lecture11.prejudice.stigma

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Lecture Outline

 Define Stigma

 Stigma classifications and characteristics

 Protected and unprotected stigmas

 Functions of stigmas in culture

 Types of Racism

1

Stigma

History of term:

 Ancient Greeks

 Mark made with burning iron

 Identified slaves and criminals

2

Stigma

Umbrella term: Refers to many groups

 prostitutes

 the elderly

 the poor

 ethnic and racial minorities

 lesbians and gays

 drug addicts

 the homeless……..etc.

3

Stigma

Definition:

 Consensual beliefs about undesirable attributes or characteristics

4

Stigma Classifications

(Goffman, 1963)

1. Tribal identities

2. Abominations of the body

3. Blemishes of individual character

5

Stigma Classifications

Tribal identities:

Social groups into which individuals are born

 religious groups

 ethnic groups

 racial groups

 national groups

6

Stigma Classifications

Abominations of the body:

Physical ailments:

 deformities

 illnesses

 paralysis

7

Stigma Classifications

Blemishes of individual character:

Moral transgressions, or weakness of will:

 drug addiction

 prostitution

 homosexuality

 mental illnesses

8

Stigma Characteristics

Dimensions along which stigmas can differ

9

Concealibility

Extent to which a stigma can be hidden from others

10

Stability

Extent to which a can change its course over time

(get better, get worse, remain stable)

11

Disruptiveness

Extent to which a stigma disrupts or hampers social interactions

12

Aesthetic Qualities

Extent to which a stigma makes the person with the stigma physically unappealing to others

13

Responsibility

Extent to which a stigmatized person is seen as personally responsible for their stigma

14

Stigma Characteristics

Very little empirical research on stigma characteristics

 Thus, we don’t know much about which stigmas are thought to have which characteristics

15

What we do know...

Stigma characteristics are not all-ornone.

 Stigma characteristics vary along a continuum

 Any particular stigma can have a stigma characteristic to a greater or lesser extent

16

What we do know...

Stigma characteristics are not mutually exclusive

 Any particular stigma can have more than one stigma characteristic

17

What we do know...

People can hold different beliefs about a stigma’s characteristics.

Example: Some view drug addiction as a weakness of will. Others view it in line with a disease model.

18

Stigma

According to Goffman (1963) what is common to all stigmatized social groups is that they are regarded by many as flawed people

19

Research supports Goffman’s (1963):

 Stereotypes about stigmatized groups are negative

 Individuals with stigmas are often victims of prejudice and discrimination

 People report that they do not emulate, or try to be like, the stigmatized

20

The Paradox

 The stigmatized are devalued

 Prejudice toward the stigmatized has declined over time on self-report measures

21

The Paradox

 Researchers have turned to implicit measures of prejudice

 Pattern of dissociation typical

 People’s self-reported prejudice does not correlate with their implicit prejudice toward the stigmatized

22

Causes of Dissociation

 Socially desirable responding

 Sigall & Page (1971)

 Internalized egalitarian values

 Devine (1989)

 Cultural norms

23

Protected and Unprotected Stigmas

 Societies have rules and norms that influence prejudice

 Norms discourage prejudice toward some groups more than others

24

Protected and Unprotected Stigmas

Protected Unprotected

The protected status of stigmas varies along a continuum

25

Purpose:

Crandall (1994)

 Examine whether African

Americans are more protected from explicit prejudice than the obese

26

Crandall (1994)

Participants and procedures:

 2,406 participants completed the

Modern Racism Scale and the

Dislike Scale

 MRS: measures prejudice against African Americans

 DS: measures prejudice against the obese

27

Crandall (1994)

Analyses:

 Examined the number of participants who selected the most politically correct responses

28

Crandall (1994)

Results:

 10% of sample disavowed any prejudice toward African Americans

 3% disavowed any prejudice toward the obese

29

Crandall (1994)

Conclusion:

 African Americans are more protected from prejudice in our culture than are the obese

30

Smith (2001)

Purpose:

 Compare the protected status of many stigmatized groups

31

Smith (2001)

Participants and Procedures:

 58 participants indicated:

 How comfortable they personally feel saying or thinking bad things about 41 different groups

 Percent of Americans who think it is ok to say or think bad things about 41 different groups

32

Smith (2001)

Some of the groups rated: people with acne people with AIDS amputees the blind white supremacists schizophrenics homosexuals child abusers people with ADHD pedophiles alcoholics gamblers murderers adulterers

33

Smith (2001)

Results:

1. High correlation between participants’ own beliefs and their perceptions of

American’s beliefs: r = .83

34

Smith (2001)

Results:

2. Comfort with prejudice varied across the stigmas

 participants felt very comfortable saying or thinking bad things about some groups

 but very uncomfortable saying or thinking bad things about other groups

35

Personal Ratings of Comfort

Most Comfortable Least Comfortable

 homosexuals

 prostitutes

 child abusers

 cancer patients

 people w/leukemia

 paralyzed people

36

Crandall (1994) & Smith (2001)

Conclusion:

 Cultural norms make people feel more or less comfortable harboring and expressing prejudice toward different stigmatized groups

More comfortable = less protected stigma

Madon, Smith, & Guyll (2002)

Purpose:

1. Examine whether a stigma’s protected status contributes to the dissociation b/t explicit and implicit prejudice

2. Explore different processes that could produce this effect

38

Madon et al. (2002)

Background:

 Cultural norms operate at a conscious level

39

Madon et al. (2002)

Prediction 1:

A stigma’s protected status will influence explicit but not implicit prejudice

40

Madon et al. (2002)

Prediction 2:

Three different processes could produce that effect

 social desirability

 internalized egalitarian values

 dual attitudes about stigma characteristics

41

Madon et al. (2002)

Social desirability :

 People may intentionally report less prejudice toward people with protected stigmas to appear consistent with cultural norms

 People do not have the cognitive resources to lie on implicit measures

42

Madon et al. (2002)

Internalized egalitarian values :

 People may inhibit prejudice toward people with protected stigmas because they have internalized the cultural norms that protect these individuals

 People cannot access egalitarian values during the completion of implicit measures due to low cognitive resources 43

Madon et al. (2002)

Dual attitudes

 People can hold implicit and explicit attitudes that are in conflict

 Implicit attitudes are ingrained and operate under cognitive load

 Explicit attitudes are new associations and operate when resources are more plentiful

 Explicit attitudes take into account

Madon et al. (2002)

Dual attitudes

 People may inhibit prejudice toward people with protected stigmas because they take stigma characteristics into account

 People cannot access stigma characteristics during the completion of implicit measures due to low cognitive resources

45

Madon et al. (2002)

Procedures :

1. Self-reported prejudice against 4 stigmatized targets

 threatened vs. comfortable

 tense vs. calm

 anxious vs. secure

 safe vs. scared

 distressed vs. relaxed

46

Madon et al. (2002)

Procedures :

2. Rated each stigma’s characteristics:

 Danger posed by the stigma

 Person’s responsibility for the stigma

 Reflection of underlying character

 Stability of the stigma

47

Madon et al. (2002)

Procedures :

3. Completed surveys that assessed:

 social desirability

 internalized egalitarian values

48

Madon et al. (2002)

Procedures :

4. Completed the IAT

Manipulation: Protected status

Protected

Depressed

Poor

Old

Homeless

Unprotected

Prostitute

Thief

Drug addict

Adulterer

49

5.00

4.50

4.00

3.50

3.00

2.50

2.00

Column 1

Protected Status Unprotected Status

Result: more prejudice shown toward targets with unprotected than protected status on explicit measures

50

0.60

0.40

0.20

Column 1

0.00

Protected Status Unprotected Status

Result: similar prejudice shown toward unprotected and protected stigmas on the IAT, which measured implicit prejudice

51

Madon et al. (2002)

 As predicted, protected status influenced explicit, but not implicit prejudice.

52

Madon et al. (2002)

 Social desirability could not explain the effect of protected status

 Internalized egalitarian values could not explain the effect of protected status

 Dual attitudes could…………….

53

Madon et al. (2002)

Stigma characteristics reduced the effect of protected status on explicit prejudice by this much:

 Danger: 55%

 Character: 38%

 Responsibility: 15%

 Stability: 0%

54

Functions of Stigmas

Stigmas are ubiquitous

This has led researchers to propose that stigmas serve a function

55

Functions of Stigmas

 Self-enhancement function

 Social identity function

 System justification function

 Terror management function

56

Self-Enhancement Function

Based on Downward Comparison

Theory

 Stigmatizing and denigrating outgroups make individuals feel better about themselves

(Fein & Spencer, 1997)

57

Self-Enhancement Function

Limitations:

 cannot explain consensual nature of stigmas

 cannot explain why the stigmatized devalue their own group

58

Social Identity Theory

Born out of the minimal group paradigm

Assumptions:

 people naturally categorize others into in/out groups

 categorization creates a social identity

 people want to be in groups held in high esteem

 people sustain positive identity by derogating outgroups 59

Self-Enhancement vs. Social Identity Theory

Self-Enhancement:

Derogate the stigmatized

Feel good about oneself

Social Identity Theory:

Derogate the stigmatized

Feel good about one’s group

Feel good about oneself

60

Social Identity Theory

Limitations:

 cannot explain why the stigmatized devalue their own group

61

Clark & Clark (1939)

Demonstrates how the stigmatized come to devalue their own group

Participants: 253 African American children

 3 to 7 years old

 From Arkansas and Massachusetts

62

Clark & Clark (1939)

Procedure:

 Presented with 4 dolls

 2 were brown with black hair

 2 were white with yellow hair

 Children asked questions

63

Clark & Clark (1939)

Example questions:

 Identify actual color of doll

“Give me the brown doll”

“Give me the white doll”

64

Clark & Clark (1939)

Example questions:

 Identify racial identity of doll

“Give me the doll that looks like an

African American child”

“Give me the doll that looks like a

White child”

65

Clark & Clark (1939)

Example questions:

 Identify child’s racial identity

“Give me the doll that looks like you”

66

Clark & Clark (1939)

Example questions:

 Preferences for African American and White dolls

“Give me the doll you like best”

“Give me the doll that looks bad”

“Give me the doll that is a nicer color”

67

Clark & Clark (1939)

Results:

Children correctly identified the doll’s color

 94% gave the white doll when asked

 93% gave the brown doll when asked

68

Clark & Clark (1939)

Results:

Children able to identify the doll’s racial identity

 93% gave the brown doll when asked for the one that looked like an African

American child

69

Clark & Clark (1939)

Results:

Children not as good at identifying their own racial identity

 66% gave the brown doll when asked which looked like them

 33% gave the white doll when asked which looked like them

70

Clark & Clark (1939)

Results:

Children devalued their own racial identity:

 66% liked the white doll best

 59% said the brown doll looked bad

 only 38% said the brown doll was a nice color

71

Clark & Clark (1939)

Conclusion:

Stigmatized groups sometimes devalue themselves

SIT cannot explain this phenomenon

72

System Justification Theory

Assumptions:

 group inequalities exist in every society

 advantaged groups derogate stigmatized groups to justify whey they have more

 justifications show how the system is fair

73

System Justification Theory

Through system justification people:

1. Come to believe that they deserve their privilege

2. The system under which their culture operates is fair

74

System Justification Theory

Social Dominance theory is an outgrowth of system justification theory

Premise: group based inequalities must be legitimized to reduce intergroup conflict

75

Social Dominance Theory

Prediction:

Societies reduce intergroup conflict by:

 creating consensus on ideologies that promote the superiority of one group over another

Thus, ideology maintains and explains group inequality Example...

76

Social Dominance Theory

Ideology:

 U.S. is a meritocracy where talent and hard work will out

This ideology attributes poverty to lack of merit and justifies why the rich have more than the poor

77

System Justification Theory:

 stigmas explain and justify group inequality

Social Dominance Theory:

 justification for group inequality are widely accepted in a culture

 justification for group inequality reduce intergroup conflict

78

Social Justification and Dominance

Theories

Limitations :

 cannot explain social revolutions by stigmatized groups that initially heighten intergroup conflict

79

Terror Management

Assumptions:

 people are aware of their own mortality and painful events

 these realizations create overwhelming anxiety

 people buffer this anxiety by subscribing to a cultural view that provides order & meaning to an otherwise random world

80

Terror Management

Stigmatization serves to reject those who are different and who violate and challenge cultural views

81

Types of Racism

 Modern (Symbolic) Racism

 Aversive Racism

82

Modern (Symbolic) Racism

Premise:

People feel ambivalence toward the stigmatized

 harbor prejudice

 believe racism and discrimination are wrong

83

Modern (Symbolic) Racism

Modern racists are caught between:

 The prejudice they feel

 The egalitarian values they espouse

Not consciously aware of prejudice

84

Modern (Symbolic) Racism

Modern racism comes out in disguised form -- i.e., conservative values

 Protestant work ethnic

 opposition to affirmative action

Conservative values serve to keep disadvantaged groups disadvantaged

85

Aversive Racism

Premise: Also proposes that people:

1. feel ambivalence toward the stigmatized

 harbor prejudice

 endorse egalitarian values that oppose racism and discrimination

2. are not typically conscious of prejudice

86

Modern vs. Aversive Racism

But, for aversive racists, egalitarian values are stronger ……..

87

Modern vs. Aversive Racism

Aversive racists…

 endorse liberal values

 suppress prejudice when it becomes conscious

88

Modern and Aversive Racism

Modern and Aversive racists show their prejudice on implicit behaviors that are outside of their control

89

Modern and Aversive Racism

Both Modern and Aversive Racism can explain the dissociation between explicit and implicit prejudice

How do they do this?

90

Modern and Aversive Racism

 Not aware of prejudice on conscious level

 Access egalitarian values when cognitive resources are plentiful, and report low prejudice

 Ingrained prejudice accessed on implicit measures

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