel that I can argue for my rights and the rights of my
daughters. My MIL no longer comes to my house. My husband has softened too. If it hadn’t
been for the WE CAN Campaign and my becoming a CM I don’t think that this change would
have come about. All those people who used to look down on me because I took a stand
against VAW now feel proud that they know me. I am invited to all seminars and I don’t miss
any. Women even come to me to ask for advice.’
Discussion:
The struggles that Safia had to go through all her life were immense. She broke down
repeatedly while narrating her story. She has internalised the notion of personal change and
this gave her the courage to negotiate the violence by her mother-in-law and husband. She
has taken a stand on education for girls and now her daughters are studying. Her whole
community (mohala) respects her now and many have followed suit. Her case shows
heightened sensitivity to the issue, struggle to get her point across and several actions to
stop VAW.
Case study of Rozina (name changed) from Bangladesh
Rozina is a 31 year old married female change maker. She is a teacher at the local girl’s
school.
She recollects that her schooling was interrupted due to harassment by local ruffians. This
happened when she was in the 9th standard. However, because of her strong will power, she
managed to complete her education till intermediate (class XII). When the local ruffians
threatened to kidnap her, she ran away from home and to her former fiancée’s house (with
whom her marriage had been once fixed).
When she reached his house she realized that he was already married. But since she had
runaway she could not go back to her natal home. She convinced her fiancée that they
would have to get married as there was no other option for her –she could not go back to
her village any more. Hence they got married also. After marriage she was sent to stay with
her in-laws while her husband stayed in the city with his first wife. In her marital house
people used to torture her in various way. At a particular point the torture was so bad that
she came back to her natal family. Here, she took admission in a college to complete her
graduation. After completing her post graduation, she took up a teaching job at the local
girl’s school. In the beginning her family did not like it. She has shared that her own
experiences of violence have helped her to understand the issue of deprivation very closely.
She became involved in the campaign through one of her male colleagues at school. She says
it helped her to become independent and her opinions started getting accepted in the
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family.
Speaking about the reasons for domestic violence and the lower status women she says,
“Now I realize that our main problem is our attitude and mentality. Various religious
superstitions have restricted our attitude and mentality. This is the main problem. It is
important to change our attitude. Then only we will be able to create a society of equal
rights and no violence is when men and women have equal rights and an attitude of
equality. “
She has made her students aware of equal rights of men and women. To create an attitude
of protesting against VAW she discusses the issue regularly with her students. Sometimes
uses discussion/ meeting and debate to create awareness on dowry, eve-teasing and child
marriage among the girls. For doing this, she was threatened and told that she will be
isolated from society. But she was able to provide arguments on the reasons for taking such
action and did not change her stand on the issue.
Once she saved a girl from HILLA Marriage. It created a lot of anger among the people in her
community and they organized a salish ( a form of community mediation) to isolate her from
the society. She then used religious documents to prove that HILLA MARRIAGE is illegal and
managed to finally stop it. Through this, her acceptance among people has increased and
her suggestions are taken very seriously in the community.
If any woman in her village faces violence she tries to solve the problem. Rural women come
to her with their personal and family problems. If anyone is in problem others advise them
to seek her advice. She writes on the issues of VAW and women’s right in journals. At the
Rangapur regional meeting of change makers and at the national assembly of change makers
in Dhaka she gave speeches as the area representative of change makers. .
Discussion:
Rozina’s narrative shows a mix of a strong understanding of the issue as well as multiple
actions in her own family as well in the community. She has reached out actively to advocate
for the issue and taken strong stands. Her own experiences of violence have made her relate
with the issue very closely and take several steps to address VAW. Rozina is clearly showing
significant deepening of change .
Case study of Kewalram (name changed) from India
Kewalram is a thirty year old married man living in a joint family. He reports good with his
family members and is closest to his wife. Sometimes there are frictions when she does not
complete some o the house hold chores such as washing his clothes. But they soon resolve
their differences. “I admit that I am at fault which makes her happy”. The fact that makes
him very proud is that his family has decided not to marry his sisters before the right age.
The only regret he has is that he was married as a child. “After becoming a changemaker, I
am ensuring that my sisters married only after they attained the right age. Before becoming
a changemaker, I knew about child marriage and female feticide. But after becoming a
changemaker, I have understood that these practises should not happen, children should be
educated and there should be no quarrels and fights within the family”.
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He reports good relations with his neighbours. They help their family during functions and
during times of need. He has had a happy childhood and spent time hanging out with
friends, watching movies and visiting fairs. He rues the fact that he spent too much time on
cricket because of which he failed his exam.
He narrates an incident during his youth, when his sister faced abuse in her marital home
and came back to her natal home. His father shouted at him and told Kewalram to send his
sister back to her marital home. “At that time, I felt very bad that when she is facing
violence, why should I send her back”.
He became a change-maker two years ago because of a very active change-maker, Ghevar
Ram, in that area. He participated in a public programme and signed the form. He has
recollected about the programme in detail. “After I became a change maker my thinking
changed. There are fewer girls than boys. In the village girls are not allowed to go out; girls
should be educated and we should not discriminate between girls and boys; we should not
commit female feticide. They explained that we should become change makers and reach
out to ten others and bring change; that we should start with our family; girls should be
educated and given respect and rights. For this I first started with my family. For example
after joining WECAN my friend had a daughter during holi. In my community there is
ceremony called dhut which takes place only for boys. But we celebrated the dhut for his
daughter.”
Kewalram has participated in two three large programmes on VAW, held under the ageis of
the campaign. He has shared a lot of details about what he saw and observed. When asked
why he became change maker he has said, “So that it leads to awareness, women get equal
status, domestic violence ceases. And I became change maker so that more and more
people can get information on this issue; by doing this the ratio of girls will increase; female
feticide does not take place. After becoming a change maker I got another 10 people
involved and talked to them about female feticide, domestic violence and child marriagethat if you marry them young, they may not be compatible later on and this is wrong. Both
girls and boys should be treated as equals. After I became a change maker my own
behaviour has changed. I have started sending my wife and sister out. Earlier I used to tease
girls. But now I don’t do this anymore. And don’t even think about it. And without my wife’s
wishes, I don’t engage in anything with her (hinting at sexual relations). I will not marry my
daughter before the age of 21. Wherever there is a child marriage we send information to
the police. I have started getting involved in dealing with issues such as a girl being thrown
out of her home by her in-laws. Before I became a change maker I used to sometimes get
angry with her and shout at her that why did you not do this work? But now I don’t do that.
Earlier if she would go out, I would scold her, but now I don’t do this anymore. I think of girls
as equals now. Earlier I used to think why a girl only a boy should be born to us. I used to
take lesser care of my daughter. But now I feel she is equal to my son. I treat her better than
my son. Because now we feel for the fact that 5 million girls are missing. If we change and
try, this will not happen anymore. I feel good that I also help my wife in household chores.
Earlier my wife would not eat till I came home. Now I tell her to eat. Because I now feel this
should not happen. Because its not written anywhere that before a husband the wife cannot
eat. I feel a woman is also a human being and she also needs food! “
He has also narrated an incident where his sister needed blood urgently during pregnancy.
He immediately mobilised his friend to help with blood. “I did this” says Kewalram, “because
after becoming a change maker, my thinking is that if any woman is facing violence or needs
any help we should support her.”
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About the challenges he faces, he shares, “In the village people think wrongly. People say
that your wife goes out, roams around here and there. Why does she go there? If i do
housework they say why are you doing housework? This women’s work. If I show more
affection to my daughter they say, why are you more affectionate to your daughter than
your son? She will leave you for her in-laws. In the village we have formed a group for
bringing change. And explain things to people. That girls are also members of the family like
boys. That if we help our wives at home with housework the work will get completed soon.
It is not written anywhere that only women can cook men can also pitch in doing
housework.
People tell us that marry your sister. Why are you not marrying her? Then we tell them that
she is young. If we marry her now she might bear a child at a young age and this could be
fatal. One of our traditions is to have funeral feast We have stopped this. Where many types
of sweet meads were prepared, only a few varieties are prepared.”
He has also intervened in the case of a woman in his neighbourhood who was facing VAW.
His neighbour used to drink and beat his wife on reasons such as not cooking properly and
talking back. He along with three four other change makers confronted this man and told
him such behaviour could land him in prison. However, he was adamant that as a husband
he could do anything to his wife. They then threatened him. “We then told him that if you
want to live here then you have to take care of this behaviour.”
Kewal Ram feels that now there are more change makers than before. There were fewer
change makers and so people’s understanding on the issue was less. If more people join in,
more information can reach out.
Discussion:
Kewal Ram’s story has several pointers to significant deepening of change. He has made
several subtle changes in his own life and by as well as reached out to others. His narrative
shows his ability to apply the understanding of VAW in different situations. He has narrated
examples of how he has become more sensitive to subtle forms of control.
The narratives shared above demonstrate a combination of an innate desire to change the
situation and reach out to others. Some of the key aspects of change emerging from the
stories in this category, across all countries are:
 Becoming aware of a wide spectrum of VAW, beginning from everyday forms of
discrimination such as controlling mobility of girls and passing derogatory comments on
them, to more severe forms such as dowry harassment, rape and wife beating.
 Evidence of greater gender sensitivity in the form of sharing housework, not engaging in
teasing girls and using foul language; an appreciation of constraints faced by women.
 Recognising the need for personal change and making behavioural changes.
 Realizing the importance of engaging with others.
 Gaining self-confidence to bring change in the environment around oneself.
 Tenacity in dealing with challenges while making and bringing changes.
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Category 2- Some deepening of change : There is a large proportion of change makers who
have shown a growing understanding of the issue and greater awareness but have engaged
in fewer actions and behavioural changes than the previous group. Most of their actions
have been in their own lives and their engagement with others in their communities on the
issue of VAW is less evident. In Sri Lanka and Pakistan, the attitudes of this group towards
gender roles and VAW is not as positive as the change makers who have shown significant
deepening of change. However, such a difference is not visible in India or Bangladesh. The
sample from Nepal does not include any change makers in this category.
The narratives of change makers from this category are given below to illustrate the kinds of
stories that fall into this group.
Case study of Ranu Sengupta (name changed)from India
Ranu is studying in class X. Her father runs his own shop and mother works in a government
hospital. She is very close to her mother who is very supportive and trusts her. She was in a
relationship with a boy. Her family was aware of it and they supported her. She is very proud
of her family. All the family members are close to each other. There is no mention of
violence and no mention of any discrimination.
Ranu joined WECAN in 2008 when she was in class 9. It was through a workshop organised
by an NGO coordinator named Uma. She watched a CD and there was a discussion on
discrimination/ equal rights, like not allowing girls to work in call center, early marriage etc.
For the first time she became aware of the violence her friends were facing. Earlier she used
to be very happy when she was invited to a friend’s wedding. It was like going to a party and
having good food. Now she has realised that if no one allows the girl to study further or asks
her preference about getting married, it is a form of violence.
On another occasion, she also watched another film and understood how a young girl was
getting married to an aged man. The brother was going to school not the sister. During the
film show, Ranu received a yellow booklet but cannot remember what was written in it.
Recently she says she attended a programme where they were showing another film. In the
film they were showing how the brother did not like his sister going out for work and how a
senior person from the office interfered in the situation. But she says after watching this
film, she did not learn anything new. She thinks she had learnt about discrimination, equal
rights, trafficking etc. in the first workshop itself. The only new thing she learnt was that she
rediscovered herself.
Ranu has created new change makers. She says that because of her studies she is not able to
participate in all activities of WECAN. She says for her the issues are not new but she has
rediscovered herself. Moreover the process of creating new change makers has increased
her confidence and understanding of the issue.
Earlier she used to think that she will do something in her life that could establish her, but
now after joining the campaign she is actually trying to achieve this. She also feels strongly
about the issue now. Earlier she used to hear about VAW and feel sad but there was no
strong feeling as such. Now she feels strongly about it and lots of question arise in her mind
such as why does it happen only with women? In fact her mother initially objected to her
joining WECAN as there is no such problem in her family, but she convinced her mother as
felt very strongly about it. Now her mother also takes interest in WECAN and listens to her.
Ranu has shared that there is a change in her thinking, though she was unable to give any
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concrete example for this. However she shared that she is also trying to help others and
shared two situations where she took action. She says she has already won the confidence
and trust of her family. She is trying to translate her conviction into action. She has helped
her friend to protest against the sexual advancement of her brother-in-law; even though
there was resistance from her friend's family. In another case she convinced her friend not
to get married so young and continue studying. Both solutions worked out well, she says .
Discussion:
Ranu’s narrative shows a growth in awareness on the issue and the ability to begin
questioning situations of oppression around her (example being her views on marriage of
young girls). She has also convinced her family to become involved with the campaign. She
has reached out to others and intervened in situations involving her friends. Ranu’s narrative
shows the beginning of translating her new beliefs into actions and therefore some
deepening of change.
Case study of Khadija bibi (name changed) from Pakistan
Khadija bibi is a married 42 years old female change maker. She has completed education.
One of the happiest memories that Khadija has of her childhood is getting her doll married.
She invited her friends, they cooked food and another friend brought the groom and the
barat for marriage. ‘I remember I was so silly. I wanted them to give 1 rupee plus three suits
and bangles to my doll for marriage. But the groom’s side hadn’t brought all this. They had
only gotten the clothes. So I said I was not going to get my doll married but then my other
friends convinced me that I should get her married because this was a watta satta (exchange
marriage) arrangement. I had to take my groom next day to get him married to my friend’s
doll. I would then have to take the same amount of stuff. So I said alright. Now when I think
in reality about the consequences of exchange marriage and such issues of material/jewelry
for the girl I feel bad but this is how we have all learnt such things.’
Khadija studied till grade 5 because she was keen to study, while her sisters only read the
Quran. All the girls helped their mother in housework and as seasonal laborer in the
landlord’s fields. Her brothers studied till grade 8th and then due to economic reasons they
started working. She got married at the age of 15 to her cousin.
‘for me it was a love marriage. I had been in love with him and I was happy. Though no one
asked me at the time of marriage as that is not a norm in our family. We began a very happy
married life but my MIL and SIL hated it. They hated to see us happy. I had to bear with their
constant torture because they couldn’t tolerate the fact that we were happy.’
For Khadija things started getting bad after she gave birth to her first daughter. Her husband
was a wage laborer and he was having difficulties in finding work.
‘I don’t know why the distance between us started increasing. Suddenly he became violent.
Previously he never lifted a hand on me and I mean never. But then he would come home
angry and start yelling. He even beat me and I am not saying only an occasional slap but
harsh beatings. My SIL was delighted with this. She stood in the window watching him
thrash me. I hated it.’
Every year Khadija gave birth to a child. She has 3 daughters and 2 sons after which she got
her tuber ligation. I told the doctor to do this and say to my husband that I had no choice but
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to get this. I didn’t want any more children. My husband was upset but he accepted it.’
Khadija’s life became hell and she had to bear all sorts of violence. She started working to
meet the basic needs of the family. She is still a seasonal farm worker. Khadija was also
invited to the local adult education committee being formed by a NGO. She was working
with the committee for nearly a year when one day the WECAN district partner came to
their meeting. They talked about VAW and the campaign.
‘they told us that we can become CM and we would be like the tree that stands and bears
the hot sunlight but gives shadow to others. I loved the concept. I wanted to be like that. I
decided to become that tree. I wanted to work on the issue of VAW and stop it for myself
and others.’
Khadija became a CM. she went and talked to her husband about the campaign and VAW.
She started attending meetings of WECAN regularly.
‘The meetings were at a neighbour’s house so I could easily go and attend them. We heard
talk of VAW, girls right to marriage, education, equal food. I asked questions on abuse and
mental torture and realized from the discussion that not just this but economic exploitation
is also violence.’
The next day Khadija went and talked to the adulthood education committee women as
well. Everyone was interested and many wanted to become CM.
‘They all wanted to do something. This was an issue close to everyone’s heart. We as women
face this all the time. I told my husband about all this also. My status in the community had
already increased because I was a committee member for the adult education program. My
husband and in laws knew that I interacted with other women. I had a group that I worked
with and I had respect in the community. My husband agreed to put our daughters in school.
The neighbours/friends who had signed up as CM all started working the community and the
word got around that VAW is bad and has to be stopped.’ Khadija started going to all
WECAN events and activities.
‘I asked them to invite me to the events. Now people know I am a member of WECAN and I
get to participate in many activities. My status in society has elevated. The biggest thing that
WECAN has given me is an awareness of the issues. I didn’t know many things which were
VAW, like not giving my daughters equal food or not sending them to school. But I know
now. I knew deep down that many such things were wrong but they were a norm in our
society so I think we all just take it like that. …….
My being part of this self help adulthood education group also helped. I believed in helping
people as much as I could. But WECAN has been special because it talked of things that I am
facing myself. It talked of violence. The WE CAN has given me the right clarity of concept and
terminology to argue on the issue of VAW. Other organizations talked generally about
people’s rights and development but here the discussion was systematic and organized, it
talked of VAW.’
Khadija’s husband has also improved, he tries to cooperate and not be violent towards her.
‘getting angry once in a while is ok. He only occasionally hits me. Life has become pleasant
and comfortable. Though I have had tough times. Now my aim is to get my husband to
become a CM as well. We would both be able to fight this thing together. I still have to
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convince him of this.’
Discussion:
The reason for putting this case study into this category is that Khadija has become aware
about all the type of violence, she also knows about various possible solution and importance
and rights of women. Though visible actions are few she has started moving towards
deepening and intensifying the change that has come about in her.
Case study of Kamalan (name changed) from Sri Lanka
Kamalan is a 28 year old male change maker from Badulla district. He is unmarried and
works in the private sector. His mother (58) is widowed. He has a brother (42) who is
married and has a 5 year old son. Kamalan and his mother live with his brother’s family. He
has shared that his family is a happy one where all decisions are taken after discussions. He
also has mentioned that he has absolute freedom at home to do whatever he wants to.
Kamalan’s family has been living there for the past 26 years. He has said that their
neighbours are jealous of them. Nevertheless he helps them if the need arises.
Kamalan joined WECAN in 2008. Speaking of what caused him to join the campaign Kamalan
says, “I see much violence in the society. I joined WECAN to stop this violence from
happening. I participated in the mobile van activity. A lot of people came forward to attend
the mobile van. It was very effective. I received newsletters. I learned more about different
forms of VAW through the campaign. Before joining WECAN I was part of a community
based organisation for four years. I was also part of sports and youth clubs”.
“I realised that I need to change first before changing society. The change has to begin from
me. I decided to change when I was performing in a play organised by the organisation
(alliance partner) on VAW. Now I can speak of VAW without any fear. I have helped many
women affected by VAW”.
Kamalan has influenced many of his friends to stop drinking alcohol and not to fight with
their wives. His friends too think that it was because of him that they are changed persons
now and leading happy family lives. He also influenced a few people from his neighbourhood
and relatives by talking about issues of VAW with them. Most of them have changed and
now do not practice violence at home. They care more for women and children. They have
attributed the change to listening to messages that Kamalan shared with them.
Discussion:
Kamalan’s narrative reflects his efforts to identify and address situations of VAW around
him. He has begun reaching out to others in his environment but his own personal change is
not as well articulated. Kamalan is showing definite signs of deepening of change which are
important but his narrative is not as intense as those from the category of significant
deepening of change.
Intrinsic and extrinsic factors have deeply influenced the journeys of change shared by
change-makers from both these categories.
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 Among the intrinsic factors, the change maker’s own level of discomfort with the issue,
exposure to violence in the family or surroundings, a sense of purpose and personal
characteristics such as tenacity and determination seem to be playing an important role.
 Among the extrinsic factors, the presence of a supportive family environment or on the
other side, the lack of it; presence of a COI which is changing itself and by doing so changing
the change maker also; and the recognition being gained by the change makers in the
community are working as a set of associated factors in impacting the deepening of change.
These factors are working in a variety of combinations and are impacting each other.
Category 3- “awareness plus”: The change makers from this category have engaged with
the issue at a more cerebral level than in terms of actions or behaviours. Their stories
illustrate recollection and reiteration of their belief in the issue or thinking more deeply
about the issue with the passage of time. Many of them may be categorised as those
‘preparing to act’. This is also one of the stages in the change model being followed the
campaign.
This category also highlights the fact that there are country level variations within
categories. This is particularly true of change makers from the category of ‘awareness plus’.
The stories of change from Bangladesh and Pakistan which fall into this category are quite
different from the stories from India and Sri Lanka. Stories from this category In India and Sri
Lanka clearly reveal little else beyond awareness on the issue. However, stories from
Bangladesh and Pakistan within the same category reveal increased awareness with
burgeoning actions, although some of these actions, while seemingly minimal, have been
taken under challenging circumstances (especially in Pakistan). Nevertheless, these change
makers have been categories as those showing “awareness plus”. The assessment team in
Bangladesh in particular felt that the presence of such actions did not warrant placing these
change makers in the category of some deepening of change, neither could they be
classified as showing deepened awareness alone. This is because these change makers have
reported a growth in their understanding of the issue and have taken steps to maintain their
engagement with the issue by keeping in touch with other change makers and seeking more
information. In the case of women this is not easy given the restrictions on women’s
mobility in Bangladesh. Sometimes they have discussed the issue with their family members
also. Many of them have reported that now they have gained enough confidence about
being able to address the issue. The stories below draw attention to the differences within
this category among countries.
This shows that while objective criteria have been used to categorise change makers, the
starting point of the stories of significant change for a given country seems to have created a
benchmark against which other categories get influenced and defined. In both Pakistan and
Bangladesh the stories which fall into the category of significant change are very intense,
which has influenced the subsequent categorisation of change makers. This also points to
the significance of difference in context during the process of measurement. That is, the
criteria for measuring the movement from ‘good’ to ‘great’ (change to deepening of change)
are influenced by the intensity of the stories overall.
The narratives below show awareness of the issue but not necessarily actions or if actions
are present, they are very minimal relative to the behavioural changes reported by change
makers in the other two categories.
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Case study of Aalia (name changed) from Bangladesh
Aalia is a 42 year old female change maker, who has completed her primary schooling. Aalia has
shared that she was forced into marriage at the age of 10. However, from the very first day of her
marriage she started facing deprivation and abuse by the members of her marital family as her
complexion was dark and her family failed to pay the total dowry before marriage. Within a few days
the marriage broke down. She returned to her natal home and resumed her education but within a
year she was re-married, this time to a fifty year old married man. She says that though she did not
experience any physical violence but she was not allowed to go out, talk to outsiders or mix with
anyone. Her husband died after 25 years of marriage. She had one son and two daughters from him.
At present, she is living with her unmarried son and grand-daughter. In 2005 she joined the WECAN
campaign through a programme. During this programme she understood about the four forms of
domestic violence (physical, emotional economic and sexual abuse). Since then she has not
participated in any other WECAN programme/activity but has kept herself continuously engaged
with the issue by talking with other change makers in her area and finding out more about the
campaign/issue. She has shared that she gathered information about WECAN from other change
makers. She has shared that over time, she has realized that women have the right to go out of the
house and talk to others without inhibitions. To deprive women of these rights is also a form of
violence. According to Aalia, after becoming a change maker her confidence and courage has
increased. Now she believes she can work to stop domestic violence.
Case study of Asad (name changed) from Pakistan.
Asad a 35 year old man from Quetta married 2 children works in a private firm.
Asad has 4 brothers and 2 sisters and 4 siblings were older than him. Asad’s father was a small land
owner who moved to the city due to family disputes over land. He continued to live in the city for the
children’s education. Asad’s sisters were married after matriculation to their cousins in the village as
was the family norm. His father neither asked them about their choice in marriage nor was it
deemed necessary. Two of his elder brothers completed their bachelors and were also married to
cousins. They both work in small offices in Quetta. Asad insisted that he wanted to complete his
masters and his father agreed. Asad’s father was very strict and he had a violent temper. Everyone
was scared when he was in the house. Asad and his younger brother were the only two who would
have the courage to ask their father for money or make other requests. His father was often angry
and violent towards his mother.
“I didn’t like it. It always felt wrong. Mother was a quiet person and father rarely had reason for his
anger. He just took it out on her. I never remember them sitting and laughing together, nor do I ever
remember him taking my mother or sisters to the market. They always stayed at home and he would
get things that they needed. He would get them material for clothes, even bangles for Eid. I didn’t
realize that this was wrong. Though I sometimes thought that this was not fully right. But then most
girls in our environment did not go out.”
Asad’s father passed away soon after he completed his bachelors. He did his masters from the
university in Quetta. He saw a girl at the university and he wanted to marry her. For two years he
used to see her in the university but he never talked to her.
“I knew this was the girl that I wanted to marry. My father was a harsh and strict person none of us
had the courage to talk to him about such things if he had been alive I don’t know what I would have
84
done. I think it was then that I started respecting women more. I went directly to my wife’s parent’s
house and asked them that I wanted to marry their daughter. They were taken aback and they
thought I was some loose character person. Two of her brothers wanted to beat me (says this
smiling) but her youngest brother stopped them. He was the only one who supported this marriage.
My family hated me. My brothers and their wives all cursed me that I had not kept the family honour
and I had also not married in the family. I kept trying to explain my point of view. I think my brothers’
wives basically resented that I should have a love marriage.”
Asad got married to the girl he loved. His mother agreed that they should all participate in the
marriage.
“My wife was very reserved and timid at first; she had no idea that I loved her so much. I didn’t want
to hurt my wife so I gave her all the time she needed to adjust. (very proudly) I didn’t even force
myself on her the first night.”
Asad attended a WE CAN assembly with theatre and mobile van. He listened to the discussion and
decided to sign up as CM.
‘I came back and told my wife. She was impressed not only by the fact that I had gotten it but also
that there are people talking about it.’
‘I try to give my wife all her rights but after reading the WECAN material I realized that what I was
doing was not enough. Just because I let my wife go to her parent’s house when she asked doesn’t
mean that I have given her all the rights. But my brothers didn’t even do that. They never believed in
giving freedom to their wives. . ‘They are conservative and did not let their wives visit their parents'
house often. When their wives saw me take my wife and children out for outings every month they
would fight with their husbands. Sometimes my brothers mocked at me but I tried to explain that
they (wife and children) are locked up inside all day long and taking them out occasionally is not such
a big deal. I also enjoy being with my family’.
WECAN gave me the arguments to talk about VAW. I try and explain this to my brothers that they
need to give their wives rights which Islam has given women. But they still haven’t agreed.’
Nevertheless Asad tries very hard to be a good husband.
‘Today me and my wife are equal partners in life and love each other a lot. I always consult her
before taking a decision’.
Case study of Rama Kumari (name changed) from India
Rama is a 19 year old female change maker from Pauri, Uttaranchal. She is unmarried and has
completed her matriculation. She lives with her parents and two brothers and one sister. She
reports a good family life. She is closest to her father. He is not literate so he always tells her
to work hard and make a future for herself. There are no instances of family conflicts in her
narrative. What makes her proud is that the entire village praises her father that he is good
to everyone. The appreciable part about the family is that they live in harmony. It has been
like this from the beginning.
Similarly she feels everyone in her neighbourhood is friendly and supportive towards each
other. She feels her uncle and aunt close by are also dependable. She is close to them and
shares her thoughts with them. Overall, the neighbourhood is extremely united according to
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her.
The past few years have been trying for her. Her father fell sick and has still not recovered. At one
time the change maker and her sibling had to live alone, parents had gone away and their
neighbours had helped.
Before becoming a change maker at the age of 17 she saw a play at school. “As a change maker you
should stop violence if it is being practised. In the play the father had asked the daughter
who was studying, to bring water instead of the son who was seeing television” she recalls.
She has learnt that women have a right to education. Because she is a change maker she
tries to contribute by making people aware about violence against women. She feels good
about talking about violence against woman.
About her personal change she has said, that she now understand that girls and boys should be
treated equally. No discrimination should happen. “We should stop violence against
women.” Initially she felt that we should stop it but now she feels that she is able to talk
about it and feels competent to stop VAW. “I feel that if any woman is being violated then I
can explain. This is the change that has take place.” The way this change maker has
expressed her change is about someone who is feeling more strongly about the issue.
The change she says between being an old and new change maker is that first fewer girls were send
to school and now a larger number of families are sending their daughters to school. She feels that
her mother and father already know about this and she just gave them more information. She has
told her father about various forms of VAW. He has always treated his children equally she feels.
Case study of Manel (name changed) from Sri Lanka
Manel is a 17 year old female change maker from Monaragala. She is in secondary level at school
(O/L). Her mother (36), is a housewife and her father is a farmer. Her sister is 14 and her brother is
nine. Manel is the eldest child. As the father goes to Chena (cultivation) at night their neighbours
come for help whenever the need arises. Manel said that she feels scared when boys ask her out. In
the past, a couple of them asked her out and her father did not approve of them since he thought
her studies will be ruined. She does not speak to villagers (especially boys) because they cuss, are
old, have different ideas, and are generally uneducated. Her friends at school are nice and they
understand her so she speaks to them.
“When I was 15 the principal came and told us that the 10 students who scored highest marks at the
term test were selected for this WECAN program We were told about domestic violence, signed a
document giving attendance but nothing else. I received a bag and there were some documents in it
which talked about domestic violence and VAW. The sticker was sent to those who did art as a
subject in school. Then the newsletter was given to girls only. It improved my knowledge on the
issue of VAW. We were asked to go and tell others about domestic violence. Posters were hung on
the walls and boys read them. I wanted to get my friends to join the campaign too but I didn’t know
how to. Though they told us that it was a continuous program, we didn’t hear about it until the
stickers were sent to some of us. I do not know whether I’m a change maker or not. I received the
newsletter and the sticker. I didn’t see the mobile van. Since there was no news about it later I
totally forgot about the newsletter and the van. WECAN deals with matters that mostly affect elders.
It helped me to understand the problems that women face in this society. I like to wear short skirts
my parents do not approve of it. I think an obedient child should listen to parents. At school
assembly the students who participated in the WECAN program were asked to share their
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experience with the others. I became popular for some time after the program and felt that it was a
good opportunity to share my views/ideas”. The story tells us that she is eager to be part of WECAN.
It has been a novel experience for her.
Category 4- No change: This category contains change makers who have signed up but not
experienced any change as a result of becoming change makers. This is the smallest proportion in
the sample ( 3.9%). Change makers falling in this category are from Sri Lanka, Nepal and India. The
stories given below are examples of this category.
Case study of Shrabani Das (name changed) from India
Shrabani Das is a 19year old married female change maker. She has been married into a large
joint family which has 13 members. Her mother-in-law is a hawker and the father-in-law does
not work. Her husband is a non agricultural labourer. She has very young sisters-in-law who are
unmarried. Her mother-in-law is very strict, which is one of the reasons the sons are living
together even now. The change maker is not allowed to go out of house and her mother-in-law
manages the whole household. Shrabani’s husband tells her that there is no need for her to go
out as it does not look good; she is not allowed to go out even to get water for the household. If
need be the mother-in-law even beats up the grown up sons! However, she does not beat the
daughter-in-law. The change maker says she is very scared of her. The change maker is clearly
living in a very conservative family, where women are not allowed to go out of the house and
male members as well as her mother-in-law controls the mobility of the women. Shrabani has
also shared that her mother-in-law scolds the daughters-in-law a great deal and controls the
entire household, though she has not mentioned any beating by her.
Shrabani was married at the age of 16. She is now 8 months pregnant with her first child. Her
husband beat her up on first night of marriage as she did not talk to him. She continues to face
abuse. She and her sister-in-law do all the cooking work but their father-in-law distributes the
food. Shrabai has shared that she does not get adequate food; they are not even allowed to go
to market or buy the things of their choice, nor is she allowed to talk to her husband whenever
she wants. Now she has to live with more restriction as she is going to have baby. She has to
stay in a room all the time; cannot sleep with husband; cannot come out in front of every one
etc.
Shrabani has shared that she saw a WECAN programme in 2007; she did not sign any form.
According to her it was a gathering of people. She had some fun and ate food with other women
who came for the programme. She did not receive any materials. She saw the candle march but
could not understand anything neither was she interested. They were showing the pictures of
violence on women. She thinks if the women do wrong husbands must beat them. Some one put
her name down from her friend.
She said she was not associated with any of the re-engagement activities-she can only
remember of the candle march of 2009 but nothing after that. She has not received any
material. All she can is that women should eat well for nutrition. There was no impact on her as
a result of attending the programmes. “ GRAMER MAYERA KONO SABHA TABAI JETE PARE NA-SABAI BOLE O SOB MAYEDER JONNO NOI--MAYEDER BOJHAR JINIS NOI--MAYE MANUSERA BUJH
TEO PARBE NAA--CHELERA BOLE TOMORA OOSOB BUJHE KI KORBE? ORATO THIK E BOLE. AMRA
BUJHE KI KORBO--MAYERA EMNITEI GHOIRER BAIRE BEROI NAA--TAI KONO ONUSTHANO DEKHI
87
NAA AAR DEKLEO OTO MON DEI NAA. BOJHAR CHESTA KORINA. (“Village women cannot go to
any meeting—everyone says those are not for women. Women cannot understand that. Men
say what is the need of your knowing that? They are correct. What will we do by knowing that?
Women generally do not come out of the house. So we hardly watch any programme. Even if we
watch we do not pay any attention. Do not even try to understand that.”)
Discussion:
Shrabani’s case study reflects multiple disadvantages she is living under. However, she has not
related to this issue in any way and was made to sign up with no real understanding about what
it implied. This case study also highlights the challenges to change, faced by women in abusive
relationships and families.
Examples from Nepal
“I became change maker through my brother-in-law three years ago. He made me sign
paper/form but did not explain anything and I also did not enquire to know why I had to sign it
or what it was about. Until five days before interview I knew nothing about VAW and the
campaign. I was given materials to read and appear in the interview. Since I knew nothing I did
not want to come for interview but friends kept saying your name is selected and you must go
and talk about VAW. That is why I am here but I do not know much and I have not read the
materials yet which were given to me.” 29 years old female change maker from Makawanpur.
“I singed/joined the campaign in 2005 and I was 12 years old. I became CM through senior who
came to my home and asked me to fill the form. At that time she did not explain me anything
about it apart from signing form and I also did not ask about it. I never attended any program or
received any reading documents. I have no idea what it means to be change maker until now.”
17 years old female change maker from Makawanpur.
Case study of Vijaya (name changed) from Sri Lanka
Vijaya is a 17 year old male change maker from Monaragala. He is awaiting O/L results
(secondary school examination). This is his second attempt to pass this examination. His mother
(39) is a housewife and his father (50) works as driver for a private company. He has three sisters
(25, 21 and 19), none of whom are doing jobs nor studying. His two brothers (28 and 24), are in
the army. “The eldest sister got married to a person who didn’t like us. Now she is back with us. I
was close to her earlier, but not now. I talk to my mother if there is a problem”. When speaking
of school his days Vijaya shared, “I changed my school when I was in grade nine. My parents
made that decision. My sister got married when I was in grade eight. I was upset for some time. I
wanted to become a science teacher. I was the head prefect in school for two years. In grade ten
we went to a river and drank arrack (local alcohol) for the first time. It was more as an
experiment we tried it. When we drank together our friendship grew stronger”.
“In 2007 there was a poster competition at school. I drew a picture of a man assaulting his wife
after getting drunk. My uncle fights with his wife every day but we cannot intervene - they are
elders. If they ask why I want to poke my finger at them, it will be embarrassing. We were asked
to sign a document and then they sent some posters to each class. We were given some papers
88
too. We read them the moment they were distributed and talked about it and that was it.
Cannot remember what was in it. There was a program held at GA's office6. We were given a file
with some papers. They spoke about what girls wear, problems they face, etc. Cannot remember
whether it was WECAN or something else. It was sometime back. People would remember if
these things happen continuously. I don’t know who a change maker is. I have seen these things
(VAW) so I already knew that those things were wrong and that I should do something. I don’t
think I have changed”.
Section II A: Insights about change maker’s understanding of VAW:
Change makers’ understanding of violence against women was assessed by using a structured
interview schedule. The questions in the schedule explored:
-
Perceptions on what VAW means and its relevance to the change maker
-
Understanding of a violence free family
-
Their perceptions on such families in their neighbourhood
Perceptions on meaning of VAW and its relevance
Change makers have explained what they understand by VAW through detailed and specific
behaviours. On an average each change maker has named 3 forms of violence (N=1515). The
most common responses are different forms of physical and mental torture, followed by
restrictions placed on women. A large percentage of change makers have also mentioned
different forms of sexual harassment and violence. The response to this question contain
examples of many everyday behaviours and expressions of VAW, such as forcing one’s opinions
on the woman; preventing her from marrying someone her own age; not allowing women to talk
to others; exchange marriages etc. Thus change makers have been able to identify subtle forms
of violence and discrimination.
Table showing change makers views on what constitutes violence against women
Behaviours that constitute VAW
To torture women/wife/daughter-in-law of the house unnecessarily
Creating misunderstanding between husband and wife
Sexual relation without consent
Beating wife after coming home in drunk state
Beating others (to frighten woman)
6
Number
of
responses
Percentage
of responses
Percentage
of cases
230
15.2%
41.1%
8
.5%
1.4%
17
1.1%
3.0%
141
9.3%
25.2%
11
.7%
2.0%
GA, government agent, is the highest position in each district according to the SL administration system
89
Slapping for any reason
20
1.3%
3.6%
Criticism/objection to all the work she does
50
3.3%
8.9%
Scolding/abusing/taunting/blaming/fighting
125
8.3%
22.4%
Suspicion
19
1.3%
3.4%
Rape/sexual exploitation
22
1.5%
3.9%
Trafficking
13
.9%
2.3%
Not giving food/discrimination in food
41
2.7%
7.3%
Restriction of rights/not giving full rights/can’t express herself
61
4.0%
10.9%
Ignoring opinion/forcing others opinion on her
33
2.2%
5.9%
Economic violence/taking away her earning/depending solely on
wife’s income
55
3.6%
9.8%
No freedom of her own/cannot do anything as per her wishes
80
5.3%
14.3%
Disrespectful treatment in bus/train/public transport/eve teasing
68
4.5%
12.2%
Deprive her of higher education
15
1.0%
2.7%
Stopping marriage of same age couple
3
.2%
.5%
Ultrasound to detect the sex of the baby/sex selective abortion
9
.6%
1.6%
Treating mother badly as per wife’s wish
5
.3%
.9%
51
3.4%
9.1%
Attempt to throw/throw woman/daughter-in-law out of house
7
.5%
1.3%
Not allowing to talk to others
4
.3%
.7%
45
3.0%
8.1%
Abusing childless women
4
.3%
.7%
Extra marital affairs of husband
1
.1%
.2%
Being pregnant at young age
2
.1%
.4%
Stopping daughters from going out
47
3.1%
8.4%
Force wife to work all the time/doing all the household work
19
1.3%
3.4%
Forceful sex/making woman wake up for intercourse
Harassment over dowry/dowry practice
90
Force the widows to follow all religious rules
2
.1%
.4%
More education for son
2
.1%
.4%
Marrying off daughter at very young age/child marriage
30
2.0%
5.4%
Deprivation of education
39
3.5%
7.1%
Indecent/unacceptable behaviour/disrespecting human
27
1.8%
4.8%
Humiliation/that she is low/seeing her as less than men
22
1.5%
3.9%
2
.1%
.4%
Refuses to give money when she asks
43
2.8%
7.7%
Any behaviour that hurts the woman/forcing her to keep a veil
(ghunghat)
37
2.4%
6.6%
Acid throwing
11
.7%
2.0%
Making women dependent on men
10
.7%
1.8%
Domination (by women on women and by men on
women)/pressurize
11
.7%
2.0%
Not allowing women to work
9
.6%
1.6%
Not allowing women to take decisions
6
.4%
1.1%
No response
3
.2%
.5%
Religion prohibits it/guides us/ Islam forbids VAW
2
.2%
.4%
Women should be respected / Mutual respect and harmony
1
.1%
.2%
Women should be treated respectfully as a wife, mother, daughter
1
.1%
.2%
Honour Killing (Karo Kari)
1
.1%
.2%
This is mental violence/ Mental pressure
1
.1%
.2%
Exchange marriages
2
.1%
.4%
Polygamy
4
.3%
.7%
Not fulfilling wives needs / Highlighting wives mistakes / Not
wanting to understand women / Demanding explanations
3
.2%
.5%
Forcing woman to have sex with others
91
Separation or divorce of couple
1
.1%
.2%
Women face various harassment from birth
3
.2%
.5%
Lack of equality ( inequality), discrimination
20
1.3%
3.6%
Blame women for giving birth to daughter/ Misbehave with women
because she has given birth to daughter
3
.2%
.5%
Witch Hunting
6
.4%
1.1%
Political Violence
1
.1%
.2%
Murder, burning women by pouring kerosene on them/ killing one’s
wife
2
.2%
.4%
Don’t know
1
.1%
.2%
Fetching water without wearing shoes
1
.1%
.2%
Invalid answer
2
.1%
.4%
1515
100.0%
271.0%
Total
This table shows a nuanced understanding of the issue and a variety of articulations on what
VAW can include. A similar trend is visible in their notion of what a violence free family is. The
table below shows only the most commonly occurring responses to this question. Absence of
emotional violence and equality between men and women in the family are the most highly
articulated characteristics. Interestingly the absence of physical violence has been mentioned by
a low proportion of change makers whereas the absence of fights, quarrels and other forms of
emotional abuse has been mentioned by a very large number. It is also noteworthy that the
notion of equality in a violence free family has been expressed in different ways. If we compare
the tables on definition of violence and what constitutes a violence free family, we find that the
notion of equality in relationships is a strong common theme.
Table showing most common change makers perceptions on what characteristics are present in a
violence free family
Frequency of
responses
%age of
responses
%age of
cases
52
4.9%
9.6%
No fight/quarrel/peace loving family
169
15.8%
31.1%
Everyone’s voice is heard/equal decision making and
participation
159
14.9%
29.3%
Everyone behave nicely with others/no greed/helps each
109
10.2%
20.1%
Responses
Good relations with husband and in-laws
92
other
Understanding/trust each other/husband and wife
understand
70
6.5%
12.9%
Equal rights for couple/everyone is equal/women is treated
as an equal
73
6.8%
13.4%
Equally fulfil the demand of both sons and daughters/equal
respect for aspirations
48
4.5%
8.8%
Son/daughter and daughter-in-law are treated
equally/accept daughter-in-law as an equal member of the
family/daughter-in-law is eating with all other members/son
and daughter treated as equal rights
38
3.6%
7%
All the members should have sympathy, unity and love for
each other
56
5.2%
10.2%
8
.7
1.5%
Where girls and boys are educated/children go to school on
time/ all children go to school
43
4%
8%
Where husband and wife help each other in household
work/husband and wife work together
29
2.7%
5.3%
No response
Change makers were asked to indicate their views on the statement “VAW is a serious problem”.
Approximately 90% change makers feel VAW is a problem. Among these, 64% feel it is a serious
problem. 3.6% feel it is not a problem.
Table showing change maker views on the statement “VAW is a serious problem”
Responses
Frequency
Yes it is a serious problem
Percent
360
64.4
Yes it is complicated
22
3.9
Yes it is widespread
19
3.4
Yes it is a difficult problem
99
17.7
Yes it is a horrible problem
8
1.4
No, VAW is not a problem
20
3.6
93
I am not sure
4
.7
No response
21
3.8
It is a problem/it is wrong /it is a
challenge
4
.7
I do not think anything
1
.2
Invalid response
1
.2
559
100.0
Total
The change makers were also asked to offer reasons for their opinion. The table below shows the
most common reasons given. Inequality between women and men has been quoted by the largest
proportion of change makers (16%). Most of the other reasons reiterate the view that women are
victims of violence and that this is a growing problem. These responses show that change makers are
viewing VAW as a problem because they are recognise how widespread it is and that it manifests
itself in different ways.
Table showing most commonly occurring responses among change makers on why they think
VAW is a problem
VAW is a problem because..................
Frequency of
responses
Responses
%age of
responses
%age of
cases
Women are tortured/easy for those who
torture/exploited/killed for dowry
49
6.8%
9.4%
In every sphere of life women face harassment/it has
become
38
5.2%
7.3%
Because of inequality of rights between men and
women/women are deprived of equal rights like
men/women are dominated by men/women should get
equal rights
84
11.6%
16.1%
The whole family suffers because of violence
36
5%
6.9%
Social balance is not correct/uncivilized /VAW violates
women’s honour
25
3.5%
4.8%
Violence Against Women is a country level/community
level/global problem
22
3%
4.2%
Violence towards women has increased many fold
20
2.8%
3.8%
This problem keeps on increasing/will take over society
24
3.3%
4.6%
94
Understanding of a violence free family
Change makers were asked if they found any family around them to be violence free. 89% (502/559)
of change makers have been able to identify a family around them as an example of a violence free
family. Of these, maximum proportions of change makers (34.9%) have named their neighbour as an
example, followed by families of their immediate family such as brothers or sisters (14.1%) and
relatives (9.3%). 3.9% have named families of friends as violence free. 6.4% of change makers have
shared that there is no family they know of which can be called violence free. However, for a
substantial proportion of change makers, there is a family which they can look up to as living out the
value of non-violence. This is a positive trend.
There is a wide range of responses for reasons as to why the change makers feel these families are
violence free. The table below shows that absence of verbal abuse (expressed as no fights/peaceful
family by 42.4% of change makers) is the most commonly quoted characteristic for naming a family
as violence free. This large category is followed by many responses (marked in blue) that highlight
equality in relationships as a feature of violence free families.. This again resonates with the earlier
section where the change makers have described a violence free family as one where women are
treated as equals, although it has been expressed in different ways.
Table showing responses of change makers as to why they consider the family identified by them
as violence free
Reasons for why they consider these families as violence free
Responses
Percentage
of cases
N
Percentage
41
5.0%
7.4%
231
28.2%
41.6%
Everyone gets attention/respect/weightage/can express opinions
96
11.7%
17.3%
There is no violence on me/other women in the family
25
3.1%
4.5%
5
.6%
.9%
Husband and wife help each other/respect each other
39
4.8%
7.0%
Send their all children to school/educate children
35
4.3%
6.3%
No one is addicted in that house
11
1.3%
2.0%
Both husband and wife earning money/everyone goes to work
13
1.6%
2.3%
Treat me and my brother equally/respect my wish/treat sons as
daughters
32
3.9%
5.8%
1
.1%
.2%
In every family there is some kind of fight which gets resolved
There is no fight/difference of opinion/they live in peace
There is no deprivation of food
Daughter is learning dance after marriage
95
I am a change maker, so there is no violence in my family
2
.2%
.4%
Both son and daughter are getting equal opportunity of education
23
2.8%
4.1%
We all eat together and talk during meal time
10
1.2%
1.8%
They do not feel bad though they do not have son
2
.2%
.4%
All the daughters are in job/are studying
9
1.1%
1.6%
All girls/women have freedom
11
1.3%
2.0%
No restrictions on mobility of girls/women
16
2.0%
2.9%
Where no one drink alcohol
3
.4%
.5%
Because they have not taken dowry/no dowry harassment
5
.6%
.9%
23
2.8%
4.1%
3
.4%
.5%
35
4.3%
6.3%
There is no violence
2
.2%
.4%
Women can raise their voice for their rights
1
.1%
.2%
Children have equal rights in property/inheritance
1
.1%
.2%
Children are obedient
5
.6%
.9%
28
3.4%
5.0%
Women is recognized as head of household
1
.1%
.2%
Because they are educated
6
.7%
1.1%
Because they are educating their daughters
1
.1%
.2%
Because girls are respected/women treated as equals
2
.2%
.4%
No woman is beaten
1
.1%
.2%
Do not ill treat women in any way/no pressure on me
4
.5%
.7%
Do not participate in child marriage
1
.1%
.2%
They behave well with everyone/good family
1
.1%
.2%
Because women participate in decision making/both take decisions
Husband and wife go out for a walk
No response
Everyone supports each other
96
Because we are religious
4
.5%
.7%
Because neighbor is patient, humble and enlightened
1
.1%
.2%
Daughters get their rights and family respects women
1
.1%
.2%
Women are given preference
1
.1%
.2%
Neighbour has two wives but they are peaceful
1
.1%
.2%
Invalid response
4
.4%
.8%
82
9.8 %
14.8%
819
100.0%
147.3%
Not applicable
Total
Key insight:
The responses to questions that have assessed the understanding of VAW shows that the notion of
inequality as a form of VAW has become well ingrained in change makers. They have identified
several situations of inequality as forms of violence as well as expressed equal relationships as a
feature of violence free families. This understanding is visible across the three categories of change
makers showing change.
Section II B: Change maker attitudes to gender and VAW
Change makers’ attitudes to VAW were assessed through two sets of questions, discussed in section
II B 1 and II B 2.
 Section II B 1) The first set of questions consisted of 9 statements on specific behaviours.
These were read out to the change makers one by one and they had to indicate whether
they felt this happens in a violence free family.
These 9 statements fall under three themes:
 Those reflecting women’s rights
 Those reflecting discrimination
 Those reflecting acceptance of violence
The responses of the change makers were examined, by category of change. This was done
to assess whether there was a variation in the attitudes according to the category of
deepening of change.
I.
Women’s rights: The notion that women can go out of the village or community without
asking their husband’s permission has received the lowest endorsement among all
statements on women’s rights. Joint decision making and denial of money as a form of
violence have received a much higher endorsement. However, between categories of
change makers, there is a large difference between endorsement of denial of money as
97
a form of violence and seeking permission from one’s husband before going out. These
are more nuanced forms of violence. One finds a greater understanding of this among
those change makers who have undergone significant change.
Statement: Husband and wife take all major decisions together 7
Change makers showing
significant deepening of
change
Change makers showing
some deepening of
change
Yes
No
Yes
98.0%
1.7%
95.1%
Change makers reporting
no change
Awareness plus
Change makers
showing change
in awareness
levels only
Awareness with
minimal actions
No
Yes
No
Yes
No
Yes
No
4.9%
91.5%
8.5%
85.7%
14.3%
95.5%
4.5%
Statement: Wife cannot go out of the village or community without asking her husband
Change makers showing
significant deepening of
change
Change makers showing
some deepening of
change
Yes
Yes
No
18.7%
78.9%
No
36.1%
Change makers reporting
no change
Awareness plus
Change makers
showing change
in awareness
levels only
Awareness with
minimal actions
Yes
Yes
63.9%
No
39%
53.7%
No
14.3%
Yes
85.7%
No
45.5%
50%
Statement 6: Wife is denied money as husband gets her everything
Change makers showing
significant deepening of
change
Change makers showing
some deepening of
change
Yes
Yes
No
9.7%
89.3%
No
16.7%
81.9%
Change makers reporting
no change
Awareness plus
Change makers
showing change
in awareness
levels only
Awareness with
minimal actions
Yes
Yes
No
28.0%
67.1%
.0%
No
100.0%
Yes
No
31.8%
2. Discrimination: Rejection of discrimination has received high endorsement from all
categories of change makers. They have emphasised the need for equal education, equal
food, the ethical and legal importance of marrying girls after they turn 18 and the value of
7
%ages do not add up to a hundred I some places because the category of “No Response” has been omitted
from these tables.
98
68.2%
allowing everyone’s voice to be heard in the family. Most of the reasons for these beliefs
hinge on equality between men and women and the need to give equal status to girls. The
perceptions of this section again reiterate the strong understanding that inequality is a form
of violence.
Statement: All children are sent to school
Change makers showing
significant deepening of
change
Change makers showing
some deepening of
change
Yes
Yes
No
95.3%
4.3%
No
96.5%
3.5%
Change makers reporting
no change
Awareness plus
Change makers
showing change
in awareness
levels only
Awareness with
minimal actions
Yes
Yes
No
96.3%
2.4%
No
100.0%
Yes
.0%
No
90.9%
9.1%
Statement: Boys and girls get the same kind of food
Change makers showing
significant deepening of
change
Change makers showing
some deepening of
change
Yes
Yes
No
95.0%
4.7%
No
94.4%
4.9%
Change makers reporting
no change
Awareness plus
Change makers
showing change
in awareness
levels only
Awareness with
minimal actions
Yes
Yes
No
91.5%
7.3%
No
100.0%
Yes
.0%
No
86.4%
13.6%
Statement: Daughter is married before 18 if the family finds a good match
Change makers showing
significant deepening of
change
Change makers showing
some deepening of
change
Yes
Yes
No
7.7%
92.0%
No
13.9%
84.7%
Change makers reporting
no change
Awareness plus
Change makers
showing change
in awareness
levels only
Awareness with
minimal actions
Yes
Yes
No
14.6%
82.9%
28.6%
No
Yes
71.4%
No
18.2%
81.8%
Statement: All family members can express their opinions freely
Change makers showing
Change makers showing
Awareness plus
99
Change makers reporting
significant deepening of
change
some deepening of
change
Change makers
showing change
in awareness
levels only
Awareness with
minimal actions
no change
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
No
96.0%
3.3%
No
95.1%
4.9%
No
97.6%
.0%
No
100.0%
.0%
No
90.9%
4.5%
3. Acceptance of violence: Among the two statements, occasional abuse by the husband has a higher
endorsement across all categories of change makers. However, a greater proportion of change
makers showing no change have endorsed this view than those showing change.
Statement: Husband abuses his wife occasionally
Change makers showing
significant deepening of
change
Change makers showing
some deepening of
change
Yes
Yes
No
18.4%
79.9%
No
20.8%
79.2%
Change makers reporting
no change
Awareness plus
Change makers
showing change
in awareness
levels only
Awareness with
minimal actions
Yes
Yes
No
20.7%
76.8%
No
.0%
Yes
100.0%
No
27.3%
63.6%
Statement: Mother-in-law scolds daughter-in-law if she does not cook properly
Change makers showing
significant deepening of
change
Change makers showing
some deepening of
change
Yes
Yes
No
9.0%
89.6%
No
11.1%
88.2%
Change makers reporting
no change
Awareness plus
Change makers
showing change
in awareness
levels only
Awareness with
minimal actions
Yes
Yes
No
11%
85.4%
No
0%
Yes
100%
No
22.7%
Discussion:
This data set shows that the understanding of what kinds of behaviours are acceptable and not
acceptable in a violence free family do not vary too much by the category of change makers on most
aspects. However, on some aspects, change makers in the category of significant change have
scored better than their counterparts in the other categories. More specifically, the statements on
women seeking permission for going out and denial of money as features of violative families are the
only two statements where change makers from the category of significant change have performed
better than all their counterparts.
100
77.3%
At the same time, while change makers showing no change have shown positive attitudes overall
they have shown less positive results in comparison with those showing change. This indicates that
the current attitudes held by those change makers who have experienced change are more positive
than those who have reported no change as a result of the campaign. While it must be
acknowledged that this category of no change is very small in the overall sample (only 22 change
makers), it nevertheless points to a potential trend if the study is conducted on a larger scale.
Section II B 2) The second set of questions to assess attitudes consisted of a set of 10 statements on
gender roles and VAW. The respondents were asked to indicate their level of agreement or
disagreement to each statement. These statements were divided into four themes for purposes of
analysis
 Discrimination against women and girls
 Acceptance of violence against women
 Acceptance of women speaking out and seeking community support
 Sharing household work
Change makers showing significant deepening of change are showing a much more positive attitude
on all themes than those in the other three categories.
 Theme of women’s rights: this theme consisted of three statements given below. The results
show that while all categories of change makers have shown largely positive attitudes,
change makers showing significant deepening of change have shown the most positive
attitudes. With the exception of one statement the attitudes are less positive as we move
from category 2 to 3 and 3 to 4. Thus deepening of change and attitudes of change makers
seem to be associated.
Statement: Denying money to your wife is a form of violence
Strongly
agree
Significant
deepening of
change
Somewhat
deepening of
change
Awareness
plus
No change
Somewhat Strongly
disagree
disagree
77.6%
Somewhat Neither
agree
agree/nor
disagree
13.7%
.3%
2.7%
3.7%
Discrepancy No
response/invalid
entry
2%
0%
66.7%
13.9%
1.4%
2.1%
13.2%
2.8%
0%
69.7%
10.1%
3.4%
4.5%
10.1%
1.1%
1.1%
50%
18.2%
0%
9.1%
22.7%
0
0
Statement: Husband can demand sex from wife whenever he wants
Strongly
Somewhat Neither
Somewhat Strongly
101
Discrepancy No
Significant
deepening of
change
Some
deepening of
change
Awareness
plus
No change
agree
agree
disagree
disagree
2.7%
agree/nor
disagree
1.3%
1.7%
81.3%
1%
response/invalid
entry
.3%
11.7%
18.1%
2.8%
2.8%
4.2%
70.1%
.7%
1.4%
14.3%
5.6%
5.6%
3.4%
67.4%
0%
3.4%
13.6%
4.5%
0%
9.1%
72.7%
0%
0%
Statement: Men deserve more rights than women
Strongly
agree
Significant
deepening of
change
Some
deepening of
change
Awareness
plus
No change
Somewhat Strongly
disagree
disagree
9.4%
Somewhat Neither
agree
agree/nor
disagree
6.4%
0%
3%
80.6%
Discrepancy No
response/invalid
entry
.7%
0%
11.8%
6.9%
2.8%
2.1%
75.7%
.7%
0%
12.4%
10.1%
0%
4.5%
70.8%
1.1%
1.1%
36.4%
9.1%
0%
0%
54.5%
0%
0%
 Theme of acceptance of violence: The agreement and disagreement rates for statements on
violence against women show the same trend as above. That is, change makers showing
significant deepening of change have scored more positively than any of the other groups.
However, what is an additionally significant in this section is the gap between the opinions
of the change makers showing significant deepening of change and those showing some
deepening of change. There is a minimum gap of 10% and a maximum gap of 15% in positive
attitudes between these categories.
The change makers showing significant deepening of change have also been more consistent
in their responses. Their agreement rates across the statements on this theme are fairly
similar. The notion that women should tolerate domestic violence as it is their duty to keep
the family together has drawn the most positive response and also shows the maximum gap
between change makers showing significant change and no change. These results resonate
in another statement related to women talking about their experiences of domestic violence
with others. The change makers showing significant deepening of change have shown high
endorsement to this statement also. These results again emphasise the deeper sensitivity
displayed by the group showing significant deepening of change.
However, on two of the statements, that “A man is never justified in hitting his wife” and
that “an occasional slap does not amount to domestic violence”, the group with no change
102
has more positive opinions than the groups showing some change and awareness. This is
reflected in the range of justifications and reasons offered by the only awareness group on
circumstances where violence is inevitable.
Though the group of change makers showing only awareness seem to have progressed in
their understanding of VAW, we find that some of their attitudes are more regressive than
the change makers showing no change. This suggests that while this category may have
understood the issue, internalisation of the issue is weak.
Statement: An occasional slap by the husband does not amount to domestic violence8
Category of
change
maker
Significant
deepening of
change
Somewhat
deepening of
change
Awareness
plus
No change
Strongly
agree
Somewhat
agree
No
opinion
Somewhat
disagree
Strongly
disagreed
Discrepancy
10.4%
10.4%
.3%
4.3%
70.6%
3.3%
No
response/inv
alid entry
.7%
14.6%
17.4%
0%
6.3%
60.4%
.7%
0%
27%
20.2%
0%
5.6%
44.9%
1.1%
1.1%
0%
36.4%
0%
4.5%
50%
9.1%
0%
Statement: A man in never justified in hitting his wife
Strongly
agree
Significant
deepening of
change
Somewhat
deepening of
change
Awareness
plus
No change
Somewhat Strongly
disagree
disagree
74.9%
Somewhat Neither
agree
agree/nor
disagree
8.7%
1.3%
2%
10%
Discrepancy No
response/invalid
entry
2.7%
.3%
61.8%
16%
3.5%
4.9%
10.4%
2.8%
.8%
58.4%
16.9%
2.2%
5.6%
13.5%
2.2%
1.1%
68.2%
0%
0%
13.6%
9.1%
9.1%
0%
Statement: Women should tolerate domestic violence as it is their duty to keep the family together
Strongly
Somewhat Neither
Somewhat Strongly
8
Discrepancy No
For all statements the category of new change makers has been removed as their numbers are very small
(N=5)
103
Significant
deepening of
change
Somewhat
deepening of
change
Awareness
plus
No change
agree
agree
disagree
disagree
11%
agree/nor
disagree
1%
3.3%
77.3%
.3%
response/invalid
entry
0%
7%
16%
16.7%
0.7%
4.2%
62.5%
0
0
15.7%
9%
1.1%
3.4%
67.4%
1.1%
2.2%
31.8%
13.6%
0
9.1%
45.5%
0%
0%
Statement: Violence is any form is unacceptable
Strongly
agree
Significant
deepening of
change
Somewhat
deepening of
change
Awareness
plus
No change
Somewhat Strongly
disagree
disagree
89.3%
Somewhat Neither
agree
agree/nor
disagree
5.7%
1
0%
. 2.7
Discrepancy No
response/invalid
entry
1.3%
0%
79.9
9
1.4
3.5
4.2%
2.1
0
80.9
5.6
1.1
3.4
6.7
1.1
1.1
72.7
18.2
0
0
4.5
4.5
0
Acceptance of women speaking out and seeking community support: The change makers showing
significant deepening of change have shown highly positive attitudes to women speaking out about
domestic violence and the need to offer community support. In fact the statement pertaining to
women speaking out shows a difference of 27% points between the category of significant
deepening of change and some deepening of change, whose attitudes are quite similar to those
showing only awareness. This is the highest percentage point difference among all statements.
On the issue of offering community support to women facing violence, the category of change
makers showing no change have shown the same attitudes as those showing significant deepening
of change.
Statement: Women should not talk about their experiences of domestic violence with anyone
Strongly
agree
Significant
deepening of
change
Somewhat
Somewhat Strongly
disagree
disagree
12.4%
Somewhat Neither
agree
agree/nor
disagree
2.7%
.3%
4%
79.9%
Discrepancy No
response/invalid
entry
.7%
0%
25.7%
11.1%
9%
52.1%
2.1%
0%
104
0%
deepening of
change
Awareness
plus
No change
31.5
9
1.1
3.4%
52.8%
1.1%
1.1%
50%
13.6%
0%
0%
36.4%
0%
0%
Statement: It is the responsibility of the community to support the women who face violence
Strongly
agree
Significant
deepening of
change
Somewhat
deepening of
change
Awareness
plus
No change
Somewhat Strongly
disagree
disagree
95%
Somewhat Neither
agree
agree/nor
disagree
2.3%
.3%
0%
1.7%
Discrepancy No
response/invalid
entry
.3%
.3%
88.2%
6.9%
0%
.7%
0%
4.2%
0%
89.9%
7.9%
0%
0%
0%
1.1%
1.1%
95.5%
4.5%
0
0
0
0%
0%
 Sharing household work: Overall, a large proportion of change makers have endorsed the
view that men should share housework. The most common reasons given by all change
makers has been that men and women are equal hence housework should be shared.
Statement: Sharing housework does not suit men
Strongly
agree
Significant
deepening of
change
Some
deepening of
change
Awareness
plus
No change
Somewhat Strongly
disagree
disagree
6%
Somewhat Neither
agree
agree/nor
disagree
3.3%
.3%
2%
87.6%
Discrepancy No
response/invalid
entry
.7%
0%
12.5%
6.3%
0%
5.6%
75%
.7%
0%
13.5%
5.6%
0%
2.2%
75.3%
0%
3.4%
18.2%
9.1%
0%
9.1%
54.5%
9.1%
0%
Key insights:
The attitudes held by the change makers from the three categories reflect to a very
large extent the levels of deepening of change among the change makers.
A clear trend is that change makers showing significant deepening of change hold
the most positive attitudes on every count. Those showing some deepening of
change hold more positive views than those showing awareness on all issues except
offering community support to women facing violence.
105
The category of change makers showing significant deepening of change is clearly
highly sensitised and aware group, that has shown change not just in terms of
actions and behaviours but also holds highly gender progressive values. In some
ways they symbolise what a campaign can look at its best.
The category of change makers showing only awareness holds the most ambivalent
attitudes among the three categories.
It is also important to note that the picture presented regionally tends to also
neutralise or reduce the intensity of country level differences. For example, in Sri
Lanka and Pakistan, there are significant differences between the responses of the
three categories of change makers. A much greater proportion of change makers
showing significant deepening of change (compared to than those showing some
deepening of change or alterations only in awareness levels) have rejected views
such as a husband can occasionally abuse his wife or that a women cannot go out of
the village/community without taking the permission of her husband. In India, Nepal
and Bangladesh such clear differences are not visible. This trend seems to have
evened out differences among categories of change makers.
Deepening of change and re-engagement with the issue of VAW:
The assessment has tried to link re-engagement with the issue through WECAN phase II activities
and the deepening of change. Some of the key insights in this regard are discussed below.
1. The data shows that re-engagement with the issue is closely linked to the deepening of
change. Evidence of constant engagement with the issue of VAW is much stronger among
those who have shown significant or some deepening of change. At the same time, the
cause of constant engagement with the issue has been a combination of the presence of
other change makers in the vicinity; close contact with the implementing partner; regular
actions some of the change makers seem to have taken with regard to either their own
situation or that of others as well as activities for re-engagement in phase II. Participating in
different events organized by the campaign since its beginning to the present, reading
campaign materials, informal sharing including personal experiences before and after
involvement with the campaign have also played a role in deepening of changes. The
findings of the assessment from Sri Lanka suggest that the most important aspect of reengagement for change makers is the interaction with multiple systems in their communities
(like neighbours, friends and relatives). The nature of interaction varies from an immediate
help to a victim of violence against women to preventing violence against women through
visibility. The change makers have interacted with those who have or have not experienced
violence in their own lives, about the negative impacts of violence and the need to end
violence. Exposure to violence in one’s personal life or life of another individual in the
community is a strong underlying factor in motivating the individual to start addressing
issues of VAW. A case in example is Dimuthi’s experience elucidated under the section on
significant deepening of change. The change makers’ re-engagement with campaign
activities and/or issues of VAW has reinforced the campaign messages as well as established
the change makers’ position in their community as someone who helps victims of VAW. As a
result, people continue to reach out for help, which makes the change makers further reengage with issues of VAW. What this highlights is that, incidents of VAW increases the
likelihood of change makers’ re-engagement with issues of VAW as well as their
106
understanding of VAW and the need to reduce it, which results in more action targeted at
ending VAW.
2. The assessment suggests that re-engagement with the issue has not been dependent only
on phase II activities such as door to door campaigns or the mobile van, newsletter,
organizing different events on VAW in academic institutions etc. but more on the factors
mentioned above. This is an important insight because it shows that activity based reengagement is a contributing factor but cannot be linked solely to the deepening of change.
3. The process documentation of some of phase II activities (especially the mobile van and the
door to door campaign) from the various countries has also shown that their value has
largely been in reiterating a connection with the issue and the campaign. But by their very
public nature, events such as the mobile van and radio programmes have not managed to
engage change makers in a deeper dialogue on the issue. Even the newsletter has been most
effective in Pakistan where it has been used as a tool for discussion in study circles. In
Bangladesh the alliance partners have reported that courtyard meetings and smaller, local
events have proved more effective in re-engagement of change makers.
4. However, what is equally important is that the role played by the activities of phase II such
as the mobile van activity and the newsletter in re-engaging the change makers has also
varied according to the stage at which the change maker herself/himself was at the time this
activity took place. That is, what each category of change makers has taken back from these
activities has also depended on how engaged they have been with the issue otherwise. This
is because the way the change makers showing deepening of change have recollected and
spoken of what they learnt from the formal re-engagement activities is quite different from
those who have shown little or no deepening of change and been part of the mobile van
activity. What this shows us is that the deepening of change is not dependent only on the
quality of the inputs being provided through programmes or interactions but also on the
readiness and degree of involvement/ stage at which the change maker is. This could be one
reason why change makers in different categories have responded differently to the same
campaign inputs for deepening change.
This is illustrated in the case of a change maker from India who has said,
“When I filled the form I did not have much knowledge about the issue. But when I saw the play
again, heard the song and read the books we were given, I gained a lot of knowledge about the
issue.” Female change maker, age 16, Uttaranchal.
Section IV: Collective attitudinal shift
One of the key questions of the assessment has been to measure change within the change maker’s
circle of influence to understand when there and how has the change moved beyond the change
maker. This was assessed by conducting structured interviews with a sample of the COI. Some of the
key domains covered during the interview included:





Recollection about the issue, campaign and understanding of the term change maker
What the COI found most relevant during their interactions with the change maker
Changes experienced by the COI and reasons for such changes
The COI’s understanding of the issue of violence against women
Attitudes held by the COI about gender roles and VAW
107
Key Results
 The movement of the campaign messages from the change makers to their circles of
influence is taking place on a significant scale.
 90% of change makers have reported a change in one or more systems around them as
a result of their interventions.
 Impact on the change maker’s families has been reported in maximum numbers.
72.3% of all change makers covered feel that their families have changed.

84% of people in the change maker’s COI have begun discussing the issue of VAW with
others in their families and among their relatives.
 94% of respondents in the COI have shared that they have undergone personal change
due to their association with the change maker and/or the campaign.
 The attitudes of people in the change maker’s COI are very positive on the issue of
discrimination against women and girls; women’s rights; extending community support
to women facing violence and the unacceptability of violence. However, there is much
greater ambiguity in their responses to statements where there is greater scope to
offer justifications in support of VAW.
The key aspect of collective attitudinal shift that the assessment has tried to explore is whether the
change is spreading outwards from the change maker to other systems in their spheres of influence.
Strong indications of this trend are visible through the assessment results.
The change makers covered by the assessment were asked to refer people who have been impacted
by them and have also begun to change, for follow up interviews. Of the 560 change makers
covered by the study 478 change makers have offered names of 2707 people from their various
circles of influence for follow up interviews. This is a significantly large number. Of the 2707 people
mentioned by the change makers 1196 were followed up. Of the 1196 people in the change maker’s
COI, 1002 were covered through structured interviews and 194 through FGD’s.
The different constituencies covered by the structured interviews with people in the change maker’s
circle of influence include friends, family, neighbours and relatives. Their proportions in the sample
are reflected in the figure below.
Figure showing distribution of people in the change maker’s COI by the system they are part of
108
35
33.1
30
Family
25
25
20
Friend
18.3 18
Neighbour
15
Relative
10
Collegue
Others
4
5
0
As the figure shows, the constituency that has been covered most in the COI structured interviews
has been friends, followed by family, neighbours, relatives and others (this includes categories such
as acquaintance, teachers and community members).
The table below shows the total number of COI mentioned by change makers per country. The
largest numbers of COI were mentioned by change makers from Pakistan whereas the least number
of people were mentioned by change makers from Nepal. 51 out of the 100 change makers in Nepal
were not forthcoming with names of people in their COI who could be interviewed. The change
makers here, while open and willing to share about the various systems that have changed in their
environment, have been much more wary about sharing names of people from these systems for
follow up interviews. The research team from Nepal has shared that this hesitation was largely
because of fear of strangers talking to their families and neighbours as well as the general sense of
insecurity due to the unstable political environment in Nepal (The period of the assessment was one
of public unrest and nationwide strikes called by the Maoists).
Country
Number of change makers
Number of people in circles
of influence referred by
change makers
India
116
420
Pakistan
117
898
Sri Lanka
112
556
Nepal
100
193
Bangladesh
115
640
509 out of the 560 change makers have reported a change and impact on one or more
systems around them. That is 91% of all change makers are reporting the spread of change
beyond themselves, into systems within the community. At the same time, there is a group
of 53 change makers who have reported no change in any system around them. This group
contains those change makers who have reported no personal change as well as some who
have shown either some deepening of change or greater awareness. That is they have
109
reported personal change but do not feel they have impacted any system around them.
However, all change makers in the category of significant deepening of change and a large
proportion of those showing some deepening of change have reported changes in systems
around them.
The table below shows a country wise break up of change makers reporting change and
impact on systems in their environment.
Percentage of
change
makers
reporting no
change in any
system
Number of
change
makers
reporting
no change
in any
system
91
78.5%
25
Sri Lanka
104
92.9%
8
Nepal
84
84%
16
16%
100
Bangladesh
111
96.5%
4
3.5%
115
Pakistan
117
100%
0
0%
117
Total
507
90.5 %
53
9.5%
560
Country
Number of
change
makers
reporting
change in one
or more
systems
India
Percentage
of change
makers
reporting
no change
in any
system
Total
number of
change
makers
21.5%
116
7.1%
112
The family system has been mentioned by most change makers as having changed through their
interventions. 72.32 % of all change makers have reported a change in the family through the social
influence map exercise. This has been followed by relatives (56.4 %), Friends (48.9%) and
neighbours (45%). It is important to note here that this is a multiple response category as change
makers have reported changes in more than one system.
Country
Percentage of change makers reporting change in different systems in their
environment9
Family
Friends
Relatives
Neighbour
Others
India
73.27%
32.75%
25%
44%
0%
Pakistan
68.73%
65.81%
66.66%
58.97%
4.2%
9
Total percentage will not add to 100 as this is a multiple response table
110
Bangladesh
87.82%
34.7%
68.6%
53.04%
10.43%
Nepal
57%
13%
21%
50%
2%
Sri Lanka
73.2%
61.6%
56.3%
59.8%
17.8%
Total
72.32%
48.92%
56.42%
45%
5.71%
The most commonly reported change within the family (according to the change makers) is the
seizure of various forms of violence and discrimination, ranging from physical abuse by male and
sometime female members to behaviours such as use of bad language/verbal abuse and fighting.
Change makers have also reported sharing of housework within the family; reduction in
discriminatory practices such as not allowing girls and women to move freely outside the home,
stopping girls from pursuing further studies as well as a clearer understanding and articulation that
discrimination and VAW are not acceptable. Change makers have also reported behavioural changes
such as sharing of food, re-enrolment of girls in school and denouncing early marriages of girls.
The most common changes in the other systems according to the change makers, include increased
sensitivity to the issue manifested in not restricting girls and women from moving outside the home,
allowing them to pursue education, not engaging in eve teasing/ harassment of girls and greater
discussion on the subject.
Given below is a social influence map of a change maker from India, to illustrate the kinds of changes
being experienced by the change maker in the systems around him and the way he has interpreted
how each system is impacting the other. This example has been chosen to highlight change within
various sytems around the change maker as it is well fleshed out. However, it may be noted that
similar views have been shared by a large majority of the change makers. Yet another example, on
page depicts the movement of change from the change maker into systems around her. Prema (the
change maker ) has influenced her family, relative and neighbourhood such that multiple voices of
change can be heard corroborating each other’s experiences. The overall environment around
Prema is changing slowly in favour of reducing VAW.
Both Revaram and Prema’s narratives show that the physical and emotional proximity they share
with their family members and neighbours has facilitated their ability to influence these systems.
The change in their own families is also creating an impetus for others to change, and through them
yet others to change.
111
This is the social influence map of Revaram a 35 year old, married male change maker from India. His
family is close knit and he is very close to his father who is respected and liked in the village. He reports
his neighbourhood is a supportive one; people help each other in times of need, though their
interactions are more during community functions and festivals.
He became a change maker in 2008. He shares before he became a change maker he was narrow
minded, used to be harbour wrong views on women stepping out of their homes or grew suspicious if
he saw women talking to boys and men in the village. Now he has understood that this is a wrong
mindset and also talks to others in his village about giving up such an outlook. He has intervened in
situations of domestic violence in his neighbourhood. He is a lawyer by profession and says uses his
understanding about VAW from the campaign to deal with cases filed by women.
He feels the systems that are changing around him include his family, neighbours, friends and his
relatives.
112
SOCIAL INFLUENCE MAP OF REVARAM
Mother has stopped
talking harshly with
sister/scolding her
Father used to object to girls
in the family going out of
home; has now become
more open about this
FAMILY
Sister’s understanding of
VAW has deepened; has
started coming out of the
house to attend meetings
meetings
“Family in
neighbourhood has
changed by coming in
contact with us”
“
Goes
out
alone
with us” NEIGHBOUR
“They (grandparenst)are in touch with my
(the change maker’s)family and witness the
way we live as a family...they saw a poster
(of the campaign) in my house and asked me
about it. I told him I am attached to a group
that helps girls, motivates them to study,
move out of the house.”
NnnNNEIGHB
OURNEIGHBO
URNEIGHBO
UR
Couple in neighbourhood
have stopped restricting
daughter from going out /
are less harsh with her
Has stopped teasing girls;
along with sister resolves
family quarrels
MATERNAL
GRANDPARENT
SS
FRIENDS
CHANGE
MAKER’S
AUNT
Grandfather gave example
of change maker’s family
and motivated change
maker’s aunt to educate her
daughters
113
Parents of friends
have started sending
daughter to change
maker’s house freely
Changes within systems around Prema, a change maker from Monaragala, Sri lanka.
Prema’s story indicates how she has influenced her family and brought a change in terms of greater decision making. Her s
reached out to his friends in turn. Prema’s neighbourhood is also changing. The systems around Prema are changing and in
“I think unity and peace in my family is
much improved after Aunt's involvement”
Prema’s niece who was resentful towards
her husband’s chronic illness
“there are some families who
have changed but there are
some families which might
need more time to change”....
“neighbours are changing to a
great extent. I have personally
witnessed that”.
Prema’s son’s
friends
Man and woman in
neighbourhood
“My husband used to be an alcohol
addict but now I have managed to
reduce his drinking habits. Now my
family is peaceful. We make our
decisions together. My son loses
his patience really fast. I kept
preaching about being patient and
now he is much better in
controlling his anger”.
Prema, a 58 year old married
female change maker from
Monaragala, Sri Lanka
The table below shows the distribution of the 2707 COI whose names were offered by the
change makers for follow up interviews. Friends are among the largest proportion of people
in the COI named by the change makers in Sri Lanka, Nepal and particularly Pakistan for
follow up interviews. In India and Bangladesh, it has been the family.
114
Country
Family
Friends
Neighbours
Relatives/
extended
family
Others
Total
India
33%
27%
20%
16%
3.6%
100%
Pakistan
12.1%
40.5%
13.8%
27.2%
6.4%
100%
Sri Lanka
23.7%
27.7%
26.6%
13.6%
8.4%
100%
Nepal
15%
52.3%
14.6%
12.4%
5.7%
100%
15.8%
28.6%
17.2%
2.5%
100%
Bangladesh 35.9%
In India there are further site wise differences in the COI mentioned for follow-up interviews. In two
of the sites, the change makers have shared how positive, nurturing and supportive their families
are. In these sites, maximum numbers of COI are from the family. Whereas in two other sites, the
family situation of the change makers is relatively less supportive and several change makers have
reported abuse and domestic violence. Here, the COI is more from the network of friends and
neighbours.
99% of the people in the change maker’s circle of influence have reported that they had heard about
VAW. The most commonly reported source has been the change maker quoted by 81.4% of people
in the change maker’s COI, followed by the television (29.3%),newspaper (24.9%) and community
activity (24.3%). 18.8% of the respondents have also shared hearing of the issue from neighbours
and the community.
Clearly, the sources of messaging on VAW for this group have been multiple. However, there are site
wise differences in the sources of messaging. Change makers feature prominently as one of the key
115
sources of messaging on VAW in all countries, but the proportion ranges from 60% of COI (in India)
to 96% (in Nepal). TV and newspaper have been mentioned most by the COI in Sri Lanka, whereas
radio as a source of messages on the issue has been mentioned by 60% of change makers in Nepal.
In Pakistan, friends, relatives and community activities have been mentioned by a large proportion
of change makers.
A significant proportion of people in the COI have found the issue of VAW relevant in their context.
More specifically, the message that VAW in any form should not be practised and that men and
women, girls and boys are equal, has found wide relevance among the COI. This is reflected in the
table below, which shows what the COI found most relevant in their discussion with the change
maker.10 The COI has expressed the unacceptability of VAW in different ways (should not torture
daughter-in-law; should not torture women for dowry; should not marry girls young etc.).
Only 4 respondents have not been able to recall anything about their interactions with the change
maker and 2% were unable to respond to the issue.
Table describing what the respondents in the change maker’s COI found most relevant in their
discussions with the change maker.
10
This is a multiple response table and contains only those responses which have been mentioned by >1% of
respondents.
116
What the COI respondents found
Responses
most relevant in their discussions with the Change maker
No. of
responses
I found everything relevant /liked everything I
I did not find anything useful
We should stop VAW for social development
We should not commit VAW in any form
We should not torture DIL
Children should not be deprived of education
There should be no fights/quarrels in the family
Women face violence in various form
How we can stop violence
We should not tease girls
We can stop violence if we work together
We learnt good things
Women should move forward in life
Men and women have equal rights
It is sad that women face violence
Girls and children should not be married young
No response
Women should not tortured for dowry
This is a movement to change attitude against VAW
We need to change our attitude first
Women should not be confined to house
Treat daughter equally as son.
I cant remember
Invalid response
172
18
60
235
17
41
93
72
20
28
35
12
21
91
19
55
19
51
10
14
12
20
4
6
Percent of
Percent Change makers
14.00%
18.10%
1.50%
1.90%
4.90%
6.30%
19.20%
24.70%
1.40%
1.80%
3.30%
4.30%
7.60%
9.80%
5.90%
7.60%
1.60%
2.10%
2.30%
2.90%
2.90%
3.70%
1.00%
1.30%
1.70%
2.20%
7.40%
9.60%
1.60%
2.00%
4.50%
5.80%
1.60%
2.00%
4.16%
5.08%
0.80%
1.10%
1.10%
1.50%
1.00%
1.30%
1.60%
2.10%
0.32%
0.39%
0.50%
0.60%
The respondents in the COI were also asked to indicate if the interactions with the change makers
have made an impact on their sensitivity to the issue. The most frequent response has been that
these interactions motivated the respondent to work on VAW (29% of people in COI). The
unacceptability of VAW has again been shared in different ways in response to this question also.
17% have said VAW should not be tolerated on perpetrated and 5.7% have shared that their
understanding of VAW has increased due to their interactions with the change maker. This points to
a growing intolerance for VAW among the change maker’s COI, one of the indicators for assessing
the outcome of phase II f WECAN.
83% of all respondents in the COI recognise the campaign by its name. Their perceptions on the
objectives of the campaign are shown in the table below.
117
Perceptions on objective
of WECAN
It is on ending violence against
women
It is about equal rights for
women
It is about unacceptability of
VAW
It is about discrimination of
girls
It is about personal change
It is about a peaceful family
life
It is about different forms of
VAW
Others
N
Responses
Percent
614
26.80%
Percent of
Cases
74.00%
410
17.90%
49.40%
166
7.30%
20.00%
227
9.90%
27.30%
300
280
13.10%
12.20%
36.10%
33.70%
228
10.00%
27.50%
62
2287
2.70%
100.00%
7.50%
275.50%
Approximately half of the respondents who recognise the campaign from among the COI associate it
with equality and 1/3rd with personal change.
It is significant that 84% of people in the change maker’s COI have reported discussing about the
issue of VAW further, with others in their environment. This means that there is a third level of
messaging and discussions taking place. However, it needs to be recognised that many of the people
being accessed by the people in the COI may also be those who feature in the list of people
influenced by the change maker. Thus the same person could be getting covered by the change
maker as well as the people in their circles of influence.
Figure showing percentage of people in change maker’s COI who have discussed the issue of VAW
with others
118
The illustration below shows the movement of the messaging beyond the change maker’s COI. As
the table below shows respondents in the change maker’s COI have reached out mostly to their
immediate family members (parents and siblings), followed by friends, relatives and neighbours.
Relationship with
persons covered
Discussed with mother
Total
Responses
Percent
Percent
10.90%
Percent of Cases
10.90%
50.40%
Discussed with father
7.30%
7.30%
33.70%
Discussed with sister/s
9.20%
9.20%
42.60%
Discussed with brother
7.90%
7.90%
36.40%
Discused with cousin sister
Discuss with cousin brother/s
4.90%
4.50%
4.90%
4.50%
22.80%
20.80%
Discuss with other male relatives
4.90%
4.90%
22.80%
Discuss with other female relatives
6.00%
6.00%
28.00%
Discussed with boy friends
11.00%
11.00%
50.90%
Discussed with girl friends
10.30%
10.30%
47.50%
Discussed with male neighbour
8.30%
8.30%
38.50%
Discussed with female neighbours
9.80%
9.80%
45.20%
Discussed with others
5.00%
5.00%
23.10%
3953
100.00%
462.90%
Personal changes experienced by people in the change maker’s COI
All the people in the change maker’s circles of influence in Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh have
expressed clear recollection of the change maker and discussions with him/her on the issue of VAW.
92% of people in the change maker’s COI and 97.8% in Nepal could recall the change maker and
associate him/her with the issue of VAW.
94% of respondents in the COI have shared that they have undergone personal change due to their
association with the change maker and/or the campaign. This is a very significant proportion, again
reiterating the fact that awareness and sensitivity to the issue of VAW has spread from the change
maker into their circles of influence to a significant extent.
However, as the table below shows, there are country level differences in this proportion.
119
Country
No. of people in COI
reporting personal
change/ No. of COI
interviewed
(excluding FGD
participants)
Percentage
No. of people in COI
reporting no personal
change/ No. of COI
interviewed (excluding
FGD participants)
Percentage
India
154 / 201
76.7%
47 /201
23.3%
Pakistan
248/254
97.6%
3/254
1.2%
Nepal
107/108
99.07%
1/108
0.93%
Sri Lanka
241/241
100%
-
-
Bangladesh 251/259
96.91%
8/259
3.09%
Total
94.2%
59/1063
5.5%
1001/1063
The personal changes among the COI were explored through open ended questions. The most
common themes of change emerging from the COI narrative data are:
-
Greater awareness in community on subtle and ‘invisible’ forms of VAW
Clear articulation of non acceptance of VAW and the need to intervene in stopping it.
Strong acceptance of the belief that men and women/boys and girls are equal
A high degree of support for education of girls, equal educational opportunities for girls
A strong recognition of the need to treat men and women/boys and girls equally
Supporting mobility of women and girls by rejecting the stigma/ supposed dishonour
attached to it
Rejecting the mindset and practise of early marriages of girl children
Greater participation of men in housework (particularly striking in Bangladesh)
Becoming conscious of using non abusive language towards girls and women (particularly
striking in Nepal)
The narrative data below illustrate the changes in the change maker’s COI, very effectively. They are
examples of the kinds of changes being articulated by the COI and represent the larger mass of
narratives gathered from the COI.
Suman Negi, is a 17 year old unmarried girl from Pauri, Uttaranchal, India. She has passed her
matriculation and lives with her 3 sisters, a younger brother, father and mother. Suman’s family
history shows her parents to be very supportive to girls. She has spoken at length about how much
her parents value her and her sisters. She is also a very articulate person herself. She became a
change maker when she was 13 and felt motivated to end VAW so that a good society,
neighbourhood and family can be created. She has shared how she, along with another change
120
maker, convinced a neighbour who had 6 daughters not to worry and instead focus on educating
them. She says her father has always been supportive but is also aware of the programmes
happening around and has seen some of the material.
When Suman’s father and neighbour were interviewed, this is what they had to say:
Father: “It’s not just my thinking but that of my whole family that VAW should not happen. I used to
think of my son as more important than my daughters. But I don’t think that way now. I allow my
daughters to also do all that my son does. “
Neighbour: “There is change. I have some understanding now. Suman explained to me and my
mother-in-law. I was not able to speak in front my mother-in-law but now I protest anything wrong.
Because of Suman explaining these issues to me, I have changed. My mother-in-law used to
discriminate between girls and boys but does not do so now. Suman convinced my mother-in-law.”
The neighbour’s mother-in-law speaks of accepting the 6 grand- daughters (mentioned earlier),
though with an air of compromise. However she says she liked all that Suman told her- also that girls
should be educated.
I go to neighbours and relatives to talk about VAW but when I go alone people often ignore me.
Everybody in my neighbourhood listens to Bina didi. Thus we go with Bina as group and solve conflict
if women face violence. Bina can convince people well and they listen to her. There is not much
conflict in our neighbourhood like before, families stopped fighting. The discrimination between
daughter and son has decreased and, girls/women can go out to some extent, men have reduced
drinking alcohol, families live in healthy and clean environment. This is all happening as Bina brought
campaign programs in our community. However dowry system has not ended yet. 27 years old
female from Rautahat, Nepal.
My husband often shouted at me and beat me with a stick. Now he has stopped beating me
completely but sometimes he shouts. This is because he saw a group of CMs taking husbands and
parents-in-laws to police station and punishing them for torturing wives/DILs. I told him I will call
same group and we will also take him to police station if he beats me again. He does not beat me
anymore and he also helps me doing household work. We Can Campaign is working very well in
Garuda, Rautahat as many men stopped beating their wives and they do not shout at them like
before. 34 years old female from Rautahat, Nepal.
People from the change maker’s circle of influence from Batticaloa,have articulated changes before
getting exposed to the WECAN campaign and after:
According to a male respondent from the COI - “Now I can go anywhere alone. Earlier I used to be
scared of many things. I have come out of my shyness. I help people in my neighbourhood who have
domestic disputes that are mostly VAW. I have helped them to stop fighting. The people in my village
have started to trust me. They even trust me to send young girls to go alone with me outside their
homes”.
121
Another respondent has shared, “Now I can control my anger and be nice to my mother. I helped a 20
year old woman who came to the temple asking to rescue her from her family problem. I provided
protection to her and helped her solving their family problem. I think WECAN campaign and
community responsibility in me have caused these change in me”.
“Earlier I needed someone to accompany me to go anywhere. But now that has changed. I gained
courage to go anywhere, alone. I’m strong now”.
Female respondents have shared, “My husband used to drink a lot of alcohol. I started to talk to him
about what I learnt in the campaign. He has reduced drinking alcohol. Now he also allows me to go
for events and activities on VAW”.
“Earlier I was dependant on my husband. Now I’m not. I got the courage to face problems. I have
changed to the level where I confidently share my views in public places or events, like meetings.
Earlier my husband used to fight a lot with me. Now he has changed and started to help me with
household work too. I believe that the source for these changes is WECAN”.
Gul Khan a respondent from the change maker’s circle of influence in Pakistan has this to say about
his personal change,
‘I have now become a CM. I heard my brother talk about these things and I now realize that I will ask
my children their choice in marriage and give them a right to choose their partner. This is what Islam
teaches us. We have created the difference ourselves. I am now a changed person. One incident in
our neighbourhood created a major impact on our lives. A young boy and girl wanted to get married.
The girl's family wasn’t willing so the boy kidnapped her and took her to his sister's house. The girl's
family came to get her. They took her back and then killed her. They made friends with the boy's
family later and the boy’s younger sister was given to the girl’s family as compensation. I couldn’t
understand why it was only the girl who was blamed. Having heard the campaign seminars and
events now I feel strongly about it and I want to bring about the change. The change has started
coming about.’
Azeem is a 42 years old man who is a person from the change maker’s circle of influence as well as a
change maker. He has always maintained a very harsh and strict environment at home. ‘Sohail and
Naila first talked to my wife, mother and sisters. My mother and sisters immediately became CMs
too. I saw the change in them and I wanted to bring about a change in myself. I was ashamed of the
fact that I should have been the one to pioneer this change not Sohail and Naila; but I am an
uneducated man. I used to see a man across my shop be violent to his wife and I felt bad about it.
Now I feel I can take action on such things. I now talk to people who come into my shop and I can see
that they also want to change. The word is getting around and we who belong to conventional strict
environments also want to change. I am trying to convince my wife to become a CM too then we can
also be like Sohail and Naila.”
In Bangladesh, the sharing of household work has emerged as a strong theme from the narratives
of change makers and their COI from all sites.
Sharing of housework has been vividly depicted in the street plays shows in the campaign and
discussed extensively through the one thousand events initiative in different district in Bangladesh.
122
Change makers and people in the people in their circles of influence have reported practicing the
same in their personal life. This is a common theme that runs through the narratives of most change
makers and their COI. Some interview excerpts are given below to substantiate this conclusion.
“After becoming a change maker I have understood that everybody can do every work. After that I
help in household works like putting fire in open oven, chopping vegetables, washing clothes etc.
Instead of seeing it as a help to wife I take it now as a responsibility of mine. That is why now as a
member of the family I participate in the household works from a sense of self-responsibility” ----57 years old graduate businessman and a married male change maker
“Through association with Wecan I have come to know there is no difference between men and
women. I discuss this with my husband and share the household works” ---- 24 years old private
sector employee and a married lady change maker
“Now I wash my clothes, help wife in cooking. I also share household works because I have
understood that all works are same and contributing to domestic responsibility is everybody’s
responsibility” --- 30 years old graduate, teacher, a member of the change maker’s circle of
influence and husband of the change maker.
“After becoming a change maker my husband realised that the male members of a family could do
household works also. There is no shame in doing this. All men in fact, need to contribute to the
domestic works. Now my husband participates in domestic activities and that is one reason why
there is no discrimination on working in the family” ---40 years old female homemaker, Matriculate,
a member of the change maker’s COI.
“I behave nicely with the members of the family, especially with mother and wife and help them in
cooking and washing clothes. I am clear now that there is no set rule that only women have to do
the household work. Everybody can do every work. Men sharing domestic works will help improve
the relationship within family --- 28 years old businessman, COI respondent.
“Earlier I used to advise the younger sister to keep things in order at home and even scolded her at
times if things were not kept properly. I learnt now that this practice was wrong and that keeping
home in order is my responsibility as well. Now I help mother and sister in household work.” – 24
years old male, unmarried respondent from change maker’s COI.
Information gathered through focus group discussions also support this view. According to the
women from the change maker’s COI in Sahapara, men of the area now participate in household
work. According to the men from the same area, there is, in fact, no such division of work. All work
is equal. And everybody can do every kind of work. They have reported that a majority of male
members in a family normally share the responsibilities of household activities. They believe that
such engagements eventually make the relationship between husband-wife and among the family
members firm and solid. The FGD respondents (male) Kamarjani have said, “Men now participate in
household works because it gives relief to wife and brings happiness in family.” The male
participants in the focus group discussions of Maimansing Ward 2 and Akuya have also shared the
same view-- “Now we help in household works because it reduces load on wife”.
Understanding of violence and attitudes to VAW among the change maker’s COI
The understanding of violence among the people in the change maker’s circle of influence was
assessed by exploring:
123
-
Perceptions on what VAW means and its relevance to them
-
Understanding of a violence free family
-
Their perceptions on such families in their neighbourhood
The responses of people in the change maker’s COI are very similar to that of the change makers
themselves. The most commonly occurring forms of violence are the same for both groups. This is
illustrated in the table below. With the exception of a few categories such as deprivation of
education and refusal to give money as common forms of violence mentioned by change makers,
the most prominent forms of VAW expressed by both groups is almost the same.
Table showing the most common perceptions among people in the change maker’s COI about
what constitutes VAW
Behaviours that constitute violence against women
Responses
% of cases
No.
%age
306
13.6%
30.8%
Creating misunderstanding between husband and wife
17
.8%
1.7%
Sexual relation without consent
15
.7%
1.5%
202
9.0%
20.3%
Beating others (to frighten woman)
14
.6%
1.4%
Slapping for any reason
88
3.9%
8.9%
Criticism/objection to all the work she does
80
3.6%
8.1%
Scolding/abusing/taunting/blaming/fighting
185
8.2%
18.6%
Suspicion
44
2.0%
4.4%
Rape/sexual exploitation
24
1.1%
2.4%
Trafficking
11
.5%
1.1%
Not giving food/disc. in food
65
2.9%
6.5%
Restriction of rights/not giving full rights/can’t express h
88
3.9%
8.9%
Ignoring opinion/forcing others opinion on her
57
2.5%
5.7%
Economic violence/taking away her earning/depending solely o
49
2.2%
4.9%
No freedom of her own/cannot do anything as per her wishes/d
74
3.3%
7.5%
To torture women/wife/daughter-in-law of the house unnecessarily
Beating wife after coming home in drunk state/if she refuses
124
Disrespectful treatment in bus/train/public transport/eve te
70
3.1%
7.0%
Deprive her of higher education
18
.8%
1.8%
6
.3%
.6%
14
.6%
1.4%
5
.2%
.5%
Forceful sex/making woman wake up for intercourse/when she i
29
1.3%
2.9%
Attempt to throw/throw woman/daughter-in-law out of house
13
.6%
1.3%
Not allowing to talk to others
10
.4%
1.0%
131
5.8%
13.2%
Abusing the childless women
5
.2%
.5%
Extra marital affairs of husband/
7
.3%
.7%
Being pregnant at young age
4
.2%
.4%
Stopping daughters from going out by mother/restriction on m
71
3.2%
7.2%
Force wife to work all the time/doing all the household work
19
.8%
1.9%
Force the widows to follow all religious rules
8
.4%
.8%
More education for son
1
.0%
.1%
Better food for son
5
.2%
.5%
Marrying off daughter at very young age/child marriage
68
3.0%
6.8%
Deprivation of education
67
3.0%
6.7%
Indecent/unacceptable behaviour/disrespecting human/always s
36
1.6%
3.6%
Humiliation/zzzz that she is low/seeing her as less than men
22
1.0%
2.2%
1
.0%
.1%
Refuses to give money when she asks
25
1.1%
2.5%
Any behaviour that hurts the woman/forcing ghunghat
78
3.5%
7.9%
Acid throwing
14
.6%
1.4%
Stopping marriage of same age couple
Ultrasound to detect the sex of the baby/sex selective abort
Treating mother badly as per wife’s wish
Harassment over dowry/dowry practice
Forcing woman to have sex with others
125
Making women dependent on men
5
.2%
.5%
22
.9%
2.2%
6
.3%
.6%
Not allowing women to take decisions
11
.5%
1.1%
No response
17
.8%
1.7%
Lack of awareness
1
.0%
.1%
Polygamy
8
.4%
.8%
16
.7%
1.6%
Separation or divorce of couple
8
.4%
.8%
Give pressure to work hard when pregnant/ do not give medical
2
.1%
.2%
205
1
.0%
.1%
43
1.9%
4.3%
4
.2%
.4%
11
.5%
1.1%
Murder / burning by pouring kerosene
1
.0%
.1%
Torture leading to suicide
1
.0%
.1%
Threatening
2
.1%
.2%
It doesn’t happen these days
1
.0%
.1%
Killing women
3
.1%
.3%
killing wife
3
.1%
.3%
beating without any reason
1
.0%
.1%
Education gives moralities, we were educated and now we are educating our
children
1
.0%
.1%
38
1.7%
3.8%
2252 100.0%
226.8%
Domination (by women on women and by men on women)/pressuris
Not allowing women to work
Not fulfilling wife’s need
Lack of equality/discrimination
Blame women for giving birth of daughter
Witch hunting
Invalid answer
Total
126
70% of respondents have named a family in their environment that can be called violence free.
Thus a large proportion of COI have a positive family model in their environment, which exemplifies
non violent behaviours. The perception that such families are violence free can be a powerful factor
in sustaining change. The presence of such families also means the reinforcement of the value of
practising non-violative behaviours.
The largest proportion of people in the change maker’s COI have mentioned neighbours as an
example of a violence free family (23.6%), followed by families of close family members- brothers,
sisters etc. (17.6%) followed by relatives (8.4%) and friends (8.3%). 17.2% of the respondents have
shared that no such family exists in their environment. This trend is similar to what the change
makers have also shared.
Their understanding of a violence free family is reflected in the table below. It shows that like the
change makers, the most commonly held perceptions on features of violence free family are the
absence of fights and quarrels; a family where everyone’s voice is heard and there is equality in
decision making.
Table showing commonly held perceptions by the COI on what constitutes a violence free family
Features of a violence free family
Frequency of responses
% of responses
% of cases
No fight/quarrel/a peace loving
family
386
21.7%
40.8%
Everyone’s voice is heard/equal
decision making and participation
250
14%
26.5%
Everyone behave nicely with
178
10%
18.8%
127
others/no greed/helps each other
Helping each other in household
work/husband and wife work
together
65
3.7%
6.9%
Educating both sons and daughters
40
2.2%
4.2%
Understanding/trusting each
other/husband and wife understand
each other
98
5.5%
10.4%
Equal rights for couple/everyone is
equal
62
3.5%
6.6%
Equally fulfil the demand of both
sons and daughters
95
5.3%
10.1%
Son/daughter and daughter-in-law
are treated equally
46
2.6%
4.9%
No response
53
3.0%
5.6%
The figure below shows that like the change makers (64.4%), a large proportion (63.4%) of the
people in the COI also feels that VAW is a serious problem.
128
The key reasons quoted for the view that VAW is a serious and difficult problem are that the whole
family suffers because of violence (14.4%); men and women have unequal rights (12.2%) and if there
is a police case, the perpetrating family has to face serious consequences (9.1%) and that in every s
sphere of life women face harrassment. 5.7% of respondents have also said that women are
tortured; 5.6% feel that women commit suicide due to violence. The range of responses given by the
COI (“women as treated as commodity, women are ignored, there are restrictions placed on women,
violence against women has increased manifold) reflect the awareness that violence against women
is widespread and debilitates women in several ways.
Attitudes of people in COI towards gender roles and VAW
The attitudes of the people in the change maker’s COI to gender roles and VAW were assessed using
two sets of questions.
In the first set of questions, people in the COI were asked to respond in yes or no to whether a set
of 9 specific kinds of behaviours were present in violence free families. These statements were
divided into three themes for analysis:
 Discrimination against women and girls
 Women’s rights
 Acceptance of violence
Discrimination: There is a strong understanding among the COI that in violence free families,
discriminatory behaviours are not acceptable. Significantly large proportions (85%-95%) of
respondents have said that in a violence free family girls and boys are educated equally, receive the
same food and girls are not married before the right age, i.e 18 years.
Women’s rights: Joint decision making as a feature of a violence free family has been strongly
endorsed. 95.6% of the COI have shared that husband and wife take major decisions jointly in a
violence free family. However, within the same theme, the idea of women going out without taking
permission from the husband has received more ambivalent responses. Only 61% seem to feel this
does not happen in a violence free family. The notion that women should receive money even if the
husband buys everything for the family has been accepted by a large number of people in the COI,
although not to the extent that major decisions should be joint.
Acceptance of violence: The theme on acceptance of violence shows that verbal abuse by the
mother-in-law has been rejected by more people than occasional abuse by the husband, as a feature
of a violence free family.
The trend that emerges from this section is quite similar to the understanding displayed by the
change makers on the features of a violence free family. Discrimination as a form of violence has
been well understood and internalised by the people in the COI also so that they have rejected
differentiation in education, food and opportunities as being acceptable in a violence free family. In
other words, the idea that inequality spawns VAW is shared by both the change makers and the COI.
Thus a collective attitudinal stance is visible in this regard. The table below shows the responses
according to each specific theme.
129
Statements
related to
Women’s
rights
Yes
Percentage
No
Percentage
Discrepancy
Percentage
No
response
Percentage
Husband and
wife take major
decisions
together
958
95.6
35
3.5
1
.1
8
.8
Wife cannot go
out the village or
community
without asking
her husband
341
34
618
61.7
28
2.8
15
1.5
Wife is denied
money as
husband gets her
everything
163
16.3
814
81.2
12
1.2
13
1.3
Statements
related to
Discrimination
Yes
Percentage
No
Percentage
Discrepancy
Percentage
No
Respons
e
Percentage
All children are
sent to school
958
95.6
31
3.1
1
.1
12
1.2
Boys and girls
get the same
kind of food
953
95.1
39
3.9
2
.2
8
.8
Daughter is
married before
18 if the family
finds a good
match
141
14.1
844
84.2
2
.2
15
1.5
All family
members can
express heir
opinions freely
938
93.6
46
4.6
3
.3
15
1.5
211
21.1
769
76.7
9
.9
14
1.3
Statements on
acceptance of
violence
Husband abuses
his wife
130
occasionally
Mother in law
abuses daughter
in law if she does
not cook properly
128
12.8
856
85.4
6
.6
12
1.2
Collective attitudes on gender roles and VAW.
II. The second set of questions to assess attitudes consisted of a set of 10 statements on gender roles
and VAW. The respondents were asked to indicate their level of agreement or disagreement to each
statement. These statements were divided into four themes for purposes of analysis
 Women’s rights
 Acceptance of violence against women
 Acceptance of women speaking out and seeking community support
 Sharing household work
The table below reflects the views and perceptions of the COI on gender roles and VAW. The
statements have been arranged according to themes.
Statements
on
acceptance
of violence
against
women
Strongly
agree
Somewhat
agree
No
opinion
Somewhat
disagree
Strongly
disagree
Discrepancy
No
response/Inval
id entry
An occasional
slap by the
husband does
not amount to
domestic
violence
16.6%
13.4%
1.6%
7%
59.1%
.9%
1.5%
A man is never
justified in
hitting his wife
67.9%
11.5%
2.3%
4.3%
11.7%
1.3%
1.1%
Women should
tolerate
domestic
violence as it is
their
responsibility
to keep the
family together
16.8%
13.5%
1%
6%
61.1%
.4%
1.3%
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Violence in any
form is
unacceptable
81%
7.1%
1.7%
1.3%
6.3%
1.3%
1.3%
Statements
on women’s
rights
Strongly
agree
Somewhat
agree
No
opinion
Somewhat
disagree
Strongly
disagree
Discrepancy
No
response/Inval
id entry
Denying
money to your
wife is a form
of domestic
violence
67.4%
15%
1.7%
3.9%
9.7%
1.2%
1.2%
Husband can
demand sex
from his wife
whenever he
wants
13%
5%
4.7%
3.9%
70.8%
.5%
2.2%
Men deserve
more rights
than women
15.8%
6.7%
1.2%
2.7%
71.1%
.8%
1.8%
Statements
on
acceptance
of women
speaking out
and
community
support
Strongly
agree
Somewhat
agree
No
opinion
Somewhat
disagree
Strongly
disagree
Discrepancy
No
response/Inval
id entry
Women should
not talk about
their
experiences of
domestic
violence with
anyone
26.9%
8.4%
.6%
5.6%
55.4%
1.9%
1.2%
It is the
responsibility
of the
community to
support
women who
face violence
90.3%
5%
.3%
.5%
2.2%
.3%
1.4%
Statement on
sharing of
Strongly
Somewhat
No
Somewhat
Strongly
Discrepancy
No
response/Inval
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housework
agree
agree
opinion
disagree
disagree
Sharing
housework
does not suite
men
11.3%
6.6%
.8%
3.7%
74.1%
id entry
1.4%
2.2%
Key results:
 A very large proportion of people in the change maker’s COI have strongly endorsed the
unacceptability of VAW and are strongly in favour of extending community support for
women facing violence.
 However, there is greater ambivalence in the group on taking a stand in situations where
justifications for violent behaviour have been added.
 A large proportion in the group has displayed positive attitudes to men’s participation in
housework and has rejected discriminatory practices that undermine women and girls.
Attitudes on VAW: The view that the community should support women facing violence has been
endorsed very strongly by the people in the COI. The most common reason given has been that in a
community people should help each other, if the community does not help who will. In the same
vein, 81% of respondents have shared that violence in any form is unacceptable because
. However, the endorsement rates for the other statements on VAW
have been much lower. Among these, there is maximum agreement to the view that a man is never
justified in hitting his wife (67%). Whereas the view that an occasional slap does not amount to
domestic violence (59% strongly reject this view) and that women should not tolerate domestic
violence and should verbalise their experiences has been endorsed to a lower extent (61% and 55%
respectively). It is important to note here that in the reasons they have offered, the respondents
have not endorsed keeping totally silent about the issue but have emphasised that the woman
should approach the immediate family (natal and/or marital), to resolve the problem. Hence the
discomfort is not so much around women voicing out their experiences per se, but about voicing it
to people other than the immediate family.
The idea of offering support and condemning violence is clearly a strong value among the people in
the change maker’s COI. However, when filters (in the form of justifications) have been added to the
idea of non acceptance of violence, we find the agreement rates have begun falling. While a majority
of people in the change maker’s COI are rejecting violence against women in the face of any kind of
justification, there is still a sizeable proportion that is ambivalent on this issue.
The themes on which people in the change maker’s COI have shown the most positive attitudes are
with regard to sharing of housework and expressions of equal rights for women. 74% of respondents
have shared that sharing housework does not demean men in any way. The commonest reason
given in favour of this belief is that men and women equal, hence housework can be done by both.
Similarly, the belief that men deserve more rights than women and that a husband can demand sex
whenever he wants have been rejected by 71% of the respondents. The reasons given for this belief
again are to do with the understanding that men and women have equal rights. The most common
133
reasons for holding the view that a husband cannot demand sex are that such behaviour amounts to
rape and the consent of both husband and wife is necessary. However, only 67% of respondents feel
that denying money to your wife is a form of domestic violence. One of the commonest reasons for
this view revolves around economic constraints faced by the entire family, in which case, sharing
money with the wife becomes difficult.
However, the attitudes on VAW as expressed in the statements above show much greater
ambivalence as compared to the previous section on features of a violence free family. That is when
the COI has been asked whether specific behaviours form part of violence free families, their
responses have been much more positive. However, their agreement and disagreement rates on
similar sets of statements show far greater ambivalence. This stems largely from the fact the
statements offer a greater scope to offer justifications for the use of violence under certain
circumstances. This is particularly visible on the acceptance of occasional slapping which has
consistently received the lowest disagreement in all countries, along with several situations of
seeming gender role transgressions, where slapping women is warranted.
.
Attitudes of change maker’s and their COI
The attitudinal suggests that change makers and their COI are a group with shared set of values on
VAW. While the change maker’s have understandably done better than the people in their COI, the
attitudinal stances in both groups lean to the same side. In order to grow attitudinal change both the
change maker and their circles of influence would have to be targeted so that each one supports the
other in maintaining the context of change.
The tipping point on ending VAW would occur when attitudinally and behaviourally VAW is rejected
in any situation, under any circumstances. Currently, what is emerging is a community of change
makers and their circles of influence with strong shared values on offering support to women facing
violence and rejecting different forms of discrimination and gender biases. The scale seems to be
tipped heavily in favour of these beliefs, which the campaign should celebrate. However, the scales
are also loaded more negatively on a lot of associated attitudes and beliefs (as shared above), which
need to be addressed consciously to move towards a tipping point where the non-acceptance of
VAW becomes a non-negotiable value.
Table showing responses of change makers and their COI to different statements on VAW and
gender roles
S.no
Statement
% of change makers
% of people in the
COI
1.
Sharing housework does not suit
men
81.2% strongly disagree
74.1% strongly
disagree
2.
Men deserve more rights than
women
76.7% strongly disagree
71.1% strongly
disagree
3.
Husband can demand sex from
wife when\ever he wants
75.5% strongly disagree
70.8% strongly
disagree
134
4.
It is the responsibility of the
community to support women who
face violence
92.3% Strongly agree
90.3% strongly agree
5.
Women should tolerate domestic
violence as it is their responsibility
to keep the family together
70.7% strongly disagree
61.1%strongly
disagree
6.
A man is never justified in hitting
his wife
68.5 % strongly agree
67.9% strongly agree
7.
Violence in any form is
unacceptable
84.8% strongly agree
81% strongly agree
8.
Women should not talk about their
experiences of domestic violence
with anyone
66.5% strongly disagree
55.4% strongly
disagree
9.
An occasional slap does not
amount to domestic violence
63% strongly disagree
59.1% strongly
disagree
10.
Denying money to your wife is a
form of domestic violence
72.5% strongly agree
67.4% strongly agree
The relevance and evidence of tipping point in WECAN
A tipping point is when a particular behaviour becomes the norm and where any behaviour contrary
to that behaviour is an exception. In the case of WECAN the tipping point would be reached when
the acceptance of discrimination or any form of violence is an exception in the community and
gender equality is the norm.
However, a tipping point is seldom reached all of a sudden. It is the result of incremental shifts.
Normative change occurs as a result of several smaller tipping points within the community. What
this means is that each time a majority of people in the community adopt a new practise/behaviour
that either reflects a changed belief or leads to a strong articulation of a hitherto held positive belief,
a tipping point is created.
Normative shift occurs after several such tipping points because each one pushes the balance
further towards the desired state. The assessment data suggests that there are smaller tipping
points occurring on localised levels within the campaign. These are being reflected in the kinds of
behavioural changes being reported by the COI. The most common among these emerging from the
COI narratives include:
-
A visible effort to educate girls in the community and ensuring that they get equal access to
educati\\onal opportunities (Particularly striking in India and Pakistan)
135
-
Reduction in restrictions on mobility of girls and women (in all countries)
-
Rejecting the practise of child marriage (particularly striking in India)
-
Consciously adopting non abusive language towards girls and women (particularly striking in
Nepal)
Greater participation of men in housework (particularly striking in Bangladesh)
Practising equality in the family in various ways such as in distribution of food, joint decision
making, giving equal money, eating together etc.
-
At the level of changes in beliefs, the most commonly reported changes within the COI include:
-
Greater awareness on subtle and ‘invisible’ forms of VAW
Clear articulation of non acceptance of VAW and the need to intervene in stopping it.
Strong acceptance of the belief that men and women/boys and girls are equal
A high degree of support for education of girls, equal educational opportunities for girls
Supporting mobility of women and girls by rejecting the stigma/ supposed dishonour
attached to it
Rejecting the mindset that girls should be married early
Recognising the importance of sharing household work
Becoming conscious of not using foul language
Taken together, they point to smaller tipping points where these new beliefs and behaviours are
becoming the practise in a group of systems in the community. The incremental affect of these
changes would be felt when more people and systems in the community start adopting these new
behaviours. This will take time. What the campaign can claim to have achieved is create smaller
tipping points in the community where change makers and their circles of influence have begun
practising a new set of behaviours in a sustained way.
Evidence of a tipping point at a larger scale is to be found in two examples, one from India and the
other from a set of narratives in Bangladesh.
Evidence of tipping point from Bangladesh
Women possess less social, political and economic power and resources. They have limited
opportunities to take part in decision making at different levels. In this context WECAN has
contributed towards developing leadership skills among women change makers and the members in
their circle of influence.
“By associating myself with this campaign I have found a platform to continue my struggle. I protest
when there are incidents of violence against women and for that I even receive threats from various
vested interests in society. I keep writing in journals and magazines on the subject of violence
against women. In the process of this struggle I have involved school girls into the ‘We Can’
campaign and organised debates, discourses and other programmes with them. While discussing
with school girls I make them aware about their rights and try to integrate them with the larger
nation building process. At the same time I encourage them to raise their voice against VAW. Village
136
women often come to me with their family problems to explore a solution”
31 years old married female change maker who works as a teacher.
Various initiatives are evident among women change makers even in far-off places. One of them
signed up to the campaign as a result of her experiences on the issue. In her words, “We sit together
to discuss. I tell women not to remain weak as we had been. We were vulnerable but this should not
happen in your and your children’s life. Many among those women who engaged in child marriage,
received dowry and used to quarrel on trivial issues at home are now becoming change makers.
They are influencing their family decisions. Now people engage us even for counselling”
55 years old literate, married female change maker.
Women change makers and the members in their circles of influence are participating in community
mediation forums (Salish). In the words of a female change maker, “Earlier I used to believe that
women will remain at home and their power and authority will be less than men. I also have
discriminated between son and daughter. After becoming a change maker I have realised that all
women are, in one or other way, subjected to violence. They are subjugated by men for not having
their independent earning. Over time I have become more aware about women’s rights. I have
understood that they won’t be able to establish their right unless they become economically selfreliant. That is why I have trained them on livelihood skills and then linked them up with livelihood
opportunities.”
58 years old female change maker, married and educated upto class XII
“I understand that other than distinctive physical features there is no difference between men and
women. Like men, women can also do all types of works. Now I feel easy to talk before a public
gathering. I understand about right and power of women. Through my work I have established that
women are also moving forward. Now I am doing my study so that I can become self-reliant in
future. I make people understand about the domestic violence and various forms of inequality. I
organise small household level sitting in the area to make people aware about violence against
women. As a result women, who never came out of their house, are now coming out in public and
participating in ‘We Can’ campaign. Many of them have even become change makers ---- 21 years
old female unmarried change maker, student.
The trend of growing awareness and reduction in violence is evident from the information obtained
through focus group discussions also. For example, school students of Kamarjani of Gaibandha and
Maimonsing Ward 2 have shared that they have conscientised neighbours in their areas on violence
against women. As a result the awareness level on violence against women in that area has
enhanced. According to them, family quarrels and wife beating has come down and eve-teasing in
the area has reduced. Women in Akua have shared that they have become courageous after
becoming aware about violence against women and women’s right. Their self-confidence has gone
up and they now work to enhance income. At the same time, they inspire others to stop violence
against women. They protest against any such incident and work together to enhance awareness
among the people around. They have arranged sitting at the household level on their own initiatives.
The husbands, who earlier discouraged their wives to be part of the campaign, are now, along with
137
their wives, participating in the campaign activity.
Conclusions: The evidence points to localised tipping points. Women have started sitting on the
Salish, which is a public forum for mediation; Domestic violence has started reducing and men who
were earlier resistant to their wives participation have now turned into allies of the campaign. Each
of these are significant, visible changes where a dominant practise has been replaced by a new
behaviour and by doing this has added one more push towards normative change.
Example of tipping point from India
The assessment of WECAN phase II has highlighted a very interesting example of how change in the
thinking of a significant number of people in community has started altering the widespread practise
of child marriage in the community. Change makers as well as the circle of influence from the six
villages covered in Rajasthan have consistently spoken about three key changes resulting from the
campaigna.) Increased focus on girl’s education,
b.) Strong social sanctions against child marriage
c.) Increased mobility of girls
80% of people in the change maker’s circle of influence from Rajasthan and 89% percent of change
makers have said that in a violence free family, daughters are not married before the age of 18. 35%
of people in the circle of influence have said they will not let child marriage take place and/or have
stopped child marriage themselves.
The focus group discussions have reconfirmed the wide spread articulation of not supporting child
marriage. Given below is an excerpt from an FGD.
“After seeing the street play people have understood that we should not do child
marriages (baal vivaah) because at a young age children don’t know what is happening
with them.”
“Earlier never used to send girls outside; but now allow them to play outside; Nowadays some
families send their women folk outside.”
“Earlier people used to never allow women to go out alone; but now allow them to go out. Girls
should be married at the age of 18. Earlier child marriages used to happen. Some people called up
the police and they arrived. And people hid them (the bride and groom). The police stayed here for
three days. Akkha teej ( alocal festival) got over- that’s when the marriages take place. That
festival passed. A badoli (processions) comes out of the house, that was stopped. The villagers also
stayed quiet. The police said, that this (child marriage) is wrong. “We will send them (the ones
commiting child marriage) to prison.” This caused the marriage to stop and this was a very good
138
thing.
“They marry off young girls which is wrong. She should be allowed to study. K (change
maker) explained all this to us. All this change has come about due to WECAN and reading
the books.. we see in the neighbourhood that they are marrying her at a young age and
they were stopped and the girls are being educated. “
Female respondents in a focus group discussion, village Utesar, Luni block, Jodhpur district,
Rajasthan
All interviews across the board in Rajasthan have some reference to either preventing or not
supporting child marriage. Most change makers who fall in the category of significant reporting of
change have at least one story to share about how they have stopped child marriage. Given below is
one such excerpt.
A change maker, Gopal Ram has shared an example of drastic change. He along with
other change makers created a forum which was so strong that even the local MLA
commended thier capabilities. One of the villagers was being forced to perform a large
funeral feast “Mrityu Bhoj” by the caste panchayat. This function is often followed by
mass child marriages. He was selling his land for this purpose. The changemaker and
collective felt that this should not happen and he must not be made to sell his land. They
landed up at the villager’s home to explain the matter to the caste panchayat. The caste
panchayat threatened the change makers so they went to the sub division magistrate
and gave him a petition. The police arrived and all child marriages in the area was
stopped. Some of the change makers were ostracised but Gopal Ram feels happy that
this happened because it created fear among people “Now child marriages do not take
place though funeral feasts do.”
The narrative of a 15 year old unmarried change maker from these villages highlights
the benefits of change by women in the area. “I can now roam around freely for
example I came here to give my interview and am feeling happy about it. Now I am also
pursuing higher studies. Earlier I used to think that I will not study anymore but my
family members trusted my abilities and I started feeling that I could become
something. Earlier my family members would not let me go out or let me talk to boys for
the fear that something might happen to me. No I go out of the house and talk to boys.
My family lets me study and lets me do anything I want. Earlier they would say don’t go
out of the house, don’t meet boys but now they don’t stop me.
In the case of these sample villages of Rajastan, the tipping point has been reached due to several
different factors interacting with each other.
1.) A group of champion change makers working on the issue of violence actively. 18 of the 28
change makers sampled from these villages have shown significant deepening of change. In
their narratives they have talked about actively reaching out to others especially their
139
relatives who are also their neighbours and discussing the issue of violence with them.
2.) Two local WECAN volunteers Ghevar ram and Pappu ji are extremely active in the area and
use every formal and informal interactions an opportunity to sensitise people on the issue of
violence against women. In fact several people in change maker’s circle of influence have
recalled of first hearing the issue of child marriage from Pappu and Ghevar.
3.) Pappu, Ghevar and a group of active change makers are emerging as pressure groups in
these villages. They have taken public stances by intervening in situation of domestic
violence. The previous sections of the report have quoted several examples including the
case of Gopal Ram above.
4.) Child marriage is a pain area for both men and women but is something they have never
been able to question on their own. Practically every change maker’s narrative reveals
shades of regret at having been married very young. Many of them have shared that child
marriage is the one thing they wished would be different in their lives. Therefore community
readiness for this issue has been high. People’s own exposure to the outside world is also
showing them the prospect of a better life where the prospect of a better life where higher
education means a better job. Exposure of urban areas where woman and girls have greater
mobility has also been mentioned by some of the change makers as the reason for their
changed outlook to women.
It would seem that a combination of individual change and collective pressure has created a tipping
point for the non acceptance of child marriage. Individual stories of change makers and the people in
their circle of influence have shades of more or less change but non-tolerance to child marriage and
the importance of girl’s education seems to be emerging as a shared community value among the
change makers and their circle of influence.
Conclusion
Deepened change among several change makers in the area, the presence of champion change
makers such as Pappu and Ghevar as well as a collective vision of not supporting child marriage may
be contributing to creating a tipping point in this area.
At the same time, a tipping point leads to a change in social norms and any norm is the consequence
of a set of attitudes and beliefs. Therefore, a change in a norm requires a shift in several interrelated
attitudes and beliefs. For example, the norm that violence in any form is not acceptable is upheld by
several sets of beliefs about women’s social status, their roles, what their rights and entitlements are
as well as what their duties and responsibilities are. In order to change the norm that VAW is not
acceptable in any form, several sets of such attitudes and beliefs would need to change. The
campaign assessment shows that some of these attitudes and beliefs are changing significantly
whereas on some others the change is slower. The belief that men and women are equal, have equal
rights and that men should participate in housework and that specific forms of discrimination are
unacceptable are emerging as strong values. However, to move to a stage where non tolerance to
VAW under any circumstances and in any form becomes a habit, the changed values need to be
140
practised continuously, with awareness. The assessment results suggest that the campaign’s
contribution has been to set in motion smaller tipping points at a local level, which if consciously
nurtured can lead to broader social change.
141
CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSIONS
11. The assessment has highlighted the following picture on deepening of change among change
makers regionally.
12. The assessment results show that among the old change makers covered by the study 95%
of change makers have changed because of WECAN. Among them, 79% display deepened
change, either to a significant or to some degree. Thus a significant proportion of change
makers have shown deepening of change.
13. The category of change makers showing significant deepening of change is the highest.
Nepal has the highest number of change makers from this category and Sri Lanka the lowest.
14. The process of measuring deepening of change requires engaging with the context in which
the change maker is embedded. In fact context has also been crucial in also categorising
change makers.
15. The table below indicates the extent to which the campaign has met some of the outcomes
it had set for phase II. It may be noted that the study has assessed four of the five outcomes,
as the fifth outcome required a very specific sample and a different study design which was
outside the scope of the assessment.
16. The campaign has shown significant gains vis a vis outcome I, III and IV. While a fair
proportion of change makers have made instances of VAW visible, the acceptance towards
women speaking out about their experiences of domestic violence is not high.
142
Outcomes
Indicators
Results
I. Rejection/ reduced
tolerance/ non acceptance
of violence against women
in the community in any
form by community
members and change
makers
1. Change-makers and community
members can identify:
* 79% of change makers have
provided concrete examples of
taking actions to prevent VAW.
- at least one alternative way to
resolve conflicts in relationships
- report actions to prevent violence in
each community
2. Community members (that is
change makers and people in their
sphere of influence) hold the view
that violence against women is
unacceptable
II. Greater acceptance
towards women speaking
out against domestic
violence
- Change makers display positive
attitude towards women speaking out
about domestic violence
- Community members (that is people
in the change makers sphere of
influence) display positive attitude
towards women reporting domestic
violence
- Change makers report incidents
where they have facilitated making
visible instances of domestic violence
in the community
III. Increased awareness
among change makers
about the benefits of
violence free relationships
for men, women and
families
- Change makers and community
members are able to identify the
benefits of violence free families to
men, women and families
- Change makers and community
members believe that violence free
homes are possible and equal
relations in intimate relationships is
worth achieving
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* 84.8% of change makers and 81%
of people in their circles of
influence have endorsed the view
that VAW is not acceptable. The
most common reasons given are
that violence will increase if people
keep quiet, it is important to
protest and that VAW is
unacceptable (66.7% of change
makers and 61.7% of people in
their COI have shared this).
*66.5% of change makers and
55.4% of people in their COI have
endorsed the view that women
should share about her
experiences of domestic violence.
44.2% of change makers have
shared the view that women
should talk about the issue only if
they feel that a solution can be
found. Shame and family honour is
the other strong reason among
those disagreeing with this notion.
* All change makers from the
category of significant deepening
of change and a smaller proportion
of change makers from the
category of some deepening of
change have shared instances of
making the issue visible in the
community.
*89% (502/559) of change makers
and 70% of people in their COI
have been able to identify a family
around them that is an example of
a violence free family.
*The most common reason quoted
by both groups for considering
them as violence free is because
they practise equality (31% of
people in the COI and 59% of
change makers have offered this
reason in different ways).
IV. Increased evidence of
change makers and other
community members
taking responsibility to
build and strengthen
violence free relationships
- Change makers believe that they
have a role in ending VAW
- Community groups recognise they
have a role to end VAW
* 92.3% of change makers and
90.3% of people in their COI
strongly endorse the view that the
community should support women
facing violence.
* 62% of people in the change
maker’s COI identify themselves as
change makers, whether or not
they have taken the oath or signed
the form.
17. While objective criteria have been used to categorise change makers, the starting point of
the stories of significant change for a given country seems to have created a benchmark
against which other categories have been influenced and defined. In both Pakistan and
Bangladesh the stories which fall into the category of significant change are very intense,
which has influenced the subsequent categorisation of change makers. In other words, the
criteria for measuring the movement from ‘good’ to ‘great’ (change to deepening of change)
are influenced by the intensity of all the stories of change gathered in a particular country.
18. The notion of inequality as a form of VAW has become well ingrained in change makers.
They have identified several situations of inequality as forms of violence as well as expressed
equal relationships as a feature of violence free families. This understanding is visible across
the three categories of change makers showing change. Thus, the understanding that VAW is
essentially a reflection of different forms of inequality and discrimination has emerged in
several ways in the change maker narratives as well as the section on measuring attitudes
and perceptions.
19. The attitudes and perceptions of change makers on violence free families, gender roles and
violence against women shows that change makers showing significant deepening of change
have performed consistently better than their counterparts from the other categories. In
comparison with this group, change makers showing no change seem to have more negative
attitudes.
20. The current attitudes held by those change makers who have experienced change are more
positive than those who have reported no change as a result of the campaign. While it must
be acknowledged that this category of no change is very small in the overall sample (only 22
change makers), it nevertheless points to a potential trend if the study is conducted on a
larger scale.
21. The attitude section also shows unambiguously that the gap between the attitudes of
change makers showing significant deepening of change and the other categories is large to
significantly large. Thus this category of change makers is clealrly a highly sensitised and
aware group that is not just showing change in terms of thinking and behaviours or actions
but is also displaying attitudes that are very positive. In the absence of baseline, it is very
difficult to compare their movement with a pripr situation. However, this cannot take away
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from the fact that they are showing consistency in attitudinal stances as well as behavioural
changes. This group is one of pioneering champions.
22. Awareness about the issue has moved well beyond the change maker and permeated groups
within their environment. However, WECAN is not the only cause as sources of messaging
are multiple but the change maker is an important source of information and knowledge.
23. The key issues on which changes are being reported by the COI across all countries, include
 Greater awareness in community on subtle and ‘invisible’ forms of VAW
 Clear articulation of non acceptance of VAW and the need to intervene in stopping
it.
 Strong acceptance of the belief that men and women/boys and girls are equal
 A high degree of support for education of girls, equal educational opportunities for
girls
 A strong recognition of the need to treat men and women/boys and girls equally
 Supporting mobility of women and girls by rejecting the stigma/ supposed dishonour
attached to it
 Rejecting the mindset and practise of early marriages of girl children
 Greater participation of men in housework (particularly striking in Bangladesh)
 Becoming conscious of using non abusive language towards girls and women
(particularly striking in Nepal)
24. In this way, the campaign is playing an important role in tipping the balance in favour of
intolerance to VAW. The community level changes may be seen as smaller tipping points
that are pushing gender norms to change.
25. Change makers hold more positive attitudes than people in their circles of influence.
However, the trend of responses is similar showing that change makers and their COI hold a
common set of attitudes and beliefs; there is a common set of values shared by these two
groups. In order to grow attitudinal change both the change maker and their circles of
influence would have to be targeted so that each one supports the other in maintaining the
context of change.
26. The attitudinal data of both the change makers as well as the people in their COI points to a
clearer rejection of violative and discriminatory behaviours when they are positioned in the
context of the presence or absence of violence. However, when the same kinds of issues
have been positioned without this backdrop, the responses have been more ambivalent.
This suggests that the process of awareness may not have necessarily translated into deeper
values on VAW.
27. The assessment also shows that deepening of change among the change makers is
influenced by intrinsic and extrinsic factors. Among the former one’s own level of discomfort
with the issue, exposure to violence in the family or surroundings, a sense of purpose and
personal characteristics such as tenacity and determination seem to be playing an important
role. Among the extrinsic factors, the presence of a supportive family environment or on the
other side, the lack of it; presence of a COI which is changing itself and by doing so changing
the change maker also; and the recognition being gained by the change makers in the
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community are working as a set of associated factors in impacting the deepening of change.
These factors are working in a variety of combinations and impact each other.
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CHAPTER 8: RECCOMENDATIONS

The assessment in all countries is showing the presence of a strong set of pioneering
champions (change makers showing significant deepening of change) who are engaging with
the issue passionately. This constituency as well as their communities need to be nurtured.

Moving forward, the campaign should address some of the extrinsic and intrinsic factors that
can enable more change makers to move to a deeper level of change. This includes
strategies such as celebrating success stories of change makers and their communities.
Mechanisms that enable change makers to become more conscious of the change they and
their COI’s are going through could be another potential strategy for deepening and growing
the change.

Large scale re-engagement activities are not as effective as smaller meetings and small scale
activities, in deepening change.

The notion of inequality as a form of violence is well entrenched in the minds of the change
makers and to a large extent among their circles of influence. However, deeper attitudinal
change among change makers that embeds the values that violence is not acceptable under
any circumstances needs to be facilitated. This would help the campaign to also improve the
change maker’s understanding of issues perceived as “high risk”, such as women’s mobility
and women speaking out against domestic violence. This could be addressed through
communication materials as well as the use of self reflection tools.

The narrative data and inspiring stories of change generated through the assessment should
be utilised in material development for the campaign.
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