Guam Coloniality Case Neg-Gordon
Thoughts
The US staged a military takeover in Guam.
This is the most untopical aff I’ve ever heard in my life.
The plan text is: The US Federal Government should make development in the
Marianas Trench National Monument exclusive to local, nonmilitary actors.
NEW: The prohibitions required by Presidential Proclamation 8335 should apply to activities and
exercises of the United States Armed Forces
It’s unclear what this plan text does. Seems like there are laws about how Bush made this area a
monument and included an area of federal land that can be used for military development. The
plan makes the people run it and thus decreases military development?
http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=85406
They are changing development laws
There is no way the plan solves anything and it’s probably just an act of
pacification and paternalism that they give the “local” people a small piece of
land to pacify them while the US militarizes in their backyard.
CX
CX Questions: How it solves the colonialism? Just stopping one instance? Just a
drop in the bucket. (Get them to blow up the importance of what they are
doing to win the China DA Link)
Case Neg
1NC
T-Decrease USFG development not topical
T- decrease in USFG development not topical
A. The plan itself must be an on-face increase by the USFG—
Not its -- Its means the increase must be done by the USFG, but under the
plan local, non-military actors take the action to increase
Words and Phrases ‘6 vol 22B p 524
C.C.A.5 (Tex.) 1935. Where corporation transferred all its assets, including large profits, to newly
organized corporation in exchange for capital stock, and transfer was treated as reorganization under
which no gain or loss was to be recognized, profits in hands of newly organized corporation held
taxable as "its earnings or profits," within revenue act providing that term "dividend" means any
distribution made by corporation to its shareholders whether in money or other property out of "its
earnings or profits" accumulated after February 28, 1913; word "its" being possessive pronoun
indicating that earnings and profits belong to corporation. Revenue Act 1926, § 201(a), 26 U.S.C.A.
(I.R.C.1939) § 115.—Murchison's Estate v. C.I.R., 76 F.2d 641.—Int Rev 3747.
Not an increase—they stop USFG development--Increase means to make
greater
Meriam Webster 13 http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/increase
in·crease
verb \in-ˈkrēs, ˈin-ˌ\
in·creasedin·creas·ing
Definition of INCREASE
intransitive verb
1: to become progressively greater (as in size, amount, number, or intensity)
2: to multiply by the production of young
transitive verb
1: to make greater : augment
2 obsolete : enrich
B. Increase must be the action of the plan, not just its result – The increase
cannot be by effects.
HEFC 4 (Higher Education Funding Council for England, “Joint Committee on the Draft Charities
Bill Written Evidence”, June,
http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/jt200304/jtselect/jtchar/167/167we98.htm)
9.1 The Draft Bill creates an obligation on the principal regulator to do all that it "reasonably can to
meet the compliance objective in relation to the charity".[45] The Draft Bill defines the compliance
objective as "to increase compliance by the charity trustees with their legal obligations in exercising
control and management of the administration of the charity".[46] 9.2 Although the word "increase" is
used in relation to the functions of a number of statutory bodies,[47] such examples demonstrate that
"increase" is used in relation to considerations to be taken into account in the exercise of a function,
rather than an objective in itself. 9.3 HEFCE is concerned that an obligation on principal regulators to
"increase" compliance per se is unworkable, in so far as it does not adequately define the limits or
nature of the statutory duty. Indeed, the obligation could be considered to be ever-increasing.
C. Limits are necessary for negative preparation and clash. They unlimit by
depending on effects. Everything affects the ocean development / exploration
Timmons 12 Bob Timmons, Artist - Author – Speaker, the Artist for the Ocean October 21,
2012 Ocean Guardians
http://oceanguardians.com.au/artist-for-the-ocean-bob-timmons/
Everything is connected and everything affects the ocean in the end since its majority of the
planet’s surface and subsurface.
D. T is a voter because it's necessary for good, well-prepared debating
China DA
A. US military commitment in Guam is key to check China’s aggressive naval
expansion—the plan looks like weakened presence in the region
Dyer, 6/21, (J.E., “Obama’s ‘marine protected area’ expansion: On a collision course with
national security?” Liberty Unyielding, June 21, 2014,
http://libertyunyielding.com/2014/06/21/obamas-marine-protected-area-expansion-collisioncourse-national-security/)//erg
The small circle east of the Philippines is where a Chinese naval task force stopped in February
2014, during a uniquely broad-ranging and varied deployment, to conduct live-fire training. Such training was a first for
the Chinese navy in an area that far east of the Japanese archipelago. The gradual expansion of China’s naval
operating areas, including expansion into the Pacific, has been a key trend in the Chinese
fleet’s profile. Coupled with it in recent years have been deployments by intelligence collection ships
(AGIs) to patrols off of Guam and Hawaii. These patrols are intended straightforwardly for
collection against U.S. military activities, of course, but in light of China’s expanding naval profile, they are also a
harbinger of future fleet operations in the Pacific. Of particular significance, especially as it concerns the use of sonar, is the
likelihood of Chinese submarine operations becoming routine in the Pacific. Alert readers will remember that a Chinese
submarine has already surprised a U.S. carrier battle group on the Pacific side of the Japanese
islands – although that incident occurred close to Okinawa, so it wasn’t very far into the Pacific. But China has the
requisite order of battle today to deploy diesel-powered Kilo-class attack submarines (SS) for a few
patrols per year further into the Pacific (e.g., near Hawaii), and is reportedly preparing to start putting nuclearpowered ballistic missile submarines (SSBN) on patrol as well. Map 3. Notional launch positions and ranges to target of
Chinese SSBNs, JL-2 SLBMs. (Base graphic credit: U.S. Naval Institute. Range rings, monument area added by author. Note: marine
monument area is depicted here and on Map 6 as a generic trapezoid. Graphic of the contiguous marine monument area was
created on a different map projection and doesn’t transfer accurately.) Map 3 is a depiction of notional launch positions and ranges
for Chinese SSBNs carrying the JL-2 sub-launched ballistic missile, depending on whether the strategic target is in Hawaii or southern
California. And one thing we notice right off the bat is that an SSBN on patrol to target such objectives would move right into the
expanded Pacific Islands monument area – early and probably often. Which brings us to Map 4. Map 4 has the monument overlay,
and, superimposed on top of it, the likely transit corridors (in pale magenta) for Chinese submarines heading for the Central or
Eastern Pacific. The corridors break to either side of the Hawaiian Islands. Map 4. Base map National Geographic (detail). Author
annotation. This is where the bottom topography comes into play, which is why Map 5 is also included: a zoomed-in view of the
monument area and its topographic features. The Chinese submarines’ likely transit corridors aren’t just a wild guess. They’re
depicted where they are because they cross, and make use of, the type of mountainous sea-bottom terrain that submarines love to
navigate off of – and hide in. Map 5. Zoomed in view of marine monument area and its sea-bottom topography. (Base map: National
Geographic, detail. Author annotation) If you look at the combined views that make up Map 6, you’ll see that the
Pacific
Islands monument area not only lies across the most direct paths from the East China Sea to
the Central Pacific, but is one of the most seamount-infested parts of the entire Pacific Ocean
floor – especially compared to the floor of the Eastern Pacific. Seamounts are good reference points for
underwater navigation, but they’re also excellent baffles for longer-range sonar acoustics. So, in fact, are
the prevailing currents in the monument area, which are warm – bad for sonar propagation – and countervailing, as they are in the
vicinity of the equator (see Map 7). The
warmth and persistent counter-currents of the equatorial region
inhibit seasonal development of long-range “sound channels,” the naturally-forming
propagation pipes through the ocean that can be a submarine’s worst enemy. Map 6. Bathymetric view
of the Pacific Ocean. (See Map 3 for note on map projection and depiction of the marine monument area.) If Chinese
submarines have tactical or strategic objectives east of Hawaii, they’ll have a bias toward
lingering among the seamounts in or near the Pacific Islands monument area for much of their patrol
time, rather than spending more time than necessary in the more acoustically vulnerable Eastern Pacific, where the bottom tends to
be much smoother overall. We’ll
find it harder to detect and track the Chinese subs in the monument
area, even though we have a good general idea that that’s where they are. Map 7. Ocean currents in the Pacific. Warm currents in
purple, cold currents in blue. (Base map: waterencyclopedia.com. Author annotation. Marine monument area depicted as a
trapezoid for ease of viewing) The same limitation will apply to other navies, and their submarines and sub-detectors. China will
prefer operating her subs in the area of the monument, southwest of Hawaii, rather than driving them up north where the Japanese
and Russians would be on the prowl, and would have a better chance – with a smoother sea-bottom and colder water – of detecting
a foreign submarine. Yet keeping submarines like SSBNs on the west side of the Japanese islands, in the East China Sea, is also an
inferior proposition. Maritime traffic is much thicker there, bottom depths are shallower, underwater topography is less friendly,
and the SSBN would be further from North America or Hawaii. A key advantage of a patrol hideout in the Pacific Islands monument
area is the ease with which a Chinese SSBN could hold both the United States and Japan at risk with JL-2 missiles. It’s
highly
probable that in the coming years, the U.S. Navy will need to use sonar in the expanded
monument area, whenever and however it has to, to find and track China’s submarine fleet. It
won’t matter whether we want to operate there. China’s going to put submarines there. Using sonar there, at the
Navy’s sole discretion, will be an irreducible necessity for national defense.
B. Less active military development in Guam is seen as a decline in US
commitment in the Pacific and leaves a power vacuum for China.
Dymond, ’13, (Jonny, Washington correspondent, “US B-52 bombers challenge disputed
China air zone,” BBC News Asia, 26 November 2013, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia25110011)//erg
The US has flown two B-52 bombers over disputed islands in the East China Sea in defiance of
new Chinese air defence rules, officials say. China set up its "air defence identification zone" on Saturday insisting that
aircraft obey its rules or face "emergency defensive measures". A Pentagon spokesman said the planes had followed "normal
procedures". The islands, known as Senkaku in Japan and Diaoyu in
China, are a source of rising tension
between the two nations. Continue reading the main story “ Start Quote China's unilateral establishment of an air
defence identification zone demonstrates President Xi Jinping's resolve to defend China's territorial integrity” Alexander Neill
International Institute for Strategic Studie Why China air zone raises risk Japan has dismissed the Chinese defence zone as "not valid
at all" and two of its biggest airlines announced on Tuesday they would heed a request from the government in Tokyo not to
implement the new rules. 'Normal procedures' US Colonel Steve Warren at the Pentagon said Washington had "conducted
operations in the area of the Senkakus". "We have continued to follow our normal procedures, which include not filing flight plans,
not radioing ahead and not registering our frequencies," he said. There had been no response from China, he added. The
aircraft, which were unarmed, had taken off from Guam on Monday and the flight was part of a regular
exercise in the area, US defence officials said. Both planes later returned to Guam. The US - which
has more than 70,000 troops in Japan and South Korea - had previously said it would not abide by the Chinese-imposed zone.
Continue reading the main story Analysis Jonny Dymond Washington correspondent No-one should be surprised that the US has
acted as it has. Washington's first reaction to China's unilateral extension of its airspace was robust. The idea that Washington was
going to start filing flight plans with China before flying over the East China Sea was a non-starter. But this
is more than just
a squabble over flight rules. Washington is watching China's military build up, its arguments
with neighbours, and its "blue-water" ambitions with alarm. For seven decades the US has
been the dominant military power in the region. China has given Washington notice that change
is afoot. Peaceful management of that change is one of the great strategic challenges of the 21st Century. Read more from Jonny
US Defence Secretary Chuck Hagel called it a "destabilising attempt to alter the status quo in the region". The White House said it
was "unnecessarily inflammatory". Japan has already lodged a strong protest over what it said was an "escalation" by China. Taiwan,
which also claims the islands, expressed regret at the Chinese move and promised that its military would take measures to protect
national security. In its statement announcing the air defence zone on Saturday, the Chinese defence ministry said aircraft must
report a flight plan, "maintain two-way radio communications", and "respond in a timely and accurate manner" to identification
inquiries. "China's armed forces will adopt defensive emergency measures to respond to aircraft that do not co-operate in the
identification or refuse to follow the instructions," the statement said. Japan Airlines and All Nippon Airlines said on Tuesday they
would stop filing flight plans demanded by China on routes through the zone following a request from the Japanese government.
Singapore Airlines and Australia's Qantas have both said they will abide by the new rules. However, Australia summoned the Chinese
"the timing and manner"
of China's announcement were "unhelpful in light of current regional tensions".
ambassador on Tuesday to express opposition over the zone. Foreign Minister Julie Bishop said
C. China miscalculates because they inaccurately think the US is withdrawing.
Leads to nuclear war because territorial tension
Chan, ’13, (John, “Tensions escalate over Chinese air defence zone,” WSWS, 29 November
2013, http://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2013/11/29/adiz-n29.html)//erg
Tensions continued to rise in the East China Sea yesterday after Japan and South Korea
dispatched military aircraft into China’s newly demarcated “air defence identification zone”
(ADIZ). Both the Japanese and South Korean governments, following the lead of the US administration, declared that their aircraft
would ignore Chinese instructions to submit flight plans, identify their nationality and maintain radio contact. Having provocatively
declared the ADIZ last weekend, China
is now confronting continuing challenges from the US and its
allies. On Tuesday, the US flew two B-52 bombers into the zone from its air base in Guam without
following Chinese procedures. US Defence Secretary Chuck Hagel publicly declared that the US would back Japan in any
conflict with China over the disputed Senkaku/Diaoyu islands, which Beijing included in its ADIZ. Facing
nationalist criticism at home for failing to enforce the ADIZ, the Chinese government sent an early warning aircraft and several
advanced Su-30 and J-11 fighter jets to patrol the air zone. A Chinese air force spokesman insisted the move was “a defensive
measure and in line with international common practice.” While Chinese fighters were not scrambled to challenge the Japanese and
South Korean aircraft, the
situation could spiral out of control. All the governments involved have
whipped up nationalist sentiment as a means of diverting sharpening social tensions at home.
Miscalculations in such a heated situation, where no side feels it can back down, could quickly lead to an
aerial clash involving Chinese warplanes with those from Japan, the US or South Korea. Each
party is taking a hard-line stance. South Korea claimed its military reconnaissance plane was conducting a “routine” mission over a
submerged rock, Ieodo (known as Suyan in China), also claimed by China. South Korean Vice Defence Minister Baek Seung-joo called
on Beijing to reconsider the zone, a demand that Chinese military officials rejected yesterday. The Japanese government of Prime
Minister Shinzo Abe regards the issue as a convenient pretext to press ahead with its plans to remilitarise the country. Chief Cabinet
Secretary Yoshihide Suga declared yesterday that Japanese planes “will continue the surveillance/patrol operation with strong
determination to protect our territory against China’s one-sided attempt to change the status quo by force.” The ruling Liberal
Democratic Party approved a resolution demanding that China revoke the air defence zone. The resolution criticised the Chinese
decision as a unilateral move and an expression of Beijing’s “unreasonable expansionism.” On government orders, Japanese airlines
are not providing flight plans to Chinese authorities for aircraft flying through the zone. Washington has not asked US airlines to
inform Beijing their flight plans. Instead, State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki yesterday issued a safety warning to American
airlines passing through the East China Sea region. At a press briefing yesterday, Chinese Defence Ministry spokesman Yang Yujun
responded to Japan’s demand by saying: “If they want it revoked, then we would ask that Japan first revoke its air defence
identification zone.” He criticised Japan for harassing Chinese surveillance vessels and aircraft entering the Japanese ADIZ around
the disputed Diaoyu/Senkaku islands. At the same time, Yang rather defensively explained that the Chinese ADIZ was not a “no-fly
zone” and not an extension of China’s airspace. It was, he said, just an early warning zone. He played down the possibility that China
would shoot down unauthorised aircraft in the ADIZ, even though on Saturday Chinese authorities warned of unspecified “defensive
emergency measures.” The
standoff is the product of steadily rising tensions stoked up by the Obama
administration’s “pivot to Asia,” involving a diplomatic offensive and military build-up
throughout the region aimed against China. Washington has encouraged key allies like Japan
and the Philippines to take a tougher stance toward Beijing over festering maritime disputes.
During the past year, the confrontation between Japan and China over the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands dramatically escalated after
Tokyo “nationalised” the rocky, uninhabited outcrops. The Abe government stepped up patrols of the area and even threatened to
shoot down unmanned Chinese drones that entered Japanese air space. China’s declaration of an ADIZ last weekend was a
calculated attempt to challenge Japanese control over the disputed islets, as well as Washington’s backing for Tokyo.
It was also
aimed against the frequent US military reconnaissance in waters and airspace just off the Chinese mainland. A
Financial Times commentary today noted that the dispute appears to focus on China and Japan. It added: “A more worrying,
and plausible, interpretation is that Beijing has decided to square up to the US in the western
Pacific. East Asia is looking an ever more dangerous place.” The article continued: “Consciously or otherwise,
Beijing has now turned control of the air space around the Senkakus into a litmus test of the US security commitment to east Asia.
For Washington to accept the Chinese restrictions would be to send a signal to every other
nation in the region that the US cannot be relied on to defend the status quo against Chinese
expansionism.” The Obama administration has no intention of sending such a signal. It dispatched nuclear-capable
B-52 bombers to the area to make that point in the most emphatic and reckless manner.
Moreover, it is not “Chinese expansionism,” but US determination to maintain its dominance in Asia that is fuelling tensions.
Washington has every intention, not only of maintaining the present status quo, which includes US bases in Japan and South Korea,
close to the Chinese mainland, but of extending its military presence in Asia to encircle China. The US response has placed Beijing in
a quandary. The Financial Times article concluded: “Chinese policy makers are nothing if not assiduous students of history. The rise
of Germany at the end of the 19th Century was long featured prominently in the curriculum of Beijing’s foreign policy elite. China,
these officials tell visitors, will not repeat the Kaiser’s miscalculation in uniting Germany’s neighbours in opposition to its rise to
great power status.” Yet by announcing the ADIZ, Beijing has succeeded in doing precisely that. South Korea, which China has been
seeking to woo, Japan and Australia have all chimed in against the decision. While the Financial Times does not spell it out, the
reference to the rise of Germany is a clear warning that Asia in 2013 is increasingly resembling Europe in 1913. The
global crisis
of capitalism is greatly exacerbating the tensions between the rival powers that erupted in the
barbarism of World War I.
CP
Counterplan Text: The USFG should delegate decisions about military presence
of the Marianas Trench National Monument to the people of Guam.
Solves the case--We need to give Guam back to the people.
Vine and Pemberton, their solvency author, ‘09, (David and Miriam, assistant
professor in Anthropology at American University, Research Fellow at the institute for Policy
Studies, “Marine Protection as Empire Expansion,” May 6 2009,
http://fpif.org/marine_protection_as_empire_expansion/)//erg
How then can these precious resources really be protected? First, and most importantly, the Pentagon cannot be exempted from
environmental regulations. Second, full control over Wake Island and Johnston Atoll should immediately be transferred from the
Department of Defense to the Department of the Interior — there’s no reason that the Pentagon should have its own private
islands. Third, the
people of Guam and the rest of the Northern Mariana Islands should be given
full control over the areas above and below the water surrounding its territory in full
accordance with international law.
The net benefit is that it restores power to the people—the counterplan
doesn’t force non-military development—it lets the people choose what to do.
Lutz, ’10, (Catherine, Thomas J. Watson Jr. Family Professor in Anthropology and International
Studies at the Watson Institute for International Studies at Brown University, “American Military
Bases on Guam: The US Global Military Basing System,” Global Research, 26 July 2010,
http://www.globalresearch.ca/american-military-bases-on-guam-the-us-global-military-basingsystem/20405)//erg
Pushback has been substantial, something that is particularly remarkable in a context in which many islanders consider themselves very loyal and
patriotic Americans and many have military paychecks or pensions as soldiers, veterans, or contract workers (Diaz 2001). Dissent among a variety of
Guam’s social sectors rose dramatically with the appearance of a draft Environmental Impact Statement in November 2009 which first made clear how
extensive Washington’s plans for the island were (Natividad and Kirk 2010). It rose, as well, when it became clear that Guam’s
political
leaders and citizens were to be simply informed of those plans, rather than consulted or asked
permission for the various uses. That dissent received support from movements against
simultaneous US base expansion plans in Okinawa and South Korea, as well as from the US EPA
response to the draft EIS, which found it deeply inadequate as a fair and clear assessment of the
environmental costs of the military’s desires. The Final EIS, just released at the end of July, puts the aircraft carrier berthing
plan on hold and draws out the buildup timeline to lower the population growth rate, but otherwise retains its scale and scope. A demonstration at a
sacred site at Pagat on July 23, 2010 provided the most potent symbolic expression of resistance to the base plan. My first exposure to Guam was in
1977, when I made a very brief stay over on my way to Ifalik atoll in the Federated States of Micronesia (then still a UN Trust Territory) for ethnographic
fieldwork that was part of my graduate training as an anthropologist. My miseducation up to that point had been profound: I could come to that nation
of islands without having first learned – through many years of education in US schools – the hard facts about the colonial status of the area to which I
was coming. My anthropological training back then focused, as most such programs did, on the beauty of indigenous ideas and rituals, of kinship
systems and healing practices. However helpful attention to such things was toward the goal of a humane and anti-racist understanding of the world,
the cultural worlds that anthropology had tried to document were treated as if they occurred in a vacuum, outside of the influence of powerful
economic and political forces and outside of history. My miseducation led me to be surprised when my
initial permission to travel to
Ifalik was granted not by Chamorros and Carolinians, but by US bureaucrats, then operating as Trust
Territory officials. I only then came to realize what this all actually meant – that Ifalik, like Guam, has had an deeply colonial
history, and that the lives the people there have led were in some ways of their own creative
making and in other ways they were the result of choices by people in other remote locations,
most recently in Tokyo and Washington, DC.
K
The affirmative’s “dynamic images,” bring colonial historical trauma to the
surface, which entrenches Eurocentric knowledge production because of the
separation from experience through philosophy—Their analysis means we can
never understand or act to prevent future injustices.
Vallega, ’11, (Alejandro A., University of Oregon, “Displacements—Beyond the Coloniality of
Images,” Research in Phenomenology 41 (2011) 206–227,
http://www.dialogoglobal.com/barcelona/texts/vallega/beyond-coloniality-of-images.pdf)//erg
The following discussion focuses on
dynamic mental images that are co- constitutive of the very
determinations of reality and possibility under which our senses of life open up and unfold. Such
images appear in their originary sense, as imago, as the play of imagination in the unfolding of
existence. Dynamic images are the expression of senses of life, and they are configured by the
complex concentration of concrete experiences, histories, lineages, memo- ries, forgetting,
loss, anxieties, and incapacities. This last sense of images refers us to philosophical knowledge in that
images mark the leeway for any possible articulation of senses of being in their dynamic
transforming unfolding. What is at stake is not merely an element among others in a mechanism or move- ment that
underlies philosophical knowledge. Dynamic images concern the possibilities and limits for the
articulation of lives that may be understood in their humanity,
i.e., as images affirm and give occasion for the articulation of one’s distinct senses of being. This
occurs through the experience of an imagi- nation that also figures the leeway for
transfiguring and giving rise to new determinations of identities and senses of being beyond
already established systems of conceptual knowledge (for example when we “change our minds,” when one
sees a problem differently, when one has “an idea,” and when a child is born into a family or community). Ultimately, this
dynamic sense of images introduces the difficulty of thinking in light of their role in the
configuration of human knowledge and their power over our interpretations and determinations of the many senses of beings. This relationship between images and philosophical
knowledge is further complicated when one looks at it from the perspective of a colonized
con- sciousness, be it in Latin America, Africa, or any other such situation in which images are determined by
conceptions of existence and conceptual and cul- tural expectations from outside a specific
living context. As Peruvian philoso- pher Anibal Quijano explains about the Latin American case, The Eurocentric
perspective of knowledge operates as a mirror that distorts what is reflected, as we can see in the
Latin American historical experience. That is to say, what we Latin Americans find in that mirror is not completely chimerical, since
we possess so many and such important historically European traits in many material and
intersubjective aspects. But at the same time we are profoundly different. Consequently, when we look in our
Eurocentric mirror, the image that we see is not composite but also necessarily partial and
distorted. The tragedy is that we have all been led, knowingly or not, wanting it or not, to see and accept that
image as our own and as belonging to us alone. In this way, we continue being what we are not.1 In
such cases as that of Latin America, self-knowledge and the very possibility of philosophical knowledge are
dependent on images that are not our own. This makes an articulate Latin American existence, which
deals with its reality, an impossible project. But the central issue here is not a natural underdevelopment; rather, it is by virtue of the kinds of images that situate Latin American consciousness and
colonized consciousness in general that the underdevelop- ment occurs. Thus, images hold sway
over knowledge by limiting existence. Here the force of imagination over the very possibility of
knowledge becomes exposed in its particularly pernicious ways. It is this difficult issue of how such 
images occur in spite of one’s distinct sense of existence that I will discuss in the following pages, ultimately with the aim of showing
how this distorted displacement of existence may be challenged and overcome. The
discussion begins with a brief sketch
centric images in Frantz Fanon’s Black Skin White Masks. We will then
move to Anibal Quijano’s analysis of the structures of power and knowledge that sustain the
Eurocentric image (the coloniality of power and knowledge). The closing section considers how, in particular works in modern
of a colonized life under the powerful sway of Euro-
contemporary art, there occurs a displacement of images from the structures of power, knowl- edge, and thought that situate them
in their Eurocentric configuration. Ulti- mately, I will show how this displacement, exemplified by the work of the Chilean conceptual
installation artist Alfredo Jaar, figures a way of unsettling and overcoming the coloniality of images.
These images make the people in Guam into colonial subjects under the global
market for exploitation and domination.
Vallega, ’11, (Alejandro A., University of Oregon, “Displacements—Beyond the Coloniality of
Images,” Research in Phenomenology 41 (2011) 206–227,
http://www.dialogoglobal.com/barcelona/texts/vallega/beyond-coloniality-of-images.pdf)//erg
In “Coloniality of Power, Eurocentrism, and Social Classification,” Anibal Quijano exposes
the origins and
perpetuation of an economy of global power that begins with the colonization of America and
continues to date under the name of globalization (CP 181). As we will see, the elements of coloniality
organize and sustain the kinds of Eurocentric images we have been discuss- ing.7 As Quijano
explains, the origin of globalization occurs with the birth of colonial/modern Eurocentered
capitalism as a new global power: “the social classification of the world’s population around the idea of race, a mental
con- struction that expresses the basic experience of colonial domination and per- 7) Nelson Maldonado-Torres develops Quijano’s
insight in terms of the coloniality of being. A
very important step that adds to this analysis is its recognition
of the concrete experiences and lives that are in question throughout this discussion (MaldonadoTorres, “On the Coloniality of Being: Contributions to the Development of a Concept,” Cultural Studies 21, nos. 2 and 3 [March/May
2007]: 252). 214 A. A. Vallega / Research in Phenomenology 41 (2011) 206–227 vades the more important dimensions of global
power, including its specific rationality: Eurocentrism” (CP 181). Here Quijano puts his finger on the idea that holds in place the
colonizing of images Fanon articulates. As Quijano explains, “race” is not a natural fact but a mental construction, one that serves as
the foundation of colonial domination and Eurocentrism. According to Quijano the two basic axes of the new model of world power
are the new structuring of control of labor and production, and the development of the idea of “race” as a natural fact, i.e., “a
supposedly different biological structure that placed some in a natural situation of inferiority to the others.”8 On the one hand,
these two elements together, labor and race, lead to the formation of new historical identities such as Indians, blacks, and mestizos.
On the other hand, central
European identity is configured as a matter not of geography but of race.
These basic racial identities serve as the instruments for basic social classification (CP 182). Moreover,
with these races socially identified, a sys- tematic division of labor appears based on race. The system works according to wage-labor
rules: “First, it was based on the assignment of unpaid labor to colonial races (originally American Indians,
blacks and, in more complex ways, mestizos).... Second, labor was controlled through the assignment of salaried labor to the
colonizing whites” (CP 187). Finally, based on race and salary, a
hierarchy develops that places those who
deserve wages in an epistem- ically priviledged postion with respect to possible knowledge.
With these brief steps a system of domination/exploitation based on race/labor has been con- figured
through the colonization of America, a system of power Quijano names “coloniality” and that will remain
operative beyond post-colonialism to date. The last step in the coloniality of power points to a second aspect, the
coloniality of knowledge. Through the development of coloniality Europe comes to believe it is not only
the center of power but the cultural and historical apogee of humanity. The ego cogito takes its place at
the center and as the highest expression of knowledge. With this development heterogeneous cultures, intellectual lives, are
relocated according to a single configuration.9 “In effect, all of the 8) CP 182. Indeed, this “natural” difference was assumed as
constitutive of the relations of dom- ination that the conquest imposed.
The alternative is to reject the affirmative in order to displace the colonialist
images of suffering from the 1AC—this rejection is key to break down
Eurocentric hegemony.
Vallega, ’11, (Alejandro A., University of Oregon, “Displacements—Beyond the Coloniality of
Images,” Research in Phenomenology 41 (2011) 206–227,
http://www.dialogoglobal.com/barcelona/texts/vallega/beyond-coloniality-of-images.pdf)//erg
Conclusion: It is Difficult, of Truth and Images In the last section we
engaged moments of displacement in which
one finds a possibility for the liberation of images from the coloniality of power, knowledge,
and thought. In Alfredo Jaar’s “It Is Difficult,” images are dis- placed from this order from outside the
Eurocentric Western hegemonic gaze. This occurs because the themes, structures, and very possibility of
knowledge and representation have been altered and are no longer operative in terms of the
rule of coloniality. What happens to our sense of images in this engagement from the periphery? If the discussion has
had any success, we are left with the possibility of looking for new configurations of images, for
other knowledge, but always in the awareness of the overwhelming flood of ready-made
colonizing images that seem to almost secure our existential blind- ness towards the distinct lives that offer unsuspected new
paths towards world philosophies.
Case
They don’t undo the environmental damage that has been done. The
destruction primarily occurred during the base building process.
Can’t solve—the aff doesn’t stop the military expansion in the Pacific.
Paik, ’10, (Koohan, “Challenges to Further Militarization in Guahan (Guam),” Overseas
Territories Review, 19 April, 2010, http://overseasreview.blogspot.com/2010/04/living-at-tip-ofspear.html)//erg
The upcoming changes are all aimed at fulfilling a Pentagon vision set forth in its 2010 Quadrennial Defense Review. The
"Guam
Buildup [will] transform Guam," says the report, "the westernmost sovereign [sic] territory of the United
States, into a hub for security activities in the region," intended to "deter and defeat" regional
aggressors. Guam will be ground zero for mega-militarization in the Pacific and beyond. John Pike
of Globalsecurity.org, a Washington-based think tank, hypothesizes that the military's goal is to be able "to run the planet from
Guam and Diego Garcia [an Indian Ocean atoll owned by Britain] by 2015," "even if the entire Eastern Hemisphere has drop-kicked"
the United States from every other base on their territory. The
swell of US military activity in the Pacific is not
confined to Guam. All across the hemisphere, island communities are inflamed over a quiet,
swift rearrangement and expansion of US bases throughout the Pacific--on Okinawa (Japan); on Jeju (a joint USSouth Korea effort); on Tinian (in the same archipelago as Guam, but part of the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands);
on Kwajalein and the rest of Micronesia; and on the Hawaiian islands of Oahu, Big Island and Kauai. The
US Pacific
Command calls it an Integrated Global Presence and Basing Strategy. These imperial intentions have
barely registered in the American media, despite gargantuan expenditures and plans. Nonetheless, this projection of American
colonial assumptions and aggression is taking its toll throughout the Pacific Rim.
Their Hsu evidence says that Guam’s economy is positively centered around
military development.
Military development is widely supported and key to the economy.
Dalisay, ’12, (Francis, “An Examination of the Relationships Between Attention to Information
Sources, Colonial Debt, and Attitudes Toward a U.S. Military Buildup in the Pacific: The Case of
Guam, Journal of Intercultural Communication Research,” Routledge, 16 Nov 2012,
http://socialsciences.people.hawaii.edu/publications_lib/Dalisay.Buildup%20JICR%20Study.pdf)
//erg
The history of Guam can be narrated along close to five centuries of its experiences with colonial powers. The explorer Ferdinand Magellan was sailing
under the Spanish flag when on March 6, 1521, he became the first Westerner to step foot on Guam. Consequently, the island became a Spanish colony
for more than 300 years. In 1898, as a result of the Spanish-American War, the United States annexed Guam. A series of appointed U.S. Naval
governors then controlled the island for more than 40 years. In 1941, the Japanese invaded and took control of Guam, occupying it through the
duration of World War II. On July 21, 1944, the Americans returned and recaptured the island. Guam’s local residents understand this event as the
American liberation of their island (e.g., Perez, 2002; Rogers, 1995). Yet after the war, the island was once again under absolute control by the U.S.
Navy. Chamorros’ animosity toward subjugation by the U.S. military government intensified at that time, and this led to a confrontation between
Guam’s local leaders and a U.S. naval governor (Perez, 2002). This prompted U.S. President Harry S. Truman to sign the Organic Act of Guam in 1950.
The Organic Act granted the island the status of an unincorporated American territory, and gave
its Chamorro population U.S. citizenship. It also shifted administrative control of Guam from the U.S. Navy to the Department of
the Interior, and led to the appointment of the island’s first local civilian governor (Perez, 2002). To protect and promote local interests, Guam has
a three-branch democratic government system, with a governor and lieutenant governor, a
legislature with 15 senators, and a judicial branch. Throughout the post-war years, Guam has served as a
strategic site for bases of the U.S. Air Force and Navy. The large U.S. military presence plays an
important role in Downloaded by [Francis Dalisay] at 05:23 07 March 2013 4 F. Dalisay sustaining the island’s economy.
Guam has also relied on a tourism industry, which in the past decade has seen a sharp decline in visitor arrivals, resulting in
an economic downturn. This slowdown in tourism is attributed to a sharp decline in the number of Japanese tourists visiting the island, due to Japan’s
economic circumstances, such as a recession in the late 1990s through early 2000s and an economic slowdown attributed to natural disasters.
According to most recent estimates from Guam’s Bureau of Labor Statistics (2011), the island’s unemployment rate is 13.3%. The U.S. Department of
Defense plans to relocate Marine Corps personnel from the 3rd Expeditionary Force, currently stationed in Okinawa, Japan, to Guam. This move, which
is expected to concur on 2015, would potentially bring in an estimated 5,000 U.S. Marines and more than 1,300 of their dependents (Kelmen, 2012).
Although a few of Guam’s residents have expressed concerns about the U.S. military buildup’s potential negative impact on their island’s environment
and culture (Democracy Now, 2009; Harden, 2010), many
residents (e.g., Murphy, 2008) and local leaders (Hart, 2011; Quintanilla,
the governor of Guam (e.g., Office of Governor Eddie Baza Calvo, 2011), have supported the
buildup and anticipate it would bring economic growth. A 2009 poll found that 70% of the
island supported the buildup, and 82% felt that it would bring in more jobs and revenues
(Tamondong, 2009). A more recent poll conducted in 2011 found that 60% of the island supported the buildup, while only
16% were against it (Hart, 2011). These stances can be contrasted with the anti-American military sentiments expressed by Okinawa’s
2012), including
people and its local media. Indeed, in Okinawa, there have been significant incidents that have contributed to a deterioration of relationships between
the U.S. military and local people. One incidence is the 1995 raping of an Okinawan girl by U.S. Marines, which fueled Okinawans’ disfavor toward the
Marines. Additionally, Okinawans and their local media have publicly voiced concerns over the environmental problems caused by U.S. military
presence, such as noise resulting from live firing exercises conducted by U.S. combat operations (e.g., Akibayashi & Takazato, 2008). On the other hand,
on Guam there have not been any such incidents, and therefore they are not likely to appear in Guam’s local media.
Military control is key to environmental sustainability because of regulations—
a shift away from military development would increase destruction
EIS Report, ’10, (Joint Guam Program Office, “GUAM AND CNMI MILITARY RELOCATION:
Relocating Marines from Okinawa, Visiting Aircraft Carrier Berthing, and Army Air and Missile
Defense Task Force,” Final Environmental Impact Statement, July 2010,
http://www.guambuildupeis.us/documents/final/volume_7/Volume_7_Proposed_Mitigation_
Measures_Preferred_Alternatives_Impacts_and_Cumulative_Impacts.pdf)//erg
Climate change is a global issue for DoD. As is outlined in the Quadrennial Defense Review Report (QDR) of February
2010, DoD would need to adjust to the impacts of climate change on our facilities and military
capabilities. The Department already provides environmental stewardship at hundreds of DoD
installations throughout the United States and around the world, working diligently to meet
resource efficiency and sustainability goals as set by relevant laws and executive orders.
Although the United States has significant capacity to adapt to climate change, it will pose challenges for civil society and DoD alike,
particularly in light of the nation’s extensive coastal infrastructure. In 2008, the National Intelligence Council judged that more than
30 U.S. military installations were already facing elevated levels of risk from rising sea levels. DoD’s operational
readiness
hinges on continued access to land, air, and sea training and test space. Consequently, the
Department must complete a comprehensive assessment of all installations to assess the
potential impacts of climate change on its missions and adapt as required. The QDR goes on to
illustrate that DoD will work to foster efforts to assess, adapt to, and mitigate the impacts of
climate change. Domestically, the Department will leverage the Strategic Environmental Research
and Development Program, a joint effort among DoD, the Department of Energy, and the
Environmental Protection Agency, to develop climate change assessment tools. Abroad, the
Department will increase its investment in the Defense Environmental International
Cooperation Program not only to promote cooperation on environmental security issues, but
also to augment international adaptation efforts. On the Navy operational side, the Office of the Vice Chief of
Naval Operations published on May 21, 2010 the Task Force Climate Change Roadmap, which building off the QDR, focuses on the
naval operational challenges of a changing climate. Although the document does not address compliance issues, the roadmap also
recognizes the need to address sea level rise impacts on infrastructure and real estate through strategic investments and installation
adaptation strategies to address water resource challenges. Guam and the CNMI would
have some unique
adaptation issues to evaluate and consider. The U.S. Global Climate Research Program (USGCRP) report, “Global
Climate Change Impacts in the U.S.” reviewed the unique impacts of Climate Change on Islands. According to the report, climate
change presents U.S.-affiliated islands with unique challenges. Small
islands are vulnerable to sea-level rise,
coastal erosion, extreme weather events, coral reef bleaching, ocean acidification, and
contamination of freshwater resources with saltwater. The islands have experienced rising temperatures and
sea level in recent decades. Projections for the rest of this century suggest continued increases in air and ocean surface
temperatures in both the Pacific and Caribbean, an overall decrease in rainfall in the Caribbean, an increased frequency of heavy
downpours nearly everywhere, and increased rainfall during the summer months (rather than the normal rainy season in the winter
months) for the Pacific islands. Hurricane wind speeds and rainfall rates are likely to increase with continued warming. Island coasts
would be at increased risk of inundation due to sea-level rise and storm surge with major implications for coastal communities,
infrastructure, natural habitats, and resources. The report goes on to illustrate that island
communities, infrastructure,
and ecosystems are vulnerable to coastal inundation due to sea-level rise and coastal storms.
Flooding would become more frequent and coastal land would be permanently lost as the sea inundates low-lying areas and the
shorelines erode. Loss of land would affect living things in coastal ecosystems. Hurricanes and other storm events cause major
impacts to island communities including loss of life, damage to infrastructure and other property, and contamination of freshwater
supplies. With further warming, hurricane and typhoon peak wind intensities and rainfall are likely to increase, which, combined
with sea-level rise, would cause higher storm surge levels.
The military has not done any damage—any environmental impacts are from
alt causes.
EIS Report, ’10, (Joint Guam Program Office, “GUAM AND CNMI MILITARY RELOCATION:
Relocating Marines from Okinawa, Visiting Aircraft Carrier Berthing, and Army Air and Missile
Defense Task Force,” Final Environmental Impact Statement, July 2010,
http://www.guambuildupeis.us/documents/final/volume_7/Volume_7_Proposed_Mitigation_
Measures_Preferred_Alternatives_Impacts_and_Cumulative_Impacts.pdf)//erg
The conclusion of a recent State of the Coral Reef Ecosystem on Guam assessment was that the
health of Guam’s coral reefs varies significantly. Reefs unaffected by sediment and nutrient loading, such as
those in the northern part of the island and some coastal areas in the south, have healthy coral communities. Guam’s
reefs have been spared from large-scale bleaching events and coral diseases which are
prevalent in so many parts of the world. A number of Guam’s reefs are impacted by land-based
sources of pollution and over-fishing. Guam identified land-based sources of pollution as its number one priority focus
area in 2002. Sedimentation, algal overgrowth due to decreased fish stocks, and low recruitment rates of both corals and fish are
important issues that must also be addressed (see Volume 2, Section 16.1.6.9) Big
Blue Reef in Apra Harbor is
considered one of the healthiest reefs in the harbor due to the reef’s protection from water quality factors associated
with Inner Apra Harbor and ship-induced sediment resuspension that impact other reef systems in the harbor. Reefs off Dry Dock
Island, which was artificially created during WWII, are considered to also be among the healthiest reefs in the harbor, primarily due
to protection from stressors (Volume 4, Section 11.1.2.2). In contrast, the coral reef along Polaris Point, which was also constructed
during WWII, is of marginal quality and has the greatest signs of stress, including high levels of total suspended solids (TSS) likely
derived from watershed discharge. Recreational activities result in physical damage to coral reefs, and fish
feeding by
snorkelers and divers can alter fish behavior. Recent studies conducted in support of this EIS identify evidence of
anchor and/or anchor chain damage to coral in Apra Harbor, including the formation of a rubble field on the southern side of the
floating dry dock (Volume 4, Section 11.1.2.2). Movement of mooring chains on the southern side of the floating dry dock has
produced a significant rubble field, although mooring chains on the northern (outer) side of the floating dry dock do not appear to
have caused similar damage. No
recently completed projects with the potential to contribute to a
cumulative impact to marine biological resources on Guam were identified (Table 4.3-3). Four projects
currently in progress with the potential to contribute to cumulative impacts to marine biological resources on Guam were identified
and include the following (Table 4.3-3): MIRC (4), ISR/Strike Capability (Andersen AFB; N-7), Kilo Wharf Extension (AH-18), and
Mitigation for Kilo Wharf Extension (AH-21). Mitigation for Kilo Wharf Extension has a beneficial cumulative impact.
Their plan is not sufficient
ALEXANDER, Their solvency author, ‘11, (Ronni, professor of transnational relations at
the Graduate School of International Cooperation Studies, Kobe University , “Militarization and
Identity on Guahan/Guam: Exploring intersections of indigeneity, gender and security,” Journal
of International Cooperation Studies, Vol.21, No.1(2013.7) http://www.research.kobeu.ac.jp/gsics-publication/jics/alexander_21-1.pdf)//erg
The voices expressed in the previous section reflect the complexities of citizenship, highlighting multi-dimensional identities and differences along lines
of gender, class, and race/indigeneity. They illustrate how racialized hierarchies from the Spanish time have been reproduced in citizenship hierarchies
under American rule. Moreover, the gendered and militarized notions of production/reproduction and class introduced by the Spanish and reinforced
On
Guahan/Guam, it is very difficult to‘be CHamoru.’Being simultaneously CHamoru and American
through citizenship and‘equal belonging’is close to impossible. Becoming a soldier is offered as a way to overcome,
by the United States meant that for high ranking men in particular, masculinity, identity, and military service have become inextricably linked.
or perhaps negate, invisibility through the attainment of first-class citizenship, something that is denied to other, non-militarized bodies. Yet the high
death rates of CHamoru soldiers and their devalorised CHamoru identities within the military speak to ways in which the military fails to meet these
expectations. Thus, on many different levels, the military is conflated with what it means to be American. And being American is both gendered and
militarized. Opposing
the proposed military build-up entails serious questioning about the meaning
of citizenship on, and for, Guahan/Guam. Being CHamoru means rethinking one’s identity as a woman
or as a man. Opposing militarization and the build-up thus requires people to question who they
are, what their life choices have meant, and‘how they remember themselves to be.’It is a difficult task,
but one which in the end might enable CHamoru to assert their authenticity and relieve their anguish. There are perhaps three lessons from this
analysis that can be applied to the praxis of opposing the military build-up on Guahan/Guam. The first is that
this is not a single issue,
not something that can be promoted successfully only as an anti-base/ anti-military campaign.
Therefore, praxis needs to address the underlying issues of identity, not as identity politics but
through an understanding of how certain identities serve to negate others. Gendered identities are made
more complex by militarization which further de-legitimizes non-Western gender identities. Being a tough CHamoru woman should not have to be the
same as being a macho American soldier.
Non-unique—decolonization processes are happening in the squo and is
initiated by the people.
LOSINIO, 7/22, (LOUELLA, “Guam Decolonization Registry still open,” Marianas Variety, 22
JUL 2014, http://mvguam.com/local/news/36078-guam-decolonization-registry-stillopen.html#.U8--OEL6JUQ)//erg
DURING the 70th Guam Liberation Day Parade, the
Office of Sen. Ben Pangelinan opened its doors to the
community just as it had in previous years to encourage eligible members of the community to
sign up for the Guam Decolonization Registry. Lisa Dames, chief of staff, said the staff hopes to continue the
initiative, for which the late senator had been strongly advocating over the past years. “This will be the last one that we will do for
Liberation Day but we
hope to continue the senator’s work,” she said, adding that the staff is committed to
sustaining the initiative. As of April, the Guam Election Commission reported that the list had grown to 6,569 names. The
registry was created by law 14 years ago. With the passage of another piece of legislation introduced by former Sen. Judith Guthertz,
now P.L. 31-244, a mechanism
was created to expand the registration process by identifying more
registrars. The law also tasks the Decolonization Commission with developing a plan of action
and an education campaign. Maria Pangelinan, executive director of the election commission, recently reported that
prior to receiving funding for the registry in 2011, only 938 people had registered. However, in August that same year, the
commission received an additional 3,843 names from the Chamorro Land Trust. According to the law, a lessee under the Chamorro
Land Trust is listed automatically in the Guam Decolonization Registry. Under Guam’s plebiscite law, the self-determination exercise
is restricted to “native inhabitants,” defined as “those who became U.S. citizens by virtue of the 1950 Organic Act and their blood
descendants.” The law sets a threshold of 70 percent of the eligible voters as a prerequisite for holding a plebiscite for selfdetermination.
Cores
CP
Counterplan Text: The USFG should delegate decisions about development of
the Marianas Trench National Monument to the people of Guam.
Solves the case--We need to give Guam back to the people.
Vine and Pemberton, their solvency author, ‘09, (David and Miriam, assistant
professor in Anthropology at American University, Research Fellow at the institute for Policy
Studies, “Marine Protection as Empire Expansion,” May 6 2009,
http://fpif.org/marine_protection_as_empire_expansion/)//erg
How then can these precious resources really be protected? First, and most importantly, the Pentagon cannot be exempted from
environmental regulations. Second, full control over Wake Island and Johnston Atoll should immediately be transferred from the
Department of Defense to the Department of the Interior — there’s no reason that the Pentagon should have its own private
islands. Third, the
people of Guam and the rest of the Northern Mariana Islands should be given
full control over the areas above and below the water surrounding its territory in full
accordance with international law.
The net benefit is that it restores power to the people—the counterplan
doesn’t force non-military development—it lets the people choose what to do.
Lutz, ’10, (Catherine, Thomas J. Watson Jr. Family Professor in Anthropology and International
Studies at the Watson Institute for International Studies at Brown University, “American Military
Bases on Guam: The US Global Military Basing System,” Global Research, 26 July 2010,
http://www.globalresearch.ca/american-military-bases-on-guam-the-us-global-military-basingsystem/20405)//erg
Pushback has been substantial, something that is particularly remarkable in a context in which many islanders consider themselves very loyal and
patriotic Americans and many have military paychecks or pensions as soldiers, veterans, or contract workers (Diaz 2001). Dissent among a variety of
Guam’s social sectors rose dramatically with the appearance of a draft Environmental Impact Statement in November 2009 which first made clear how
extensive Washington’s plans for the island were (Natividad and Kirk 2010). It rose, as well, when it became clear that Guam’s
political
leaders and citizens were to be simply informed of those plans, rather than consulted or asked
permission for the various uses. That dissent received support from movements against
simultaneous US base expansion plans in Okinawa and South Korea, as well as from the US EPA
response to the draft EIS, which found it deeply inadequate as a fair and clear assessment of the
environmental costs of the military’s desires. The Final EIS, just released at the end of July, puts the aircraft carrier berthing
plan on hold and draws out the buildup timeline to lower the population growth rate, but otherwise retains its scale and scope. A demonstration at a
sacred site at Pagat on July 23, 2010 provided the most potent symbolic expression of resistance to the base plan. My first exposure to Guam was in
1977, when I made a very brief stay over on my way to Ifalik atoll in the Federated States of Micronesia (then still a UN Trust Territory) for ethnographic
fieldwork that was part of my graduate training as an anthropologist. My miseducation up to that point had been profound: I could come to that nation
of islands without having first learned – through many years of education in US schools – the hard facts about the colonial status of the area to which I
was coming. My anthropological training back then focused, as most such programs did, on the beauty of indigenous ideas and rituals, of kinship
systems and healing practices. However helpful attention to such things was toward the goal of a humane and anti-racist understanding of the world,
the cultural worlds that anthropology had tried to document were treated as if they occurred in a vacuum, outside of the influence of powerful
economic and political forces and outside of history. My miseducation led me to be surprised when my
initial permission to travel to
Ifalik was granted not by Chamorros and Carolinians, but by US bureaucrats, then operating as Trust
Territory officials. I only then came to realize what this all actually meant – that Ifalik, like Guam, has had an deeply colonial
history, and that the lives the people there have led were in some ways of their own creative
making and in other ways they were the result of choices by people in other remote locations,
most recently in Tokyo and Washington, DC.
Says yes
The people will say yes because of positive public services--Militarization
increases the population, which sustains the economy.
EIS Report, ’10, (Joint Guam Program Office, “GUAM AND CNMI MILITARY RELOCATION:
Relocating Marines from Okinawa, Visiting Aircraft Carrier Berthing, and Army Air and Missile
Defense Task Force,” Final Environmental Impact Statement, July 2010,
http://www.guambuildupeis.us/documents/final/volume_7/Volume_7_Proposed_Mitigation_
Measures_Preferred_Alternatives_Impacts_and_Cumulative_Impacts.pdf)//erg
Population increases have inherently mixed impacts (both beneficial and adverse), because population
growth fuels economic expansion but sudden growth also strains government services and the social fabric. Such
population increases could be fueled by the development projects mentioned above. In addition, there are DoD mission
changes on the cumulative project list that would increase the on-island population, such as
Redhorse/Commando Warrior Training (N-6) and ISR/Strike (N-7), which are included in the affected environment discussion of this
EIS. Other mission changes, such as Army JHSV (AH-22) and BAMS (N-22), that might impact island population, were not included in
the affected environment because there is insufficient detail on the project description. Some projects
would have
beneficial impacts to public services available on Guam, such as a new prison (7), a new high
school (N-20), a veteran’s clinic (C-9), and a new landfill (S-2). The workforce housing projects would support a
transient worker population, which is beneficial if support services are provided to the workers through the workforce
housing. Need for Mitigation. Mitigation measures proposed to avoid or reduce impacts to socioeconomics and general services
are listed in Table 2.2-1. These proposed mitigation measures would avoid or reduce impacts resulting from the preferred
alternative in combination with other past, present, and reasonably foreseeable future actions. No additional mitigation measures
for cumulative impacts are proposed.
Dynamic images K
Dynamic Images Link
Paternalism links
Indicts of environmental protection.
Dynamic images from a ‘colonized conscious’ perspective distort reality—
entrenching colonialism and turning the case
Vallega, ’11, (Alejandro A., University of Oregon, “Displacements—Beyond the Coloniality of
Images,” Research in Phenomenology 41 (2011) 206–227,
http://www.dialogoglobal.com/barcelona/texts/vallega/beyond-coloniality-of-images.pdf)//erg
Dynamic mental images are co-constitutive of the determinations of reality and possibility under
which our senses of life open and unfold. Ultimately, this dynamic sense of images introduces the
difficulty of thinking in light of their role in the configuration of human knowledge and their
power over interpretations and determinations of the many senses of beings. This relationship
between images and philosophical knowledge is further complicated when one looks at it
from the perspective of a colonized consciousness. In such cases self-knowledge and the very possibility of philosophical knowledge depend on images that are not one’s own. This makes the articu- lation
of the senses of distinct existences an impossible project. By looking at the work of Fanon, Anibal Quijano, and Alfredo Jaar, this
article discusses how such pernicious
images occur in spite of one’s distinct sense of existence, and how
the distorted displacement of existence may be chal- lenged and overcome.
The affirmative’s “dynamic images,” bring colonial historical trauma to the
surface, which entrenches Eurocentric knowledge production because of the
separation from experience through philosophy—Their analysis means we can
never understand or act to prevent future injustices.
Vallega, ’11, (Alejandro A., University of Oregon, “Displacements—Beyond the Coloniality of
Images,” Research in Phenomenology 41 (2011) 206–227,
http://www.dialogoglobal.com/barcelona/texts/vallega/beyond-coloniality-of-images.pdf)//erg
The following discussion focuses on
dynamic mental images that are co- constitutive of the very
determinations of reality and possibility under which our senses of life open up and unfold. Such
images appear in their originary sense, as imago, as the play of imagination in the unfolding of
existence. Dynamic images are the expression of senses of life, and they are configured by the
complex concentration of concrete experiences, histories, lineages, memo- ries, forgetting,
loss, anxieties, and incapacities. This last sense of images refers us to philosophical knowledge in that
images mark the leeway for any possible articulation of senses of being in their dynamic
transforming unfolding. What is at stake is not merely an element among others in a mechanism or move- ment that
underlies philosophical knowledge. Dynamic images concern the possibilities and limits for the
articulation of lives that may be understood in their humanity,
i.e., as images affirm and give occasion for the articulation of one’s distinct senses of being. This
occurs through the experience of an imagi- nation that also figures the leeway for
transfiguring and giving rise to new determinations of identities and senses of being beyond
already established systems of conceptual knowledge (for example when we “change our minds,” when one
sees a problem differently, when one has “an idea,” and when a child is born into a family or community). Ultimately, this
dynamic sense of images introduces the difficulty of thinking in light of their role in the
configuration of human knowledge and their power over our interpretations and determinations of the many senses of beings. This relationship between images and philosophical
knowledge is further complicated when one looks at it from the perspective of a colonized
con- sciousness, be it in Latin America, Africa, or any other such situation in which images are determined by
conceptions of existence and conceptual and cul- tural expectations from outside a specific
living context. As Peruvian philoso- pher Anibal Quijano explains about the Latin American case, The Eurocentric
perspective of knowledge operates as a mirror that distorts what is reflected, as we can see in the
Latin American historical experience. That is to say, what we Latin Americans find in that mirror is not completely chimerical, since
we possess so many and such important historically European traits in many material and
intersubjective aspects. But at the same time we are profoundly different. Consequently, when we look in our
Eurocentric mirror, the image that we see is not composite but also necessarily partial and
distorted. The tragedy is that we have all been led, knowingly or not, wanting it or not, to see and accept that
image as our own and as belonging to us alone. In this way, we continue being what we are not.1 In
such cases as that of Latin America, self-knowledge and the very possibility of philosophical knowledge are
dependent on images that are not our own. This makes an articulate Latin American existence, which
deals with its reality, an impossible project. But the central issue here is not a natural underdevelopment; rather, it is by virtue of the kinds of images that situate Latin American consciousness and
colonized consciousness in general that the underdevelop- ment occurs. Thus, images hold sway
over knowledge by limiting existence. Here the force of imagination over the very possibility of
knowledge becomes exposed in its particularly pernicious ways. It is this difficult issue of how such 
images occur in spite of one’s distinct sense of existence that I will discuss in the following pages, ultimately with the aim of showing
how this distorted displacement of existence may be challenged and overcome. The
discussion begins with a brief sketch
centric images in Frantz Fanon’s Black Skin White Masks. We will then
move to Anibal Quijano’s analysis of the structures of power and knowledge that sustain the
Eurocentric image (the coloniality of power and knowledge). The closing section considers how, in particular works in modern
of a colonized life under the powerful sway of Euro-
contemporary art, there occurs a displacement of images from the structures of power, knowl- edge, and thought that situate them
in their Eurocentric configuration. Ulti- mately, I will show how this displacement, exemplified by the work of the Chilean conceptual
installation artist Alfredo Jaar, figures a way of unsettling and overcoming the coloniality of images.
Accounts of colonial suffering are limited and distorted, colonized by
Eurocentric ideas of how people acted and should act. Trying to relate means
you entrench colonial power structures and commodify real suffering—turns
the case.
Vallega, ’11, (Alejandro A., University of Oregon, “Displacements—Beyond the Coloniality of
Images,” Research in Phenomenology 41 (2011) 206–227,
http://www.dialogoglobal.com/barcelona/texts/vallega/beyond-coloniality-of-images.pdf)//erg
In the fifth chapter of Black Skin White Masks, titled “The Lived Experience of the Black” (L’expérience vécue de Noir), Fanon
gives a detailed analysis of the experience of alienation undergone by him as a colonized colored
person.3 As the title of the chapter indicates, the discussion moves through various images of the Negro in an
attempt to begin to give articulation to the identity of a living experience that has been
alienated by Eurocentric images. The limita- tion of images and the distortion of existence
become painfully evident once Fanon moves beyond stereotypes about the Negro and
attempts to affirm his distinct existence.4 Fanon’s first attempt to find recognition is by turning to the rational principles of the dignity found in a common humanity. As he concludes, “In the abstract there was agreement: The negro is a human
being. . . . But on certain points white man remained intractable. Under no condition did he want any intimacy between the races”
(BW 120). Even if at a rational level a sense of equality could be tolerated, ultimately the human equality of the Negro’s exis- tence
remains questionable. Even in rational agreement a racial “natural” hier- archy would prevail. “I had rationalized the world and the
world had rejected me on the basis of color prejudice” (BW 123). Given the
impossibility of finding equality by
seeing himself as a rational being among other rational beings Fanon turns to its opposite. “From
the opposite end of the white world a magical Negro culture was hailing me.... Since no agreement was possible on the level of
reason, I threw myself back toward unreason” (BW 123). Here the Negro figures an intuitive sensual being 3) Frantz Fanon, Black
Skin White Masks, trans. Charles Lam Markmann (New York: Grove University Press,1967); hereafter BW, followed by page. 4) “I
resolved, since it was impossible for me to get away from an inborn complex, to assert myself as a BLACK MAN. Since the other
hesitated to recognize me, there remained only one solution: to make myself known” (BW 115). For reasons of space I will not
discuss Fanon’s careful articulation of the frame of reference that organizes the objectification of the person of color (BW 109–12). 
210 A. A. Vallega / Research in Phenomenology 41 (2011) 206–227 identified by his/her non-rational intuition. “Little by little... I
secreted a race. And that race staggered under the burden of a basic element. What was it? Rhythm?” (BW 122). The
image of
a rational being is replaced with that of a rhythmic life that in its movement has a direct
connection with existence. “Eyah! The tom-tom chatters out the cosmic message. Only the Negro has the capacity to
convey it, to decipher its meaning, its import” (BW 124). This image seems to make the articulation of the
singular existence of the Negro possible for the first time in Fanon’s analysis. “So here we have the
Negro rehabilitated, ‘standing before the bar,’ ruling the world with his intuition. . . . [H]e is not a Negro but the Negro, exciting the
fecund antennae of the world, placed in the foreground of the world. . . . I am the world” (BW 127). Fanon’s statements are
sustained by quotes from the poetry of Léopold Senghor and Aimer Césaire, by images of roots that go back to ancient Africa and
ulti- mately to the heart of cosmic existence and knowledge. But this
is not a moment of overcoming Eurocentric
images, rather one of self-recognition through the image of the Negro as the dialectical opposite of European
rationality.5 At this point of his reflection, Fanon’s new discovered self-image places him from the start
within the order of the colonial world. His image is that of the negativity of reason, of the
dialectical opposite of the white world: “Up to the neck in the irrational” (BW 123). As the opposite of rationality,
the poetic and mythical image of the Negro is subject to three criticisms. First Fanon points to the rational objection to
his abandonment of reason: “Black magic, primitive mentality, animism, animal eroticism, it all floods over me. All of it is typical of
people who have not kept with the evolution of the human race. Or, if one prefers, this is humanity at its lowest” (BW 126). Now
Fanon’s image comes
under scrutiny in light of Western modern prog- ress. The images he finds
have already been colonized by the Eurocentric idea that those who do not know the world in a
Western rational manner cannot be civilized, fully human; this is the expectation that puts Fanon’s affirmation
of his blackness through images of the irrational into question. In response to this, Fanon has no choice but to insist on his resistance
against rationality. Thus, he repeats Senghor’s famous statement, “Emotion is completely black as reason is Greek” (BW 127). But in
spite of his best argument for the distinct- ness of the black person in terms of his or her particular mystic knowledge, Fanon’s
position is still appropriated by the conceptual expectations of the white/colonizing modern
world. 5) “From the opposite end of the white world” (BW 123). I made myself the poet of the world. The white man had found
a poetry in which there was nothing poetic.... I had soon to change my tune... [T]he white man explained to me that .
. . I represent a stage of development: “Your properties have been exhausted by us. We have had earth mystics such
as you will never approach.” (BW 129) Again, the challenge comes from a Eurocentric colonialist position. This
time the argument refers to the timeline of development that would recognize other people’s cultures as examples of a distant past
consciousness already overcome by a modern contemporary world. In this sense Fanon’s
image would simply fit into a
moment already overcome in the development of the West and would represent a lesser stage
earlier in the development of human life. Fanon responds in light of anthropological and historical evidence and
shows that what is considered white Western culture was already predated by vast developments precisely in the black world.
“Ségou, Djenné, cities of more than a hundred thousand people; accounts of learned blacks (doctors of theol- ogy who went to
Mecca to study the Koran). All of that exhumed from the past. . . . The white man was wrong, I was not primitive, not even a halfman, I belonged to a race that had been working in gold and silver two thousand years ago” (BW 130). With this argument Fanon
finds “a place in history.” The image of the instinctual life is supplemented and strengthen with that of that life’s own history, such
that blackness becomes a rational and yet intuitive existence.
Cap link
You get rid of the military, which causes an influx of capitalist ideology. The
plan is an example of new advertising, development etc, even if it’s not
military. (NEED A CARD)
Changes in development restrictions open up space for multinational
corporations and hotels to develop—entrenching the capitalist system
EIS Report, ’10, (Joint Guam Program Office, “GUAM AND CNMI MILITARY RELOCATION:
Relocating Marines from Okinawa, Visiting Aircraft Carrier Berthing, and Army Air and Missile
Defense Task Force,” Final Environmental Impact Statement, July 2010,
http://www.guambuildupeis.us/documents/final/volume_7/Volume_7_Proposed_Mitigation_
Measures_Preferred_Alternatives_Impacts_and_Cumulative_Impacts.pdf)//erg
The summary of preferred alternatives socioeconomic impacts would be significant and there would
be an additive cumulative impact when combined with past, present, and reasonably foreseeable actions on Guam identified in
Table 4.3-5. The degree of additive impact resulting from the preferred alternative is considered to be strong (Table 4.3-5). VOLUME
7: PROPOSED MITIGATION MEASURES, 4-58 Cumulative Impacts PREFERRED ALTERNATIVES’ IMPACTS, AND CUMULATIVE IMPACTS
Guam and CNMI Military Relocation Final EIS (July 2010) Development
projects, i.e., most of the cumulative projects,
are generally a response to socioeconomic conditions. For example, new hotels and subdivisions
could be a response or anticipation of increases in resident or tourist populations. Construction of
these development projects generate jobs, resulting in beneficial impacts to the economy. However, adverse impacts could
be associated with high numbers of construction workers on island at one time. The operation of new
facilities, such as Home Depot (C-2) and hotels (C-12) would also generate jobs, with beneficial impact to the economy.
Impact
These images make the people in Guam into colonial subjects under the global
market for exploitation and domination.
Vallega, ’11, (Alejandro A., University of Oregon, “Displacements—Beyond the Coloniality of
Images,” Research in Phenomenology 41 (2011) 206–227,
http://www.dialogoglobal.com/barcelona/texts/vallega/beyond-coloniality-of-images.pdf)//erg
In “Coloniality of Power, Eurocentrism, and Social Classification,” Anibal Quijano exposes
the origins and
perpetuation of an economy of global power that begins with the colonization of America and
continues to date under the name of globalization (CP 181). As we will see, the elements of coloniality
organize and sustain the kinds of Eurocentric images we have been discuss- ing.7 As Quijano
explains, the origin of globalization occurs with the birth of colonial/modern Eurocentered
capitalism as a new global power: “the social classification of the world’s population around the idea of race, a mental
con- struction that expresses the basic experience of colonial domination and per- 7) Nelson Maldonado-Torres develops Quijano’s
insight in terms of the coloniality of being. A
very important step that adds to this analysis is its recognition
of the concrete experiences and lives that are in question throughout this discussion (MaldonadoTorres, “On the Coloniality of Being: Contributions to the Development of a Concept,” Cultural Studies 21, nos. 2 and 3 [March/May
2007]: 252). 214 A. A. Vallega / Research in Phenomenology 41 (2011) 206–227 vades the more important dimensions of global
power, including its specific rationality: Eurocentrism” (CP 181). Here Quijano puts his finger on the idea that holds in place the
colonizing of images Fanon articulates. As Quijano explains, “race” is not a natural fact but a mental construction, one that serves as
the foundation of colonial domination and Eurocentrism. According to Quijano the two basic axes of the new model of world power
are the new structuring of control of labor and production, and the development of the idea of “race” as a natural fact, i.e., “a
supposedly different biological structure that placed some in a natural situation of inferiority to the others.”8 On the one hand,
these two elements together, labor and race, lead to the formation of new historical identities such as Indians, blacks, and mestizos.
On the other hand, central
European identity is configured as a matter not of geography but of race.
These basic racial identities serve as the instruments for basic social classification (CP 182). Moreover,
with these races socially identified, a sys- tematic division of labor appears based on race. The system works according to wage-labor
rules: “First, it was based on the assignment of unpaid labor to colonial races (originally American Indians,
blacks and, in more complex ways, mestizos).... Second, labor was controlled through the assignment of salaried labor to the
colonizing whites” (CP 187). Finally, based on race and salary, a
hierarchy develops that places those who
deserve wages in an epistem- ically priviledged postion with respect to possible knowledge.
With these brief steps a system of domination/exploitation based on race/labor has been con- figured
through the colonization of America, a system of power Quijano names “coloniality” and that will remain
operative beyond post-colonialism to date. The last step in the coloniality of power points to a second aspect, the
coloniality of knowledge. Through the development of coloniality Europe comes to believe it is not only
the center of power but the cultural and historical apogee of humanity. The ego cogito takes its place at
the center and as the highest expression of knowledge. With this development heterogeneous cultures, intellectual lives, are
relocated according to a single configuration.9 “In effect, all of the 8) CP 182. Indeed, this “natural” difference was assumed as
constitutive of the relations of dom- ination that the conquest imposed.
Alternative
The alternative is to reject the 1AC—that displaces their images in order to
destroy the Eurocentric development of images.
Vallega, ’11, (Alejandro A., University of Oregon, “Displacements—Beyond the Coloniality of
Images,” Research in Phenomenology 41 (2011) 206–227,
http://www.dialogoglobal.com/barcelona/texts/vallega/beyond-coloniality-of-images.pdf)//erg
Given the limitations of images under coloniality, it would seem that one’s possibility of seeing
the world is also narrowed down to those specific framings of the phenomena that answer to
the coloniality of power, knowledge, and thought. In other words, we live in a world that, although
flooded with images, is image poor when one considers the possibilities of experiencing vision.
One may see the visible, but the visible is but a function of those expectations that organize any possible
image. One goes about the world as a thinking thing, an object that then sees other objects. One
spends hours watching images on television that visually repeat the same formula, pictures of people speaking (speaking shadows).
As Gadamer so well puts it in The Relevance of the Beauti- ful, at least since the Middle Ages and the advent of Christianity, the work
of art has its justification and sense founded in language. Images
will answer to the expectations of a world
organized around modern rational subjectivity and its investment and development as a
universal project of knowledge defined by language. This of course is not the case for certain European artists,
for exam- ple, Artaud, Beuys, and Picasso. Of the three, the latter seems the most con- troversial to my claim. But if one pauses for a
moment to consider his work, it is immediately evident that he
does not simply repeat the production of
expected images, of what may be seen as an image. Rather, from his cubist period on, his work seems to
tag, deform, rip, and shatter traditional percep- tion. And he does so without abandoning the
rational world but, rather, reconfiguring it, putting together pieces into constructions that seem
simply out of place with what the world should look like. I believe this process of displacement may have the
leaping creative effect Fanon seeks, particularly for the sake of overcoming the coloniality of images.
The alternative is to reject the affirmative in order to displace the colonialist
images of suffering from the 1AC—the colonialist system maintains power
through reliving its glory days—this rejection is key to break down Eurocentric
hegemony.
Vallega, ’11, (Alejandro A., University of Oregon, “Displacements—Beyond the Coloniality of
Images,” Research in Phenomenology 41 (2011) 206–227,
http://www.dialogoglobal.com/barcelona/texts/vallega/beyond-coloniality-of-images.pdf)//erg
Conclusion: It is Difficult, of Truth and Images In the last section we
engaged moments of displacement in which
one finds a possibility for the liberation of images from the coloniality of power, knowledge,
and thought. In Alfredo Jaar’s “It Is Difficult,” images are dis- placed from this order from outside the
Eurocentric Western hegemonic gaze. This occurs because the themes, structures, and very possibility of
knowledge and representation have been altered and are no longer operative in terms of the
rule of coloniality. What happens to our sense of images in this engagement from the periphery? If the discussion has
had any success, we are left with the possibility of looking for new configurations of images, for
other knowledge, but always in the awareness of the overwhelming flood of ready-made
colonizing images that seem to almost secure our existential blind- ness towards the distinct lives that offer unsuspected new
paths towards world philosophies.
China/Heg DA
Guam K2 Cred
US forces in Guam are key to freedom and security—key to protect regional
allies and maintain credibility.
Agnote, ’10, (Dario, “Makeover to Turn Guam Into Key US Fortress,” Common Dreams,
January 12, 2010, http://www.commondreams.org/headline/2010/01/12)//erg
The "overarching purpose" of beefing up Guam as a military fortress is "to provide mutual
defense, deter aggression and dissuade coercion in the Western Pacific region, according to a draft
impact report recently released by the U.S. Defense Department. The buildup will allow U.S. forces to respond to
regional threats and crises in a "flexible" and "timely manner" as they work to "defend U.S.,
Japan and allied interests," the study says. "Moving these forces to Guam would place them on the
furthest forward element of sovereign U.S. territory in the Pacific, thereby maximizing their
freedom of action." According to the report, the United States envisions Guam as a "local command
and control structure" manned, equipped, trained and sustained by a modern logistics
infrastructure. The relocation and buildup cost, including expansion of infrastructure needed to maintain a permanent base for
marines and U.S. Army troops on Guam and Tinian, an island 160 km to the northeast, is pegged at $12 billion. Japan has agreed to
chip in $6.09 billion of the total. The plan entails "increased operational activities," more frequent berthing by aircraft carriers and
other warships, building aviation training ranges and upgrading harbors, wharves and ports. Guam's Andersen Air Force Base will be
expanded to include marine air elements. A new marine base will be built "right next door," the study says. The
U.S. also plans to expand its live fire training ranges on Tinian, where about 200 or more marines could "realistically train" with their
weapons and equipment "without restrictions." A
U.S. Army Air and Missile Defense Task Force is also
proposed for Guam to protect the island and U.S. forces there against the threat of ballistic
missiles.
Less active military development in Guam is seen as a decline in US
commitment in the Pacific and leaves a power vacuum for China.
Dymond, ’13, (Jonny, Washington correspondent, “US B-52 bombers challenge disputed
China air zone,” BBC News Asia, 26 November 2013, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia25110011)//erg
The US has flown two B-52 bombers over disputed islands in the East China Sea in defiance of
new Chinese air defence rules, officials say. China set up its "air defence identification zone" on Saturday insisting that
aircraft obey its rules or face "emergency defensive measures". A Pentagon spokesman said the planes had followed "normal
procedures". The islands, known as Senkaku in Japan and Diaoyu in
China, are a source of rising tension
between the two nations. Continue reading the main story “ Start Quote China's unilateral establishment of an air
defence identification zone demonstrates President Xi Jinping's resolve to defend China's territorial integrity” Alexander Neill
International Institute for Strategic Studie Why China air zone raises risk Japan has dismissed the Chinese defence zone as "not valid
at all" and two of its biggest airlines announced on Tuesday they would heed a request from the government in Tokyo not to
implement the new rules. 'Normal procedures' US Colonel Steve Warren at the Pentagon said Washington had "conducted
operations in the area of the Senkakus". "We have continued to follow our normal procedures, which include not filing flight plans,
not radioing ahead and not registering our frequencies," he said. There had been no response from China, he added. The
aircraft, which were unarmed, had taken off from Guam on Monday and the flight was part of a regular
exercise in the area, US defence officials said. Both planes later returned to Guam. The US - which
has more than 70,000 troops in Japan and South Korea - had previously said it would not abide by the Chinese-imposed zone.
Continue reading the main story Analysis Jonny Dymond Washington correspondent No-one should be surprised that the US has
acted as it has. Washington's first reaction to China's unilateral extension of its airspace was robust. The idea that Washington was
going to start filing flight plans with China before flying over the East China Sea was a non-starter. But this
is more than just
a squabble over flight rules. Washington is watching China's military build up, its arguments
with neighbours, and its "blue-water" ambitions with alarm. For seven decades the US has
been the dominant military power in the region. China has given Washington notice that change
is afoot. Peaceful management of that change is one of the great strategic challenges of the 21st Century. Read more from Jonny
US Defence Secretary Chuck Hagel called it a "destabilising attempt to alter the status quo in the region". The White House said it
was "unnecessarily inflammatory". Japan has already lodged a strong protest over what it said was an "escalation" by China. Taiwan,
which also claims the islands, expressed regret at the Chinese move and promised that its military would take measures to protect
national security. In its statement announcing the air defence zone on Saturday, the Chinese defence ministry said aircraft must
report a flight plan, "maintain two-way radio communications", and "respond in a timely and accurate manner" to identification
inquiries. "China's armed forces will adopt defensive emergency measures to respond to aircraft that do not co-operate in the
identification or refuse to follow the instructions," the statement said. Japan Airlines and All Nippon Airlines said on Tuesday they
would stop filing flight plans demanded by China on routes through the zone following a request from the Japanese government.
Singapore Airlines and Australia's Qantas have both said they will abide by the new rules. However, Australia summoned the Chinese
"the timing and manner"
of China's announcement were "unhelpful in light of current regional tensions".
ambassador on Tuesday to express opposition over the zone. Foreign Minister Julie Bishop said
K2 Heg
Military in the region is key to maintain US heg—the plan means the collapse of
heg in the Asia Pacific region—competitors take over
Tuazon, ’03, (Bobby, “Current US Hegemony In Asia Pacific,” Peace Researcher 28 – December
2003, http://www.converge.org.nz/abc/pr28-84.html)//erg
US hegemony in Asia Pacific is a reality and is the concrete expression of an American Empire
that is undergoing consolidation with a vision that will last through the 21st Century. I submit that the debate on whether there is
really US imperialism or a global American Empire should now be put to rest. In the United States itself, there is a growing advocacy
or acceptance even in many conservative circles, institutions, think tanks, universities and media that there
is indeed an
American Empire. The only distinction which they want the world to believe is that, unlike empires in past centuries, this
American Empire is "benign" and "benevolent" and is performing a role which no other nation can in order to preserve "democracy
and freedom" across the globe and resist threats posed by "evils," "rogue regimes" and forces of radicalism. But this American
Empire is something the American people themselves loathe simply because they also suffer under the rule of the US oligarchs and
their freedoms and civil liberties continue to be threatened. It is an empire imposed upon the world by America's ruling regime on
behalf of corporate giants, the military-industrial-media complex, oil oligarchs and other elite interests. It is an empire that is
supported by Rightwing power players, militarists, free market ideologues, Jewish neo-conservatives, leaders of the Christian and
Catholic Right and anti-socialists. Under Bush the military-industrial complex is no longer invisible - it has become the most visible,
most articulate and most aggressive driving force behind America's wars for world hegemony and domination today. In
order to
preserve the American Empire that will rule the world for as long as can be sustained, the strategists and politicomilitary leaders of this grand project are more and more relying on the use of military power precisely
because America's economic power is on the decline. America's Rightwing leaders and militarists believe that
economic impositions through the instruments of the Bretton Woods institutions (the International Monetary Fund, World Bank,
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade-World Trade Organisation) no
longer suffice to preserve American
hegemony and domination of the world. With arrogance and self-righteousness, they believe that the American
Empire cannot exist under current international law, ethical concepts, multilateralism and global institutions like the United Nations
because of the constraints and impediments that these pose on America's will and action. To them, concepts of national
sovereignty, territorial integrity, self-determination and dignity are just concepts best learned only in school. To them, the
concept of Pax Americana should be asserted through unipolar military superiority, warlordism,
aggression, moral absolutism and a global ideological offensive using US media oligopolies. Their ideological offensive centres on
drumming up an apocalyptic conflict between "Good and Evil". It
is clear how this strategy is being applied in Asia
Pacific and across the globe under the Bush Administration and I personally do not see any change coming even if Bush is no
longer President of the United States. Using the pretext of "war against terrorism" and other so-called threats to the security of the
region, the
US government is increasingly and steadily deploying its forces, rebuilding its military
bases, securing stronger and more reliable military alliances and security partnerships, gaining
more access to ports, airfields and air spaces. But soon the combat missions that we now see in the Philippines,
particularly in Mindanao, will be replicated throughout the Philippines, in Southeast Asia and other parts of the Asia Pacific.
America's objective in Asia Pacific is to maintain a strong military power never seen before in
the entire history of the region. US military power in the region addresses the American
Empire's strategic objectives to contain the rise of power competitors such as - but not limited
to - China, and deter the growth of other threats to its hegemony including revolutionary
movements and the rise of independent regimes. Because Asia Pacific is a vast mass of land and
sea territory with huge economic and geopolitical potentials, and because it is contiguous to the American
mainland and its Pacific territories, this region remains of strategic interest to the United States. Without
a strong power projection in Asia Pacific, America's drive for global hegemony and domination
will be threatened.
Guam is key to Asia Pivot and US heg
Gerson, ’12, (Joseph, Director of Programs and Director of the Peace and Economic Security
Program, “Reinforcing Washington’s Asia-Pacific Hegemony,” Foreign Policy in Focus, September
13, 2012, http://fpif.org/reinforcing_washingtons_asia-pacific_hegemony/)//erg
The pivot is best understood as an extension of a century and a half of U.S. foreign and military
policies. In the 1850s, U.S. Secretary of State William Seward argued that if the United States were to replace
Britain as the world’s dominant power, it would first have to dominate Asia – hence the purchase of
Alaska, the northern route to Asia. By the 1890s, Washington had finally assembled the navy needed to challenge Britain’s mastery
of the seas. Meanwhile, amidst an economic depression and related domestic turmoil, policymakers saw access to the Chinese
market as a way to put the unemployed to work while increasing corporate profits and establishing the United States as a global
power. The turn-of-the-century sinking of the USS Maine in Havana harbor provided an excuse for the United States to declare war
on Spain, seize the Philippines and Guam (as well as Puerto Rico and Cuba), and annex Hawaii to secure the refueling stations
needed to reach China. After Japan’s defeat in the Second World War, the Pacific became an “American Lake.” Hundreds of new U.S.
military bases
were established in Japan, Korea, Australia, the Marshall Islands, and other Pacific nations to reinforce those
bases “contained” Beijing and
Moscow throughout the Cold War, serving as launching pads for the Korean and Vietnam wars
as well as for military interventions and political subversion from the Philippines and Indonesia
to the Persian Gulf. In the late 1990s, when China was first seen a potential strategic competitor for
Asia-Pacific hegemony, the Clinton administration adopted a two-track policy of engagement and containment. Deng
in the Philippines, Guam, and Hawaii, which were greatly expanded. Together these
Xiaoping was welcomed to Disneyland, President Clinton was welcomed in Beijing, and China was given the green light to join the
World Trade Organization. Meanwhile, the
U.S.-Japan military alliance, which has long functioned as the
NATO equivalent in East Asia, was reinforced. The Clinton administration sent nuclear-capable aircraft
carriers through the Taiwan Strait and accelerated missile defense deployments designed to
neutralize China’s missile capabilities. Before they were sidetracked by the “war on terror,” President George W. Bush
and company promised to “diversify” U.S. Asia-Pacific military bases, reducing their concentration in Northeast Asia in order to
distribute them more widely along China’s periphery. Although the Bush administration extended the “war on terror” to Indonesia,
the Philippines, and southern Thailand, it otherwise largely neglected Asia and the Pacific. This
opened the way for
growing Chinese influence, deepening the integration of ASEAN nations into China’s surging economic orbit. With the
pivot, the Obama administration has signaled its determination, according to the Guardian’s
Simon Tidal, “to beat back any Chinese bid for hegemony in the Asia-Pacific,” even at the expense of a
new Cold War. As General Martin Dempsey, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, put it, “the U.S. military may be obliged to overtly
confront China just as it faced down the Soviet Union.”
Guam k2 Check China
US military presence is Guam is key to check Chinese aggression
Halloran, ’10, (Richard, formerly with The New York Times as a foreign correspondent in Asia
and military correspondent in Washington, “Guam is key to evolving U.S. Force: Expanding the
U.S. presence in the region tells potential adversaries that ‘we mean to stay’,” Star Advertiser,
Oct 10, 2010,
http://www.staradvertiser.com/editorials/20101010_Guam_is_key_to_evolving_US_Force.html
?id=104657174)//erg
Just as it did 38 years ago for a bombing run over North Vietnam, the B-52 bomber thundered down the runway and almost
disappeared from sight in the dip for which this airfield is famous, then lifted off and turned west to do its part in an exercise called
Valiant Shield. Minutes later, two F-15 fighters did the same. After that three Navy P-3C maritime patrol planes landed, one after
another. Along the ramps under a blazing sun, mechanics tended to F-22 fighters, KC-135 aerial tankers, and Marine F-18s.
Altogether, the Air Force, Navy, and Marines had 106 aircraft here for the integrated training. At
sea somewhere between
Guam and Palau to the southwest, the aircraft carrier George Washington launched and
recovered its 85 fighters, attack bombers, and electronic warfare planes as the entire force
trained to defend islands belonging to allies and friends in the Western Pacific. It was the largest joint
exercise ever mounted from Guam. Back at Hickam Air Force Base in Honolulu, the air war out here was controlled by the 613th Air
Operations Center in a dark cavern filled with several hundred computer monitors flashing a torrent of battle reports and sending
out a stream of intelligence and orders. After the weeklong exercise, the lessons learned were thrashed out, then written up in
reports to the Pacific Air Forces and Pacific Fleet. Those assessments were to be sent to Washington where Air Force and Navy
staffs are devising a joint operational plan called AirSeaBattle to guide combat operations in the
event of hostilities in this region. Andersen and the other U.S. bases on Guam will be keys to that
effort, officers here said, and plans are moving ahead to "harden" hangars, communications
centers, fuel storage, and ammunition bunkers to withstand blasts from Chinese missiles.
Guam lies 1,800 miles from the coast of China, within easy range of those missiles. The officers
declined to identify the sites being reinforced but did say they would be strong enough to survive the worst typhoon Guam had
experienced and to ride out an earthquake that registered 7 on a Richter scale of 9, the most violent earthquake recorded. Asked
why the U.S. was enlarging a base relatively close to the missile launchers of a potential adversary, an officer said: "The
message to China is that we are here and we mean to stay."
US military commitment in Guam is key to check China’s aggressive naval
expansion—the plan looks like weakened presence in the region
Dyer, 6/21, (J.E., “Obama’s ‘marine protected area’ expansion: On a collision course with
national security?” Liberty Unyielding, June 21, 2014,
http://libertyunyielding.com/2014/06/21/obamas-marine-protected-area-expansion-collisioncourse-national-security/)//erg
The small circle east of the Philippines is where a Chinese naval task force stopped in February
2014, during a uniquely broad-ranging and varied deployment, to conduct live-fire training. Such training was a first for
the Chinese navy in an area that far east of the Japanese archipelago. The gradual expansion of China’s naval
operating areas, including expansion into the Pacific, has been a key trend in the Chinese
fleet’s profile. Coupled with it in recent years have been deployments by intelligence collection ships
(AGIs) to patrols off of Guam and Hawaii. These patrols are intended straightforwardly for
collection against U.S. military activities, of course, but in light of China’s expanding naval profile, they are also a
harbinger of future fleet operations in the Pacific. Of particular significance, especially as it concerns the use of sonar, is the
likelihood of Chinese submarine operations becoming routine in the Pacific. Alert readers will remember that a Chinese
submarine has already surprised a U.S. carrier battle group on the Pacific side of the Japanese
islands – although that incident occurred close to Okinawa, so it wasn’t very far into the Pacific. But China has the
requisite order of battle today to deploy diesel-powered Kilo-class attack submarines (SS) for a few
patrols per year further into the Pacific (e.g., near Hawaii), and is reportedly preparing to start putting nuclearpowered ballistic missile submarines (SSBN) on patrol as well. Map 3. Notional launch positions and ranges to target of
Chinese SSBNs, JL-2 SLBMs. (Base graphic credit: U.S. Naval Institute. Range rings, monument area added by author. Note: marine
monument area is depicted here and on Map 6 as a generic trapezoid. Graphic of the contiguous marine monument area was
created on a different map projection and doesn’t transfer accurately.) Map 3 is a depiction of notional launch positions and ranges
for Chinese SSBNs carrying the JL-2 sub-launched ballistic missile, depending on whether the strategic target is in Hawaii or southern
California. And one thing we notice right off the bat is that an SSBN on patrol to target such objectives would move right into the
expanded Pacific Islands monument area – early and probably often. Which brings us to Map 4. Map 4 has the monument overlay,
and, superimposed on top of it, the likely transit corridors (in pale magenta) for Chinese submarines heading for the Central or
Eastern Pacific. The corridors break to either side of the Hawaiian Islands. Map 4. Base map National Geographic (detail). Author
annotation. This is where the bottom topography comes into play, which is why Map 5 is also included: a zoomed-in view of the
monument area and its topographic features. The Chinese submarines’ likely transit corridors aren’t just a wild guess. They’re
depicted where they are because they cross, and make use of, the type of mountainous sea-bottom terrain that submarines love to
navigate off of – and hide in. Map 5. Zoomed in view of marine monument area and its sea-bottom topography. (Base map: National
Geographic, detail. Author annotation) If you look at the combined views that make up Map 6, you’ll see that the
Pacific
Islands monument area not only lies across the most direct paths from the East China Sea to
the Central Pacific, but is one of the most seamount-infested parts of the entire Pacific Ocean
floor – especially compared to the floor of the Eastern Pacific. Seamounts are good reference points for
underwater navigation, but they’re also excellent baffles for longer-range sonar acoustics. So, in fact, are
the prevailing currents in the monument area, which are warm – bad for sonar propagation – and countervailing, as they are in the
vicinity of the equator (see Map 7). The
warmth and persistent counter-currents of the equatorial region
inhibit seasonal development of long-range “sound channels,” the naturally-forming
propagation pipes through the ocean that can be a submarine’s worst enemy. Map 6. Bathymetric view
of the Pacific Ocean. (See Map 3 for note on map projection and depiction of the marine monument area.) If Chinese
submarines have tactical or strategic objectives east of Hawaii, they’ll have a bias toward
lingering among the seamounts in or near the Pacific Islands monument area for much of their patrol
time, rather than spending more time than necessary in the more acoustically vulnerable Eastern Pacific, where the bottom tends to
be much smoother overall. We’ll
find it harder to detect and track the Chinese subs in the monument
area, even though we have a good general idea that that’s where they are. Map 7. Ocean currents in the Pacific. Warm currents in
purple, cold currents in blue. (Base map: waterencyclopedia.com. Author annotation. Marine monument area depicted as a
trapezoid for ease of viewing) The same limitation will apply to other navies, and their submarines and sub-detectors. China will
prefer operating her subs in the area of the monument, southwest of Hawaii, rather than driving them up north where the Japanese
and Russians would be on the prowl, and would have a better chance – with a smoother sea-bottom and colder water – of detecting
a foreign submarine. Yet keeping submarines like SSBNs on the west side of the Japanese islands, in the East China Sea, is also an
inferior proposition. Maritime traffic is much thicker there, bottom depths are shallower, underwater topography is less friendly,
and the SSBN would be further from North America or Hawaii. A key advantage of a patrol hideout in the Pacific Islands monument
area is the ease with which a Chinese SSBN could hold both the United States and Japan at risk with JL-2 missiles. It’s
highly
probable that in the coming years, the U.S. Navy will need to use sonar in the expanded
monument area, whenever and however it has to, to find and track China’s submarine fleet. It
won’t matter whether we want to operate there. China’s going to put submarines there. Using sonar there, at the
Navy’s sole discretion, will be an irreducible necessity for national defense.
GuamChina War
China miscalculates because they inaccurately think the US is withdrawing.
Leads to nuclear war because territorial tension
Chan, ’13, (John, “Tensions escalate over Chinese air defence zone,” WSWS, 29 November
2013, http://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2013/11/29/adiz-n29.html)//erg
Tensions continued to rise in the East China Sea yesterday after Japan and South Korea
dispatched military aircraft into China’s newly demarcated “air defence identification zone”
(ADIZ). Both the Japanese and South Korean governments, following the lead of the US administration, declared that their aircraft
would ignore Chinese instructions to submit flight plans, identify their nationality and maintain radio contact. Having provocatively
declared the ADIZ last weekend, China
is now confronting continuing challenges from the US and its
allies. On Tuesday, the US flew two B-52 bombers into the zone from its air base in Guam without
following Chinese procedures. US Defence Secretary Chuck Hagel publicly declared that the US would back Japan in any
conflict with China over the disputed Senkaku/Diaoyu islands, which Beijing included in its ADIZ. Facing
nationalist criticism at home for failing to enforce the ADIZ, the Chinese government sent an early warning aircraft and several
advanced Su-30 and J-11 fighter jets to patrol the air zone. A Chinese air force spokesman insisted the move was “a defensive
measure and in line with international common practice.” While Chinese fighters were not scrambled to challenge the Japanese and
South Korean aircraft, the
situation could spiral out of control. All the governments involved have
whipped up nationalist sentiment as a means of diverting sharpening social tensions at home.
Miscalculations in such a heated situation, where no side feels it can back down, could quickly lead to an
aerial clash involving Chinese warplanes with those from Japan, the US or South Korea. Each
party is taking a hard-line stance. South Korea claimed its military reconnaissance plane was conducting a “routine” mission over a
submerged rock, Ieodo (known as Suyan in China), also claimed by China. South Korean Vice Defence Minister Baek Seung-joo called
on Beijing to reconsider the zone, a demand that Chinese military officials rejected yesterday. The Japanese government of Prime
Minister Shinzo Abe regards the issue as a convenient pretext to press ahead with its plans to remilitarise the country. Chief Cabinet
Secretary Yoshihide Suga declared yesterday that Japanese planes “will continue the surveillance/patrol operation with strong
determination to protect our territory against China’s one-sided attempt to change the status quo by force.” The ruling Liberal
Democratic Party approved a resolution demanding that China revoke the air defence zone. The resolution criticised the Chinese
decision as a unilateral move and an expression of Beijing’s “unreasonable expansionism.” On government orders, Japanese airlines
are not providing flight plans to Chinese authorities for aircraft flying through the zone. Washington has not asked US airlines to
inform Beijing their flight plans. Instead, State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki yesterday issued a safety warning to American
airlines passing through the East China Sea region. At a press briefing yesterday, Chinese Defence Ministry spokesman Yang Yujun
responded to Japan’s demand by saying: “If they want it revoked, then we would ask that Japan first revoke its air defence
identification zone.” He criticised Japan for harassing Chinese surveillance vessels and aircraft entering the Japanese ADIZ around
the disputed Diaoyu/Senkaku islands. At the same time, Yang rather defensively explained that the Chinese ADIZ was not a “no-fly
zone” and not an extension of China’s airspace. It was, he said, just an early warning zone. He played down the possibility that China
would shoot down unauthorised aircraft in the ADIZ, even though on Saturday Chinese authorities warned of unspecified “defensive
emergency measures.” The
standoff is the product of steadily rising tensions stoked up by the Obama
administration’s “pivot to Asia,” involving a diplomatic offensive and military build-up
throughout the region aimed against China. Washington has encouraged key allies like Japan
and the Philippines to take a tougher stance toward Beijing over festering maritime disputes.
During the past year, the confrontation between Japan and China over the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands dramatically escalated after
Tokyo “nationalised” the rocky, uninhabited outcrops. The Abe government stepped up patrols of the area and even threatened to
shoot down unmanned Chinese drones that entered Japanese air space. China’s declaration of an ADIZ last weekend was a
calculated attempt to challenge Japanese control over the disputed islets, as well as Washington’s backing for Tokyo.
It was also
aimed against the frequent US military reconnaissance in waters and airspace just off the Chinese mainland. A
Financial Times commentary today noted that the dispute appears to focus on China and Japan. It added: “A more worrying,
and plausible, interpretation is that Beijing has decided to square up to the US in the western
Pacific. East Asia is looking an ever more dangerous place.” The article continued: “Consciously or otherwise,
Beijing has now turned control of the air space around the Senkakus into a litmus test of the US security commitment to east Asia.
For Washington to accept the Chinese restrictions would be to send a signal to every other
nation in the region that the US cannot be relied on to defend the status quo against Chinese
expansionism.” The Obama administration has no intention of sending such a signal. It dispatched nuclear-capable
B-52 bombers to the area to make that point in the most emphatic and reckless manner.
Moreover, it is not “Chinese expansionism,” but US determination to maintain its dominance in Asia that is fuelling tensions.
Washington has every intention, not only of maintaining the present status quo, which includes US bases in Japan and South Korea,
close to the Chinese mainland, but of extending its military presence in Asia to encircle China. The US response has placed Beijing in
a quandary. The Financial Times article concluded: “Chinese policy makers are nothing if not assiduous students of history. The rise
of Germany at the end of the 19th Century was long featured prominently in the curriculum of Beijing’s foreign policy elite. China,
these officials tell visitors, will not repeat the Kaiser’s miscalculation in uniting Germany’s neighbours in opposition to its rise to
great power status.” Yet by announcing the ADIZ, Beijing has succeeded in doing precisely that. South Korea, which China has been
seeking to woo, Japan and Australia have all chimed in against the decision. While the Financial Times does not spell it out, the
reference to the rise of Germany is a clear warning that Asia in 2013 is increasingly resembling Europe in 1913. The
global crisis
of capitalism is greatly exacerbating the tensions between the rival powers that erupted in the
barbarism of World War I.
Case
Solvency
Can’t solve—the aff doesn’t stop the military expansion in the Pacific.
Paik, ’10, (Koohan, “Challenges to Further Militarization in Guahan (Guam),” Overseas
Territories Review, 19 April, 2010, http://overseasreview.blogspot.com/2010/04/living-at-tip-ofspear.html)//erg
The upcoming changes are all aimed at fulfilling a Pentagon vision set forth in its 2010 Quadrennial Defense Review. The
"Guam
Buildup [will] transform Guam," says the report, "the westernmost sovereign [sic] territory of the United
States, into a hub for security activities in the region," intended to "deter and defeat" regional
aggressors. Guam will be ground zero for mega-militarization in the Pacific and beyond. John Pike
of Globalsecurity.org, a Washington-based think tank, hypothesizes that the military's goal is to be able "to run the planet from
Guam and Diego Garcia [an Indian Ocean atoll owned by Britain] by 2015," "even if the entire Eastern Hemisphere has drop-kicked"
the United States from every other base on their territory. The
swell of US military activity in the Pacific is not
confined to Guam. All across the hemisphere, island communities are inflamed over a quiet,
swift rearrangement and expansion of US bases throughout the Pacific--on Okinawa (Japan); on Jeju (a joint USSouth Korea effort); on Tinian (in the same archipelago as Guam, but part of the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands);
on Kwajalein and the rest of Micronesia; and on the Hawaiian islands of Oahu, Big Island and Kauai. The
US Pacific
Command calls it an Integrated Global Presence and Basing Strategy. These imperial intentions have
barely registered in the American media, despite gargantuan expenditures and plans. Nonetheless, this projection of American
colonial assumptions and aggression is taking its toll throughout the Pacific Rim.
Their plan is not sufficient
ALEXANDER, Their solvency author, ‘11, (Ronni, professor of transnational relations at
the Graduate School of International Cooperation Studies, Kobe University , “Militarization and
Identity on Guahan/Guam: Exploring intersections of indigeneity, gender and security,” Journal
of International Cooperation Studies, Vol.21, No.1(2013.7) http://www.research.kobeu.ac.jp/gsics-publication/jics/alexander_21-1.pdf)//erg
The voices expressed in the previous section reflect the complexities of citizenship, highlighting multi-dimensional identities and differences along lines
of gender, class, and race/indigeneity. They illustrate how racialized hierarchies from the Spanish time have been reproduced in citizenship hierarchies
under American rule. Moreover, the gendered and militarized notions of production/reproduction and class introduced by the Spanish and reinforced
by the United States meant that for high ranking men in particular, masculinity, identity, and military service have become inextricably linked. On
Guahan/Guam, it is very difficult to‘be CHamoru.’Being simultaneously CHamoru and American
through citizenship and‘equal belonging’is close to impossible. Becoming a soldier is offered as a way to overcome,
or perhaps negate, invisibility through the attainment of first-class citizenship, something that is denied to other, non-militarized bodies. Yet the high
death rates of CHamoru soldiers and their devalorised CHamoru identities within the military speak to ways in which the military fails to meet these
expectations. Thus, on many different levels, the military is conflated with what it means to be American. And being American is both gendered and
militarized. Opposing
the proposed military build-up entails serious questioning about the meaning
of citizenship on, and for, Guahan/Guam. Being CHamoru means rethinking one’s identity as a woman
or as a man. Opposing militarization and the build-up thus requires people to question who they
are, what their life choices have meant, and‘how they remember themselves to be.’It is a difficult task,
but one which in the end might enable CHamoru to assert their authenticity and relieve their anguish. There are perhaps three lessons from this
analysis that can be applied to the praxis of opposing the military build-up on Guahan/Guam. The first is that
this is not a single issue,
not something that can be promoted successfully only as an anti-base/ anti-military campaign.
Therefore, praxis needs to address the underlying issues of identity, not as identity politics but
through an understanding of how certain identities serve to negate others. Gendered identities are made
more complex by militarization which further de-legitimizes non-Western gender identities. Being a tough CHamoru woman should not have to be the
same as being a macho American soldier.
Non-unique
Non-unique—decolonization processes are happening in the squo and is
initiated by the people.
LOSINIO, 7/22, (LOUELLA, “Guam Decolonization Registry still open,” Marianas Variety, 22
JUL 2014, http://mvguam.com/local/news/36078-guam-decolonization-registry-stillopen.html#.U8--OEL6JUQ)//erg
DURING the 70th Guam Liberation Day Parade, the
Office of Sen. Ben Pangelinan opened its doors to the
community just as it had in previous years to encourage eligible members of the community to
sign up for the Guam Decolonization Registry. Lisa Dames, chief of staff, said the staff hopes to continue the
initiative, for which the late senator had been strongly advocating over the past years. “This will be the last one that we will do for
Liberation Day but we
hope to continue the senator’s work,” she said, adding that the staff is committed to
sustaining the initiative. As of April, the Guam Election Commission reported that the list had grown to 6,569 names. The
registry was created by law 14 years ago. With the passage of another piece of legislation introduced by former Sen. Judith Guthertz,
now P.L. 31-244, a mechanism
was created to expand the registration process by identifying more
registrars. The law also tasks the Decolonization Commission with developing a plan of action
and an education campaign. Maria Pangelinan, executive director of the election commission, recently reported that
prior to receiving funding for the registry in 2011, only 938 people had registered. However, in August that same year, the
commission received an additional 3,843 names from the Chamorro Land Trust. According to the law, a lessee under the Chamorro
Land Trust is listed automatically in the Guam Decolonization Registry. Under Guam’s plebiscite law, the self-determination exercise
is restricted to “native inhabitants,” defined as “those who became U.S. citizens by virtue of the 1950 Organic Act and their blood
descendants.” The law sets a threshold of 70 percent of the eligible voters as a prerequisite for holding a plebiscite for selfdetermination.
Environ defense
The military has not done any damage—any environmental impacts are from
alt causes.
EIS Report, ’10, (Joint Guam Program Office, “GUAM AND CNMI MILITARY RELOCATION:
Relocating Marines from Okinawa, Visiting Aircraft Carrier Berthing, and Army Air and Missile
Defense Task Force,” Final Environmental Impact Statement, July 2010,
http://www.guambuildupeis.us/documents/final/volume_7/Volume_7_Proposed_Mitigation_
Measures_Preferred_Alternatives_Impacts_and_Cumulative_Impacts.pdf)//erg
The conclusion of a recent State of the Coral Reef Ecosystem on Guam assessment was that the
health of Guam’s coral reefs varies significantly. Reefs unaffected by sediment and nutrient loading, such as
those in the northern part of the island and some coastal areas in the south, have healthy coral communities. Guam’s
reefs have been spared from large-scale bleaching events and coral diseases which are
prevalent in so many parts of the world. A number of Guam’s reefs are impacted by land-based
sources of pollution and over-fishing. Guam identified land-based sources of pollution as its number one priority focus
area in 2002. Sedimentation, algal overgrowth due to decreased fish stocks, and low recruitment rates of both corals and fish are
important issues that must also be addressed (see Volume 2, Section 16.1.6.9) Big
Blue Reef in Apra Harbor is
considered one of the healthiest reefs in the harbor due to the reef’s protection from water quality factors associated
with Inner Apra Harbor and ship-induced sediment resuspension that impact other reef systems in the harbor. Reefs off Dry Dock
Island, which was artificially created during WWII, are considered to also be among the healthiest reefs in the harbor, primarily due
to protection from stressors (Volume 4, Section 11.1.2.2). In contrast, the coral reef along Polaris Point, which was also constructed
during WWII, is of marginal quality and has the greatest signs of stress, including high levels of total suspended solids (TSS) likely
derived from watershed discharge. Recreational activities result in physical damage to coral reefs, and fish
feeding by
snorkelers and divers can alter fish behavior. Recent studies conducted in support of this EIS identify evidence of
anchor and/or anchor chain damage to coral in Apra Harbor, including the formation of a rubble field on the southern side of the
floating dry dock (Volume 4, Section 11.1.2.2). Movement of mooring chains on the southern side of the floating dry dock has
produced a significant rubble field, although mooring chains on the northern (outer) side of the floating dry dock do not appear to
have caused similar damage. No
recently completed projects with the potential to contribute to a
cumulative impact to marine biological resources on Guam were identified (Table 4.3-3). Four projects
currently in progress with the potential to contribute to cumulative impacts to marine biological resources on Guam were identified
and include the following (Table 4.3-3): MIRC (4), ISR/Strike Capability (Andersen AFB; N-7), Kilo Wharf Extension (AH-18), and
Mitigation for Kilo Wharf Extension (AH-21). Mitigation for Kilo Wharf Extension has a beneficial cumulative impact.
Econ/Popular Turn
Their Hsu evidence says that Guam’s economy has become centered around the
military development, making it thrive.
Military development is widely supported and key to the economy.
Dalisay, ’12, (Francis, “An Examination of the Relationships Between Attention to Information
Sources, Colonial Debt, and Attitudes Toward a U.S. Military Buildup in the Pacific: The Case of
Guam, Journal of Intercultural Communication Research,” Routledge, 16 Nov 2012,
http://socialsciences.people.hawaii.edu/publications_lib/Dalisay.Buildup%20JICR%20Study.pdf)
//erg
The history of Guam can be narrated along close to five centuries of its experiences with colonial powers. The explorer Ferdinand Magellan was sailing
under the Spanish flag when on March 6, 1521, he became the first Westerner to step foot on Guam. Consequently, the island became a Spanish colony
for more than 300 years. In 1898, as a result of the Spanish-American War, the United States annexed Guam. A series of appointed U.S. Naval
governors then controlled the island for more than 40 years. In 1941, the Japanese invaded and took control of Guam, occupying it through the
duration of World War II. On July 21, 1944, the Americans returned and recaptured the island. Guam’s local residents understand this event as the
American liberation of their island (e.g., Perez, 2002; Rogers, 1995). Yet after the war, the island was once again under absolute control by the U.S.
Navy. Chamorros’ animosity toward subjugation by the U.S. military government intensified at that time, and this led to a confrontation between
Guam’s local leaders and a U.S. naval governor (Perez, 2002). This prompted U.S. President Harry S. Truman to sign the Organic Act of Guam in 1950.
The Organic Act granted the island the status of an unincorporated American territory, and gave
its Chamorro population U.S. citizenship. It also shifted administrative control of Guam from the U.S. Navy to the Department of
the Interior, and led to the appointment of the island’s first local civilian governor (Perez, 2002). To protect and promote local interests, Guam has
a three-branch democratic government system, with a governor and lieutenant governor, a
legislature with 15 senators, and a judicial branch. Throughout the post-war years, Guam has served as a
strategic site for bases of the U.S. Air Force and Navy. The large U.S. military presence plays an
important role in Downloaded by [Francis Dalisay] at 05:23 07 March 2013 4 F. Dalisay sustaining the island’s economy.
Guam has also relied on a tourism industry, which in the past decade has seen a sharp decline in visitor arrivals, resulting in
an economic downturn. This slowdown in tourism is attributed to a sharp decline in the number of Japanese tourists visiting the island, due to Japan’s
economic circumstances, such as a recession in the late 1990s through early 2000s and an economic slowdown attributed to natural disasters.
According to most recent estimates from Guam’s Bureau of Labor Statistics (2011), the island’s unemployment rate is 13.3%. The U.S. Department of
Defense plans to relocate Marine Corps personnel from the 3rd Expeditionary Force, currently stationed in Okinawa, Japan, to Guam. This move, which
is expected to concur on 2015, would potentially bring in an estimated 5,000 U.S. Marines and more than 1,300 of their dependents (Kelmen, 2012).
Although a few of Guam’s residents have expressed concerns about the U.S. military buildup’s potential negative impact on their island’s environment
and culture (Democracy Now, 2009; Harden, 2010), many
residents (e.g., Murphy, 2008) and local leaders (Hart, 2011; Quintanilla,
the governor of Guam (e.g., Office of Governor Eddie Baza Calvo, 2011), have supported the
buildup and anticipate it would bring economic growth. A 2009 poll found that 70% of the
island supported the buildup, and 82% felt that it would bring in more jobs and revenues
(Tamondong, 2009). A more recent poll conducted in 2011 found that 60% of the island supported the buildup, while only
16% were against it (Hart, 2011). These stances can be contrasted with the anti-American military sentiments expressed by Okinawa’s
2012), including
people and its local media. Indeed, in Okinawa, there have been significant incidents that have contributed to a deterioration of relationships between
the U.S. military and local people. One incidence is the 1995 raping of an Okinawan girl by U.S. Marines, which fueled Okinawans’ disfavor toward the
Marines. Additionally, Okinawans and their local media have publicly voiced concerns over the environmental problems caused by U.S. military
presence, such as noise resulting from live firing exercises conducted by U.S. combat operations (e.g., Akibayashi & Takazato, 2008). On the other hand,
on Guam there have not been any such incidents, and therefore they are not likely to appear in Guam’s local media.
Militarization is popular—removing it would be net worse for the economy and
safety of the community
Mahr, ’10, (Krista, “Guam: An Early Casualty of U.S.-China Tensions?” Time, Oct. 29, 2010,
http://science.time.com/2010/10/29/guam-an-early-casualty-of-u-s-china-tensions/)//erg
In the final version of the EIS, released in July, the Navy addressed many of these concerns, extending
the timeline of the project, agreeing to look further into the dredging, delaying a decision on
where to put the firing ranges, and committing money to help upgrade the island’s wastewater
treatment and power facilities, among other things. “We have made a commitment to not
exceed the capacity of the infrastructure on Guam,” says Major Neil A. Ruggiero, a public affairs officer for the
Marines in Guam. This week, the USDA also announced that it was loaning the Port of Guam $54.5 million
to help modernize the port, in addition to a previous $50 million committed by the DOD earlier
this year. “There are always going to be people who are happy, people who are not so happy, and then there are people in the
middle,” Ruggiero says. “Now, there are all three.” Bevacqua is skeptical whether the military’s final plan, which is now underway
with the awarding of the first two contracts, was drafted in the true spirit of compromise. “They said that we will delay those
decisions, but all indications are they will make the same decisions at a later date,” says Bevacqua. “This whole thing is about
showing that they’re listening, but they don’t want to listen at all. They want the option that they want.” But
he admits that
he and other anti-military activists are in the minority. Many Guam residents, though they cannot vote in
presidential elections and have no congressional representation, feel decidedly more a part of the U.S. than Asia.
Particularly after the U.S. recaptured Guam from Japanese occupancy in 1944, the American military has been seen
by many on the island as a positive force in the community that lends a hand when natural
disasters hit the island, and the coming buildup as a sorely needed source of jobs in a limited
economy. (This is an interesting Time.com audio slideshow about the U.S. military presence in the Pacific.)
Military Environment Turn
Military control is key to environmental sustainability because of regulations—
means shift away from military development would increase destruction.
EIS Report, ’10, (Joint Guam Program Office, “GUAM AND CNMI MILITARY RELOCATION:
Relocating Marines from Okinawa, Visiting Aircraft Carrier Berthing, and Army Air and Missile
Defense Task Force,” Final Environmental Impact Statement, July 2010,
http://www.guambuildupeis.us/documents/final/volume_7/Volume_7_Proposed_Mitigation_
Measures_Preferred_Alternatives_Impacts_and_Cumulative_Impacts.pdf)//erg
Climate change is a global issue for DoD. As is outlined in the Quadrennial Defense Review Report (QDR) of February
2010, DoD would need to adjust to the impacts of climate change on our facilities and military
capabilities. The Department already provides environmental stewardship at hundreds of DoD
installations throughout the United States and around the world, working diligently to meet
resource efficiency and sustainability goals as set by relevant laws and executive orders .
Although the United States has significant capacity to adapt to climate change, it will pose challenges for civil society and DoD alike,
particularly in light of the nation’s extensive coastal infrastructure. In 2008, the National Intelligence Council judged that more than
30 U.S. military installations were already facing elevated levels of risk from rising sea levels. DoD’s operational
readiness
hinges on continued access to land, air, and sea training and test space. Consequently, the
Department must complete a comprehensive assessment of all installations to assess the
potential impacts of climate change on its missions and adapt as required. The QDR goes on to
illustrate that DoD will work to foster efforts to assess, adapt to, and mitigate the impacts of
climate change. Domestically, the Department will leverage the Strategic Environmental Research
and Development Program, a joint effort among DoD, the Department of Energy, and the
Environmental Protection Agency, to develop climate change assessment tools. Abroad, the
Department will increase its investment in the Defense Environmental International
Cooperation Program not only to promote cooperation on environmental security issues, but
also to augment international adaptation efforts. On the Navy operational side, the Office of the Vice Chief of
Naval Operations published on May 21, 2010 the Task Force Climate Change Roadmap, which building off the QDR, focuses on the
naval operational challenges of a changing climate. Although the document does not address compliance issues, the roadmap also
recognizes the need to address sea level rise impacts on infrastructure and real estate through strategic investments and installation
adaptation strategies to address water resource challenges. Guam and the CNMI would
have some unique
adaptation issues to evaluate and consider. The U.S. Global Climate Research Program (USGCRP) report, “Global
Climate Change Impacts in the U.S.” reviewed the unique impacts of Climate Change on Islands. According to the report, climate
change presents U.S.-affiliated islands with unique challenges. Small
islands are vulnerable to sea-level rise,
coastal erosion, extreme weather events, coral reef bleaching, ocean acidification, and
contamination of freshwater resources with saltwater. The islands have experienced rising temperatures and
sea level in recent decades. Projections for the rest of this century suggest continued increases in air and ocean surface
temperatures in both the Pacific and Caribbean, an overall decrease in rainfall in the Caribbean, an increased frequency of heavy
downpours nearly everywhere, and increased rainfall during the summer months (rather than the normal rainy season in the winter
months) for the Pacific islands. Hurricane wind speeds and rainfall rates are likely to increase with continued warming. Island coasts
would be at increased risk of inundation due to sea-level rise and storm surge with major implications for coastal communities,
infrastructure, natural habitats, and resources. The report goes on to illustrate that island
communities, infrastructure,
and ecosystems are vulnerable to coastal inundation due to sea-level rise and coastal storms.
Flooding would become more frequent and coastal land would be permanently lost as the sea inundates low-lying areas and the
shorelines erode. Loss of land would affect living things in coastal ecosystems. Hurricanes and other storm events cause major
impacts to island communities including loss of life, damage to infrastructure and other property, and contamination of freshwater
supplies. With further warming, hurricane and typhoon peak wind intensities and rainfall are likely to increase, which, combined
with sea-level rise, would cause higher storm surge levels.
Politics Links
Changes in Marine Reserve polices cause political backlash
Cruz, 7/17, (Catherine, “President’s plan for world’s largest marine preserve draws fire,” KITV,
Jun 17, 2014, http://www.kitv.com/news/presidents-plan-for-worlds-largest-marine-preservedraws-fire/26542816#!bj2KIc)//erg
Expanding the marine preserve out Western would mean including areas around the deepest
point of the ocean, the Marianas Trench, near the island of Guam. But it would also push into areas where
Hawaii's long liners and other U.S. fishermen fish near Johnston atoll, Palmyra Island as well as Jarvis and Holland. "It has no
conservation benefit other than to penalize.U.S, fishermen,” said Paul Dalzelle, senior scientist for the Western
Pacific Regional Fishery Management Council. Scientists of the council met in Honolulu Tuesday. It was a prelude to next week's full
council meeting which will include members from Guam and Samoa. It is expected
to take a strong position
against the marine preserve plan. Members argue that expanding the no-fishing zone is not
only bad for businesss, but will not help tuna and sharks that migrate. "There are already 50 nauticalmile closures around those areas. It’s called part of the marine national monument. They are already protecting the coral reefs, all
the near shore fish, precious corals, coral reef fish and sharks pushing out to the 200 nautical miles. It will have no major
conservation benefit," said Dalzelle. The council believes the move could also leave much of the protected areas open to fishing
from foreign fishers who are already banned from U.S. waters. Fewer U.S. fishermen in the area, means fewer eyes on the water.
"They can let the government know they have seen boats making encroachments and if you take those away what’s to stop
foreigners from fishing," said Dalzelle. The concern is for the areas around the nation of Kiribas, which permits European fishers to
troll in their waters. "I suspect there will be a great temptation to just pop into our area, because they know they will be no fishing
vessels be there to see them if they do that," said Dalzelle. The
proposal could go into effect as soon as this year
after a comment period, which has the U.S. fishers worried. Dalzell said the move shows the
political vunerability of the region, with only the Hawaii congressional delegation and two non-voting delegates to
congress representing Guam and Samoa.
Unrelated
A2: Exploration bad
Exploration good—there is a distinction between Columbus’ exploration and
exploration for the purpose of helping people.—Also individual involvement
avoids cooption by major corporations
Diamandis, ’13, (Dr. Peter H., XPrize, “A NEW AGE OF OCEAN EXPLORATION MAY JUST SAVE
US,” Ocean Health, XPRIZE, 10/24/2013, http://oceanhealth.xprize.org/blog/2013/10/24/newage-ocean-exploration-may-just-save-us-0)//erg
A renewed golden age of exploration in the 21st century might just be the key to a healthy and
valued planet. Although we've already ignited unprecedented advances into space, there is still so much of our planet left unexplored. For starters, we know
remarkably little about the ocean covering the majority of our planet's surface: almost 95% of
our ocean remains undiscovered. The time is right to reignite the discovery of new places and
new knowledge here on Earth, as individuals are now empowered more than ever to do what
was only possible by governments and large corporations. Before humans explored frontiers beyond our atmosphere, they
sought out frontiers here on our own planet. And the history of ocean exploration is one that reminds us that we have always longed to explore the unknown, and that
innovative and ambitious explorers will push those horizons no matter what. Yet with reduced government spending, especially in comparison to space exploration, and the fact
that the ocean is not owned by one specific entity, there is a void. What will catalyze ocean exploration? Who will steward the ocean and dive to its depths to uncover its
mysteries? There was a long-held notion that audacious exploration needed primary support from the government. When we launched the Ansari XPRIZE in 1996, many scoffed
at the idea that private citizens, using private financing, could build innovative spacecraft that successfully launch into space. Their response to what we were attempting to
achieve often makes me think of a quote, "Some men see things as they are and ask why. Others dream things that never were and ask why not." — George Bernard Shaw. Our
proof is the new market that developed with the Ansari XPRIZE; private space transport is now a $1.5 billion industry. It's clear that exploration in the 21st century is not just for
for most of human history, exploration was driven
primarily by private industry. It wasn't until the mid-20th century that most research and
development was funded directly by large governmental grant programs. Even famous government-sponsored
government-supported programs anymore. We must remember that
ocean explorations provide a history lesson we can use to ignite this new Age of Exploration. Consider the journeys of Christopher Columbus. Long before state sponsorship from
Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain, Columbus secured most of his financial backing from diverse private sources. Which is why XPRIZE is in a unique position to not only galvanize
advocates in service of a bold
vision for the future of the ocean, one that is healthy, valued, and understood. This is really just a return to
the community of ocean innovators but also thought leaders, government agencies, industry, philanthropists and
previous patterns of success rather than a huge shift in how exploration is conducted. With the challenges we currently face, environmentally and economically, we cannot leave
exploration of our blue planet up to governments alone. Instead, quite the opposite: We need to crowdsource innovators from around the globe to take up the charge of
discovering the secrets our ocean holds, while working to preserve it. Consider the challenges facing the ocean: carbon dioxide absorbed from the atmosphere has made the
ocean 30% more acidic than it was just 200 years ago, with devastating consequences for corals, mollusks, fish, and entire ecosystems. Pollution from plastics to fertilizers
creates massive "dead zones" and swirling gyres of garbage that further sicken the seas upon which the health of the planet depends. Unabated overfishing has shown that 90%
How can we turn back this tide of challenges affecting the health of our
ocean unless we first value the ocean? And valuing it means not just taking a personal interest, but taking the time to
understand the challenges and creating real incentives, particularly financial incentives, behind
the sustainable use of our ocean. By building industries that have a vested interest in the ocean, we stand a much better chance of protecting the
of the big fish in the sea are now gone.
health of the planet. This is the model of XPRIZE: to catalyze industries that not only build economies based on new frontiers, but industries that become the leaders in serving
humanity's needs now and in the future. There is a very real opportunity with our ocean to build these industries. Because they remain unexplored, there is tremendous value
still ready to be discovered. Indeed, the opportunities for things like pharmaceuticals from deep-sea creatures bring us new biochemical discoveries from nearly every deep-sea
mission. And with an estimated 91% of sea life still unknown, this gives us a literal ocean of opportunity to discover more. By properly measuring and documenting the chemical
and physical characteristics of our seas, we can initiate whole new industries in ocean services - the type of data-driven information and forecasting that can be used by every
now is the critical time to ignite a new age of
ocean exploration. At XPRIZE we recently launched our second ocean prize, the Wendy Schmidt Ocean Health XPRIZE, to spur development of breakthroughs in
pH measuring tools that explore the chemistry of our seas. And we are, for the first time, committing to launch three additional ocean prizes by 2020. Because we
trust that by harnessing the power of innovation, and the dreams of explorers around the world,
valuable new discoveries can help us achieve a healthy ocean.
company dependent on the ocean, from tourism to trade to weather services. I believe