A Refresher on Theory and Explanation in Sociology Micro-Macro Links in Sociology Werner Raub Workshop on Social Theory, Trust, Social Networks, and Social Capital II National Chengchi University – NCCU April 2011 Agenda for the two introductory sessions • Basic features of problem-driven and systematic (deductive) theory construction, model building and explanation in social science… • … by way of examples • Focus on micro-macro links in theory and research in sociology • Some “take home messages” 1 Sociological theory according to the “analytical tradition” • Sociology = research on social phenomena (i.e., macro-phenomena) and their social macro-conditions (“causes”); compare Durkheim’s “minimal program” • Sociological theory explains social phenomena by showing how they come about as (often unintended) results of individual behavior that is affected by social conditions. Useful tools for summarizing and reconstructing social science theory and research • Problems as a starting point for theory formation and empirical research P1 Problem T1 E1 Theory Empirical Research P2 ... New Problem • Coleman’s scheme for macro-micro-macro transitions • A scheme representing the structure of social science explanations 2 James Coleman (1926-1995) Coleman’s scheme for macro-micromacro transitions Social conditions Macro outcomes Macro 1 Micro 2 3 Individual effects Preferences, information 1: Bridge assumptions 3. Behavioral theory 2. Transformation rules Coleman’s scheme and the structure of explanations in sociology I 1. General laws Explanans 2. Initial conditions: Social conditions Deduction Description of the phenomenon to be explained Social phenomenon Explanandum Adequacy conditions for explanations 1. 2. 3. 4. The explanandum is a logical consequence of the explanans. The explanans contains at least one general law. The explanans has empirical content (i.e., is testable). The explanans is true/empirically supported. (See Hempel & Oppenheim, Studies in the logic of explanation, 1948) 48 Coleman’s scheme and the structure of explanations in sociology II Behavioral theory (arrow 2) Transformation rules (arrow 3) Bridge assumptions (arrow 1) Additional boundary conditions Initial conditions • Macro-conditions (node A) • Micro-conditions (node B) Individual effects (node C) Individual effects (node C) Collective phenomena and processes (node D) Three examples • Two highly simplified examples from Coleman 1990, 1987 • Max Weber: the spirit of capitalism • Occurrence of a panic • One more elaborate (though still highly stylized) example • Schelling’s model of residential segregation 3 Max Weber: the spirit of capitalism Protestant religious doctrine Capitalism Macro Micro Economic behavior Values 4 The panic example Fire alarm in a crowded theater Panic or order Macro Micro Run to exit / transfer control conditionally Utility structure for alternative actions 5 A somewhat more complex example: residential segregation A sociologically uninformed common-sense theory versus Schelling’s models of segregation 6 Examples of segregation phenomena • Segregation by ... • ethnicity (race) • religion • wealth 8 Residential segregation: a (very) rough definition • Consider a city with X% ‘Whites’ and Y% ‘Non-Whites’ • The city consists of a number of neighborhoods. • ‘Perfect integration’ := Each neighborhood consists of X% ‘Whites’ and Y% ‘Non-Whites’. • ‘Perfect segregration’ := Each neighborhood is either 100% ‘White’ or 100% ‘Non-White’. • Roughly: A city is more integrated, the ‘closer’ the neighborhoods approximate the case of ‘perfect integration.’ And a city is more segregated the ‘closer’ the neighborhoods approximate the case of ‘perfect segregation.’ 10 Data on residential segregation: United States, 1940-1960 • Indices of residential segregation by race, 109 cities, for 1940, 1950, 1960. Source: JS Coleman, Resources for Social Change: Race in the US. NY: Wiley 1971, p. 9. The indices are measures of the % of blacks who would have to move in order to achieve residential homogenization by race. An index of 0 would indicate no racial segregation among blocks. A score of 100 would mean that each block is either all white or all black. 11 Data on residential segregation in the US, 2005-2009 • The New York Times offers a resource providing quite up to date and comprehensive data on residential segregation in the US, see: http://projects.nytimes.com/census/2010/explorer • Screening this site is recommended! Residential segregation: some types of problems 1. Descriptive problems Trends over time Cross-section: comparing North and South 2. Explanatory problems – our focus Why is residential segregation rather stable over time? Why are there hardly any differences in residential segregation between North and South? 3. Problems of institutional design How to reduce or mitigate residential segregation? 4. Normative problems How much residential segregation is normatively acceptable? What are acceptable costs of reducing or mitigating residential segregation? 12 Residential segregation: possible causes • Actors’ preferences and perceptions – Prejudice – Perception of unwelcome by-effects of integration • Constraints – income inequality / prices on the housing market – legislation Etc.! 13 Common sense-theory % of whites approving integration residential segregation 14 The stability of residential segregation over time: sketch of an explanation Common sense-theory: • percentage of whites residential approving residential integration segregation Antecedent condition: • In the US (North and South), the percentages of whites approving residential integration has been appr. constant between 1940 and 1960. ______________________________________________ • In the US (North and South), residential segregation has been appr. constant between 1940 and 1960. Note: We shall see that this explanation is not adequate! 15 Similarities in residential segregation between North and South: sketch of an explanation Common sense-theory: • percentage of whites residential approving residential integration segregation Antecedent condition: • In the US (between 1940 and 1960), there are no systematic North-South differences in the percentage of whites approving residential integration. ______________________________________________ • In the US (between 1940 and 1960), there are no systematic North-South differences in residential segregation. Note: We shall see that this explanation is not adequate! 16 Science as a systematic test of theories 17 The logic of empirical tests of theories 4.1 1 Propose a theory / hypothesis 2 Derive empirically testable implications 3 Compare these implications with data Corroboration 4.2 Refutation of the theory of the theory 18 Table I-3 and I-25 combined. Indices of residential segregation by race, 109 cities, for 1940, 1950, 1960, and percentage of whites who approve residential segregation in 1942, 1956, June and December 1963, 1965, 1968ª ª Source: For residential segregation see Table I-3. For attitudes towards residential integration the question asked was, “ If a Negro with the same income and education as yours moved into your block, would it make any difference to you?” Data on 1942, 1956, 1963 from Paul B. Sheatsley (1996, Table I, p. 222). Data on 1965, 1968 by personal communication from Paul B. Sheatsley (July 1, 1969) unpublished data from NORC surveys of October 1965 and April 1968. 19 An empirical test of the common sensetheory of residential segregation 1. Common sense-theory (hypothesis): % of whites residential approving residential integration segregation 2. Implications: Trend: If the percentage of whites approving integration increases in the US (North and South) between 1942 and 1956 as well as between 1956 and 1963, then residential segregation decreases in the US (North and South) in both periods. Comparison North-South: If the percentage of whites approving integration is higher in the North than in the South of the US in the forties, fifties, and sixties, then residential segregation is lower in the North than in the South of the US in all three periods. 3. Comparison with data (from Coleman, 1971 and Sheatsley, 1966). 4. Refutation of common sense theory of residential segregation. 20 Schelling’s models of segregation 23 Thomas Schelling 24 Residential segregation: summary of the problem situation 25 Schelling’s game 1. Initial state (residential integration) • • • • • Unidimensional town: from left to right, 70 pieces (households) are spread out in a line. Two ethnicities: each piece is black or white The color of each piece is decided by throwing a dice. 1,2,3: black piece 4,5,6: white piece 26 2. Definition of the neighborhood of a piece (neighborhood of a household) • The neighborhood of a piece consists of the piece itself, the four pieces to the left, and the four pieces to the right • Pieces near the end of the line have less neighbors (alternative: circle) oo#o#oo## Neighborhood 27 Neighborhood and interdependence • Neighborhood of a piece = neighborhood of a household • Note: interdependence between households: if A and B are neighbors, (color of) A affects composition of B’s neighborhood and vice versa • Interdependence as a social condition for residential segregation in addition to preferences and perceptions of actors 28 3. Moving pieces I • The game proceeds in rounds (segregation as a dynamic process). • At the beginning of each round, each piece in a neighborhood where more than half of the neighbors have the opposite color is marked • Preferences of households: avoid a minority situation • Social condition: composition of neighborhoods • Individual motives (avoiding a minority situation) versus collective effects (segregation) • Order of moving: marked pieces move in turn, counting from left to right. 29 Moving pieces – interpretation • The preference of households to avoid a minority situation is consistent with different more specific assumptions: • One prefers segregated over integrated neighborhoods (“white prejudice”) • One prefers an integrated (50-50) neighborhood to any other other composition as long as one is not in the minority situation (“preference for residential integration”) • One is indifferent with respect to to neighborhood composition as long as one is not in the minority situation • Hence, Schelling’s rules and assumptions are consistent with the assumption of preferences for integration! 30 An observation on the “spirit” of Schelling’s models • Schelling’s rules and assumptions are in a sense very “optimistic” with respect to “prospects for residential integration” • He tries to show precisely that extreme residential segregation can emerge even under seemingly favorable conditions for integration • Complex relationship between individual motives (avoiding minority situation) and collective effects (extreme residential segregation) • Residential segregation as an unintended and unfavorable (suboptimal) outcome for the actors 31 Moving pieces II • How pieces move: a piece moves to the nearest point between two other pieces to the right or to the left where it is not a minority. • Interpretation • Moves are costly; costs increase in distance • No scarcity on the housing market • No legal or economic constraints to choosing certain neighborhoods • No discrimination on the housing market 32 Moving pieces III • If the neighborhood of a marked piece has changed such that not more than half of the neighbors have the opposite color when the turn to move comes, the marked piece does not move after all - Interdependence between households. • End of a round: each piece that has been marked at the beginning of the round has had a turn to move • End of the game: each piece has a neighborhood with at least half of the neighbors of the same color (or: there are no suitable places to move to) 33 Example (compare Schelling 1969: 490, 1971: 149-151) 1. Start situation: o#ooo##o#oo##oo###o##o##oo##oo##oo##o#o#oo### o##ooooo###ooo#oo##o#o##o 2. Situation after round 1 oooooooo####o#########oooo##ooo#o#o###o##### ####oooooooooooooooo###### 3. Situation after round 2 oooooooo###############oooooooooo########### ####oooooooooooooooo###### 34 Important features of Schelling’s model • The model shows that high levels of segregation can result from rather tolerant individual preferences • High levels of segregation can result from both tolerant and intolerant preferences • Schelling makes the micro-macro link explicit • The model allows for derivation of new implications 35 “Changing support for integration” and “differences in support for integration” • • Background: the data on residential segregation for the United States Question: how to conceptualize “increasing support for integration within a region” and “differences in support for integration between regions” within Schelling’s model? 36 “Changing support for integration” and “differences in support for integration” • • • Consider the following preferences for neighborhood composition that are all consistent with a 50%-threshold for moving: Most preferred is... 1. complete segregation... 2. much segregation... 3. some segregation... 4. perfect integration... and in all cases 1 – 4 one moves as soon as one is in the minority position Clearly, “support for integration” increases when preferences shift from 1 to 4 NOTE: under each of the 4 types of preferences, extreme segregation results 36 Schelling’s model versus the “common sense theory” • Schelling’s model improves on the common sensetheory in two respects: • Empirically: Schelling’s model is consistent with a ‘weak’ relation between prejudice and segregation. • Over time increasing support for integration need not reduce segregation. • Two regions that differ with respect to support for integration can be similar with respect to segregation levels. • Theoretically: Schelling’s model (but not the common sense-theory) is consistent with the “minimal program of sociology”: explaining macro-phenomena as a result of macro-conditions and incentive-guided (goal-directed) behavior 37 Table I-3 and I-25 combined. Indices of residential segregation by race, 109 cities, for 1940, 1950, 1960, and percentage of whites who approve residential segregation in 1942, 1956, June and December 1963, 1965, 1968ª ª Source: For residential segregation see Table I-3. For attitudes towards residential integration the question asked was, “ If a Negro with the same income and education as yours moved into your block, would it make any difference to you?” Data on 1942, 1956, 1963 from Paul B. Sheatsley (1996, Table I, p. 222). Data on 1965, 1968 by personal communication from Paul B. Sheatsley (July 1, 1969) unpublished data from NORC surveys of October 1965 and April 1968. 38 Some further questions on Schelling’s models • Does segregation always emerge? And how stable is integration? • Integrated initial states #0#0#0#0#0 ... 0#0#0#0#0# ... ... • Probability for such states is very small • These states are unstable under “external shocks” such as “forced movements” or inand out-migration of households • Note: the final states in Schelling’s model are stable relative to such “external shocks Schelling’s model: unrealistic and simplifying assumptions 1. 2. 3. 4. One-dimensional town Order of moving Two groups of similar size Homogeneity assumption with respect to: • Neighborhood size • Preferences of neighborhood composition 5. No scarcity on the housing market 6. No legal or economic constraints to choosing certain neighborhoods Problem: derive implications of more realistic and less simplifying assumptions 39 A two-dimensional variant Initial Situation Resulting Situation 40 Reconstruction of Schelling’s model 41 Schelling’s model and Coleman’s scheme 42 Social change in Coleman’s scheme 43 Recent literature on residential segregation • Fossett, Mark (2011) Generative models of segregation: Investigating model-generated patterns of residential segregation by ethnicity and socioeconomic status, forthcoming in Journal of Mathematical Sociology 35(1) – up to date extension of Schelling-type models; will be available on Studion • Bruch, Elizabeth & Robert Mare (2009) Segregation Dynamics, pp. 269-293 in Peter Hedström & Peter Bearman (eds.) The Oxford Handbook of Analytical Sociology, Oxford: Oxford University Press. 44 Conclusions: Some “take home messages” for theory construction and model building in sociology 45 Some general features of theory construction • The P-T-E-scheme: Sociology starts from Problems, Theories provide tentative solutions (answers) to these problems, and Empirical research is used to scrutinize (test) the adequacy of these answers. Research typically generates new problems, initiating a new P-T-E-sequence. • The logical structure of theories, hypotheses, and explanations • The logic of empirical tests of theories 46 Coleman’s scheme for macro-micromacro transitions Social conditions Macro outcomes Macro 1 Micro 2 3 Individual effects Preferences, information 1: Bridge assumptions 3. Behavioral theory 2. Transformation rules Coleman’s scheme and the structure of explanations in sociology II Behavioral theory (arrow 2) Bridge assumptions (arrow 1) Initial conditions • Macro-conditions (node A) • Micro-conditions (node B) Individual effects (node C) Transformation rules (arrow 3) Additional boundary conditions Individual effects (node C) Collective phenomena and processes (node D) A brief note on terminology: theory – hypothesis – explanation – testable implication 1. Two (different) meanings of “theory” (a) A set of hypotheses (other label for “hypothesis”: proposition) • Note: sometimes, such a set of hypotheses is “structured” in the sense that there are some “basic” hypotheses (often labeled “axioms”), while other hypotheses (sometimes labeled “lowerlevel hypotheses”) are implications of the basic hypotheses / axioms. (b) An explanation 2. Two (different) meanings of “hypothesis” (a) An element of a theory in the sense of 1.a above. (b) An empirically testable implication that follows from a theory and additional assumptions. • Note: there is no “true” meaning of “theory” or of “hypothesis” (and in the literature you may encounter additional meanings not mentioned above). Often, you will have to conclude from the context, which meaning an author has in mind. 49 The logic of empirical tests of theories 4.1 1 Propose a theory / hypothesis 2 Derive empirically testable implications 3 Compare these implications with data Corroboration 4.2 Refutation of the theory of the theory 18 The logic of empirical tests of theories • Note: testing theories empirically is a complex enterprise involving more than “directly” confronting a theory or hypothesis with empirical findings: • Theories have to be reconstructed in a systematic way so that testable implications can be derived. • Derivation of testable implications: “sociology in action” (and science generally) typically involves argumentation, that is, the derivation of implications from assumptions – doing sociology (and science in general) is more than producing theories and empirical evidence, it is also about the links between theories and evidence. 50 Theoretical models • The “T” in a P-T-E scheme is often a theoretical model. • A theoretical model comprises two elements (compare the explanations and the explanandum of a deductive explanation): 1. A set of (often relatively abstract and almost always simplified) assumptions. 2. Implications of these assumptions Note: a major task involved in model building is to show that these implications do indeed follow from the assumptions 52 Theoretical models • After a model has been constructed (= the assumptions have been introduced) and analyzed (= implications/hypotheses have been derived), two further steps typically follow: 1. Derivation of testable implications for empirical research (note: this is part of the “E” in the P-T-E scheme) as well as derivation of policy implications 2. The method of decreasing abstraction – elaborating and improving the model in a stepwise fashion: step by step, simplified assumptions are replaced by more realistic ones, while checking the implications of more realistic assumptions (leading question: how robust are the implications of the model relative to modifications of assumptions of the model?) 53 Assumptions on individuals: goaldirected (incentive guided) behavior • Actors have: • Alternative actions, • Goals, i.e., they evaluate the possible outcomes of their actions, • Expectations (or information) on the “states of the world” (for example, expectations on certain “contingencies” or on the behavior of other actors). • They choose the action that seems most appropriate, given their expectations, to realize their goals. 54 What is taken into account at the macro level? • Relations (networks) and interdependencies between actors • Institutions (in the sense of organizations as well as rules and norms) • Aggregate effects (frequencies, averages, variance distributions) • Collective phenomena as unintended consequences of incentive-guided behavior. Related research programs in the landscape of the social sciences 1. Scottish moralists (A. Smith, D. Hume, etc.) 2. (Contemporary) sociology • Analytical sociology, broadly conceived • US: J. Coleman, D. Heckathorn, M. Macy etc. • Europe: R. Boudon, K.D. Opp, H. Esser, A. Diekmann, R. Ziegler, J. Goldthorphe, P. Hedström, P. Abell, ICS, etc. (structural-individualistic approach) • Intersection of analytical sociology and network theory (R. Burt, M. Granovetter, etc.) • Social exchange theory (P. Blau, G. Homans, etc.) 3. Political science • Economic theory of politics; public choice (K. Arrow, A. Downs, J. Buchanan & G. Tullock, M. Olson, W. Riker, P. Ordeshook, etc.) 59 Related research programs in the landscape of social sciences . Economics • Economic approach to human behavior (G. Becker etc.) • New institutional economics (R. Coase, O. Williamson, D. North, etc.) 5. Also • Social psychology: research on social dilemmas (R. Dawes etc.) • Interdisciplinary research on incentive-guided behavior, bounded rationality, etc. (H. Simon, D. Kahneman, A. Tversky, etc.) • Game Theory and its application in various social sciences (T. Schelling, R. Selten, J. Harsanyi, D. Kreps, etc.) 60 Some books with a similar perspective on social science theory and research 61 An advanced textbook and a handbook 62 Some modern classics • Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, rev and enl. ed. New York: Free Press 1968 (original 1957) 63 Some modern classics 64 Some modern classics 65 Coleman, Foundations of Social Theory 66 Two recent books that elaborate on various topics that have been discussed 67