Law is necessary to maintain the socioeconomic equilibrium in the society. To know the effects of law on social goals, law makers must have a method of evaluating the impact of law on social values. Economics does not predict the impact of law, but merely describes and explains it with an economic angle. Economic development results in rapid industrialization leading to increase in urbanization. People move to the urban areas and there arises more need for the social goods rather than the private goods. The social goods are costly and not profitable to private enterprises, thus, the state has to provide these goods. Most important questions are: ◦ How much it will cost? ◦ Who pays for it? ◦ Who will decide how much it will cost and who will pay for it? Thus, economics is concerned with efficiency, i.e., rational allocation of resources with least cost and maximum satisfaction. Law is concerned with justice only and not about its cost. Hence, in case there is a conflict between efficiency and justice, economic analysis can be used to provide information on the costs of justice. There is another angle to justice here, i.e., the resources if not utilized properly or are being misused or wasted, it is considered as immoral and good law can prevent this to achieve efficiency and justice. Economics, in itself, may not be able to give precise answers, but it can draw attention to some important questions. Ronald Coase in his Paper in 1961. suggested that the institution of legal liability has better economic advantages than the earlier view of classical economists of imposing tax on each unit of output of the polluting firm equal in size to the damage generated. The main thesis of Coase, known as Coase Theorem is, “A fundamental economic principle of liability is that where informed and costless bargaining is possible between the injurer and victim, the cost justified level of accidents will result without the need for judicial intervention. The gains from trade inherent in an inefficient level of safety will encourage the parties to voluntarily negotiate a mutually advantageous accident bargain that minimize their joint costs/losses…” Generally, it is observed that people do not respond positively to the law, nor mindlessly obey it, but they adopt to the changed costs and benefits of it. Depending on the costs incurred and the benefits to be obtained, the people decide to follow the formality of law or the informality of law. When transaction costs are zero, an efficient use of resources results from private bargaining, regardless of the legal assignment of property rights. When transaction costs are high enough to prevent bargaining, the efficient use of resources will depend on how property rights are assigned. LOWER TRANSACTION COSTS HIGHER TRANSACTION COSTS 1. Standardized good or service 1.Unique good or service 2. Clear, simple rights 2. Uncertain, complex rights 3. Few parties 3. Many parties 4. Friendly parties 4. Hostile parties 5. Familiar parties 5. Unfamiliar parties 6. Reasonable behavior 6. Unreasonable behavior 7. Instantaneous exchange 7. Delayed exchange 8. No contingencies 8. Numerous contingencies 9. Low costs of monitoring 9. High costs of monitoring 10. Cheap punishments 10. Costly punishments threshold Bargaining succeeds Bargaining fails Legal rights do not matter to Legal rights matter to efficiency efficiency low Transaction costs high Nothing Works. This is Coase's critique of Pigou: An externality is typically a cost that results from decisions by both parties - A's decision to play loud music plus his roommate B's decision to try to sleep or study at the same time. We do not, in the general case, know which party can eliminate the cost more easily - and the best solution might involve adjustment by both parties - A can play loud music except during exam week. So a legal rule of the sort proposed by Pigou, which makes one party liable (to the other or to the state) for the cost, will only give the right result if the best solution happens to consist of only that party adjusting. Named after English economist Arthur Cecil Pigou (1877-1959), Pigou effect was firmly rooted in the classical school of economics and was subsequently overshadowed by the work of English economist John Maynard Keynes (1883-1946). The term may be defined as the impact of a change in the money supply on consumption. Pigou maintained lower prices would encourage consumption, thereby boosting total income and employment. Implicit in the Pigou effect (also known as the real balance effect) was the belief that an improved employment situation was achievable through lower wages. Everything Works (aka the Coase Theorem): In a world of zero transaction costs, any initial assignment of rights will lead to an efficient outcome. The reason is that if the outcome were inefficient, there would be some bargain to change it that would benefit all concerned - and in a world of zero transaction costs, such a bargain will get made. It All Depends (on transaction costs): Getting from some initial assignments of rights (for example, the factory may pollute the lake) to some final outcomes (for example, the factory stops polluting) requires a transaction (the resort owners pay the factory to stop polluting). Such transactions may be costly - in the example, if there are many resort owners they face a public good problem in organizing to pay the factory to stop polluting. So in choosing an initial assignment, one should consider not only how likely it is to lead directly to the efficient outcome (in the example, if the efficient outcome were for the factory to pollute and the resorts to adjust) but also how hard it will be to get to other outcomes (no pollution, for example) if they turn out to be the efficient ones, and how likely that is. The law of property supplies the legal framework for allocating resources and distributing wealth. People and societies disagree sharply about how to allocate resources and distribute wealth. Property law creates a bundle of rights that the owners of property are free to exercise as they see fit, without interference by the state or private persons. Consistent with this freedom is a system of allocation by voluntary exchange. Property law fosters voluntary exchange by removing the obstacles to bargaining. When the obstacles to bargaining are low, resources will be allocated efficiently. Following four questions must be addressed by a theory of property law: 1. 2. 3. 4. What can be privately owned? How are ownership rights established? What may owners do with their property? What are the remedies for the violation of property rights? Contract Law helps the people to cooperate with each other by enforcing, interpreting and regulating promises. Contracts facilitate trade and economize the costs of making transactions. It lays out guidelines for information that must be revealed and that maybe kept secret in a contractual relationship. Rational planning of the transaction with careful provision for as many future contingencies as can be foreseen; and The existence or use of the actual or potential legal sanctions to induce performance or exchange or to compensate for nonperformance. People continually make promises. The law becomes involved when someone seeks to have a promise enforced. Here are some examples: 1. The Rich Uncle – The rich uncle of a struggling college student learns at the graduation party that his nephew graduated with honors. Swept away by good feeling, the uncle promises the nephew a trip around the world. Later the uncle reneges on his promise. The student sues his uncle, asking the court to compel the uncle to pay for a trip around the world. 2. The Rusty Chevy – One neighbor offers to sell a used car to another for $ 1000. The buyer gives the money to the seller, and the seller gives the car keys to the buyer. To her great surprise, the buyer discovers that the keys fit the rusting Chevrolet in the back yard, not the shiny Cadillac in the driveway. The seller is equally surprised to learn that the buyer expected the Cadillac. The buyer asks the court to order the seller to turn over the Cadillac. 3. The Grasshopper Killer – A farmer, in response to a magazine advertisement for “a sure means to kill grasshoppers”, mails $ 25 and receives in the mail two wooden block with the instructions, “Place grasshopper on Block A and smash with Block B.” The buyer asks the court to require the seller to return the $ 25 and to pay $ 500 in punitive damages. A promise is enforceable if the courts offer a remedy to the victim of the broken promise. Traditionally, courts have been cautious about enforcing promises that are not given in exchange for something. In example 1., the promise of a trip around the world is a gift to the nephew. The rich uncle does not receive anything in exchange, so, according to the traditional analysis, the courts should not enforce the uncle’s promise. In example 2., money exchanges for a promise, but the seller thought that he gave a different promise than the buyer thought she received. Courts often refuse to enforce confused promises. The courts would probably require the seller to return the money and the buyer to return the car keys. Example 3. involves deception, not confusion. A “sure method to kill grasshoppers” means something more that what the seller delivered. The courts ordinarily offer a remedy to the victims of deceptive promises. If an enforceable promise was broken, what should be the remedy? One remedy requires the promise-breaker to keep the promise. For example, if the court decided that the seller in example 2. broke his promise, then the court might order the seller to deliver the Cadillac to the buyer. This kind of remedy is unavailable in example 3. because the seller cannot exterminate grasshoppers as promised. Instead, the remedy in example 3. must involve the payment of money damages as compensation for the failure to provide an effective grasshopper killer. Examples illustrate the two fundamental questions in contract law: ◦ What promises should be enforced? ◦ What should be the remedy for breaking enforceable promises? Courts face these questions when deciding contract disputes and legislatures face these questions when making statues to regulate contracts. A theory of contract law must guide courts, legislatures, and private parties (and their lawyers) who make contracts. Like contracts, the officials who regulate them are imperfect. The officials who regulate contracts need information and motivation to correct market failure. In reality, courts have limited information and some judges lack motivation. Contract law should take the imperfection of officials into account by discouraging them from exceeding their own limitations in attempting to correct imperfect contracts. 1) 2) 3) 4) 5) 6) To enable people to cooperate by converting games with noncooperative solutions into games with cooperative solutions. To encourage the efficient disclosure of information within the contractual relationship. To secure optimal commitment to performing. To secure optimal reliance. To minimize transaction costs of negotiating contracts by supplying efficient default terms and regulations. To foster enduring relationships, which solve the problem of cooperation with less reliance on the courts to enforce contracts. tort law creates and provides remedies for civil wrongs. Generally speaking, it defines what constitutes a legal injury and establishes the circumstances under which one person maybe held liable for another’s injury. Deliberate torts causing bodily harm, property harm etc. is ruled as crimes in the court system. For example, if X throws a ball and accidentally hits another person Y in the eye. Now Y may sue the ball thrower for losses occasioned by the accident like the cost of medical treatment or loss of income during the time he is off from work. In this case, whether Y will win or not will depend upon whether he can prove that X engaged in tortious conduct in injuring him. The main substance of tort law is determining the “standard of care”, i.e., distinguishing between when conduct is or is not tortious. Tort law may also be used to compensate injuries that are intangible, such as an interest in freedom from emotional distress, privacy interests and reputation. These are protected by a number of torts such as infliction, privacy torts and defamation. For example, defamation and privacy torts may allow a celebrity to sue a newspaper for publishing an untrue and harmful statement about him. Economic torts are torts that provide the common law rules on liability for the infliction of economic loss, such as interference with economic or business relationships. These protect people from interference with their trade or business. Basically, there are three elements in torts: ◦ Breach of duty owned to the plaintiff by the defendant; ◦ Harm suffered by the plaintiff; and ◦ The breach being the immediate or proximate cause of the harm. We impose risks upon each other in our daily lives. Norms have been developed to prescribe the standards of behavior to limit these risks. When people do not follow these standards of behavior, they cause harm and the cost of harm must fall upon someone. Liability is assigned either to the party at fault or to the party which cause the harm. Before developing our economic analysis of tort law we need to make some assumptions. Firstly, in economic theory, we consider the “rational man”. It implies that a person, who takes reasonable care, is stable and tries to maximize his satisfaction. Here it also implies that he can calculate the cost and benefits of the alternatives available to him and can minimize his liability by taking precautionary actions. Secondly, we assume that there are no regulations designed to reduce external costs. If we compare liability regulation sometimes one is more efficient than the other and sometimes both together are more efficient than either one by itself. Regulation is ex-ante enforcement by administrators and liability is ex-post enforcement by victims. For instance, if a store is required to have a fire extinguisher, the inspectors will check it from time to time that the store complies with the regulation. But suppose, if the store complies with the regulation, and a fire injures a customer, then the store maybe held liable. In this case, the store is subject to regulation and liability. Thirdly, we assume that there is no insurance. Insurance transfers the risk from the insured party to the insurer, i.e., it externalizes . This gives the insured an incentive to reduce precaution, which is known as moral hazard. For example, a person who insures his bike against theft may not be so careful about locking it every time. Lawyers do not agree that insurance interferers with the goals of tort law but rather they favor insurance for accidents and liability. But there maybe some cases where this is not so, such as in case of punitive damages . Insurance allocates the cost of accidents according to private contracts and it also regulates. For instance, under fire regulations, the insured may be required to maintain sprinklers and submit to inspections. In this case, insurance privatizes liability and regulates precaution. A change in tort law may increase or decrease the costs of insurance against accidents and liability. Thus, tort law provides the restrictions within which the private insurers operate. Fourthly, it is assumed that all the injurers are solvent and pay the damages in full. Lastly, it is assumed that there are no litigation costs. But in real life, litigation is expensive and it has different effects on potential victims and potential injurers. For instance, it may induce the potential victims not to file actions or induce potential injurers to take more care. Economic efficiency is not concerned with morality or social purpose; rather it requires the minimization of the three costs: ◦ Losses due to accidents; ◦ Cost of preventing the accidents; and ◦ Costs of administering a system of accident law. The main points of this theorem are: ◦ If between the injurer and victim, costless bargaining is possible, then the cost justified level of accidents will result without the need for judicial intervention. The gains from trade inherent in an inefficient level of safety will encourage the parties to voluntarily negotiate a mutually advantageous accident bargain that minimizes their joint costs or losses. Due to the existence of transaction costs like the costs of search, negotiation, contract specification, policing and enforcement, the tort liability arises. If these costs could be avoided, then the contractual bargains would provide market deterrence that would be adequate for economic efficiency. Transaction costs can be divided into two categories: ◦ Physical Transaction costs: These costs are associated with actually locating, negotiating with and consummating bargains between cost bearers. If these costs are imposed they would generally be prohibitive in nature. For example, costs involved in environmental pollution and road accidents. ◦ Information Transaction costs: In these cases, the terms of the accident bargains do not properly reflect the social cost savings because one or both the parties are ill-informed. The tort liability system plays a significant role in reducing the frequency with which we accidentally lose our property, health and lives. By allocating the cost of accidents, the tort liability system provides incentives for precaution, much as markets allocate costs and provide incentives for production. Improving the efficiency of the tort liability system can make the world safer at no more cost. Observers note various signs of inefficiency in tort liability law, such as significant differences in the level of compensatory damages for the same injury in different countries of similar wealth, unpredictable decisions about liability and damages from one case to another (“liability disparity”), defensive medicine, and vaccine shortages. Moving beyond anecdotes requires careful statistical studies that remain in short supply. Under a property rule someone who wants to use someone else's property must first get the owner's permission. If he doesn't, he suffers a penalty designed to get him to do so - which might be much more than the actual cost he imposes on the owner. If you take my car for the weekend without my permission and get caught you get punished severely - even if I didn't actually plan to use the car that weekend. Under a liability rule someone who wants to use someone else's property does so, and is then liable to the owner for the cost the user inflicts on the owner by using the property. Under a liability rule, if you take my car (or, more plausibly, run into it) you are liable to me for the cost - the loss to me from not having my car available (or the repair bill if you ran into it). A liability rule makes more sense the higher the transaction costs of allocating something by voluntary transactions. For instance, it would be impractical to get everyone else in *** County to agree to let him drive, even though he imposes some small risk on them by doing so, before I left my driveway. A liability rule makes less sense the more difficult it is for a court to measure the cost that someone's use of something imposes on the owner. In order to have property rights, one must define, enforce, and assign them; in order to have property used by someone other than the owner, one requires transactions. All of these activities may be costly, and if their costs are greater than the benefits of having property we are better off with a commons. For example, it would be very costly, when hunting large animals, to have to stop each time you reached a property boundary and go get the owner's permission; that is a transaction cost, and a reason why primitive people who are using their land to hunt large animals across typically do not have property rights in the land -although they may have property rights in the animal, and in land at other times of the year. Such societies do not have property rights in live wild animals that are not being chased, because it would be too costly to define and defend them -to keep track of what animal belonged to whom. And the benefit would be small, since there isn't much primitive people can do that affects the availability of wild animals - not much elasticity on the supply side of the problem. The Cost-benefit analysis is the an economic tool to aid social decision-making, which aim is to gauge the efficiency of the intervention relative to the status quo by placing be a monetary value of the effect on the target parties it has on their welfare as it would be valued by them. The concept is based on the Kaldor-Hicks efficiency and works through concepts of the willingness-to-pay and the willingness-to-accept. The benefits are calculated as sum of the willingness to pay for gain WTP changes and the WTA for losses restoration changes. Costs comprise of the sum of the losses changes WTA and the foregone gains WTP. The CBA is aimed for facilitating the decisionmaking. It is an important part of the process, which reallocates the resources to more costeffective programs and helps to kill many inefficient projects (Jonn Graham 1995). CBA leaves decision itself to the law and helping it to conform to the psychological reference points. It helps the law to ensure the maximum efficiency in the decision making process and conform to the psychological reference points (psychological issues of reference ) . The most controversial CBA issues are the environmental ones, where property rights are difficult to define. Public debate, discussion and political leadership can help to fix it. In situations involving wrongful deaths, a monetary figure has to be put on the welfare loss caused by death. In the US, two parallel systems to value life have developed under: (i) tort law; and (ii) regulation. The methodology adopted by both systems differs in key respects. Under tort law (which in theory aims for both deterrence and compensatory goals), valuation of death is focused on compensation. Thus, damages are awarded for the dependents loss of the decedent’s future income (pecuniary loss), pain and suffering, distress and loss of companionship (nonpecuniary losses). No account is taken of the welfare loss to the decedent of losing his life (hedonic loss). As tort awards are made on a case by case basis, the approach is highly individuated and there is a large variance in the amount of damages. In contrast, regulation is focused on providing the right deterrence signal. Regulation focuses solely on the hedonic loss in valuing life and uses a fixed value of statistical life (VSL) to determine the value of hedonic loss. No account is taken of lost income or losses to dependents. Partly due to costs and pragmatic reasons, the approach ignores individual differences and results in a uniform number. L&E of European Integration 1. On the Theory of Customs Unions According to art. 23 of the EC Treaty the Community is based on a Customs Union, i. e . all tariffs and quotas on trade between Member States are abolished and common external tariffs are imposed on imports from outside. Usually it is assumed that production factors are perfectly mobile within the country, yet perfectly immobile between countries transport costs are not relevant tariffs are the only effective barriers to trade; particularly those trade barriers relating to differing currencies are disregarded all resources are fully employed all markets are in equilibrium. In the simplest basic model it is furthermore assumed that there is perfect competition in all goods and factor markets the countries united in the customs union are so small that they are unable, either individually or collectively, to palpably influence the world market price through their exports and imports (no ‘terms-of-trade’ effect). We consider a homogeneous good X that is produced in three regions: the home country (H), the partner country (P), and the rest of the world (W). Before analysing the Customs Union I will give a short introduction into the welfare effects of a tariff on imports. SH DH Price I K S‘W p‘W T pW N Q2 R Q4 V Q3 L SW Q1 quantity of importables Welfare effects of tariffs: loss in consumer surplus: pWp’WKL gain in producer surplus: pWp’WJN gain in tariff revenue: JKVR Total efficiency loss: IRN + The additional cost of obtaining the extra output KLV Loss of consumer surplus due to reduction in consumption Let us now discuss the effects of a Customs Union on the welfare in the home country. Case 1: Perfectly elastic supply function of the partner country The analysis is based on the following additional assumptions: The supply curves of the partner country and of the rest of the world are assumed to be perfectly elastic. The partner country supplies the good at lower prices than the home country, but at higher prices than the world market. SH DH price B C S‘W p2 p3 F x y E Sp z SW p1 A Q2 Q6 Q4 Welfare analysis: Gain in consumer surplus: p2CEp3 Loss in producer surplus: p2BFp3 Loss in tariff revenue: ABCD Net effect: x+y-z D Q3 Q5 Q1 quantity of importables To summarize, the Customs Union has two types of effects on the reallocation of resources – the positive effect of trade creation and the negative effect of trade diversion. Let us explain both effects: 1) Trade creation i. e. the Customs Union induces a shift of consumption from the more expensive home production to the cheaper products of the partner country. a) production effect i. e. the saving of real production costs by shifting production from home to partner country (area x). b) consumption effect i. e. the increase in consumer surplus resulting from increased consumption (area y). 2) trade diversion As a consequence of the customs union domestic consumers are induced to buy imported products from the expensive partner country instead from the cheaper world market (area z). Recall, that the net effect of a Customs Union corresponds to x + y - z. Thus, without additional assumptions, it is not clear whether the net effect will be positive or negative for the home country. How has the specialization of European member states changed as a consequence of trade creation? Various studies show that the share of intra-industry trade did not only rise in the period between 1964 and 1974, but that it also experienced a significant increase afterwards until the mid 1990s. Distinct differences exist, however, amongst the member countries. The free movement of goods put into practice The prohibition of customs duties and charges having equivalent effect Art. 25 EC declares an absolute prohibition of customs duties and charges having equivalent effect. By July 1968, all internal tariffs have been removed. Since then, the ECJ had to examine in several cases the question as to whether certain fees were to be seen as charges having equivalent effect to customs duties. Examples: Statistical levies, unloading charges, necessary charges for health and veterinary examinations of goods, charges for undertaking of quality controls, or storage charges which are raised at customs for goods from other member states. Legal practice in the EU: Until the early 1990s: principle of destination. Problem since January 1st, 1993: abolishment of border controls within the Community makes application of principle of destination more difficult. Therefore: Transition ruling, originally meant to be valid until December 31st, 1996, but still in force. Legal practice in the EU (ctd.): Transition ruling from January 1st,1993: For the intra-communal commercial trade of goods the principle of destination has remained in place. Border controls have been replaced by an electronically supported VAT-detection system. For intra-communal tourist travel, i. e. direct purchases made by consumers abroad, the principle of origin holds. For intra-communal mail order services and the sale of new vehicles (including ships and airplanes) the principle of destination holds also for non-commercial sales to private persons. The Dassonville case (1974) In 1974 the ECJ in the Dassonville case delivered a very broad definition of the term “Measures having equivalent effect”: “All trading rules enacted by the Member States which are capable of hindering, directly or indirectly, actually or potentially, intraCommunity trade are to be considered as measures having an effect equivalent to quantitative restrictions”. Consequence: national legal norms that formally treat domestic producers and importers alike, but on the facts lead to a disguised discrimination against foreign competitors, amount to measures having equivalent effect. The Cassis de Dijon case (1979) In its judgment the ECJ confirmed the broad interpretation of Art. 28 EC according to the Dassonville formula and declared that every product lawfully produced and marketed in a member state should, in principle, be permitted entry to the markets of the other member states (principle of origin, principle of mutual recognition). Furthermore, the ECJ provided an open-ended list of “mandatory requirements” with additional justifications for “measures having equivalent effect”. The Cassis de Dijon case (1979)(ctd.) The Cassis formula: “Obstacles to movement in the Community resulting from disparities between the national laws relating to the marketing of the products in question must be accepted insofar as those provisions may be recognised as being necessary in order to satisfy mandatory requirements relating in particular to the effectiveness of fiscal supervision, the protection of public health, the fairness of commercial transactions and the defence of the consumer”. This open-ended list of “mandatory requirements has been completed in a series of subsequent decisions. On the grounds of the “Cassis formula” the ECJ has in a series of cases classified national regulations as unlawful quantitative import restrictions and thus enforced the free movement of goods. The Keck and Mithouard case (1993) In its judgment the ECJ stated that the time had come to clarify that Art. 28 EC could not be used at will as a weapon against unpopular national laws: “…contrary to what has previously been decided, the applications to products from other Member States of national provisions restricting or prohibiting certain selling arrangements is not such as to hinder directly or indirectly, actually or potentially, trade between Member States within the meaning of the Dassonville judgement…provided those provisions apply to all affected traders operating within the national territory and provided that they affect in the same manner, in law and in fact, the marketing of domestic products and those from other Member States”. The Keck and Mithouard case (1993)(ctd.) The Keck-formula introduced a distinction between certain selling arrangements which are not caught by Art. 28 EC, insofar as they apply equally to domestic and imported products and insofar as they affect all domestic economic actors equally product characteristics which remain to be caught by Art. 28 EC.