Engaging Christian faith communities in development in the context of
violence
Dr. Obaji Agbiji, Research Institute for Theology and Religion, University of South Africa
Email: obajiagbiji@gmail.com. Cell phone Nr: +27739206598
Introduction
A number of African Christian faith communities are experiencing a high proportion of
violence in their respective countries. Some of the Christian communities that are worse hit
include those that are in countries like Nigeria, Kenya, Cameroon and Sudan. Whilst various
factors including poverty and ethnicity account for violent conflicts, religious violence and in
particular militant Islam under the auspices of organisations such as Boko Haram, Al-Shabab
and others poses the greatest threat to both the existence of Christian faith communities and
their ability to respond to the socio-political and economic challenges of their societies. It has
therefore become pertinent for churches to evolve innovative ways to continue to bear
witness through their teachings and actions in such violent contexts. The teachings and
actions of the institutional church that could be termed innovative but also sustainable will
need to be sought for from the resources that are inherent in ecclesial communities and such
that speak to the very nature of the church.
To aid our understanding of the major cause and persistence of religious violence in a number
of countries in Africa including Nigeria, this paper will be informed by Ninian Smart’s
(1996) phenomenological paradigm of religion. Smart opines that power animates the various
dimensions of religion. As such the will to appropriate the absolute power of God drives
religious leaders and especially preachers who see themselves and are seen by their followers
as having received enlightenment or revelation from the Supreme Being and are following in
the footsteps of prophets of monotheistic religions (Islam, Christianity and Judaism) (Smart
1996; cf. Popular Discourses of Salafi Radicalism and Salafi Counter-radicalism in Nigeria,
hereafter Popular Discourses 2012:119).
Accordingly, the enlightened or contemplative personality could assume the status of a guru,
mystic, hermit, monk, nun, pastor, prophet, preacher or Imam. His or her religious pursuits
are often geared towards merging the self into some union with the sacred or powerful other
through worship of and dependence on the powerful other. In this sense, this personality who
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may be a prophet or preacher who has experienced this numinous religious experience sees
himself or herself as a representative of the powerful other, speaking and acting on behalf of
the powerful other. Such a personality could achieve arrogance and indeed pride. This
preacher, prophet or religiously enlightened personality and follower can even “catch the
fear-making mode and take on what is supposedly divine anger” (Smart 1996:172), thereby
making the preacher or follower awe-inspiring in his own right. This accounts for “why the
preacher or follower (religious enlightened person), who in his ritual function stands as the
mouthpiece of the (Lord) powerful other, can easily begin ranting” or even taking violent
actions (Smart 1996:172). Smart’s phenomenological paradigm of religion could therefore
account for the audacity, arrogance and religious motivations that the leaders and members of
Boko Haram tend to exude and the power they seek to acquire within the Nigerian sociopolitical context. In addition, the phenomenological paradigm could assist in the
understanding of the reasons that have given rise to Boko Haram and its ideology given some
arguments touching on economic factors that have given rise to the emergence of the group
as presented by some scholars and social commentators such as Olojo (2013:1,2) and Carson
(2012).
Violence is defined in this paper as injurious or lethal harm meted out through physical
actions in the context of war or terrorism. (Cavanaugh 2009:8). Based on this understanding,
religious violence is a religiously motivated injurious or lethal harm meted out by a person or
group of persons to other persons or groups of persons who are perceived to be of a different
religious view. Development in turn is understood as referring to spiritual and material
progress that results in the general wellbeing of humans, the environment and socio-political
and economic systems in a given society (Agbiji 2012:21).
Proceeding then from this introductory background, I intend to draw upon open sources to
present my arguments while also acknowledging the absence of literature on the Nigerian
Christian faith community and her response to poverty and violence through the diaconal
ministry. I will first pay attention to the socio-political and religious challenges of Nigeria
and the activities of Boko Haram before proceeding to give an account of how the church is
so far engaging in development in the face of intense violence. I will then propose the
engagement of the concept of Christian diaconia as a pertinent approach that could deepen
the response of Christian faith communities to the challenges of underdevelopment and
militant Islam in Nigeria. Whilst the Nigerian case does not effectively represent what is
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obtainable in all African faith communities and their response to violence, it could at least
generate some reflections on possible actions that can be initiated in other African contexts.
The Nigerian socio-political and religious context
Nigeria like other African countries is multi-ethnic, multi-religious and underdeveloped, with
a large population of her youth unemployed. Within the structural violence approach, such a
context provides a fertile ground for dangerous persons or groups to find support for
terrorism (Olojo 2013:1,2; Harnischfeger 2014:35; Carson 2012). Scholars argue that in
Nigeria, religion is politicised and politics is “religionised” (Agbiboa 2013:8; Mohammed
2014:23). Agbiboa (2013:3) has further argued that Islam is emblematic of the religionpolitics nexus and this marriage of religion and politics could be historically traced to the
days of Prophet Muhammad, the founder of Islam. Based on this perception, Boko Haram, its
members and supporters see themselves as rising in defence of Islam especially in the
restoration of the Caliphate founded by Usman dan Fodio and joining forces with the Muslim
Umar in fighting Jihad against the western world and its Christian allies in Nigeria
(Harnischfeger 2014:43, 47,51 cf. HRW 2012:26,30). The religious intent of Boko Haram
which seeks to re-enact Islamic theocracy in Nigeria after the manner of the Prophet of Islam
through Sharia can hardly be dissociated from its ideology and operations. The religious
agenda of Boko Haram can therefore be traced from the inception of the group to its present
ideology and operations.
Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati Wal-Jihad1 popularly known as Boko Haram came to
public notice in Nigeria in 2009 but the origin of the group can be traced to 1995
(Mohammed 2014:9) and the group can be seen in the broader context of Islamic movements
that espouses unorthodox beliefs and unconventional religious practices. These groups are
often linked to ethnic and religious violence in Nigeria, most notably the Maitatsine group
active in the 1980s (Popular Discourses 2012:120). It is believed that the initial membership
of the group comprised Muslim students from the University of Maiduguri who dropped out
of school in response to the preaching of a foreign Islamic scholar who convinced them that
Western education was haram (unlawful) in Islam (Olojo 2013:2,3). When translated from
Hausa to English Boko Haram means “Western education is sinful”.
Boko Haram identifies itself as Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati Wal-Jihad, which means “People
Committed to the Propagation of the Prophet’s Teachings and Jihad” in Arabic.
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The initial leadership of Boko Haram under the regime of Mohammed Yusuf is believed to
have garnered a large following of poor families and unemployed youths from northern
Nigeria, as well as neighbouring countries such as Niger, Chad and Cameroon. These
followers were enrolled in Yusuf’s religious complex, which included a mosque and school
used for ideological orientation and propagation. Boko Haram also initiated social
programmes aimed at assisting the poor and indigent (Olojo 2013:3). These initiatives
appeared to be laudable especially when viewed from the perspective of some analysts from
the West and elsewhere who argue that the rebellion of Boko Haram is born out of poverty,
illiteracy and unemployment; and a response to corruption and social neglect (Harnischfeger
2014:35). However, Harnischfeger argues that interpreting the rise and activities of Boko
Haram as a protest against deteriorating living conditions is at odds with the statements of the
leaders of Boko Haram, who insist on the religious motives of their insurrection: “This is a
war between Muslims and non-Muslims…This is not a tribal war, nor is it … a war for
financial gains, it is solely a religious war”2 (Harnischfeger 2014:35). Whereas it initially
appeared as if Yusuf’s assemblage of his followers was in sympathy with the poor and
indigent in society, his teachings reveal a sinister plan.
The message of Boko Haram was articulated by its leader Mohammed Yusuf. Yusuf’s
teachings were derived from and reflect the extant discourse and ideology of radical Islamism
worldwide, with which Yusuf had become used to. The main narratives of Boko Haram, as
outlined in Yusuf’s sermons, were distributed widely throughout northern Nigeria through
audio tapes and open-air sermons. The major content of his sermons were the rejection of
secularism, democracy, Western education and Westernisation (Mohammed 2014:15). The
rejection of secularism and the pursuit of its replacement by Shariah is a current in radical
Islam that goes back to the fourteenth century Damascene scholar Ahmad Ibn Taymiyyah
(1268-1328 CE). Yusuf also followed in the steps of Saudi Arabia Islamic scholars such as
Sheikh Bakr Ibn Abdallah Abu Zaid (1944-2008) who consistently attacked democracy and
the freedoms it stands for as anti-Islamic. The teachings of Yusuf otherwise referred to as the
Yusufiyya dawah3 was built around a close-knit group of followers, who believed in the
justness of their cause and offered unalloyed loyalty to their leader (Mohammed 2014:15).
Abubakar Shekau the leader of Boko Haram in a video message, in (Anon.), “Jos Bombing: Text of video
Statement by Jama’atu Ahlus-Sunnah Lidda’awati Wal Jihad”, Elombah, 28 December 2010.
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The dawah is a major feature of radical Islam in the Muslim world. It is [an] Islamist term which denotes a
combination of propaganda, education, medical and welfare action – and its practitioners. Yet the da’awa has an
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Yusuf’s sermons are known to justify the reasons for his endeavours as a divine mandate
which places him and the members of Boko Haram as following in the steps of Prophet
Mohammed. The members are often encouraged to lay down their lives and resources to the
mission of the group and often assured of victory and eternal reward from Allah. The
sermons are audacious and persuasive to his listeners with an indication of a battle cry aimed
at inciting and emotionally arming his followers and listeners to rise to the occasion
(Mohammed 2014:15). In line with Smarts argument on the phenomenology of religion,
Yusuf takes on himself the position of the powerful other (divinity) to fight for him/her as the
Prophet did. Yusuf was taking advantage of the poor economic condition of his unsuspecting
audience and their religious sentiments to radicalise them and to raise an army for the
Islamisation of the nation, beginning from Borno state, the stronghold of their operation. This
makes sense especially when we remember that the real influence of religious leaders
depends on the numbers of followers (Popular Discourses 2012:122) and how well these
leaders are able to indoctrinate their followers on the course of action expected from them.
Yusuf’s message to the State, Federal government and its security establishments could
further shed light on the level of arrogance that the leadership and membership of Boko
Haram has assumed. After one of many of his defiant sermons,
[Yusuf] thus concluded the sermon by issuing his so-called ‘open letter’, which he
contemptuously addressed to ‘the fake President of Nigeria and Commander in Chief of the
Armed Forces’ and copied to all the security chiefs: air force, army, navy, police and state
security service, members of the national assembly, and the ‘lowly weakling’ Governor Ali
Sheriff of Borno State, warning them that he and his followers would not let the shooting of his
followers be in vain and clearly threatening retaliation (Popular discourses 2014:130).
The open letter stated the following:
With your command and knowledge, 20 of our fellow believers have received gunshots and
wounded by soldiers. We do not approve. We will not approve. We are not going to tell anyone
[i.e. we will keep our plan of attack secret], and that is why we have issued this open letter. By
God, I do know that you would all receive my words because I invited everyone to come, and
some will take what I have said to you. So let it be translated into English for you, for I do not
speak English. Therefore we do not accept this terrorism. The shooting of 20 persons we do not
accept, and we will not forget nor forgive it. Second, we do not agree with the crazy soldiers
importance beyond that of being a possible cradle for violence. It is bringing about change in many Muslim
societies, and sometimes plays a role – albeit indirect – in politics (Mohammed 2014). Yusufiyya dawah means
the propaganda, education, medical and welfare action of Yusuf and his followers.
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and mobile policemen of the Operation Flush patrolling the streets of Maiduguri; for peace to
reign, they must be removed from among the civilians. You keep talking about peace, peace,
and peace. Since you worship peace as your pagan god, you can worship it in that way. That is
my letter (Popular discourses 2014:130).
Johannes Harnischfeger (2014:34) has well observed that “what Boko Haram is fighting for –
the Islamisation of state and society through a strict application of Shariah – was propagated
by Hausa and Fulani politicians more than ten years ago”. The religious factor remains
constant in all crisis that have arisen in Nigeria such as the pogrom of the 60s, Maitatsine
riots of 1980s, Sharia riots of 2000 (Zamfara, Kaduna and other northern states), beauty
pageant riots, Mohammed cartoon in Denmark riot, 2011 election riots, Jos riots, etc. Boko
Haram like other Islamic militant groups perceives Christians as enemies and legitimate
targets for violent attacks (Mohammed 2014:19), with the ultimate aim of intimidating
Christians and subjecting them to Islam.
So far, Boko Haram has carried out numerous attacks on churches and Christians in northern
and central Nigeria during its campaign of violence. In July 2009, they launched violence for
five days killing 37 Christian men, including three pastors, and set ablaze 29 churches in
Borno State. Armed gunmen have bombed or opened fire on Christian worshippers in more
than 18 churches across eight northern and central states, killing more than 127 Christians,
injuring numerous others (HRW 2012:44). In Borno State alone, between June 7, 2011 and
January 17, 2012, 142 Christians were killed. The attacks on Christians in northern Nigeria
appear to be a part of a systematic plan of violence and intimidation. Boko Haram attacks on
Christians includes abductions (including the 250 girls from Chibok), forced conversions,
attacks in markets and during Christian services using guns, improvised devices, swords or
suicide bombers (HRW 2012:44,45).
Indeed, Cameron Thomas, international Christian Concern Regional Manager for Africa has
noted that the latest (June, 2014) attack by Boko Haram on four churches and those
innocently attending Sunday services inside once again affirms the religious motivation of
this group's heinous crimes against the Nigerian people. For years, the Christian population of
northern Nigeria has faced a devastating offensive by Islamic militants that has yet to be
effectively countered. He further adds: "Today, the bloodied soil of Kwada and Kautikari
villages serve as a heart-rending cry for greater action to ensure the safety of Christians
wishing to exercise their right to practice their beliefs free from fear of retribution at the
barrel of gun or trigger of an explosive" (Zaimov 2014). It is no longer in doubt that
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Christians in Nigeria are facing enormous persecution and martyrdom from the hands of
Muslims and Boko Haram. Above all Boko Haram has declared war against Christians and
they are employing all of their resources derived from within and outside of Nigeria to
achieve their jihadist agenda. The crucial question is how is the church in Nigeria responding
to the crisis it is facing in the midst of harsh economic realities?
The response of the Church to poverty and Islamic militancy
The response of the Nigerian church to underdevelopment and Islamic militancy can be
summarised into five categories namely: prayer, relief/social services, inter-religious
dialogue, advocacy and retaliation.
Prayer is often the first response of Christian leaders, churches and other Christian groups to
the menace of poverty and Islamic militancy in Nigeria. The dimensions of these prayers
include supplications and intercessions to God for the improvement of living conditions,
protection of Nigerians against terrorism, comfort for affected persons, and exposure of
members and supporters of the group and corrupt persons. The prayers are also directed at the
terror group for a change of heart on the part of its members so that peace and harmony will
be restored to the Nigerian society. One of the numerous instances of the call for prayers and
indeed prayer sessions was that called for and led by a Christian leader, Joseph Otubu, in
Lekki, Lagos. Otubu (2014), a leader of Cherubim and Seraphim Church Worldwide called
on both Christians and Muslims in Nigeria, to turn onto God for enduring solutions to Boko
Haram and other security problems through fervent, genuine prayers and supplications.
Otubu believes that God could “touch the hearts of Boko Haram sect members to stop killing
innocent people and destroying their property because it is God who created them”. He
argued that the Christian’s “weapon of warfare is spiritual and not carnal". In addition to
prayers the Christian community is involved in relief and social services as a means of
addressing poverty and the challenge of violence.
The most significant contribution of both the church and her leaders to Nigerian society, from
the time of the missionaries to modern times, may be said to be in the area of relief and social
services. The churches and church leaders have been consistent in this social approach
through their denominations and ecumenical bodies. According to C. I. Itty, (in Swart
2006:18), relief/charity and social services encompass “a substantial range of categories:
education, health services, social welfare and some sort of economic development”. These
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charitable and social service activities were aimed at conversion, literacy, poverty alleviation
and the improvement of the wellbeing of Nigerians, especially in moments of crisis (Agbiji
2012). For example, during and after the Nigerian civil war, repeated religious riots and the
insurgency of Boko H aram, church leaders, churches and ecumenical church organisations in
Nigeria, with the support of the World Council of Churches (WCC) and overseas partner
churches, have been deeply involved in relief and reconstruction activities. These activities
have always contributed immensely towards ameliorating the sufferings of both Christians
and non-Christians throughout the country (Agbiji 2012:118-120; PCN Communiqué
2014:13). Another pertinent area of the church’s response to religious violence and its
concomitant outcome such as destruction of property and underdevelopment is inter-religious
dialogue.
John Cardinald Onaiyekan (2010:7), immediate past president of CAN, Catholic Archbishop
of Abuja and immediate past co-chairman of the Nigerian Inter-religious Council (NIREC),
asserts that “inter-religious dialogue is perhaps the best way to describe what we understand
by management of our religious diversities”. Onaiyekan (2010:7) argues further that
[t]he concept of dialogue is based on the assumption that we can actually talk to one
another and understand one another; that we can devise a common language to
communicate with each other. It is based on the conviction that we have common
grounds, despite the differences in the way we practise our religions and, sometimes,
also the way the tenets of our faiths are formulated and proclaimed.
The perennial challenge of Islamic fundamentalism in Nigeria, which has brought about
colossal destruction of human lives and property worth billions of Naira across the country,
has given impetus to the need for dialogue. It is to the credit of Nigerian church leaders, some
Islamic leaders and Nigerian government under the auspices of CAN and NIREC
respectively, that the initiative to engage in dialogue with Islamic leaders constitutes such a
giant step towards the socio-political and economic development of Nigerian society (Agbiji
2012:121; CAN 2010: 15; Abubakar 2010:1; CAN 2004:2; America 2004:6). Beyond the
confines of prayer, charity and social services and inter-religious dialogue, advocacy stands
out as another platform through which Christian religious leaders have registered a significant
contribution in Nigeria.
The Nigerian Christian community engages in advocacy through the leadership of its
ecumenical structures such as the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), its subsidiaries
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and Church denominations. Christian religious leaders operating under the auspices of CAN
are of the view that ‘the most important political duty which CAN often performs is its
warning and prophetic function’ (CAN 2010:13). It is this ‘warning and prophetic function’
that could play an important advocacy role in the transformation of Nigerian society. Church
leaders in Nigeria are in the main engaged in advocacy through communiqués, press releases
and messages from both the pulpit and the mass media. As part of this development, it is
significant to observe how it has become characteristic of denominational and ecumenical
church bodies to issue public statements at the conclusion of their major meetings – i.e.
statements that relate to socio-religious, economic and political issues (Agbiji 2012:128;
CAN 2012; CAN 2014a; CAN 2014b; CAN 2014c; CAN 1988:48-50; Mbachirin 2004:654;
CAN 1988:9-12; Williams 1988:11).
Yet, in contemporary Nigeria, a large number of Christians point to issues of political
dominance and violence as the motives of Islam in Northern Nigeria, ultimately aimed at
stretching the frontiers of Islamic aggression to other parts of the country. This perceived
threat is interpreted differently within the Christian community in Nigeria. Conservative
Christians take a cautionary look at pockets of Islamic dissent as unitary actions which must
be addressed as such, through either dialogue or soft threats. Christians of the mainline
(orthodox) denominations often toe this line of thought. The more radical Christian groups
which can be associated with the Pentecostal tradition present the narrative of a jihadist game
plan to overwhelm Nigeria with a religious and ethnic agenda. The latter group find dialogue
rather deceitful, and this demography mainly comprises a largely youthful population that has
grown up in a Nigeria that has acquired with time new identity constructions, which have
revolved around ethnicity and religion (Mang 2014:90).
It should however be clarified that given the huge influence of Pentecostalism on mainline
denominations, it is increasingly becoming difficult to delineate responses of individual
Christians to Islamic militancy based on their denominational traditions. What this means is
that as against the official position of the Roman Catholic Church in Nigeria which may be
disposed to dialogue for instance, a Roman Catholic member who has imbibed Pentecostal
ideology may find dialogue as unhelpful and may resort to violent response to Islamic
insurgency. The response may also be influenced by how the activities of Boko Haram are
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perceived. The perception that could for example attract a violent response and retaliation
may be such that views Islam as being at war with Christianity.
The issue of organised crime and violence perpetrated by Islamic terrorists such as Boko
Haram against Christians is further giving impetus to the consideration of violent responses
on the part of Christian youths against Muslims. Archbishop Ben Kwashi describes the
ongoing experiences of Christians when he states that “Muslim attacks on the church seem to
be a permanent feature in northern Nigeria. After each attack many Christians are
immediately left with the loss of the lives of their relations (sometimes those killed are the
bread-winners of the family), and of property” (Kwashi 2004:65). In view of the perennial
nature of these acts of organised crime and terror, Kwashi (2004:68) further argues that
many suffering Christians have changed their attitude to violence. All along,
Christians in Nigeria have maintained a strong belief in the scripture that says: “But I
say to you, that you resist not evil: but whosoever shall smite you on your right
cheek, turn to him the other also.” Today, some Christians no longer hold strongly to
this view. Such Christians will question: ‘The Muslims have slapped us on one
cheek; we have also turned the other cheek, now which other cheek do we have to
turn?” By this they tend to imply that they need to fight back and resist the Muslims
whenever they are attacked.
The reinterpretation of the teachings of Jesus could be viewed as a serious departure from the
usual pacifist and non-violent resistance stands which have often characterised the
theological understanding of Christians of the two doctrinal persuasions as it concerns the
passage in view (Luke 6:29). Admittedly, this may be perceived as an extremely radical
departure from the teachings of Christ and it may even be considered to be inconsistent with
biblical teaching and, therefore, heretical. However, it is not possible to dismiss the repeated
pain and losses that these Christians have been enduring over the years. Undoubtedly,
Christians in different contexts of suffering have often developed a theological framework
which has guided and sustained them to “weather their storms”. Accordingly, these Christians
in northern Nigerian have devised a theology which they assume will satisfy their needs and
they will adhere to this theology unless church leaders provide a more relevant theology that
meets their existentialist needs (Agbiji 2012:138,139). Also, within the context of prophetic
theology - a theology that is time bound and addresses a specific social issue (oppression) in a
particular context, at a particular time (Higginson 2009:34) such as the Nigerian Islamic
militancy against Christians, such a theology can arguably be deemed appropriate.
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Yet, R. Niebuhr has warned that the religious person can be tempted to claim divine sanction
for very human and harmful actions. They can be tempted to equate their particular interests
with eternal truth (Niebuhr 1937, Cited in Graybill 1995). Niebuhr’s warning is in tandem
with Smart’s phenomenology of religion. It could be assumed to be calling to question the
extra-judicial actions of Islamic terrorists who lay claim to a divine mandate and Christian
extremists who also kill in self-defence based on a theological stance. Whereas Niebuhr’s
warning is pertinent, the initiatives of the church through its ecumenical and denominational
platforms in response to various forms of Islamic militancy including Boko Haram could be
considered commendable. These commendable initiatives include prayer, relief/social
services, inter-religious dialogue and advocacy.
It is however doubtful if the Nigerian Christian faith community has exhausted its resources
in its quest for a sustainable presence and witness in the Nigerian society, in view of the
challenges posed by underdevelopment and Islamic militancy. My view is that in addition to
the existing dimensions of engagement with the ongoing challenges as mentioned above, the
various expressions of the church (ecumenical, denominational, congregational and personal)
could still evolve other strategies that will not just assist the church to “survive the crisis”, but
such measures that could enhance the church’s witness and could forestall the re-occurrence
of similar crisis in the future. Above all, a strategy that is inherently entrenched in the very
nature of the church could place the church on a vantage position to blossom through the
transformation of crisis to opportunity for the manifestation of Christian neighbourly love,
creation of inclusive communities, caring for creation and struggling for justice. These are
crucial Christian tenets that show the Gospel in action through the diaconal ministry of the
church.
The concept of diaconia and its social implication in addressing poverty
and Islamic militancy
Although the concept of diaconia is hardly used in many African Christian communities
including the Nigerian ecclesial community, the Church has always been involved in social
services through relief and charitable deeds, medical services, provision of education,
advocacy and economic empowerment schemes (Agbiji 2012). In addition, the Church has
been engaged in inter-religious dialogue and collaborative endeavours with the government
towards addressing social challenges. All of these activities rightly belong to the domain of
Christian diaconial ministry.
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It seems to me that the time has now come for churches to initiate a move towards the
effective use of the concept of diaconia in the social ministry of the church in Nigeria and
other African countries for the following reasons: Diaconia has a theological richness that can
give strong guidance to the church’s social ministry. The content of the concept of diaconia
speaks directly to the needs of the African context and at the same time reveals the essence of
the church in response to the needs of the society. The concept of diaconia is strongly rooted
in the history of the Christian church and could provide a common ground for the much
needed collaborative engagement between the church in Nigeria, other African societies and
other Christian communities in other parts of the world. The need for collaborative
engagement is particularly pertinent in addressing poverty and Islamic militancy in Nigeria
and elsewhere in Africa.
Kjell Nordstokke (2014:65) has argued that the concept of diaconia (diakonia) developed in
the course of church history, and it has been strongly impacted by the diaconal movement
initiated in Germany in the 1830s with its focus on providing health and social services. In
finding a theological grounding for the diaconal practice, biblical material was addressed,
especially passages that contain the so-called diak-words (diakonein, diakonia and diakonoc),
which often are translated as serve, service and servant, respectively. Diaconal movement
scholars like Kittel (1935), have interpreted these words as “active Christian love of the
neighbor” (Nordstokke 2014:65; cf. Kittel 1935).
Christian diaconia is therefore rooted in the Gospel teaching according to which the love of
God and the neighbour are a direct consequence of faith. As such the diaconal mission of the
church and the duty of each of its members to serve are intimately bound up with the very
notion of the church and stem from the example of the sacrifice of our Lord Himself, our
High Priest, who, in accordance with the Father’s will “did not come to be served but to serve
and to give up his life as a ransom for many” (Matthew. 20:28) (Ecumenical documents
nd:175,176). In deriving its essence from the example of Christ and as an indispensable
attribute of the community of faith, the ultimate goal of Christian diaconia is the salvation of
humankind from everything which oppresses, enslaves, intimidates, destroys and distorts the
image of God, and in doing so, to open the way to salvation. This understanding of diaconia
inevitably calls the Christian community to a life of individual and cooperate sacrifice, selfdenial and sometimes even martyrdom. The ministry of Christian diaconia ministers to the
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Christian community and to all who come within range of its knowledge and loving care. The
object of Christian diaconia is to overcome evil, by offering deliverance from oppression and
injustice. For this reason, diaconia is an essential element that sustains the life and growth of
the church (Ecumenical documents nd:176,177).
Nordstokke (2014:67,68) has suggested a new approach to the search for diaconal motifs and
messages, with a vital focus on the sequence of seven narratives that John presents as signs
(shmeion) in chapters 2-11 of John’s Gospel. Nordstokke reads these signs as diaconal signs,
both in the sense that they let us see the diaconal ministry of Jesus and at the same time as
signs for our diaconal practice today. The following are the seven signs: The wedding at Cana
(2:1–12); Jesus’ healing of an official’s son (4:46–54); Jesus’ healing of the sick at Bethesda
(5:1–18); the feeding of the five thousand (6:1–15); Jesus’ walking on the water (6:16–21);
the restoration of sight to a man born blind (9:1–41); and Jesus’ raising of Lazarus to life
(11:1–44). These signs in Nordstokke’s view connect faith and life – faith in Jesus, the one
who did the signs, and life reflecting their everyday experience of vulnerability and suffering.
This is why Nordstokke believes that the narratives of the signs can be read in a diaconal
perspective. Each of them takes place in the midst of human reality, they present stories of
marginalized people, and how forces of death threaten their life (Nordstokke 2014:67,68).
I will argue in the remaining part of the paper that through the concept of Christian diaconia,
the Christian community in Nigeria and other parts of Africa could effectively mobilise its
resources to minister to its fold now facing death, persecution, oppression, intimidation,
marginalisation and other forms of injustice. Through the same concept the church could
even in the mist of its own pain and suffering fulfil its very nature as creation carer and God’s
agent by ministering to non-Christians and the agents of terror, their families and
communities. In the same vain, issues of poverty, underdevelopment, corruption,
unemployment, diseases and other forms of suffering have become perennial in the Nigerian
society and elsewhere, the church’s calling places an obligation on it to respond to these
needs.
In the light of the above, the concept of Christian diaconia offers the Nigerian Christian
community in particular a vital ecclesial paradigm that if properly engaged within the
ecumenical, denominational, congregational and individual level could assist the Christian
13
community in ministering to the needs of the members of the community and to the larger
society. Without undermining the enormous task of fulfilling such an ambitious endeavour in
the Nigerian society given the religious, socio-political and economic challenges being posed
by Boko Haram, such a diaconal ministry could assist in fostering neighbourly love, building
of inclusive communities, caring for creation and struggling for justice. These components
that are integral to the nature of the church and its diaconal ministry are needed now more
than ever in the Nigerian society.
Diaconia of neighbourly love
The diaconia of neighbourly love requires transforming faith into action. This process
requires asking time and again, “who is my neighbour?” (Luke 10:29-37). It also involves
individual Christians and Christian communities placing themselves at the disposal of the
marginalised, the persecuted, the suffering, the hungry, the thirsty, the sick/wounded and the
stranger (Muslim, enemy or terrorist) by asking the question: What do you want me to do for
you? (Matthew 25:35-46) (Church of Norway nd:7). Loving and caring for our neighbour
involves our whole being and should be based on reciprocity, equality and respect for the
integrity of the other. The mutual dependence of human beings requires that throughout life
humans should be met with love and compassion. The practical show of love and compassion
may sometimes involve small, simple acts. It may also involve major and demanding efforts
(Church of Norway nd:7,13).
Aarhus Johannes Nissen (2014:39) has pointed out that the manifestation of neighbourly love
in the story of the Good Samaritan could only be possible through seeing, having compassion
and acting. What this means is that it is not sufficient to detect those who are suffering by
studying statistics or reports of suffering people. Since these persons are flesh and blood (real
people), the weight of their real conditions can only be more appreciated by seeing with our
own eyes. Secondly, the experiences of the suffering requires more than pity, it requires
compassion. Compassion goes far beyond pity; it bridges the gap between perception and
effective action. Thirdly, the Samaritan “went to him” (the afflicted). It could thus be noted
that it was only when all the tree actions were carried out that the Samaritan was able to do
what he did.
The diaconia of neighbourly love calls for the Christian church in Nigeria through its
ecumenical, denominational, congregational and individual capacities to respond to the
14
challenges of all persons being affected by the acts of terror by Boko Haram and other forms
of militant Islam. Such persons include Christians, non-Christians, Muslims, members of
Boko Haram and their supporters. Such a diaconia requires the specialised ministry of
deacons (ordained and non-ordained) and other volunteers drawn from all over Nigeria and
beyond with skills and provisions that can assist them to minister to the needs of the afflicted.
It requires that these “deacons” visit the places and persons being affected. It is also crucial
that the diaconia of neighbourly love be inculcated into all Christians and the practice of it
should become the Christian lifestyle. Such a lifestyle could assist in building inclusive
communities.
Building inclusive communities through Christian diaconia
The Christian community is fundamentally an inclusive community marked by hospitality
(Johannes Nissen 2014:41) which has the potential of transmitting its nature to the larger
society. The notion of building an inclusive community implies that there are persons that are
outside of the community by some reasons which may be cultural, religious, gender, sociopolitical or economic. Such persons are seen as “strangers”. Johannes Nissen (2014:42) has
therefore argued that in today’s context the “stranger” includes not only the people unknown
to us, the poor and the exploited, but also those who are ethnically, culturally and religiously
“others” to us. He further argues that the biblical notion of “stranger” does not intend to
objectify the “other,” but there are people who are truly “strangers” to us in their culture,
religion, race, and other kinds of diversities that are part of the human community. The
willingness of the Christian community to accept others in their “otherness” is the hallmark
of true hospitality and a pertinent step towards building inclusive communities.
In a context such as Nigeria where religious, ethnic, socio-political and economic divisions
are deeply entrenched, building inclusive communities has become indispensable. The
challenge of religious otherness between Muslims and Christians is the main driver of
terrorism and its consequences. The evident suspicion and hate between religious and ethnic
groups is a reflection of an un-inclusive society. But the same suspicion and hate also exists
between the rich and the poor and in some instances between the ruler and the ruled. It is also
possible that there could be a grand standing on the part of a particular religious or terrorist
group which may make it very difficult to realise the vision of an inclusive society. In
addition, the pains of the past years of attacks and retaliation, betrayals and broken promises
could contribute to the difficulty.
15
Whilst the scenarios above cannot be ignored and as such deserves much reflection, it is
pertinent to note that an important item of Christian teaching is that we are created to live in
fellowship with one another. It is therefore a diaconal responsibility to strengthen
relationships between people and to establish new ones when existing relationships break up.
Some of the important component s of healthy communities is that they are diverse, inclusive
and they offer everyone the opportunity to give and to receive (Church of Norway Plan
nd:16-18). For the grace of God manifested in Christ calls the Christian to an attitude of
hospitality that is not limited to those who belong to the same group but extends to loving
even the enemies ( Johannes Nissen 2014:44).To successfully carry out a diaconia of building
inclusive communities, justice and reconciliation are crucial.
Diaconia of justice and reconciliation
Justice and reconciliation are inseparable. Every human being is entitled to a life of dignity
which includes safety, peace, self-actualisation and other fundamental human rights. In a
society where there is wanton killing of human beings by terrorists, security agents and
persons who claim self-defence, the church must show solidarity and join all persons
experiencing injustice in the struggle for justice. The diaconia of justice does not show
indifference to people who are fighting for their life. It must ensure that human life must be
protected from conception to the grave. In fulfilling the diaconia of justice, the church must
be a critical voice against all manifestations of injustice and must also meet the challenges
posed by these issues through programmes and projects (Church of Norway n.d:20).
The diaconia of justice which should be focused on addressing issues of injustice through
programmes and projects must begin from the Christian community and should flow into the
wider society. The early Christians aimed at constructing a community which in itself was an
example of a just society (Johannes Nissen 2014:45). In this regard, a diaconia of justice must
work for the just distribution of the world’s resources among Christians and the larger society
within the local context and beyond, through financial support by donor agencies and
empowerment schemes. Such a diaconia will also support people whose dignity is violated
through pastoral care, awareness campaigns, support groups, etc. Such endeavours should
also be accompanied by non-violence, peace, reconciliation, legal actions against perpetrators
of injustice and preventive measures.
16
Reconciliation is an on-going process aimed at overcoming estrangement. It is rapprochement
in-depth as a result of conversation, argument, discussion and debate (Higginson 2009:44).
Reconciliation is about transforming dehumanising situations and their personal and social
consequences. Social reconciliation is only possible when a community recovers its dignity
and honour. It requires that the human rights abuses are brought to light so that victims can
tell their stories, be heard, grieve and gain the support of their communities, and for the
perpetrators to admit to their abuses. According to Beyers Naude (1991:227), “No healing is
possible without reconciliation, and no reconciliation is possible without justice, and no
justice is possible without some form of genuine restitution”. In Nigeria, diaconia of justice
and reconciliation must begin within the Christian fold and their respective ethnic groups and
must progress to the adherents of Islam and ultimately to the groups of militant Islam. An
approach to reconciliation and justice directed at the Christian community itself will deal
with issues pertaining to denominational differences and ethnic suspicions which are deeply
entrenched in the Nigerian society. The diaconia of justice and reconciliation can then
proceed to the adherents of Islam and Islamic militant groups.
Christian diaconia of justice and reconciliation will have to build synergy with government
and civil society (Higginson 2009) to ensure adequate security for Christians and other
vulnerable persons. By engaging ecclesial institutional power in tandem with government, the
Christian diaconia of justice and reconciliation will have to ensure that government fulfils its
responsibility of protecting its citizens from terrorism and intimidation (Romans 13:3). In the
same vein, diaconial collaboration with civil society through the institutional power of the
church will ensure that publicity is made and civil actions will be engaged to bring to the
notice of the Nigerian society and beyond all forms of threats and actions that are tantamount
to human rights abuses against Christians. Where the church feels the government and its
security operatives cannot or is failing to protect Christians from terrorists, the church’s
diaconia of justice should be at liberty to explore responsible measures that can assist
Christians to obtain security services for their lives and property. Christians like other citizens
have a right to self-defence where they face conditions that perpetually place them in danger
and insecurity (Higginson 2009). As an important component of the Christian diaconia of
justice, all Christians serving in executive, legislative, judiciary and security/military arms of
government must be encouraged to be sensitive to the security situation of the nation and
must be committed to their responsibilities to the state and the Christian community.
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Conclusion
The struggle of African Christian communities to combat poverty and religious violence in
their respective contexts is enormous and frightening. In the end, the church may be well-off
or worse-off depending on her approach to the crisis. The response of the Nigerian church in
its various expressions, so far although commendable, still lacks the capacity to contain the
crisis, enable the healing and flourishing of the church and Nigerian society, and forestall the
emergence of such crisis in the future. A creative strategy that is theologically and
ideologically embedded in the very nature of the church has become inevitable. Such a
strategy must incorporate the present mode of the churches engagement but must also assist
the church to go beyond its present scope. The new strategy suggested in this paper includes
the deliberate use of the concept of Christian diaconia through the diaconia of neighbourly
love, building of inclusive communities and struggling for justice and reconciliation through
the institutional church, its individual members in their respective professions and
collaborative networks with relevant institutions locally and internationally. Such strategy of
Christian engagement in contemporary Nigeria and other parts of Africa could mitigate the
impact of the crisis of poverty and religious violence to the benefit of Christians, Muslims
and the entire Nigerian and other African societies.
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