ORGANIZATIONS, MEDIA, AND INSTITUTIONAL CHANGE:
THE CASE OF THE ACADEMIC FREEDOM MOVEMENT***
Deana A. Rohlinger
Associate Professor
Department of Sociology
Florida State University
Jordan Brown
Graduate Student
Department of Sociology
Florida State University
*** Please do not cite without the permission of the first author. Please direct all correspondence
to Deana Rohlinger at drohling@fsu.edu.
1
Organizations drive institutional change. Organizations make coordinated action possible
and facilitate activists’ efforts to aggregate and deploy human, financial, and symbolic resources
in ways that challenge authorities (Cress and Snow 1996; Gamson 1990; McCarthy and Zald
1977). It is not surprising, then, that scholars focus on the characteristics of social movement
organizations and try to parse out when and how activist groups affect change in a range of
institutional settings, including political, educational, and religious institutions (Amenta,
Carruthers, and Zylan 1992; Binder 2002; Burstein 1985; Gusfield 1963; Katzenstein 1999;
Rochon 1998; Soule and Olzak 2004). This line of research has yielded important insights
regarding the ways in which organizational characteristics can shape the relative effectiveness of
an activist group. Scholars, for example, have convincingly demonstrated that organizational
structure and goals affect the ability of movement groups to access political institutions, take
advantage of emerging political opportunities, and gain acceptance and new advantages (Gamson
1990; McCarthy and Zald 1973; McCarthy and Zald 1977; Staggenborg 1988; Tilly 1978).
Over the last two decades, however, some social movement scholars have advocated
(sometimes implicitly) for a focus on organizational identity rather than organizational
characteristics alone (Clemens 1996; Clemens 1997; Minkoff 1999; Rohlinger 2002; Woehrle,
Coy, and Maney 2008). Organizational identity refers to a group’s self definition project, which
is, in part, a result of field dynamics (Whetten and Mackey 2002). Social movement groups are
embedded in a larger multiorganizational field that consists of opponents and allies who work to
advance their particularistic agendas in a common institutional setting (Curtis and Zurcher 1973;
Klandermans 1992). When a group organizes, it does so relative to other actors in the field
(Whetten 2006) and with an awareness of a movement’s history of success and failure.
Organizational identity, which has structural and ideational components,1 establishes how a
group is similar to and different from other actors in the field and tries to account for history in
ways that give it a strategic advantage with its target (Deephouse 1999; Whetten 2006).2
Organizational identity, which is observable through actions and statements taken on
behalf of a group (Whetten 2006), serves three core functions.3 First, it communicates the
purpose and goals of an organization to the broader public which includes institutional
authorities, bystander audiences, and opponents. Second, and related, organizational identity
provides a template for relationships within an organization as well as a set of “scripts” that
outline the boundaries for acceptable action as a group works towards its goals (Clemens 1997;
Whetten 2006; Whetten and Mackey 2002). Finally, organizational identity provides a common
The choice of organizational identity and structure are “parallel if not identical” projects
(Whetten 2006).
1
2
Organizations, in other words, are social actors (Clemens and Minkoff 2004; Whetten and
Mackey 2002) and social artifacts, or tools founded for a specific purpose (Scott 2003).
3
Whetten (2006) argues that organizational identity and collective identity are different. The
former refers to the identity of a collective actor and the latter to the identity of a collection of
actors.
2
language that leaders and members employ when they act or speak on behalf of a group
(Whetten 2006; Whetten and Mackey 2002).
A focus on organizational identity (instead of organizational characteristics alone)
highlights how organizational arrangements, within and among groups, shape movement
dynamics, including (de)mobilization of a population (Clemens 1993; Eliasoph 1998), shifts in a
movement’s tactical repertoire (McCammon 2003), and coalition work and conflict (Lo 1990;
Polletta 2002), movement outcomes (Clemens 1996; Clemens 1997), and the trajectories of
activist groups. The consequences of social movements are notoriously difficult to assess
(Giugni 1998) in part because activist groups operate in several institutional settings
simultaneously (Armstrong and Bernstein 2008). While each setting has its own logic or “rules
of the game” by which power is won, maintained, and lost (DiMaggio and Powell 1983; Meyer
and Rowan 1977; Thornton and Ocasio 2008), institutional fields overlap (Bourdieu 1998b),
which can enhance (or diminish) the leverage of a movement actor against its target. A
movement group that is regarded as legitimate in one institutional setting may find that it has
additional leverage with its targets. In contrast, an activist organization that is deemed
illegitimate may find it more difficult to influence the policies and practices of its target.
Organizational identity, in short, constrains how an activist group navigates a given institutional
setting and shapes its outcomes in it.
Here, we examine how organizational identity shapes the ways in which movement
groups use mass media to affect institutional change. Mass media play an important role in
institutional change. Specifically, mass media aid in the mobilization of consensus and action
and help a social movement group create opportunities to alter institutional policies and practices
(Gamson and Meyer 1996; Raeburn 2004; Walgrave and Manssens 2000). 4 Drawing on a
qualitative analysis of two organizations mobilizing around academic freedom, Students for
Academic Freedom (SAF) and Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (FIRE), as well as
a comprehensive examination of media coverage, we show that how a group does so varies
according to who a group seeks to mobilize (and to what end) as well as its organizational
reputation with mainstream media.
Organizational Identity and the Mobilization of Consensus and Action
Social movement organizations must generate support for its ideas and goals and move
people to action if they are to challenge authorities effectively (Klandermans 1984; Klandermans
1992). Mass media play an integral role in this regard. Media coverage, particularly in
mainstream news outlets, can validate movement ideas and organizations, help grow the
membership, coffers, and legitimacy of a social movement group and provide an opportunity for
activists to shape public debate (Gamson and Meyer 1996; Gamson and Wolfsfeld 1993;
Raeburn 2004; Vliegenthart, Oegema, and Klandermans 2005). Social movement organizations
also can use Internet Communication Technology (ICT) to communicate directly with a broader
Social movement organizations challenge or defend “institutional authorities,” which may be
located in the political, corporate, religious, or educational arena (Snow, Soule and Kriesi 2004).
Institutional opportunities, then, refer to a social movement group’s increased access to the
decision-making processes of target institutions (Raeburn 2004).
4
3
public, including constituents, targets, bystanders and journalists. Activist groups, for instance,
can use organizational websites as a “brochure” to advertise their organization, cause, campaigns
and successes as well as issue action alerts and solicit funds (Earl 2006; Earl, Kimport, Prieto,
Rush, and Reynoso 2010). Additionally, movement groups can use ICT to mobilize supporters
around an issue or campaign through blogs, alternative media venues, and email (Almeida and
Lichbach 2003; Earl and Kimport 2008).
However, organizational identity affects who an activist group seeks to mobilize and to
what end; both of which influence the ways in which a group uses mass media. While some
social movement organizations seek to garner the support of and mobilize broad swaths of the
population, other activist groups orient themselves to relatively narrow audiences. White
supremacist groups, for instance, seek to build support among and mobilize a small swath of the
population around goals that are abhorred by mainstream society. Not surprisingly, these groups
make limited efforts to advertise their cause in mainstream news venues, where their
organizations and cause are vilified. Instead, they use music, concerts, and online forums to
selectively attract and mobilize adherents (Blee 2002; Futrell and Simi 2004; Futrell, Simi, and
Gottschalk 2006). In contrast, the National Organization for Women (NOW), a feminist group,
seeks to push women’s interests into the mainstream and, consequently, works to educate and
mobilize a broad swath of the American public around women’s issues. For NOW, then,
mainstream news media is an optimal target; it enables NOW to sell its issues to a broad public
(although it may not always have luck doing so). However, NOW does not rely on the
mainstream alone. It also targets alternative outlets (e.g., Ms. Magazine and The Nation) and
specialized media outlets (e.g., Telemundo) in its efforts to build consensus and spur collective
action (Barker-Plummer 1997; Barker-Plummer 2002; Rohlinger 2002; Rohlinger 2004). In
short, organizational identity influences the media venues a group targets as it pushes forward its
goals.
Similarly, organizational identity affects how an activist group “leverages the
affordances” (Earl and Kimport 2011) of ICT in its consensus and action mobilization efforts.5
Social movement groups that are regarded as legitimate by a target have a better opportunity to
influence institutional decision-making than those that are not (Gamson 1990). Activist
organizations that lack institutional standing, then, will try to use ICT in ways that spread
awareness about an issue, move people to action, and buttress their claims with their targets. For
instance, a social movement group with limited institutional standing may use its organizational
website both to educate and collect information from the aggrieved population it represents. Such
efforts would dovetail complementary mobilization processes (consensus and action) and enable
the activist organization to use the “data” it collects to legitimate its claims. Social movement
organizations with institutional legitimacy and access to their targets, in contrast, might primarily
use their websites for educational and promotional purposes rather than action.
Organizational Identity, Reputation, and Media Coverage as Leverage
5
As Earl and Kimport (2011) note, technological skill also circumscribes how a given social
movement organization uses ICT in its efforts to affect institutional change.
4
Social movement organizations also use mass media to create institutional opportunities
to affect change (Gamson and Meyer 1996; Raeburn 2004). For example, activists can use news
media to draw public attention to institutional contradictions or egregious practices and pressure
authorities to enact change. Activist groups that target corporate actors routinely use media
attention to “name” and “shame” businesses for their bad policies and practices (Bandy and
Smith 2005; King and Soule 2007 ; Raeburn 2004). Social movement organizations can also use
e-mail, websites, and e-newsletters to sell their issues to journalists and, once they are covered,
alter how authorities respond to organizational claims (Cardoso and Neto 2004; Schulz 1998). In
a well documented example, Subcommander Marcos, the leader of the Zapatista national
Liberation Army, used ICT to bring the plight of indigenous people in Chiapas to a broader
public, which included journalists. The outpouring of international support that resulted from the
media coverage ultimately prevented a violent repression against the Zapatistas by the Mexican
government (Cleaver 2007; Johnston and Laxer 2003; Knudson 1998; Rich 1997; Schulz 1998).
Movement claims can “crossover” (Bennett 2003) into the mainstream in other ways as well.
Bloggers, for instance, can stir up a media frenzy, which brings issues to a broader public and
influences the decision-making of institutional actors (Atton 2007; Kahn and Kellner 2004;
Macdougall 2005).
How an activist group uses news media to create institutional opportunities is
circumscribed by its organizational identity. Specifically, organizational identity affects the
legitimacy of a movement group in an institutional setting (Clemens 1996). The “journalistic
field,” which is comprised of news venues, is driven simultaneously by concerns over
profitability and occupational norms that emphasize the journalistic obligation to keep the public
informed (Benson 2006; Bourdieu 1998a).6 In an effort to balance these pressures, journalists
6
Not all outlets are equally oriented to profit and informational concerns. Differences among
actors in a field are the result relational dynamics and power. Bourdieu argues that the social
world is structured around two opposing forms of power, or economic and cultural capital
(Bourdieu 1998a, 1998b, 2005). While the forms of economic and cultural capital vary by
institution, economic capital is represented by circulation/ratings and advertising dollars and
cultural capital by professional honors that result from peer recognition such as the Pulitzer Prize
in the journalistic field (Benson 2006; Bourdieu 1998a). The journalistic field is structured
around two poles: the “heteronomous pole,” which represents forces that are external to the field
(in this case, the market), and the “autonomous pole,” which represents the specific form of
capital valued within the field (in this case, intellectual reporting). Because a field is a structured
space between these two poles, an actor’s location within a field indicates the kinds of internal
and external pressures that come to bear on an actor as well as the amount of cultural capital it
wields (Bourdieu 1998a). Commercial media outlets are located near the heteronomous pole,
meaning they are disproportionately influenced by economic considerations, while “serious” (or
political) media are situated near the autonomous pole. Outlets, at either extreme or located
anywhere in between, strive to build legitimacy in the field through the accumulation of
economic or cultural capital. At the same time, outlets espouse the superiority of their particular
form of capital relative to the other. This, Benson (2006:190) argues, “helps account for the
ongoing tension between culturally rich, but often economically starved, alternative or literary
5
routinize how they collect and report the news of the day. Journalistic routines and conventions
favor known and institutional sources of information and, more often than not, exclude
movement voices from news stories (Gamson 1990; Gans 1979; Tuchman 1978). While
movement actors generally are disadvantaged in the journalistic field, some activist groups have
more legitimacy than others with media professionals. Typically, social movement scholars talk
about this legitimacy as “standing” and identify why some organizations are accorded credibility
by mainstream media professionals (Gamson and Wolfsfeld 1993). For example, movement
organizations that have mainstream goals, draw on institutionally or culturally resonant
discourse, and mimic institutional sources (e.g., have a professional spokesperson and a staffed
communication department that issues reports, press releases, and holds press conferences) have
more standing with mainstream journalists and, consequently, a better opportunity to get media
coverage (Ferree, Gamson, Gerhards, and Rucht 2002; Ryan, Anastario, and Jeffreys 2005).
While the concept of media standing has yielded important insights in terms of
understanding what kinds of movement groups media professionals deem credible and when, we
argue that scholars should focus on organizational reputation to understand how overlapping
institutional settings affect organizational outcomes. This is particularly important to consider
institutional overlap when considering mass media because the journalistic field wields influence
over virtually every other institution, including political, economic, cultural, and religious
institutions (Bourdieu 1984; Bourdieu 1998a; Bourdieu 1998b; Bourdieu 2005). Like identity,
reputation is part of an organization’s self-management project. Unlike identity, reputation is
based on an external assessment of an organization regarding what it stands for, what it hopes to
accomplish, and how it will behave in order to achieve its goals. Organizational reputation is not
static. External audiences evaluate organizations relative to one another and the overall
assessment of an organization can vary over time and according to who is doing the evaluating
(Rindova, Williamson, and Petkova 2005; Whetten and Mackey 2002). A movement group’s
reputation, then, can vary tremendously across the journalistic field as media professionals in
different kinds of news venues (e.g., alternative political outlets) evaluate organizations using
different metrics (Rohlinger 2007). In short, a focus on organizational reputation embeds a
movement group within a larger institutional field and explains how differential evaluations by
actors within a given setting can affect the trajectory and outcomes of an activist organization.
Likewise, the focus on reputation (rather than standing) draws attention to overlaps
among institutions and illuminates the potential for movement actors to use their reputation in
one setting as leverage in another setting. For example, a social movement organization that has
standing with mainstream media outlets can potentially use the threat of media attention alone as
a way to create an opportunity to affect institutional change. Organizational identity and
reputation also set up patterns of cooperation (Clemens 1997; Whetten 2006), which
circumscribes who an organization can work with in its efforts to attract and leverage media
attention against its target. A movement group that can work with a broad range of actors,
including those that have different interests (Clemens and Minkoff 2004), may find it easier to
attract media attention because such collaborations facilitate the ability of organizations to
journalism (The Nation, Mother Jones, etc.), and culturally poor but economically rich market
journalism (commercial television news).” For a thorough discussion of field theory and media
studies and the implications for the coverage of movement ideas see Benson (2006) and
Rohlinger (2007) respectively.
6
dramatize contradictions within an institution (Clemens 1997) in potentially newsworthy ways.
Activist groups that have an identity and reputation which limits its collaborators, in contrast,
will have fewer ways to make themselves newsworthy and, as a result, may be more reliant on
conflict in order to move their claims from the margins to the mainstream.
Table 1. Comparison of Students for Academic Freedom and Foundation for Individual
Rights in Education
Students for Academic Freedom
Foundation for Individual Rights in
Education
Founded
2003
Founder
David Horowitz
1999
Alan Charles Kors and Harvey
Silvergate
Founder
Credentials
Lawyer and founder of SPC
Lawyers and Professors
Orientation to the
issue
Conservative
Non-partisan
Who it seeks to
mobilize
Conservative students and faculty
Students, faculty, and lawyers
Goals
Expose/counter the Left's influence Ensure campus policies are in line
in higher education
with the U.S. Constitution
Organizational
strategy
Get an Academic Bill of Rights in
all 50 states
Identify/change policies not in line
with the Constitution
Organizational
structure
Centralized with minimal
bureaucracy
Centralized and bureaucratic
Number of
employees
1
10 employees and several unpaid
interns
Location of
national office
St. Lois, Missouri
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
Number of
chapters
182
347
7
Table 2. Mainstream Coverage of SAF, Its Opponents, and Its Supporters
Mentioned, not quoted
1 or 2
quotes
3 or more
quotes
25.6%
54.6%
19.8%
1 Opponent
2 Opponents
3 Opponents
4 Opponents
5 Opponents
6 Opponents
5.8%
0.6%
0.0%
0.0%
0.6%
0.0%
59.0%
40.4%
22.4%
10.9%
3.8%
1.2%
5.7%
1.2%
3.2%
0.0%
0.0%
0.6%
1 Supporter
2 Supporters
3 Supporters
4 Supporters
5 Supporters
1.3%
0.0%
0.0%
0.0%
0.0%
43.6%
27.0%
7.1%
3.2%
0.6%
6.4%
1.2%
1.2%
0.0%
0.0%
Students for Academic Freedom
Table 3. Mainstream Coverage of FIRE, Its Opponents, and Its Supporters
Mentioned, 1 or 2
3 or more
not quoted
quotes
quotes
Foundation for Individual Rights in
Education
33.2%
56.3%
10.5%
1 Opponent
2 Opponents
3 Opponents
4 Opponents
5 Opponents
6 Opponents
7.4%
0.0%
0.2%
0.0%
0.0%
0.0%
37.6%
11.7%
3.1%
1.4%
0.4%
0.2%
3.1%
0.4%
0.2%
0.2%
0.0%
0.0%
1 Supporter
2 Supporters
3 Supporters
4 Supporters
5 Supporters
2.1%
0.8%
0.0%
0.0%
0.0%
33.3%
12.7%
4.7%
1.8%
3.3%
1.4%
0.8%
0.0%
0.0%
0.0%
8
Table 4. Summary of How Organizational Identity Shapes Group Use Mass Media to Affect Institutional Change
SAF
FIRE
Reputation in the
journalistic field
Illegitimate
Legitimate
Potential for
collaboration
Low
High
Use Horowitz publications and conservative news
venues to build support and mobilize parents.
Use organizational website to collect information and
legitimate the problem.
Use scholarly publications to legitimate the
problem.
Use media coverage and the organizational
website for education and promotion.
Conflict to create newsworthy events
(build conflict over time to move the issue into
mainstream venues)
Threat of coverage
Collaborate with a broad range of actors to create
newsworthy events
(does not engage in conflict)
Mobilization of
consensus and
action
Use of media to
create institutional
opportunities
9
10
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