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Racial Differences
Running Head: Racial Preferences for Body Fatness
Racial Differences in Preferences for Body Fatness and Body Fat Distribution in
Females: A Review of the Literature
Taona Chithambo
University of Texas at Austin
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Racial Differences
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Abstract
Research on racial differences in preferences for female body fatness has found that
White men and women prefer a slimmer body type than do black men and women. Despite the
importance of the gynoid fat distribution in assessments of female attractiveness, little research
has focused on preferences for fatness in the lower body. This study sought to examine the role
of female body fat distribution, in addition to overall body weight, in affecting racial differences
in assessments of female body attractiveness. It was found that Black men and women preferred
line drawings with a heavier weight and buttocks size than White men and women. However,
Black participants’ preferred weight figures were not overweight, indicating the importance of
body fat distribution in assessments of female attractiveness.
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Research on racial differences in preferred female body fatness has increased
substantially in recent years. While the preferences of many ethnic groups have been examined,
a substantial portion of the literature consists of comparisons between Black and White
participants. Research has found that white women prefer a slimmer body type than do black
women (e.g., Powell & Kahn, 1995; Rucker & Cash, 1992). In addition, Powell and Kahn
(1995) found that Black men and women are more tolerant of higher-than-average body weight
in others than are White men and women. Black women generally show less of a discrepancy
between their actual weight and their ideal body weight (Aruguete, Nickelberry & Yates, 2004;
Powell & Kahn, 1995) than do White women. Research has also suggested that Black men
tolerate a higher female body weight and expect less ridicule for engaging in a relationship with
a woman who is overweight than do White men (Powell & Kahn, 1995). Several recently
acquired research findings regarding Black and White men and women’s preferences for female
body challenge prior assertions on the issue. For example, Shaw, Ramirez, Trost, Randall and
Stice (2004) found that Black women and White women are equal in a variety of domains
closely intertwined with body esteem, including pressure to be thin, body dissatisfaction, and
fear of fat.
The amount of research in the literature pertaining to racial differences in female body
weight preference is far greater than the research available on racial preferences for specific body
parts. Miller, Gleaves, Hirsch, Green, Snow, and Corbett (2000) incorporated findings on racial
differences in preference for specific traits, including mouth, skin color, skin texture, eye color,
hair color, and hair length. However, the study did not compare racial preferences for sex-linked
characteristics. It would have been advantageous to examine racial differences in sex linked
characteristics such as breast size and waist-to-hip ratio (WHR), derived by measuring the
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circumference of the waist and dividing it by the widest circumference of the hips (Singh,1993).
Sex-linked characteristics are present in all ethnicities and cultures, while traits such as hair
texture and skin tone vary greatly both between and within ethnic groups. Research on
preferences regarding female body characteristics present in the lower body, including thigh and
buttocks size, is particularly lacking. Although the fatty deposits present in the lower body of the
human female characterize the gynoid fat distribution pattern linked with health and fertility
(Singh, 1993), research on female body traits tends to focus on breast size. The current study will
attempt to address this issue by means of buttocks comparison using figures of the same upper
body weight.
Racial Differences in Female Body Weight Preference
Research indicates that although Black women tend to weigh more than White women,
they are more satisfied with their bodies (e.g., Altabe, 1998; Miller et. al, 2000; Powell & Kahn,
1995; Rucker & Cash, 1992). Powell and Kahn (1995) administered a survey to Black and
White participants that consisted of nine silhouettes of a female body. Female participants
indicated which silhouette most closely resembled their current body size, which silhouette they
thought was an ideal body size, and which silhouette they thought men would find most
attractive. In addition, the female participants completed eleven questions about dieting and
weight concern. Male participants indicated which silhouette they found most attractive and
rated each silhouette according to survey questions about dating and female body size
preferences. Powell and Kahn found that White women chose a significantly thinner ideal body
size than did Black women. Black men were more willing to date women heavier than their
ideal than are White men and expected less ridicule from friends for dating a heavy woman than
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did White men. These results support the idea that Black participants tend to hold a less critical
view of female body fat than do White participants.
Rucker and Cash (1992) obtained results similar to those of Powell and Kahn (1995) in
their investigation of differences between Black and White women in body size preference.
Participants in the study completed a survey that featured Body Image Assessment Procedure
(BIAP), a nine figure silhouette scale intended to assess preferences for female body size, in
addition to a number of questionnaires. The participants were asked to rate the fatness of each
figure featured in the BIAP. White women’s ratings designated the silhouettes as fatter than the
ratings of Black women, indicating a lower threshold of fat perception on the part of White
women. The results of this study support the view that Black participants are less critical of
female body fat.
The evidence indicating that White participants are prone to a more critical view of
female body fatness has increasingly been the subject of intense scrutiny. Much of the inquiry is
derived from close inspection of the results of previous studies. Though Powell and Kahn’s
1995 study found that women chose a significantly thinner ideal body size, Black and White
women did not differ in their perception of current body size. Based on the paper’s discussion
section, one would expect that White women viewed themselves as fatter than their actual
current body size. In addition, although Black men were more willing to date a heavier woman
than their ideal and expected less ridicule for dating a heavy woman, Black and White men chose
the same ideal female body size. Powell and Kahn’s finding that Black men were more willing
to date larger-than-ideal woman does not indicate that they would prefer dating a larger-thanideal woman to dating an average sized woman. Rucker and Cash (1992) found that White
women found female silhouettes to be fatter than the judgments of Black women of the same
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images. However, the same study, much like that of Powell and Kahn, revealed that Black and
White women did not differ in their perception of their current body size.
Singh (1994) recruited Black male and female participants to judge the desirability of 12
female figures of three weight categories (normal, underweight, and overweight) and 4 WHRs
(0.7,0.8, 0.9, 1.0). Male and female participants alike ranked normal weight figures as most
desirable physically and for long term relationships. These findings align with those of other
studies in which participants were of varied ethnicities (e.g Singh 1993). Singh’s finding does
not support the argument that Black men and women prefer a heavier female body weight than
White men and women.
Caldwell, Brownell, and Wilfley (1997) analyzed the responses obtained from surveys
related to dieting practices completed by Black and White female dieters who subscribed to
Consumer Reports magazine. The object of the study was to investigate body dissatisfaction
issues of Black and White women. Because subscribers to the magazine were assumed to be of a
similar economic class, the study presumably had the advantage of controlled economic status.
The participants completed surveys designed to assess how the women viewed a wide range of
issues related to body image and body dissatisfaction. The two races did not differ in the
discrepancy between their actual and perceived body weight, nor did a difference emerge
between the preferred ideal body shape of Black women and White woman.
As evidenced by the studies mentioned to this point, conclusions drawn from
investigations into racial differences in preferred female body weight often yield conflicting
results. Therefore, it is imperative that more investigations be launched so that researchers in
this field may more accurately analyze the differences and similarities present between ethnic
groups in preferred female body weight.
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Hypothesized Factors Contributing to Research Findings on the Relationship between Race and
Body Fat Perception.
Media influence
Many researchers assert that media influences are central to the emergence of racial
differences in body weight perception. Gentles and Harrison (2006) conducted a study that
examined the relationship between amount of exposure to idealistic body images on television
and Black adolescent girls’ perceptions of how their peers expect them to look. The researchers
weighed the participants to ascertain their body mass index (BMI) and administered surveys to
assess the participants’ body perceptions and media exposure. Gentles and Harrison found that
larger-bodied Black girls who were exposed to idealistic body images on television believed that
their peers thought their body size was too large. Conversely, smaller-bodied black girls exposed
to idealistic body images on television thought their peers perceived their bodies as too small.
This study illustrates the hypothesized impact of the media on perception of body fatness.
Others have obtained results in opposition to those of Gentles and Harrison (2006). A
2004 study by Schooler, Ward, Merriwether and Carruthers investigated televison’s role in
shaping the body image development of Black and White women. Schooler et. al recorded the
amounts of television watching reported by Black and White female participants and compared
the reports with the participants’ scores on surveys designed to assess their body perceptions.
The investigators found that the body images of White women who receive substantial amounts
of media exposure are impacted negatively, while Black women are not adversely or
advantageously affected by media exposure. Given that a thin figure is currently upheld as the
prevailing ideal in Western society for the female body, these findings indicate that the media
could be a factor in White women’s critical views of female body fatness.
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Acculturation
Acculturation models suggest that cultural differences in beauty standards cause ethnic
differences in body perception (Aruguete & Nickelberry , 2004). As a result, Black individuals
who assume White standards of beauty are expected to adopt perceptions of female body fatness
similar to those of White people. Research from this perspective has yielded mixed results.
Aruguete and Nickelberry (2004) investigated the effect of acculturation on body image. The
researchers administered a survey entitled The Acculturation Questionnaire to Black and White
college students of both genders to measure the students’ Black acculturation (i.e. integration
into Black society). The students also completed a packet containing numerous measures
intended to assess aspects of their body image, including a figural scale of female silhouettes.
Black students scored higher on average than Whites in Black acculturation. Black students also
selected a larger ideal female body size than White students. However, no relationship emerged
between acculturation and weight attitudes.
Abrams, Allen, and Gray (1993) included Black assimilation into mainstream culture as
a measure in a study intended to contrast the eating attitudes of Black and White females. The
authors hypothesized that Blacks with high assimilation scores would be more likely than blacks
less assimilated into White culture to have negative attitudes about body fat. The results of the
study supported the researchers’ hypothesis; Black women who were heavily assimilated into
White society exhibited greater fear of fat, drive for thinness, and dietary restraint than Black
women less assimilated into White culture. Though research has not yet come to a consensus on
the role of acculturation in body fat perception, future studies should continue the ongoing
investigation of this factor.
Evolution/Biology
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Research on racial differences in body fat perception that is conducted from an
evolutionary and/or biological point of view contends that participants tend to prefer the female
body type that is most indicative of overall healthy body function (Singh,1993,1994). According
to this perspective, female desirability is determined on the basis of physical cues that reveal a
female’s reproductive potential to members of the opposite sex (Buss, 1987). In order to
reproduce successfully, males choose the fittest available female to mate with. As a result, it is
hypothesized that human males prefer female body characteristics that indicate maximum
childbearing potential (Singh, 1993). In addition, human females favor body fatness preferred by
males, and consider the degree of body fatness preferred by males as ideal (Singh, 1993).
Significantly underweight figures and significantly overweight figures are not favored, therefore,
because both body types indicate a wide range of health problems. Based on this view of female
attractiveness, preferences for female body fatness should be consistent across cultures, because
the traits characteristic of good health are uniform to all humans. If a certain degree of female
body fatness is conducive to maximal reproductive success, it should be preferred cross
culturally. This view has been supported as well as contradicted by research studies. Studies
that do not find a difference between races for ideal female body weight lend support to the
evolutionary/biological view of female body fat preference (e.g., Caldwell et. al, 1997; Shaw et.
al, 2004).
As discussed previously, many studies find that Whites and Blacks differ in their
perceptions of the ideal female body fatness (e.g Abrams, Allen & Gray, 1993; Powell & Kahn,
1995). However, in studies that find a difference between races in female body weight
preference, experimental groups are not prone to choosing an ideal female body weight that is
extremely overweight or extremely underweight. Powell and Kahn found that the ideal female
body size chosen by Black men and women is larger then the ideal female body size chosen by
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White men and women. The average ideal figure chosen by Black participants was not the
heaviest figure in the scale, nor was the average ideal figure chosen by White participants the
lightest figure in the scale. One can infer from these results that biological perspective on
preferences for female are worthy of further inquiry.
Publishing Bias
It has often been argued out that studies that find no difference in racial preference for
body weight are simply less likely to be published than studies that find a difference (e.g.,
Roberts, Feingold, Cash, & Roberts 2006). Proponents of this viewpoint argue that due to
publication bias, the existing literature tends to maintain that race is an important factor in
determining preferred female body fatness. According to this viewpoint, racial differences in
preference for body fatness are greatly exaggerated.
Female Body Fat Distribution
Differentiating Body Fatness from Body Fat Distribution
In the current study, body fat distribution refers to the specific distribution of body fat in
the human body, in contrast to the overall weight of the body. Consider two women who are
similar weight, yet the thighs of one woman are larger than those of the other. The women are of
the same body weight, yet have different body fat distributions.
Research on Preferences for Specific Body Fat Distributions
Few researchers have attempted to explore human preferences for female fat distribution
in the lower body. Currently, breast size has received the most attention in relation to
preferences for female fat distribution. A study by Singh and Young (1995) sought to investigate
how specific female body parts, including the breasts, influence the attractiveness ratings of
female line drawings. The line drawings depicted two different breast sizes (small and large) as
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well as two different weight classes (slender and overweight). Participants in the study found
larger breasts attractive, under the condition that the figure was slender. This finding exemplifies
one of the main complications in examining preferences regarding specific body parts: it is
difficult to tease apart whether discovered preferences are an effect of other aspects of the
figure’s body shape. In addition, the dichotomy of the choices available in this study may
conceal the body fat distribution that the participants would select if the figures were more
variable.
Altabe (1998) researched racial differences in the ideals held for specific physical traits,
one of few studies to explore this topic. As part of the study, participants were asked to list
physical traits they considered ideal, as well as those idealized by their own culture. Altabe
compiled the lists and found that certain traits varied between cultures. For example, Black
participants listed light or lighter skin as ideal, while Whites listed dark or darker skin as ideal.
Significantly fewer Black women than White women indicated a desire for a larger breast size
than their own. Altabe’s study advanced the literature by considering racial differences in how
specific traits are perceived. However, it would have been more informative if the author had
compared the races’ preferences for sex-linked characteristics other than breast size. Though
Blacks idealized light skin and Whites idealized dark skin, skin color is not consistent across
races, so it is difficult to conceptualize the degree of lightness or darkness each group preferred
by means of a free-response form of assessment. Sex-linked characteristics, such as female
thigh fatness, are present in all races, and thus would have served as a more powerful basis for
the exploration of race-based ideals.
Biological Considerations
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WHR. The waist-to-hip ratio is an exception in the trend of overlooking preferences for
specific body traits. This is largely because various aspects of human health have been linked to
the WHR (Singh, 1993). The waist-to-hip ratio indicates the distribution of lower body fat in
relation to upper body fat. In women, the WHR has been linked to estrogen levels, fertility, and
reproductive potential. In both sexes, the WHR reveals information about a wide range of health
concerns, including insulin resistance, risk for gallbladder disease, risk for carcinomas, and risk
for hypertension. As a result, many researchers have devoted their energies to exploring the
relationship between WHR and attractiveness (e.g., Furnam, Swani & Shaw, 2006). Singh
(1993) found that a ratio of .7 to .8 is considered most attractive by participants of varied
ethnicities. In a 1994 study, Singh asked Black men and women to rate the attractiveness of
female figure drawings with varying WHRs. The drawings depicting a .7 or .8 WHR received
the highest attractiveness ratings. To date, no significant racial differences have been found
regarding preferred WHR.
Gynoid v. Android Fat Distribution Pattern. Age and sex are key factors in determining
an individual’s fat distribution pattern (Singh, 1993). As a result of sex hormone levels and
metabolic processes, the two sexes vary in fat distribution (Singh, 1993). Estrogen, present in
higher quantities in females than males, inhibits fat accumulation in the abdominal region and
stimulates fat production in the gluteofemoral region. This results in the gynoid fat distribution
pattern typical of human females, characterized by fatty deposits in the hips, thighs and buttocks.
Testosterone, present in higher quantities in males than females, inhibits fat production in the
gluteofemoral region and stimulates fat cell production in the abdominal region. As a result, the
android body fat distribution is created, characterized by fatty deposits in the upper body.
Evolutionary theory posits that men seek a gynoid body shape as an indicator of good health in
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females. This is likely the reason for the prominence of the WHR in studies on female
attractiveness: the WHR directly measures the amount of body fat in the abdominal region in
relation to fat accumulation in the gluteofemoral region. Additionally, the waist and buttocks are
unique to humans, so it is likely that human males are highly susceptible to influence the waist
and buttocks appearance in judging female attractiveness.
Despite the importance of the gynoid fat distribution in judgments of female
attractiveness, there is little research on preferences for fat distribution in the female lower body.
I plan to address this issue by asking participants to rate preferred buttocks size from an array of
line drawings. This method will provide a simple yet highly informative means of this assessing
the participants’ preferences for fat distribution in the lower body of females
Additional Possible Contributing Factors to Racial Differences in Preference for Female Fat
Distribution
Body composition. Research reveals that Black women tend to weigh more than White women
(e.g., Altabe, 1998). This is likely the result of an interaction of many factors, which may
include a biological predisposition towards a fat distribution conducive to a moderately higher
body weight in Black women than White women.
Cultural influences. Cultural exposure to certain ideals regarding body fat distribution, be it
through media outlets or social interactions, may affect racial preferences for female body fat
distribution by suggesting that certain fat distributions are more attractive than others.
Measures: Questionnaires v. Figural Rating Scales
Questionnaires
Many questionnaires have been created to measure body type preferences. In body
preference research, questionnaires generally feature Likert-style items that ask participants
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questions related to issues of body perception. Questionnaires are easy to administer and often
provide straightforward results for analysis. Nonetheless, many flaws are inherent in using
questionnaires to assess views on body fatness. Many questionnaires contain items that ask
participants about their opinions of the attractiveness of particular body types (e.g., Powell and
Kahn, 1995). It is impossible to know whether a certain participant’s conception of an
overweight body, for example, is uniform to that of another participant. This seriously
jeopardizes the findings of the related study. In addition, many surveys have been created to
evaluate specific constructs related to racial differences in body fatness preference and body fat
distribution, yet the literature reveals inconsistent results. It is possible that this is an effect of
flawed measurement tools.
Figural Scales
Figural scales typically present the participant with silhouettes or figure drawings that
vary in specific dimension. Often, the variable dimension is weight. It is also common for the
size or proportion of a specific body aspect, such as breast size or WHR, to vary dimensionally.
Though figural scales provide participants with uniform visual images, problems can emerge if
the silhouettes are not satisfactory. In addition, the researcher must carefully consider the
arrangement of the figures to circumvent possible order effects. The Body Image Assesment
Procedure (Williamson, Bennett, Goreczny, Gleaves, 1989) presents participants with a nine
female silhouettes ranging in size from very underweight to very overweight (see Figure 1).
Figure 1. Figural Assessment Scale: The Body Image Assessment Procedure.
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Though the increase in size from left to right is constant, one could argue that that the figures are
abstract and do not anatomically look like a human body. Also, the figures appear to stretch and
shrink laterally, with no regard to the fact that the female body weight does not only change
laterally, but in proportions specific to certain body parts. This problem also emerges in the scale
used in a 2000 study by Fitzgibbon, Blackman and Avellone (see Figure 2). The sketches appear
cartoon-like, and are not accurate representations of the human body. This is especially evident
in the shape and size of the figures’ arms and torsos.
Figure 2. Figural Assessment Scale: Seven women varying along the dimension of body weight.
Many figural scales appear to skew attractiveness ratings against the overweight figures
by representing their clothing and overall presentation differently from those of the average and
underweight figures. Figure 3 features drawings of females varying in weight from very thin to
overweight (Pulvers, Lee, Kaur, Mayo, Fitzgibbon, Jeffries, Butler, Hou, & Ahluwalia, 2004)
The weight gain and weight loss across figures is adequately represented, yet it is clear that the
swimwear of the overweight figures is not fitted to their bodies, although the swimwear of the
underweight and average weight figures is perfectly fitted. As a result participants might find
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the overweight figures less attractive and choose a thinner body type on the basis of factors
unrelated to body fatness.
Figure 3. Figural Assessment Scale: Nine women varying along the dimension of body weight.
Figure 4 presents an example of a figural scale featured in a study by Singh (1993). The
figures are divided into three weight categories: underweight, normal weight, and overweight.
The figures also vary in WHR. While the figures are posed in an eye pleasing fashion, there is
not enough of a difference in body size between the figures. That is, the overweight figure does
not appear much larger than the normal weight figure, nor does the underweight figure appear
drastically smaller in size than the normal weight figure. In creating figural scales, it is
imperative that the authors ensure a highly discernible difference between the presented images.
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Figure 4. Figural Assessment Scale: Figures varying in weight and WHR.
In a meta-analysis of 55 studies, Roberts et. al (2006) found that figural scales produced
smaller significant effect than questionnaire-type scales. It is likely that this finding can be
attributed to faults in the development of figural scales currently used to assess views on body
fatness.
Figural scales that vary along dimensions related exclusively to the size of the lower body
do not exist, with the exception of a possible illusion of shifting thigh size emergent when the
WHR is adjusted. Despite the importance of the gynoid fat distribution pattern in differentiating
females from males, research on buttocks and thigh size in females has not yielded figural scales
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intended to gauge preferences for thigh or buttocks size. The current study addressed this issue
by implementing a scale in which female body shapes vary along the dimension of buttocks size.
Thus, racial differences in preference for overall female body fatness as well as body fat
distribution in the female lower body were examined. It was hypothesized that both Black and
White men would find the average sized figure ideal, and that Black women would prefer figures
with a larger body weight than would White women. The literature does not offer many clues as
to how the races will differ in preferences for fat distribution in the lower body. Based on
previous findings concerning Black perceptions of female body weight and that Blacks weigh
more on average than Whites, it was hypothesized that Black men and women would prefer a
larger buttocks size than would White men and women.
Method
Participants
Black (n = 45) and White (n = 40) participants were recruited from introductory
psychology courses at the University of Texas at Austin (58 women and 27 men, mean age =
18.15). Participants received credit towards the research participation requirement of the
introductory psychology courses at the University of Texas at Austin in exchange for partaking
in the study.
Materials
Participants completed three separate measures. The first measure consisted of a figural
rating scale featuring five females varying in overall body fatness from very underweight to very
overweight (see Figure 5). The figures were randomly distributed throughout the page and
identified by letter to avoid order effects. The second measure consisted of five varying along
the dimension of buttocks size and uniform in upper body size (see Figure 6). This measure was
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designed to assess racial differences in preference for body fat distribution in the lower body.
Figures were presented in side profile view to optimally display the change in buttocks size. The
set of figures varying on the dimension of weight were also presented in side profile so that pose
was controlled between the two measures. The third measure consisted of twelve figures of
varying weights and buttocks sizes, so that the interaction between weight and buttocks size
could be examined (see Figure 7).
For the purposes of subsequent analyses, in measures 1 and 2 each figure was assigned a
score ranging from 1 to 5. Figure 1 was very underweight, and figure 3 was of normal weight,
and figure 5 was very overweight (see figure 5). In measure 2, Figure 1 was had a very slim
buttocks size, figure 3 had an average buttocks size, and figure 5 had a very large buttocks size
(see figure 6). Participants were not aware of these figure scores, because the figures they
viewed were identified by assigned letters.
For the purposes of data analysis, figures in measure 3 were assigned a number from 1 to
12 (see figure 7). Figures 1-4 were underweight. Figures 5-8 were of average weight. Figures
9-12 were overweight. Within each weight class, buttocks size progressed from very small to
very large (e.g, in the lowest weight class, figure 1 had the smallest buttocks size and figure 4 the
largest. In the middle weight class, figure 5 had the smallest buttocks size and figure 8 the
largest, etc.). These assigned numbers were not included in the measures viewed by participants.
In order to control for biases that might occur if the participants assume that the figures
are meant to represent a specific race, each measure contained a heading stating that the figures
are a composite of women from various cultures. Two versions of each measure were
developed. The figures were arranged in a different random order in each version to control for
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order effects. Half of the participants completed version one of each measure, and the other half
will complete version two of each measure.
Procedure
Participants were administered Measure 1. Female participants were asked to indicate which
figure was closest to their body type, which figure represented their ideal body type, and which
figure they thought men find most attractive. Male participants indicated which figure they find
most attractive. Next, participants were administered Measure 2. Female participants indicated
which figure was closest to their body type, which figure represented their ideal body type, and
which figure they thought men find most attractive. Male participants were asked to indicate
which figure they found most attractive. Lastly, the participants completed measure 3.
Participants rated the attractiveness of each of the twelve figures on a scale of one to ten.
Results
Independent samples t-tests for equality of means were performed to determine if there
were differences between Black and White women’s current buttocks size, ideal buttocks size,
and the buttocks size they thought men find most attractive. The silhouettes Black women chose
to indicate their current buttocks size, ideal buttocks size, and body size they thought men find
most attractive had a significantly larger buttocks size than those chosen by White women
(Table 1). T-tests were also performed to determine if there were differences between Black and
White women’s current body weight, ideal body weight, and the body weight they thought men
find most attractive. Black and white women did not differ significantly in the silhouettes they
chose to indicate their current body weight (Table 1). Black women chose a significantly larger
ideal silhouette body weight and body weight that men find most attractive than White women
chose (Table1).
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The discrepancies in scores between subjects’ ideal and current buttocks size, the body
buttocks size that men were thought to find most attractive and current buttocks, and attractive
and ideal buttocks size were calculated by subtracting the second variable’s figure score from the
first. The discrepancy scores provided a measure of the subjects’ level of satisfaction with their
body weight. No significantly large differences were found between the buttocks discrepancy
scores of White women and the buttocks discrepancy scores of Black women (Table 2).
Discrepancy scores were also calculated to determine the discrepancy between women’s ideal
and current body weight, the body weight that men were thought to find most attractive and
current body weight, and attractive and ideal body weight. The discrepancy between White
women’s ideal and current weight, as well as the discrepancy between White women’s current
weight and the weight they thought men find most attractive, was significantly greater than that
of Black women (Table 2). There was no significant difference in the discrepancy between Black
women and White women’s ideal weight and the weight they thought men find most attractive.
Male participants were asked to indicate which of the five weight silhouettes they found
most attractive. The average score of the silhouette body weight White men found attractive (M
= 3.25, SD= .45) did not differ significantly from the average silhouette body weight that Black
men indicated was most attractive (M = 3.20, SD = .45), t(25) = .29, p=.767. Male participants
were also asked to indicate which of the five buttocks silhouettes they found most attractive.
Black men preferred a significantly larger buttocks size (M = 3.2, SD = .41) than White men (M
= 2.58, SD = .90), t(25) = -2.367, p=.026.
Preferences for buttocks size were compared between sexes for each race. The average
buttocks size silhouette that White men indicated was the most attractive was compared to White
women’s average current buttocks size, ideal buttocks size, and the buttocks size that White
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women thought men would find most attractive. No significant differences were found between
White men and women’s scores concerning these comparisons (Table 3). The silhouette with the
buttocks size that Black men on average indicated was the most attractive was compared to
Black women’s current buttocks size, ideal buttocks size, and the buttocks size that White
women thought men would find most attractive. A significant difference emerged between
average silhouette buttocks size that Black women thought men find most attractive (M = 4.0,
SD = .95) and the buttocks size of the silhouette that that Black men indicated was the most
attractive (M = 3.4, SD = .63), (t(38) = .17, p = .038. No significant differences were found
between Black women’s and Black men’s scores for the other comparisons (Table 4).
Additionally, body weight preferences were compared between sexes for each race. The
average silhouette body weight that White men indicated was most attractive was compared to
the silhouette White women indicated represented their average current body weight, ideal body
weight, and the weight they thought men find most attractive (Table 3). There was a significant
difference between White men’s indicated most attractive female body weight and White
women’s ideal body weight (Table 3). The weight silhouette that White women thought men find
most attractive and the weight silhouette that White men indicated was most attractive also
differed significantly (Table 3). No significant difference occurred between White women’s
current body weight silhouette and the body weight that White men indicated was most
attractive. The average body weight silhouette that Black men indicated was most attractive was
compared to the silhouette Black women indicated as their current body weight, ideal body
weight, and the body weight they thought men find most attractive. A significant difference
emerged between Black women’s ideal body weight and the body weight that Black men found
most attractive (Table 4). Significant differences did not emerge between Black women’s
Racial Differences
23
current body weight and the body weight Black men found most attractive, nor was a significant
difference found between the body weight silhouette Black women thought men find most
attractive and the body weight silhouette Black men indicated was most attractive (Table 4).
All participants were asked to rate 12 figures varying in both body weight and buttocks
size on a scale of 1 to 10. A 2 (Race) X 2 (Silhouette) ANOVA was performed to determine
whether a Race X Sex interaction would occur for the figure ratings. Figures 1, 2, 5, 7 and 8
showed a Race main effect, with no Race X Sex interaction. White participants assigned
significantly higher ratings to figures 1, 2, and 5 than Black participants (Table 5). Black
participants assigned significantly higher ratings to figures 7 and 8 than White participants
(Table 5). Figure 12 showed a race-sex interaction (Table 6c), with Black men (M = 2.00, SD =
.96), assigning the figure a significantly lower score than Black women (M = 3.71, SD = 2.27),
t(36) = 2.663, p = .012. No significant effects occurred for the ratings of the remaining figures.
In addition, 3 X 4 ANOVA was performed to test figures’ weight and buttocks size effects on
subject scoring. There were main effects for Buttocks size and Weight (Table 7c). There was
also a Buttocks X Weight interaction, with average weight figures of all four buttocks sizes
receiving higher scores than underweight or overweight figures (Table 7b).
Discussion
Research suggests that White women prefer a slimmer body weight than do Black
women (e.g., Powell & Kahn, 1995; Rucker & Cash, 1992). The results of the current study
support such findings. As predicted, Black women preferred figures that were of a heavier body
weight than those preferred by White women. In addition, Black women preferred figures with a
larger buttocks size than those preferred by White women. Previous findings also suggest that
Black women are more satisfied with their bodies, another assertion supported by the results of
Racial Differences
24
the current study. White women showed a greater discrepancy between the weights of the
silhouettes chosen as their ideal and current body weight, as well between the body weight
silhouette they thought men find attractive and current body weight, than did Black women.
The differences between White women’s and Black women’s body type preferences
could explain a number of other research findings. For example, many studies indicate that
Black women show a lower incidence of eating disorders than White women (Crago, Shisslak, &
Estes, 1996; Abrams, Allen, & Gray, 1993). This could be directly related to the greater degree
of weight dissatisfaction among White women than Black women. Since Black women are more
satisfied with their body weight, it is possible that they are less likely to engage in behaviors
designed to change it, such as dieting, a major risk factor for the development of eating disorders
(Jess & Neumark-Sztainer, 2006, White & Grilo 2005). In addition, since Black women prefer a
larger buttocks size than White women, they may avoid dieting and exercise behaviors that could
compromise the shapeliness of their bodies, explaining in part previous findings that Black
women tend to weigh more than White women (e.g., Kumanyika, 1987; Ball & Crawford, 2004).
Media influences are often referenced as a reason for females’ drive for thinness.
Although the current study did not explore media exposure as a factor related to body
dissatisfaction, Schooler, Ward, Merriwether and Carruthers found that Black women are less
susceptible to be negatively influenced by media images of thin women than are White women
(2004). Future studies should explore whether this tend generalizes to women’s assessments of
their body shape, in addition to their overall body weight. Future studies on media influences
could examine racial differences in amount of media exposure and how these differences affect
racial differences in body dissatisfaction.
Racial Differences
25
Black men preferred silhouettes with a significantly larger buttocks size than those
preferred by White men. However, White men and Black men preferred the same female body
weight silhouette. Evolutionary psychology posits that men prefer females who are not
excessively thin or overweight because intermediate female body weight indicates high
reproductive potential (Singh, 1993a). Following the principles of evolutionary psychology, it is
unsurprising that men’s preferred female body weight remains constant across racial
backgrounds. Fatty deposits in the gluteofemoral area of the female body also signal high
reproductive potential (Singh, 1993a), which could explain black men’s preference for a larger
buttocks size than preferred by White men. It is possible that White men preferred a smaller
buttocks size than Black men because they, similarly to White women, are more susceptible to
media standards that advocate a slim female body type than Black men. However, the reasons for
this difference are not clear, and should be examined in future research.
Although Black women’s ideal weight silhouette was significantly larger than White
women’s ideal weight silhouette, the average score of the figure Black women chose as ideal (M
= 2.8, with 1 being the size of the smallest figure and 5 being the heaviest) was not overweight.
Black men and White men were in very close agreement concerning the female body weight they
found most attractive, but their buttocks size preferences differed significantly. These findings
refute the conclusions drawn from studies that claim that African Americans find overweight
female figures attractive; it is possible that they instead prefer a different body fat distribution
than Caucasians. Studies on ethnicity and WHR ratio have incorporated the role of body fat
distribution in assessments of female attractiveness (e.g Singh 1994, Singh & Young 1995). The
gluteofemoral region of the female body is important to judgments of female attractiveness, and
thus preferences for female buttocks size were examined in the current study. Future research on
Racial Differences
ethnic differences in body type preferences should place more emphasis on the role of body fat
distribution, rather than focusing exclusively on overall body weight.
26
Racial Differences
27
References
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International Journal of Eating Disorders, 23, 153-159.
Aruguete, M. S., Nickelberry, L. D., & Yates, A. (2004). Acculturation, body image, and eating
attitudes among Black and White college students. North American Journal of
Psychology, 6, 393-404.
Ball, K., & Crawford, D. Socioeconomic status and weight change in adults: a review. Social
Science & Medicine, 9, 1987-2010.
Buss, D. M. (1989). Sex differences in human mate preferences: Evolutionary hypotheses tested
in 37 cultures. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 12,1-49.
Caldwell, M.B., Brownell, K. D., and Wilfley, D.E. (1997). Relationship of weight, body
dissatisfaction, and self-esteem in African American and White female dieters.
International Journal of Eating Disorders, 22, 127-130.
Fitzgibbon, M. L., Blackman, L. R., and Avellone, M. F. (2000). The Relationship Between
Body Image Discrepancy and Body Mass Index Across Ethnic Groups. Obesity
Research, 8, 582-589.
Furnham, A., Swami, V., Shah, K. (2006). Body weight, waist-to-hip ratio and breast size
correlates of ratings of attractiveness and health. Personality and Individual Differences,
41, 443-454.
Gentles, K.A and Harrison, K. (2006) Television and perceived peer expectations of body size
among African American adolescent girls. The Howard Journal of Communications, 17,
39-55.
Racial Differences
28
Jess, H., & Neumark-Sztainer, D. (2006). Prevention of obesity and eating disorders. Health
Education Research, 21, 770-782.
Kumanyika, S. (1987). Obesity in Black women. Epidemiological Reviews, 9, 31-50.
Miller, K. J., Gleaves, D. H., Hirsch, T.G., Green, B.A., Snow, A.C., and Corbett, C.C. (2000).
Comparisons of body image dimensions by race/ethnicity and gender in a university
population. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 3, 310-316.
Powell, A.D., & Kahn A.S.(1995). Racial differences in women’s desires to be thin.
International Journal of Eating Disorders, 17, 191-195.
Pulvers, K.M, Lee. R.E., Kaur, H, Mayo, M.S., Fitzgibbon, M.L., Shawn K. Jeffries, S.K.,
Butler, J., Hou, K, and Ahluwalia, J.S.(2004). Development of a culturally relevant body
image instrument among urban African Americans. Obesity Research, 12, 1641-1651.
Rucker, C.E., & Cash, T.F. (1992). Body images, body perceptions, and eating behaviors among
African-American and White college women. International Journal of Eating Disorders,
12, 291-299.
Schooler, D., Ward, L.M., Merriwether, A., and Carruthers, A. (2004). Who’s that girl:
Television’s role in the body image development of young White and Black women.
Psychology of Women Quarterly, 28, 38-47.
Shaw, H., Ramirez, L., Trost, A., Randall, P., and Stice, E.(2004). Body image and eating
disturbances across ethnic groups: More similarities than differences. Psychology of
Addictive Behaviors, 18, 12-18.
Singh, D. (1993). Adaptive significance of female physical attractiveness: Role of waist-to-hip
ratio. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 65, 293-307.
Racial Differences
29
Singh, D. (1994). Body fat distribution and perception of desirable female body shape by young
black men and women. International Journal of Eating Disorders, 16, 289-294
Singh, D., & Young, R. K. (1995). Body weight, waist-to-hip ratio, breasts and hips: Role in
judgments of female attractiveness and desirability for relationships. Ethology and Social
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Williamson, D.A., Davis, C.J., Bennett, S.M., Goreczny, A.J., Gleaves,D.H. (1989).
Development of a simple procedure for assessing bodyimage disturbances. Behavioral
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White, M. A., & Grilo, C. M. (2005). Ethnic differences in the prediction of eating and body
image disturbances among female adolescent psychiatric inpatients. International Journal
of Eating Disorders, 38, 78-84.
Racial Differences
30
Figure Caption
Figure 1. Figural Assessment Scale: The Body Image Assessment Procedure.
Figure 2. Figural Assessment Scale: Seven women varying along the dimension of body weight
Figure 3. Figural Assessment Scale: Nine women varying along the dimension of body weight.
Figure 4. Figural Assessment Scale: Figures varying in weight and WHR.
Figure 5. Figural Assesment Scale: Five women varying along the dimension of weight, stance
in side profile.
Figure 6. Figural Assessment Scale: Five women varying along the dimension of buttocks size,
stance in side profile.
Figure 7. Figural Assessment Scale: Twelve women varying along the dimensions of weight and
buttocks size and weight, stance in side profile.
Figure 8. Buttocks Data
Figure 9. Weight Data
Racial Differences
1
2
3
4
31
5
Figure 5. Figural Assesment Scale: Five women varying among the dimension of weight, stance
in side profile.
Racial Differences
1
2
3
4
32
5
Figure 6. Figural Assessment Scale: Five women varying among the dimension of buttocks size,
stance in side profile.
Racial Differences
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
33
9
10
11
12
Figure 7. Figural Assessment Scale: Twelve women varying along the dimensions of weight and
buttocks size and weight, stance in side profile.
Racial Differences
WHITE FEMALES v. BLACK FEMALES: BUTTOCKS SIZE
34
White males’ average favorite size: 2.58
Black males’ average favorite size: 3.2
White F
Black F
CURRENT (p=.013)
1
2
3
2.51
4
5
4
5
4
5
3.12
IDEAL (p=.000)
1
2
3
2.51
3.44
WHAT YOU THINK MEN LIKE (p=.002)
1
2
3
2.88
Figure 8. Buttocks Data
4.00
Racial Differences
35
White males’ average favorite weight: 3.25
WHITE FEMALES v. BLACK FEMALES: WEIGHT
Black males’ average favorite weight: 3.20
White F
Black F
CURRENT (p=.013)
1
2.88
2
3
4
5
3
4
5
3
4
5
3.06
IDEAL (p=.000)
1
2
2.48
2.80
WHAT YOU THINK MEN LIKE (p=.002)
1
2
2.21
Figure 9. Weight Data
2.92
Racial Differences
Table 1
Black female v. White female Comparisons
White
Variable
Mean
SD
Current buttocks
2.52
.79
36
Black
Mean
3.12
SD
.92
t
-2.67
p
.01
Ideal buttocks
2.52
.57
3.44
.77
-5.28
<.001
Buttocks you
think men like
Current Weight
2.87
.89
4.00
.96
-4.59
<.001
3.06
.79
2.88
.73
.89
ns
Ideal Weight
2.48
.57
2.80
.50
-2.21
.031
Weight You
think men like
2.21
.65
2.92
.64
-4.13
<.001
Racial Differences
Table 2
Discrepancy Scores
Variable
Ideal v. current buttocks
size
Buttocks size you think
men find most attractive
v. current buttocks size
Butttocks size you think
men find most attractive
vs. ideal buttocks size
Ideal v. current weight
Weight you think men
find most attractive v.
current weight size
Weight you think men
find most attractive vs.
ideal weight
Caucasian
Mean
SD
Discrepancy
.00
.95
African American
Mean
SD
Discrepancy
.32
.85
.38
1.24
.76
.44
.80
.59
.88
-28
t
P
-1.32
ns
1.56
-1.04
ns
.52
1.19
-.312
ns
.67
.91
.08
.04
.57
1.09
-3.07
-3.45
.003
.001
.68
.04
.84
-1.59
ns
37
Racial Differences
Table 3
White Men’s Body Preferences vs. White Women’s Body Preferences
Buttocks size White men find most attractive: M = 2.58, SD = .90
Weight White men find most attractive: M = 3.25, SD = .45
Variable
Current
buttocks
Ideal buttocks
Buttocks you
think men like
Current Weight
Ideal Weight
Weight You
think men like
White Women
Mean
SD
2.52
.79
t
-.25
P
ns
2.52
2.87
.57
.89
-.30
.98
ns
ns
3.06
2.48
2.21
.79
.57
.65
-.78
-4.21
-5.09
ns
<.001
<.001
Note. The buttocks size and weight that White men indicated was the most attractive was compared with White
women’s indicated ideal weight and buttocks size, current weight and buttocks size, and the weight and buttocks
size they thought men find most attractive.
38
Racial Differences
39
Table 4
Black Men’s Body Preferences vs. Black Women’s Body Preferences
Buttocks size Black men find most attractive: M = 3.4, SD = .63
Weight Black men find most attractive: M = 3.2, SD = .41
Mean
SD
t
p
3.12
.92
-1.03
ns
3.44
4.00
.77
.96
.17
2.15
ns
.038
2.88
.73
-1.56
ns
Ideal Weight
2.80
.50
-2.61
.013
Weight You
think men like
2.92
.64
-1.51
ns
Variable
Current
buttocks
Ideal buttocks
Buttocks you
think men like
Current Weight
Note. The buttocks size and weight that African American men indicated was the most attractive was compared
with African American women’s indicated ideal weight and buttocks size, current weight and buttocks size, and the
weight and buttocks size they thought men find most attractive.
Racial Differences
Table 5
RACE MAIN EFFECTS: Figures 1,2,5,7,8
Caucasian
African American
Figure
Mean
SD
Mean
SD
1
4.00
2.65
2.30
2.0
2
5.44
2.41
3.42
2.17
5
7.45
1.97
5.77
1.83
7
6.47
2.20
8.13
2.26
8
5.69
2.19
7.41
2.05
(df) F
(1)8.076
(1)12.82
(1)11.539
(1)10.823
(1)10.42
p
.006
.001
.001
.001
.002
40
Racial Differences
Table 6a
Figure 12 Race and Sex
White
Variable Mean
SD
2.44
Black
Mean
SD
Male
Mean
2.44
1.4
2.27
1.4
Std.
error
0.318
Female
Mean
2.92
41
Std.
error
0.223
Table 6b
Figure 12 Race and Sex Categories
Sex
Race
Female
White
M
Std error
2.125
.292
Table 6c
Figure 12 Race and Sex ANOVA
Source
SEX
RACE
SEX x RACE
M
3.71
Male
Black
Std error
.337
df
1
1
1
M
2.54
White
Std error
.458
F
2.78
1.81
7045
M
2.00
p
ns
ns
.008
Black
Std error
.442
Racial Differences
Table 7a
Weight and Buttocks Size
Weight
Underweight
Normal
Overweight
Buttocks size
1
2
3
4
M
4.13
6.77
3.09
Std. error
.123
.123
.123
4.42
5.17
4.70
4.35
.142
.142
.142
.142
Table 7b
Weight and Buttocks Size Categories
Buttocks
Weight
1
Underweight
Normal
Overweight
2
Underweight
Normal
Overweight
3
Underweight
Normal
Overweight
4
Underweight
Normal
Overweight
Table 7c
Weight and Buttocks Size ANOVA
Source
Df
Buttocks Size
3
Weight
2
Buttocks Size x
6
Weight
Error
995
Note. Buttocks size 1 is the smallest, 4 the largest.
M
3.35
6.49
3.42
4.52
7.57
3.48
4.35
6.87
2.89
4.32
6.13
2.61
F
7.12
236.43
3.34
SD
2.29
2.33
1.96
2.52
2.47
1.84
2.44
2.59
1.84
2.35
2.43
1.78
p
<.001
<.001
.003
42
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