Logic and Engineering of Natural Language Semantics 2006
Tower Hall Funabori, Tokyo, June 5-6, 2006
Covert Emotive Modality Is
a
Monster
Sumiyo Nishiguchi
Stony Brook University
Osaka University
snishigu@ic.sunysb.edu
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
1
Abstract

It has been argued that attitude reports shift
reference of indexicals in the embedded
clauses in some languages (Schlenker 1999,
2003; Anand and Nevins 2004).

I argue that implicit speaker attitudes on
factive propositions are a context shifting
operator which changes context parameters.
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive
Modality is a Monster
2

I base my argument on the following three
mono-clausal constructions:
i) fake past
ii) fake present
iii) out-of-the-blue wide-scope taking
also/too
N.B. I adapt the term `fake' from Iatridou (2000).
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive
Modality is a Monster
3
1. Fake past:
Surprise licenses non-past interpretations
of the past tense (Teramura 1984) with
negative presuppositions.
(1) Oh, it was here (all along).
(2) A, koko-ni {at-ta/#a-ru}
(Japanese)
Oh here-LOC
be-PAST/be-PRES
`Oh, it was/is here'
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive
Modality is a Monster
4
2. Fake present:

Tense in narratives alternates between past and
present (Klein 1994; Teramura 1984, among others).

Alternation between past and present directs
readers to re-experience narratives (Soga 1983).
(3) Picchaa nage-ta.
Pitcher
throw-PAST
Oshii.
Auto.
sorry
out
Ut-ta.
Ichiro hashi-ru.
hit-PAST
Ichiro run-PRES
`The pitcher threw a ball. (Ichiro) hit it. Ichiro runs. Oh,
no. He is out.‘
(Japanese)
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive
Modality is a Monster
5
3. Wide-scope taking discourse initial too/mo
Speaker's sentiments license wide-scope
focus particle mo ‘also/even’and too without
explicit antecedents.
(4)
It's nice here, too.
(5)
Yo-mo
huke-ta.
night-also
pass-PAST
(Japanese)
`It’s become late'
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive
Modality is a Monster
6
What is a Monster?
Monster =Def an operator on character which is a
function from context to content/intension
Kaplan (1977): there is no monster
The indexicals, e.g., I, you, it; that, this; here,
now, tomorrow, do not change the references
Schlenker (1999,2003) All attitude predicates are
monsters
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive
Modality is a Monster
7
Monster supporters:


Schlenker (1999,2003): Attitude verbs quantify over
contexts of thought or of speech. Attitude predicates
are monsters that shift the references of indexicals.
As evidence,
-Amharic first person pronoun shifts its reference
into third person under attitude verbs (Schlenker
1999, 2003).
Anand and Nevins (2004)
-In Zazaki, the verb vano (say) shifts indexicals
I, you, here and yesterday in its scope.
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive
Modality is a Monster
8
Limited evidence for a monster

All supporting arguments for monsters
have been based on the indexical shift in
embedded context under attitude
predicates.
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive
Modality is a Monster
9
Mono-clausal factive sentences
The three constructions discussed in this
paper are factive simple sentences, not
embedded under attitude predicates, but
temporal and world parameters shift.
 I argue that speaker's emotive/bouletic
(in view of what I want) and epistemic
speculative modality (in view of what I
know, Kratzer 1991) is a context shiftable
operator.

LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive
Modality is a Monster
10

Surprise, empathy and sentimentality
affect temporal interpretations and
satisfy presuppositions.
(6) MODAL(||φ||<<tc, wc, ac>, <ti, wi>>)
=|| (||φ||<<ti, wc, ac>, <ti, wi>>
(t: time, w: world, a: speaker, c: context, i: index)
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive
Modality is a Monster
11
Generalized quantifier
 Covert
modal functions as a determiner
taking negative presupposition in the
restrictor and overt predicate in the
nuclear scope (Kratzer 1991; Berman
1991; von Fintel 1994; Ippolito 2003).
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive
Modality is a Monster
12
Organization of the paper
Sections 3 and 4 examine mono-clausal
fake past and fake present sentences
and show that modality distorts temporal
interpretation.
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive
Modality is a Monster
13
Section 5 shows that emotive modality
accommodates the presupposition of too,
wide-scope taking mo/to/ye `also/too’
used out of the blue in Japanese, Korean
and Chinese.
 I argue that speaker‘s sentiments shift
contexts so that presuppositions are
satisfied.

LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive
Modality is a Monster
14
1. Fake Past
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
15

The past tense marker can receive non-past
interpretation when associated with discovery,
fulfillment of expectation, recalling of a plan
(Teramura 1984, among others) often as
exclamatives.
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
16
Fake Past and Aktionsarten:
Fake Past of Discovery
English:
Stative predicates
(7) Oh, it was here (all along).
* Eventive predicates
(8) Oh, the bus {#came/is coming}.
(NB: The terminology `fake' is taken from
Iatridou (2000).)
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
17
Japanese/Korean:
Stative predicates
(9) A,
koko-ni
Oh
here-LOC
at-ta/#a-ru. (Japanese)
be-PAST/be-PRES
`Oh, it was here‘
(10)Chek-i yogi iss-ot-ne. (Korean)
book-NOM
here be-PAST-EXC
`Oh, the was here'
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
18
Eventive predicates:
(11) Basu-ga ki-ta. (Japanese)
bus-NOM
come-PAST
`The bus is coming‘
(12) Ya ush-la. (Russian)
I
go-PAST
`I am leaving‘
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
19
The past tense refers to present,
not simple past
(13)# Oh, the book was here. But it is not
here anymore.
(14) # A, shinbun-ga
koko-ni at-ta.
Oh
newspaper-Nom
here-Loc be-Past
Demo ima-wa mo
nai.
but
Neg
now-Top already
`Oh, the newspaper was here. But
it's not here anymore'
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
20
Fake past of remembrance
(15) What was your name? (Teramura 1982)
(16) Where did you live?
(17) Onamae-wa
nan-deshi-ta-ka.
Name-TOP
what-HON-PAST-Q
`What was your name ?’
(18) Osumai-wa dochira-deshi-ta-ka-ne.
residence-TOP where-HON-PAST-Q-PAR
`Where did you live?’
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
21
Mismatched temporal
adverbials
Japanese:
(19) Asu-wa
Maria-no
tanjobi-dat-ta.
tomorrow-Top Maria-GEN
birthday-be-PAST
`Tomorrow is Maria's birthday‘
Mandarin:
(20) Mintian
you-le
tomorrow
have-PERF
`I had a party tomorrow'
English:
(21) There was a party tomorrow.
wanyan.
party
Antecedent of counterfactuals can (Ippolito 2003)
(22) If it rained tomorrow, I would go shopping.
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
22
Then,


Tense is a shiftable indexical.
What shifts tense?
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
23
Implicit attitude is a monsterous
function that changes a context
parameter
(23) fake(|| past φ||<tc, wc, ac, hc>, <ti,wi>)
=||past φ||<ti, wc, sc, hc>,<ti,wi>
(t=time, w=world, a=speaker, h=hearer,
c=context, i=index, ti < tc, c=<wc, tc, ac>, i=<wi,
ti>)
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
24

In the framework of the double index system
(Lewis 1980), the ordinary past tense
morphology shifts the temporal index into the
prior time:
||present φ|| ||<tc, wc, sc, hc>, <tc,wc>
||past φ||<tc, wc, sc, hc>, <ti,wi>
||past φ||=1 iff there is time ti prior to the
utterance time tc
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
25
Fake tense operator:
(24) Where c=<wc, tc, ac>, i=<wi, ti>,
ti is prior to tc, c: Dc=Ds×De, s: Ds=Dw×Dt


Fake: ((c×s)→t) →((c×s)→t)

Fake (||φ||<c, i>)=1 iff ||φ||<c[ti/tc], i>=1
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
26
Necessary condition for fake
past interpretation: surprise

Speaker's surprise due to negative
presupposition causes fake past
interpretation in simple sentences.
(25) (Nai-to omotte-i-ta-ra,)
at-ta.
NEG-COMP think-be-PAST-then be-PAST
`It was here (surprisingly).'
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
27
Without surprise, the fake past interpretation
cannot be obtained.
 (1)-(22) would only refer to the past state or
events.
(26) Hon-ga
at-ta.

book-NOM
be-PAST
`The book was (=used to be) here’
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
28
Or, the speaker’s expectation
is realized
(27) (Kuru-to omotte-i-ta basu-ga yappari)
ki-ta.
come-COMP think be-PAST bus-NOM as I expected come-PAST
`The bus is coming (as expected)’



The speaker doubted or has not been sure if p.
The common ground contains both p worlds and
non-p worlds
Fake past assertions disambiguates the actual
world (cf. Stalnaker 2004)
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
29
The data set is incomplete before
the utterance (Veltman 1981)

The speaker does not know enough data but
expects that ``the book is not here’’ ``the bus
is coming’’ ``tomorrow is not Mary’s
birthday’’

The data set becomes complete by seeing
the facts or remembering the facts
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
30
Exp: Expectation function based on the
available data
(28) Expa(wi)(ti)||φ||wi,tiΛExpa(wc)(tc)||φ||wc,tc
ΛKnowa (wc)(tc)||φ||wc,tc
(29) Expa(wi)(ti)||~φ||wi,tiΛExpa(wc)(tc)||φ||wc,tc
ΛKnowa(wc)(tc)||φ||wc,tc
(ti<tc, tc: utterance time, wc: actual world)
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
31
Unaccusativity:
Verb Classes of Fake Past

Fake past predicates are mostly limited to
unaccusative verbs such as be, exist, and
come (cf. Kusumoto 2001; Ogihara 2004 for
relative clauses).
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
32
Unaccusativity test
VP internal numerals associate with the
surface subject (Miyagawa 2004):
(30)Honi-ga [VPtsukue-no ue-ni ti ni-satsu at]-ta.

book-NOM
desk-GEN
up-LOC 2-CL
be-PAST
`There were two books on the desk’
(31)Basu-ga [VP ekimae-ni ti
ni-dai ki]-ta.
bus-NOM
station-front-LOC
2-CL come-PAST
`Two buses came in front of the station’
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
33
(32) A, warat-ta.
oh smile-Past
`Oh, (the baby) is smiling’
(32)’ A, [gakuseii-ga butai-de ti san-nin warat]-ta.
oh student-NOM stage-LOC 3-CL
smile-PAST
`Oh, the three students laughed on the stage’
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
34
(33) Shimat-t-a.
close-PAST-be
`Oh, no‘
(33)’ *Gakuseii-ga mae-de ti san-nin shimat-ta.
student-NOM front-LOC
3-CL
close-PAST
`The three students made a mistake in front’
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
35
Adjectives (Individual-Level)
(34) Yo-kat-ta.
good-be-PAST
`Thanks goodness' (when a lost wallet was
returned with money)
(35) (While I expected it to be blue) Kiiro-kat-ta.
yellow-be-PAST
`It is yellow'
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
36
Conversational Backgrounds:
1. Speculative epistemic necessity/possibility:
must/probably/might ¬φ
2. Stereotypical conversational background (in view of
the normal course of events)
For all w, w’∊W, for any A⊆P(W): w≤Aw’iff {p:p∊A
and w’ ∊p} ⊆{p:p∊A and w ∊p} (Kratzer1991)
3. Bouletic modality (in view of what I want):
φworlds are ranked higher than ¬ φ worlds
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
37



Modal base f: in view of the what I know:
(c×s)→((c×s)→ t )→ t)
Ordering source g: in view of normal course of
events
(c×s)→((c×s)→ t )→ t)
Ordering source h: in view of what I want:
(c×s)→((c×s)→t )→t)
Where Ds=Dw×Dt, Dc=Ds×De
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
38
φ
(36)
h: ordering source-bouletic
g: ordering source - stereotypical
MODAL
f: modal base – speculative modal
(cf. Kratzer 1991; von Fintel and Iatridou 2005)
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
39
(37) ||fake (past)|| (wc)(f)(g)(h)(||φ||)
1 if wcmaxg(wi)(f (wi) ) Λwcmaxh(wi)(f (wi) ) :
||φ||(wc)=1,
||past||(wc)(f)(g)(||φ||), otherwise.
Where for a given strict partial order <p on worlds,
define the selection function maxp that selects the
set of <p -best worlds from any set X of worlds:
 X W: maxp(X)={wX: ¬ w'X: w'<p w}
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
40
Restrictive quantification

Modal scopes over due to its quantificational force
(Lewis 1968, 1973; Kripke 1972). Modal takes the
presupposition as its restrictor, and the assertion in
its nuclear scope (Berman 1991; von Fintel 1994;
Heim 1982; Diesing 1992).
(38) MODAL
determiner
[λi. [|¬φ|]i]
restrictor
[λi.[|φ|]i]
nuclear scope
[surprisingly] [while expecting ¬φ ] [φ is true]
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
41
Negative presupposition
as cataphora
(39)
MODAL P
MODAL
1
not it2
<MODAL>
LENLS2006 Tokyo
MODAL P1
VP2
<not it2> bus
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality is
a Monster
come
42
2. Fake Present
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive
Modality is a Monster
43
Narrative Present
 Narratives would freely alternate
tense between past and present when
storytelling as in (40) (Klein 1994;
Mikami 1953; Nara 2001, among
others).
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive
Modality is a Monster
44
(40) Kocho-wa usuhige-no aru iro-no kuroi me-no okina
principal-TOP mustache-GEN be color-GEN black eye-GEN big
tanuki-no-yona otoko-de a-ru. Yani mottaibet-te-i-ta.
badger-GEN-like man-be-PRES Terribly pompous-bePAST
`The principal was a dark complexioned man, with a
whistery mustache and large eyes like a badger. He
was pompous.'
(Soseki Natsume, Bocchan, quoted from Nara
(2001), glossed by the author)
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive
Modality is a Monster
45
 Fake present tense invites readers
into a depicted world so that the
reader experiences the story as if
present (Soga 1983).
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive
Modality is a Monster
46
NARRATOR SAYS
function and empathy
 The proposition is embedded under
NARRATOR SAYS function which shifts the
context.
 It is the empathy of both writer and reader
which shifts the context parameter:
(41) NARRATOR SAYS(([|φ|]<tc, wc, sc, hc>, <ti, wi,
si, hi>)
=[|φ|] <ti, wi, si, hi> ,<ti, wi, si, hi>
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive
Modality is a Monster
47
3. Discourse Initial too/mo
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality
is a Monster
48
Discourse Initial Too with Surprise
(42) He is nice. He is a linguist, too.
(43) It’s nice here, too.
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality
is a Monster
49
Wide-scope Mo `also/even’ in Japanese


Mo `also/too’, a focus marker or a quantifierlike element (Kuroda 1969) in Japanese, can
associate with the whole proposition (Numata
1986, 2000).
This mo takes wide scope over unaccusative
predicates out of the blue without explicit
antecedent that satisfies the presupposition.
For example, (44) is usable without particular
antecedent.
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality
is a Monster
50
(44) Yo-mo huke-ta.
night-also pass-Past
`It grew late‘
Semantically, mo takes wide scope.
LF: mo [ yo-<mo> huke-ta]
also night
pass-Past
`It grew late'
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality
is a Monster
51
About mo
A particle attached to noun phrases in
Japanese.
NP+mo1 `also’
(45) Ken-mo ki-ta.
Ken-also come-Past
`Ken came, too'} }
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality
is a Monster
52
Mo2 obtains the meaning of `even' when the NP is focused
(Watanabe 2004).
(46) [Ken]F-mo ki-ta
Ken-also come-Past
`Ken came, too'
The `even' mo2 forms NPIs with indeterminates (wh-words) (Kuroda
1965; Watanabe 2004; cf. Lahiri 1998):
(47) Dare-mo ko-nai.
who-mo & come-Neg
`Nobody comes'} }
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality
is a Monster
53
3
Mo
(48)Haru-mo takenawa-ni nari-mashi-ta.
spring-also peak-GOAL become-HON-PAST
`The spring has reached its peak'
(Numata 2000: 172)
(49) Ko-no saifu-mo huruku-nat-ta.
This-GEN wallet-also old-become-PAST
`This wallet has become old’
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality
is a Monster
54



Mo evokes sentiments that a nominative case
marker ga would not.
In (48), the speaker feels pleasant to find that
spring has reached its peak.
In (49), the speaker feels touched to see her
worn bag, remembering the past. Covert
emotive, e.g., I’m glad that, happily, be touched
with or I regret, is a monsterous function which
satisfies the presupposition.
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality
is a Monster
55
Korean to `also/even’

Korean to `also/even' has similar usage.
(50) Pom-to
wat-ta.
spring-also
come-PAST
`Spring came' (That's why I'm so sad)
To `also/even' demonstrates speaker's attitudes.
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality
is a Monster
56
Sentence focus ye `also' in Mandarin
(51) Qiutian
ye lai-le.
fall
also come-PERF
(In view of the foregoing events) `Fall
came'
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality
is a Monster
57

Numata (2000) claims that such mo (also/too)
attenuates the strength of assertion by giving
rise to fictitious presupposed events.
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality
is a Monster
58
Speaker sentimental modality shifts the
context

Speaker’s sentimental modality


licenses too/mo3/to/ye
shifts the context into a world in which the
presupposed events exist so that the
presuppositions of too/mo3/to/ye are
accommodated.
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality
is a Monster
59
(50) MODALemotive(|| mo-φ||<tc, wc, sc, hc>, <ti, wi, si, hi>)
=|| mo-φ|| <ti, wi, sc, hc> ,<ti, wi, si, hi>
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality
is a Monster
60
Unaccusativity

The predicates of this type of mo are either
unaccusative verbs with ta `PAST’, or
adjectives. E.g., huke-ta `have grown late’,
owari-ni chikazu-i-ta `have neared the end’,
takenawa-ni-naru `have reached the peak’,
iro-ase-ta `have faded the color.’
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality
is a Monster
61
Restrictive Quantification by Emotive
Modality


Modality functions as a determiner which takes negative
presupposition as the restrictor and the overt unaccusative VP in
the nuclear scope (cf. Heim 1982; Berman 1991; von Fintel
1994).
The negative counterpart is a copy of the overt proposition,
which is a sentential cataphora subordinated under negative
modality (cf. Roberts 1996).
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality
is a Monster
62
(51)
TP
MODAL P
VP
MODALbouletic presupposition
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality
is a Monster
63

Modal also resembles psych-verbs such as
surprise or affect in the argument structure.
Emotive modal takes speaker as an
experiencer and the event as the theme.
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality
is a Monster
64
Speaker is an experiencer argument of
psych-verbs (cf. Belletti and Rizzi 1988)
(52)
FocP
mo
TP
DP
yo
T’
<mo> vP
speaker
v’
T
ta
v

LENLS2006 Tokyo
VP
e
NP
V
huke
Mo adjoins to TP via internal merge and reprojects into
the head of FocP (cf. Hornstein and Uriagereka 2002).
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive Modality
is a Monster
65
Conclusion
The three constructions,
fake past
narrative present
discourse initial mo/too
discussed in this paper show that covert emotive
modality interacting with bouletic, epistemic and
circumstantial modality shifts context parameters in
simple sentence.
Surprise, empathy and sentimentality affect temporal
Sumiyo
Nishiguchi:presuppositions.
Covert Emotive
interpretations and
satisfy
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Modality is a Monster
66
Conclusion
Implicit speaker attitudes shift context
parameters.
Modality shifts temporal interpretations, and
contexts in order to satisfy presuppositions of a
focus particle.
LENLS2006 Tokyo
Sumiyo Nishiguchi: Covert Emotive
Modality is a Monster
67