Chapter 8: Summary and Conclusions
The broader goal of this dissertation research was to investigate the strategies used by
hunter-gatherer populations in the past to colonize and inhabit diverse landscapes throughout the
globe. Due to their relative geographic isolation, unpredictable natural environment and
dynamic culture-history, the Kuril Islands provided an attractive social and natural setting with
which to investigate the range of adaptations necessary for living in regions at the limits of
marginality. By combining the distinctive sub-arctic, island environment of the Kuril
archipelago with problem-oriented archaeological research, this dissertation aimed to contribute
to the understanding of how hunter-gatherers adapted to the demands of extreme environments
and the hazard, risks and uncertainty associated with these unique landscapes. In order to
achieve dissertation goals, this study focused on three primary research objectives. These
included 1) contributing to knowledge concerning the occupation history of the Kuril Islands, 2)
investigation of spatial and temporal changes in hunter-gatherer pottery production/use and 3)
exploring the identification and adaptive role of social networks in mitigating environmental
uncertainty within hunter-gatherer populations.
One of the most significant contributions of this research is a thorough and systematic
study of the history, production and exchange of pottery remains recovered within the Kuril
archipelago. The data and interpretations generated by this research will add to not only our
understanding of regional patterns within the archaeological record of the Kuril Islands but also
more broadly to maritime foraging societies throughout the North Pacific Rim. Of particular
interest to this research was the role of social networking as an adaptive strategy for helping
individuals and groups reduce their degree of uncertainty through the acquisition of material
goods and information. Building from a human behavioral ecology framework, a simplifying
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model was developed that provided a series of predictions for the structure of social networks
within varying environmental settings of the Kuril archipelago. The model expected that in
regions of the island chain with increased hazards and risks, inhabitants would invest in social
networking strategies in order to increase their knowledge base and reduce uncertainty. These
predictions were evaluated through a novel research framework that constructed social network
models from the elemental composition of hunter-gatherer pottery and the evaluation of these
networks with social network analysis methods.
8.1 Research Results and their Significance
8.1.1 Cultural and Chronological Associations of Kuril Pottery
One of the central objectives of this study was the systematic evaluation of Kuril pottery
styles and their cultural and chronological implications for understanding the occupation of the
archipelago. As outlined throughout chapter 5, pottery styles in all regions of the Kuril
archipelago reflect strong cultural influences from eastern and northern Hokkaido. Nearly every
occupation period in the Kuril Islands can be associated with analogous ceramic styles to
Hokkaido with numerous styles showing clear diagnostic similarities. It can be argued that while
some cultural influence from Kamchatka was likely in the past, and known to occur during the
Ainu period (Snow 1897), the vast majority of pottery remains in the island chain are clearly
related to ceramic traditions in Hokkaido. Therefore, in developing broader interpretations about
the colonization and habitation of the Kuril Islands the strong cultural connections or possible
absence of these connections to Hokkaido should not be underestimated.
The association between diagnostic pottery styles and occupation periods of the Kuril
Islands provides a source of evidence for correlating pottery styles with chronological periods.
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As highlighted in section 5.4, at least seven different diagnostic types demonstrate strong
affiliation with their expected radiocarbon ages including types assigned to the Middle and Late
Jomon, the early Epi-Jomon and the middle Okhotsk periods. Furthermore, the temporal
distribution of these pottery types generally conforms to the occupation history presented in the
temporal frequency distributions of radiocarbon dates. The significance of the association
between pottery types and radiocarbon dates is that future research in the Kuril Islands can
reliably use selected pottery styles to infer cultural and chronological occupation.
8.1.2 Kuril Pottery Production and Use
The goal of investigating pottery-manufacturing techniques in the Kuril Islands was to
broadly understand how Kuril potters adapted their production processes to an environmental
setting with new challenges and constraints. Within many hunter-gatherer groups in Arctic and
sub-Arctic regions, pottery vessels are often crudely and quickly constructed with little to no
firing of the ceramic vessels (Harry et al. 2009). By evaluating the production process of both
Epi-Jomon and Okhotsk potters, it is clear that the pottery created in the Kuril Islands was
neither crude nor expedient. The production sequence, especially during the Epi-Jomon, shows
technological skill in producing strong yet thin-walled vessels that are very effective in the
transfer of heat as well as remaining durable. Producing such well-made vessels in the damp and
foggy environment of the Kuril archipelago undoubtedly required some trial and error with novel
raw materials and firing conditions but likely utilized a well-developed knowledge base from the
strong historical tradition of pottery manufacture in East Asia. The presence of well-constructed
pottery suggests that populations in the archipelago were at least semi-permanent residents at
specific locations in order to complete the entire pottery production process.
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Perhaps unexpectedly, major differences in technological attributes of pottery are not
based upon variability in environmental conditions between regions but rather the cultural
affiliation of pottery vessels. As demonstrated in chapter 6, minor variations occur in wall
thickness, base thickness and temper abundances between regions but more significant variation
in these attributes occur between Epi-Jomon and Okhotsk affiliated pottery. In combination with
differences in the presence of organic residue biomarkers, it can be hypothesized that different
cooking strategies are being utilized by the two different cultures. While more definitive
evidence is still lacking, the use of different cooking strategies implies an alternative use and
preparation of resources. Drawing upon work from Reid (1989), the technological features of
Okhotsk pottery (thicker walls and much thicker bases) along with the absence of alkylphenyl
alkanoic biomarkers suggests the use of pottery vessels to maintain a low simmering heat rather
than a rapid boil. Experimental evidence (Reid 1989) highlights that lower temperature cooking
is most often accomplished through the placement of hot stones inside of the vessel and
commonly used in the rendering of oil from animal fats. Furthermore, it is acknowledged that
within hunter-gatherer societies that rely on fish or deer, marine oil is one of the most highly
valued prestige items (Hayden 1990) .
In comparing the Kuril Islands with maritime environments in the eastern North Pacific,
the production of marine oil from whale, seal, sea lion or fish fat is not surprising. As
ethnographic evidence from populations on Kodiak Island demonstrate, oil was an important
commodity in the winter storage of edible roots, stems, berries and leaves that were collected
during the summer months (Holmberg 1985:41-42). Early explorer Davydov (1976:16) goes so
far as to remark, “without [oil] they could barely exist and would never be happy”. As suggested
by Fitzhugh (2003:69) drawing from Speth and Spielmann (1983), the importance of oil within
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communities around Kodiak may be a biological response to supplement the nutritional
deficiencies of a lean-meat, high protein diet with marine fats essential for surviving late winter
and early spring resource depressions.
8.1.3 Exchange of Kuril Pottery and Networking Strategies
The investigation of pottery movement and/or exchange between archaeological sites in
the Kuril archipelago aimed to demonstrate a methodological process for evaluating local
production as well as exploring the ability of archaeological networks to evaluate predictions of
the information network model. Results of this research (chapter 7) indicate that the amount of
pottery produced locally at each archaeological site in the Kuril archipelago is highly variable
ranging from 0% to 93% of site assemblages. These results suggest that pottery is not
manufactured in all habitation locations throughout the island chain and that certain locales are
more conducive to pottery manufacture. In general, archaeological sites located in the southern
region tend to have a higher proportion of locally produced pottery compared to sites in the
central and north-central region. This pattern is likely due to a wide variety of factors including
higher quality and/or more abundant clay resources or locations that are occupied during summer
months (or year-round) when environmental conditions favor pottery production.
Given the fragmented and often incomplete archaeological record of small-scale and mobile
hunter-gatherers, interpretations of prehistoric social relationships have often relied upon ethnographic
accounts and projected these onto material traces. The intellectual merits of this research come from
novel and quantitative approach to reconstructing and evaluating network models of past hunter-gatherer
networks through the sole use of material remains. Specifically, this included the developing models of
past networks using geochemical sourcing methods and quantitatively analyzing these networks with
tools adapted from social network analysis.
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Results of analyzing network models for Epi-Jomon and Okhotsk networks conclude that
the structure of these archaeological networks both agree and disagree with expected model
patterns. For example, the Epi-Jomon network generally meets expectations as it tends to be
more isolated with fewer network ties occurring at the inter-regional scale. However, in contrast
to model expectation of higher tie density, Epi-Jomon sites in the central region demonstrate an
isolated structure similar to the south region. The Okhotsk network largely meets model
expectations as the distribution of ties from sites in the central and north-central region consists
of numerous regional and inter-regional relationships suggesting a more integrated network
form. The results of this network research are generally support interpretations of social
relationships identified through the compositional analysis of obsidian in the Kuril Islands
(Phillips 2011). As Phillips (2011) identified, networks connections shift from an even spatial
distribution of connections during the Epi-Jomon period to connections exclusively to the north
during the Okhotsk period. The implication is that the Epi-Jomon and Okhotsk settlement of the
remote islands is fundamentally different in how they structure their social relationships and
likely the motivation for inhabiting this unique region.
While the form of networks broadly agrees with model predictions, the function of the
network as a strategy for mitigating uncertainty remains inconclusive. This assertion is based
upon differences in the connectedness of sites in the central and north-central regions between
the Epi-Jomon and Okhotsk periods. Assuming uncertainty remains fairly constant through time,
Epi-Jomon sites in these regions remain isolated whereas in the Okhotsk network these same
sites are more connected. This conclusion is informative for current and future research as it
suggests that the influence of hazards, risk and uncertainty on social network structures in the
Kuril Islands is mediated by a host of political, cultural, economic and technological practices.
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These outcomes propose a host of additional research questions concerning how other strategies
might influence the impact of uncertainty on foraging populations such as the presence of
alternative behaviors for acquiring information (micro-band, macro-band); the impact of
innovations in transportation (boating) technology or the influence of a regional trading system
throughout Northeast Asia. While these questions require future archaeological research to
answer, the compositional and network analysis of pottery sherds from the Kuril Islands provide
a valuable source of current and future evidence with which to build future research questions.
8.2 Broader Research Implications
One of the broader outcomes of this is research is a new perspective on hunter-gatherer
colonization and habitation of marginal landscapes throughout the globe. As highlighted by
Rockman (2003) and Anthony (1997), the colonization of unfamiliar landscapes is inherently a
social process that is fundamentally influenced by diverse range of social, political, demographic
and economic factors. The implication is that each colonization or abandonment of a population
is a unique amalgamation of individual decisions formalized into a related set of physical
actions.
8.2.1 Implications for Understanding the Epi-Jomon Settlement of the Kuril Islands
In reviewing the results of this research, the occupation of the Kuril Islands by Late
Jomon/Epi-Jomon and Okhotsk populations can both be considered as migratory events to
unfamiliar landscapes but likely differ in their underlying motivations for migration. The spatial
and temporal pattern of Jomon/Epi-Jomon settlement, as identified by pottery styles and
radiocarbon dates, correlates with a stepping stone migration pattern extending from south to
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north throughout the Late and Final Jomon into the Early Epi-Jomon. The implication of this
stepping-stone pattern is that sites in newly colonized areas are not likely to differ strongly from
each other in terms of their material culture. This suggestion is generally supported, as stylistic
and technological traits of Epi-Jomon pottery and settlements are quite similar throughout the
archipelago.
Around 3200 cal BP, the Jomon/Epi-Jomon migration process extended across the Bussol
Strait to the remote Kuril Islands and into an unfamiliar but not completely novel landscape.
Using compositional data it can be identified that some of the earlier migrants to this region may
have maintained connections back to the southern region. While limited, three pottery sherds are
identified that were produced at sites in the central islands (Rasshua and Drobnye) and moved to
sites in the southern islands (Ainu Creek) prior to 2290 cal BP (the earliest phase of the EpiJomon period). The interpretation of this pattern is that the Jomon/Epi-Jomon colonization of
the Kuril Islands is an incremental process of individuals and populations extending their
landscape knowledge and ultimately their boundaries. Therefore, it is proposed that the
colonization of the remote Kuril Islands is not a result of a major economic or social crisis but
rather a gradual extension of Jomon/Epi-Jomon culture into a potentially productive landscape of
abundant marine mammals and birds. Abandonment of Epi-Jomon sites appears to follow a
similar pattern with a gradual retraction of populations, as determined from pottery styles, from
sites in the central and north-central region over the course of nearly 400 years (1700 cal BP –
1300 cal BP). While likely a combination of social and environmental factors, this abandonment
does correspond to the onset of the Kofun cold stage throughout Japan and Northeast Asia
(Razjigaeva et al. 2012). It is important to note that the presence of a climatic cold period would
have not necessarily made the central islands a less productive environment but would have
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increased the length of winter and amplified the difficulty in procuring food during the late
winter and early spring.
8.2.2 Implications for Understanding the Okhotsk Settlement of the Kuril Islands
The occupation of the Kuril Islands by Okhotsk populations also represents a migration
and re-colonization of the remote islands but evidence does not indicate the same stepping-stone
type of migration pattern. While Okhotsk sites exist in the southern islands, the majority of
settlements and pottery remains are found at sites in the central and north-central regions of the
archipelago. This pattern indicates either a strong “push” out of Hokkaido or more likely a
strong “pull” of the central islands. These “push” or “pull” factors seemingly cause Okhotsk
populations to bypass settlement of the more diverse southern region in favor of the less diverse
and more unpredictable central and north-central regions. In other words, the rapid and focused
pattern displayed by Okhotsk settlement suggests the purposeful migration and occupation of the
more marginal remote Kuril Islands. In drawing from preliminary evidence from this research,
one potential “pull” factor in the settlement of the central and north-central islands would be the
ability to produce and trade larger quantities of marine oil.
If Okhotsk populations are engaging in the production and exchange of marine oil, it is
expected that exchange networks associated with Okhotsk populations would display increased
number of ties and a greater proportion of ties extending beyond the central and north-central
regions; a network structure previously identified (chapter 7) within the Okhotsk pottery
assemblage. Similar to an information sharing network, the higher density and more distant ties
would be advantageous in an economic trade network by allowing the more efficient
dissemination of products and/or information to trade partners. Based upon obsidian sourcing
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data presented by Phillips (2011), if Okhotsk populations inhabiting the archipelago exported
marine oil it would have most likely moved northwards (potentially in exchange for obsidian), to
populations inhabiting the southern coast of Kamchatka, where Kamchadal populations of the
“Relic Neolithic” were known to have a well-developed fishing economy (Chard 1974). While
still preliminary, the “marine oil” hypothesis, as developed here, presents a complementary and
intriguing hypothesis that might help explain the structure and function of the Okhotsk social
relationships.
The more northern orientation of Kuril Okhotsk social relationships, possibly for the
trade of marine products, also provides potential insights into the rapid abandonment of the
central and north-central regions around 800 cal BP. During the Middle and Late Okhotsk
period in the Kuril Islands, an extensive regional exchange system develops between Hokkaido,
Sakhalin and Manchuria (Hudson 2004). However, most archaeological and historical evidence
suggests the Okhotsk were not actively incorporated into the regional exchange systems due to
social disputes with neighboring Satsumon populations that were more typically involved in the
exchange system (Hudson 2004). With the onset of yet another cold period, the Little Ice Age
(Razjigaeva et al. 2012), it can be hypothesized that the exchange relationships the Kuril
Okhotsk maintained with populations in Kamchatka (and not Hokkaido) did not provide the
necessary access to materials or exchange partnerships to remain viable in the central and northcentral regions. With increasing long winters, more difficult travel conditions and potentially
less demand or increased costs for marine products, the incentives for continued habitation in the
remote Kurils are minimal. Given the concurrent combination of economic, social and
environmental factors constraining habitation of this region, Okhotsk populations simply chose
to abandon their settlements in the Kuril Islands.
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8.2.3 Implications for Archaeological Research in Island Settings
Over the last few decades, archaeological research within island environments has moved
from the margins to a more central role in anthropological studies particularly concerning
research on human evolution, migration, cultural change and human adaptation (Erlandson and
Fitzpatrick 2006:21). The research presented here provides evidence that foraging societies
inhabiting island environments may have dealt with unique biogeographical constraints but often
successfully managed the environmental challenges associated with living in these landscapes. It
is proposed in this research that biogeographical variables are not a dominant influence on the
behavioral strategies utilized by maritime hunter-gatherer in the Kuril Islands, as is initially
posited within a human behavioral ecology framework. Rather, the technological and social
adaptations of populations to island environments are influenced by a multifaceted combination
of demographic, socio-cultural, economic and historical factors. In the development of future
research in the Kuril Islands, the importance of these alternative factors in important in
understanding how the social and natural conditions of island environments influence social
networks patterns and shape culture change.
8.3 Future Research
The results of research reported in this dissertation have produced intriguing but not
conclusive insights into the complex occupation patterns of the Kuril Islands. The current study,
which only utilized radiocarbon dates to infer the chronological association of pottery types,
could benefit significantly from the direct luminescence dating of pottery types that were not
clearly associated with a radiocarbon date (around 70% of diagnostic pottery types). This is
especially true for surface collected pottery samples that do not demonstrate culturally diagnostic
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decoration but contain formal or technological attributes that suggest affiliation with either EpiJomon or Okhotsk cultures (such as wall thickness, base thickness or body design). Currently,
14 pottery samples are being analyzed at the University of Washington Luminescence Lab to
help provide higher chronological resolution for Epi-Jomon and Okhotsk pottery types recovered
at various sites in the Kuril Islands.
The investigation of pottery production conducted as part of this research has contributed
an intriguing hypothesis about the potential importance of marine oil production during the
Okhotsk occupation of the archipelago. However, extensive future research is necessary to
further test this hypothesis. Of particular importance is establishing a better understanding of
how hot stone boiling methods would have benefitted the production of marine oils and whether
this cooking strategy actually does provide greater control over temperatures. Based upon
current industrial rendering methods, low temperature heating (~60o C) is typically used in the
more delicate extraction of oils from liver or blubber (Shahidi et al. 1994) rather than the higher
temperatures associated with extraction from bone marrow (Church and Lyman 2003). These
lingering questions clearly lend themselves to future experimental research that more fully
investigates the link between the production of marine oil and our archaeological expectations
for the technological traits of pottery. While work on obtaining compound specific isotopes of
extracted lipids is currently underway, which will provide clarity into the types of species used
for production, future funding of experimental work highlighting the production methods of
marine oil with different cooking strategies will likely be pursued.
In future research, I also plan to continue refining the novel methodology presented for
the construction of social networks from the compositional analysis of pottery remains. As
highlighted in Chapter 7, the sourcing of pottery remains provides numerous conceptual
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advantages for archaeological research but methodological challenges in the identification of
source groups has traditionally reduced the confidence in the interpretations drawn from this
pottery provenance research. An area of methodological refinement is the use of model-based
and probabilistic methods (Papageorgiou et al. 2001) for the statistical identification of
geochemical similarity rather than the established multivariate approach. Preliminary statistical
research in this area has provided encouraging outcomes with the use of a regression-based
framework to identify local and non-local samples within site assemblages.
Perhaps most important to future research is further investigation into how the Kuril
Islands fits within the larger regional system of Northeast Asia. Given the perceived importance
and connections of both Epi-Jomon and Okhotsk cultures with populations in Hokkaido and
Kamchatka, the hunter-gatherers of the Kuril Islands are clearly not a set of people living in
isolation but rather directly and indirectly influenced by the economic, environmental, social and
political dynamics of the surrounding regions. Key aspects of this future research will include
more fully investigating the origins of the Ainu and evaluating the assimilation hypothesis
(Hudson 2004) of Okhotsk and Satsumon cultures in Hokkaido and the potential implication of
the assimilation process on peripheral Okhotsk populations in the Kuril Islands. It is initially
proposed the similar geochemical sourcing studies of pottery from this assimilation period may
be a profitable avenue of research with which to evaluate the degree of contact between Okhotsk
and Satsumon groups.
At a broader level, this research has and will continue to contribute to investigating how
social dimensions of human behavior can be evaluated within the premises of human behavioral
ecology models. While social networks have not traditionally been analyzed within an HBE
framework, the development of simple theoretical models is clearly beneficial to investigating
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and testing expectations concerning the structure and function of prehistoric social relationships.
More importantly, the modeling framework provides clear indications of where archaeological
expectations are not sufficient and therefore highlights avenues of future research to help refine
and enhance our understanding of the complex history of the Kuril Islands.
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