“Construction and Expression of Cultural Identity at Warren Wilson College”
“Construction and Expression of Cultural Identity at Warren Wilson College:
A view through the lens of physical appearance”
Valorie Nichols
Warren Wilson College
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“Construction and Expression of Cultural Identity
at Warren Wilson College:
A view through the lens of physical appearance”
Appearance transformation among college students lacks sufficient analysis of
environmental factors. This study examines the construction and expression of cultural
identity among Warren Wilson college students by focusing on indicators of institutional,
media, and peer influences on physical appearance. In this institutional space, students
are pressured by judgments of peers to fit into a non-conventional norm, simultaneously
producing and being shaped by their environment. (Goffman; 1959, Cooley; 1902,
Bandura; 2001, Scott; 2004). This paper discusses how Warren Wilson students adapt to
their collegiate environment and how they express personal social statements and
institutional values through dress and consumer behavior. Research on trends of
appearance will benefit the recruitment, retention and public image of the college. This
paper will draw on qualitative interviews conducted with a number of current
undergraduate Warren Wilson students, faculty, and staff. Interviews will provide a
foundation for future research on similar topics.
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Table of Contents:
Introduction and Problem Statement
4
Literature Review
6
Research questions and Methods
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WWC History: Institutional Identity
16
WWC on the world stage
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Institutional Influences: Trees and Triads
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PEER INFLUENCES
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Carhartt Should Pay Us
25
Media Influences
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Conclusion
32
References
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APPENDIX A:
38
APPENDIX B:
40
APPENDIX C:
41
APPENDIX D:
42
APPENDIX E:
43
APPENDIX F:
45
APPENDIX G:
47
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INTRODUCTION
Collective conformity at colleges is indicated by trends of change in student
appearance. This research reviews media, institutional, and peer influences on students
construction and expression of cultural identity at Warren Wilson College. Observing the
reasons behind these trends will help community members make conscious appearance
choices in awareness of relationship between environment and students. By analyzing
how we cultivate our personal identity, this research will clarify our communal identity as
a college. Methods of inquiry will include interviews and content analysis.
What does the average WWC student look like? Throughout my interviews, the
terms “hippie,” “hipster,” and “happy worker” came up in response to that very question.
A variety of answers from different interviews point to the same physical image; hinting
that there is a common trend of change in physical appearance that is influenced by
socialization in the WWC community. It has only become visible when discussed and
researched. Analyzing trends involves observing personal identity and institutional
identity. This supports the social cognitive theory of reciprocal causation, where people
are producers as well as products of their environment and behavior can influence both
the environment and the person (Bandura, 2001). In fact, each of these three variables;
the person, the behavior, and the environment can have an influence on each other.
Physical appearance, influenced by the institution, peers, and media, is an
indicator of a broader culture at WWC. Although the perceived image of a WW student is
not what everyone looks like, it indicates aspects of the broader culture of the institution.
From interview to interview, the “carefree hippie” stereotype is clear. Individuals
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produce the stereotype as it is perceived to already exist in the environment. According to
the theory of reciprocal causation, in order to understand the stereotype, we must look at
what influences the environment that supports it. The ‘Looking Glass Self,’ a term coined
by Charles Cooley, refers to people shaping themselves based on other people's
perception, which leads people to reinforce other people's perspectives on themselves
(Cooley, 1902). People act according to what they perceive others think of them and how
they are expected to act. Then their actions fit into a mold, or set of conceptual notions,
that someone else initially gave them. “In imagination we perceive in another's mind
some thought of our appearance, manners, aims, deeds, character, friends, and so on, and
are variously affected by it” (Cooley, 1902; 8). The Looking Glass Self Theory applies to
individual students as well as WWC as an institution in the eyes of the media. WWC’s
identity in the public eye is defined by articles on Ecodorm (Wilson, 2009), recycling and
marijuana usage (Harrington, 2012); all of which are associated with the stereotypical
“hippie” image, and all associated with internalized institutional values. From the WWC
website, admissions pamphlets, to living on campus, community members see the “dirty
hippie” as a quiet mascot of the college.
Various studies ( Holmstrom, Krahe & Kraus, Roman & Medvedev, Rose,
Bearden, Sheldon, 2004, 2010, 2011, 1992, 2010) on effects of external influences on
changes in physical appearance among college students examine factors such as peer
pressures, media pressures and institutional influences. Studies show that media, peer and
institutional influences are key in influencing the way a student feels about his or her own
appearance and personal agency. My research emphasizes choices such as daily hygiene
and appearance rituals, doing make-up, changing hairstyles, and wearing specific types of
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clothing. Below I will relate the construction and expression of cultural identity through
dress at Wilson to trends explored in past studies that have attempted to understand
factors that influence physical appearance of undergraduate and American college
students.
LITERATURE REVIEW
Media, institutional, and peer influences present on campus simultaneously create
individuality and conformity. WWC, as an institution, and WWC students both portray
individuality. Psychologist Erik Erikson suggests that ‘a negative identity’ of oneself is
defined by what one was not. Most commonly, an adolescent would become exactly the
opposite of whatever his or her parents wished (Roazen, 1997). In terms of physical
appearance and personal agency at WWC, negative identity exists in the individual and
institution. Based on negative identity theory, one can extrapolate that mainstream media
resembles the parents and WWC resembles the child. WWC opposes mainstream cultural
norms in order to develop and define identity. Some students arrive at WWC after
adolescent years where they explored ‘a negative identity’ with their parents. On their
way to adulthood at WWC, students associate with the institution and explore ‘a negative
identity’ with mainstream culture. Many WWC students perceive that mainstream culture
has negative impacts and characteristics and some would identify themselves with certain
subcultures or counterculture.
Interviewees remarked on prominent “counter-culture” at WWC, and despite the
preference of alternative media over mainstream media on campus, the “presence of
eating disorders shows that we are not immune from mainstream media.” (Lieven, April,
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2012) However, a disconnection from media is not the only indicator of “counter culture”
at WWC. In The Making of a Counter Culture, Theodore Roscak claims that in order to
create counter culture, “you make up a community of those you love and respect, where
there can be enduring friendships… [and] 3 meals a day scraped together by honorable
and enjoyable labor” (1969: 203). 6/16 interviewees used the term “Community,”
referring to deciding factors in attending or working at the institution. 11/16 interviewees
claimed that “work” was a deciding factor in attending WWC. Institutional influences
like work and community conflict with dress behavior reflected in the media. Media end
up influencing “counter-culture” values indicated by certain dress behaviors. Mainstream
media builds a frame for the institution on which to define itself. Institutional identity is a
negative identity (1997) that thrives off of cultural and environmental awareness and
“counter-cultural” values.
Further exploring how social influence plays a factor in physical appearance,
Roman and Medvedev make the point that there is "ample evidence that peer approval
and group acceptance play a role in many social phenomena" and their article specifically
focuses on dress, taking a deeper look into how peer pressures can manifest (2011: 1).
The study determines whether peer approval and group acceptance influence the
"sartorial" purchases of college students and their participation in popular apparel trends
on-campus by using a survey asking students how well-known 14 brand-name apparel
items are. Student responses indicate that there is a significant role of peer approval in
personal decision-making. Results showed that the majority of the respondents (85.96%)
ended up owning at least one item and all of the respondents were aware of the popularity
of the 14 items. This research shows that choices regarding physical appearance in the
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undergraduate student body are driven by conformity (Roman and Medvedev, 2011).
Sartorial or dress behavior is defined as a type of common thought and action which
depends upon certain currents of ideas and actions running through a group
“demonstrated through mediums such as clothing, accessories and hairstyles” (Young,
1930: 552). Popularity of items and styles is not simply a random event, but actually
gives insight into a broader cultural package of ideas, thoughts, and actions.
In a study by Basow, Foran and Bookwala, (2007) it was hypothesized that
women belonging to sororities as well as those who intended to join would score higher
on measures of disordered eating than non-sorority and women with no intention to join
body objectification, and social pressure. It also was predicted that the amount of time
spent living in a sorority house as well as degree of social pressure from sorority
members would correlate positively with higher scores on body objectification and
disordered eating. Basow, Foran and Bookwala focused on sororities at Lafayette
College, but did not study the institutional pressures apparent at the college in order to
further understand their research. The field study was done with 90 sorority women and
80 non-sorority women past their first year. Results supported nearly all hypotheses,
suggesting that sororities attract women who are likely to both develop disordered eating
habits and score high on body objectification. By showing how close social groups share
ideas and values, such as thinness, and influence each other’s individual habits, this study
supports the significance of social or institutional pressures influencing college students.
Despite the lack of sororities at WWC, some of the dorms represent living arrangements
like sororities. Also comparable to sororities, work crews form close-knit social groups.
One student claims that “Work crews are the closest thing to sororities and fraternities
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here” (Lydia, 2012). Drawing from these studies, my research analyzes how social
pressures and reputation affect Warren Wilson students.
People often look at one variable such as media fashion advertisements when they
examine why someone changes his or her appearance. However, Sheldon indicates that
peer pressures are important considerations that influence individual’s choice to change
their body image (2010: 7). Sheldon stresses that young people today live in an
environment in which looks are of utmost importance because "social support is low, and
pressure to achieve the cultural ideals of attractiveness is high" (2010: 7). However, this
differs for WWC because it carries a unique social environment which is discussed later
in this paper. In Sheldon’s study of media and peer pressures, he finds that peer pressures
are more influential than media pressure (2010: 3). My research emphasizes peer
pressures, but also traces the relationship peers have with media.
Rose and Bearden support the conclusions of Sheldon's study that peer and family
pressures have significant influence on the use of illicit drug and alcohol consumption
(1992: 2). They investigate the role of attributions, defined as the assignment of quality to
a person or thing, generating resistance to pressures toward conformity in the illicit
consumption of drugs and alcohol, listing peer and family pressures as a key influence in
what student's purchase and consume (1992: 7). Rose and Bearden’s study highlights
peers and family members as effective social influences, but does not explore
institutional influence on the individual.
Institutional pressures exist in deeper aspects of social structure and are harder to
define and observe because they structure the rules, norms, values and routines in a given
social structure, making up the guidelines for social behavior (Scott, 2004). Studies done
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by Parboteeah, Hoegi, & Cullen, (2003), confirm that social institutions influence
individuals' justifications of sanctioned behaviors, above and beyond important
individual-level control variables, by looking at social inequality and religiosity in given
social structures and the individuals’ reaction. While Parboteeah, Hoegi, & Cullen,
(2003), focus on specific values within an institution and their relationship to the
individual, Stang (1976), makes up for the lack of research in regards to institutional
pressures by looking at different group sizes in given social structures and how group size
affects group conformity. A field experiment is reported which tests the hypothesis that
conformity is an increasing function of the numerosity of a unanimous influence source.
Thirty-three student electives presented petitions containing zero, four, eight, or 12
previous signatures to 300 male and female college students and the probability of
signing increased from zero to four signatures as the number of signatures increased, then
leveled off. These results, as well as those of two pilot studies, generally support the
hypothesis; that an increased number of followers influence another individual to
conform.
Conformity in student's immediate social surroundings may also be influenced by
broader pressures, such as exposure to certain kinds of media. Krahe and Krause (2010:
351), conducted a study in which they show relations between habitual tendencies to
restrain eating behavior and the exposure to fashion magazines. Women were put into
different groups and presented with normal-size, thin, and overweight models in fashion
magazines. After presented with average size models, more women reported restrained
eating and sometimes chose the diet snack instead of regular foods. Women in the thinmodel group were "more likely to choose the diet snack regardless of individual
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differences in habitual restrained eating" (2010: 4). The results of the study show that the
impact of media on body images is pervasive in White college females and exposure to
certain advertisements affects women's eating habits significantly. “The presence of
eating disorders on campus shows that we are not immune from mainstream media,” says
an administrator. It is clear that WWC students are not completely disconnected from
mainstream media since exposure to certain advertisements affect women’s eating habits
and there are eating disorders on campus.
Looking at the Presentation of Self in Everyday Life by Erving Goffman (1959), it
is clear that changes in body image and style carry social significance. Goffman points
out that people have different stages in everyday life and communicate with body
language, what they wear, and how they emotionally express themselves (1959).
Goffman suggests that belief in a particular role by an individual performer is related to
perceived reality. Thus, what the individual wears and how they look is considerably
important in fulfilling a role and relaying a message. Theories in Symbolic Interactionism
like the Presentation of Self in Everyday Life combined with Looking Glass Self (Cooley;
1902), help describe the process of daily interaction amongst peer groups.
Even though past studies have focused on the influence of institutions, media, and
peers, these studies failed to combine peer pressures, media pressures, and immediate
influences of the surrounding community as determining factors that contribute to
degrees of change in the student's physical appearance. Although terminology like
Bandura’s reciprocal causation, (2001), provides perspective on connections between
environmental factors, past studies have not linked media pressures to social and peer
pressures, and have not connected institutional influence to both media and peer related
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pressures. Studies have not traced the connection back between peer pressures and media
pressures and also have not thoroughly explained the expressions and acts of nonconformity, or disagreements with trends, and how they can paradoxically create a type
of conformity within a community. In societies with narrow socialization, individual
expression and achievements are celebrated. In a community where individualism is
supported, styles that express individualism become popularized, presenting a social
contradiction.
My research addresses the deficiencies of past studies by delving deeper into the
connections between peer and media pressures and explaining their relation to each other.
This research is a case study of Warren Wilson College that will examine influences that
change students’ physical appearance and analyze acts of non-conformity, or possible
trends that reflect opinions on social norms. Looking at the Warren Wilson college
campus and how physical change occurs within the undergraduate student body will help
the community understand the social phenomenon and what factors, social, media, and
institutional, influence its occurrence. My research will develop the presence of
institutional, peer, and media pressures on campus and how they factor into the physical
appearance of Warren Wilson students.
The purpose of this case study is to describe and analyze the trends of change in
physical appearance in the student body at Warren Wilson College. Using interviews, this
research will focus on the changes in physical appearance and the factors that influence
the changes.
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RESEARCH QUESTIONS
This research explores the main social factors that influence students' change in
physical appearance. Social influences are found in an exploration of friend groups, work
crews and factors in deciding to attend WWC. This research also observes what changes
occur in dress behavior; hairstyle and shaving habits, and consumer behavior; where
people purchase clothes, music taste. General questions are: How do students change
their physical appearance after arriving at Warren Wilson College? How does dress
behavior indicate institutional values and culture at WWC? But more specifically, this
research is addressing: A) How do institutional pressures influence WWC students'
physical appearance? B) How do peer pressures influence WWC students' physical
appearance? C) How do media pressures influence WWC students' appearance?
METHODS
Participants:
For this qualitative study, I recruited students in a pool of 800-900 who are
interested in talking about physical appearance, fashion, WWC school image, and their
personal experiences with the school. The main participants for my study were Warren
Wilson College students above the age of 18. To recruit the participants, I posted a flyer
(see Appendix B) around campus and invited responses from at least 20 undergraduate
Warren Wilson students and then conducted structured, one-on-one interviews with them.
The average length of the interviews was 30 minutes. I used snow-ball sampling and nonprobability sampling in recruiting the participants; anyone who contacted me and met the
age requirement was recruited for formal interviews (for interview questions see
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Appendix E.) Other than the students, certain numbers of staff and administrators were
selected and asked to participate and help address the idea of perception of physical
appearance and appearance changes at Wilson over-time. The staff and administrators
include those who work in admissions, Service Program Office and Student Life.
Procedure:
For this case study, I used qualitative methods using observations and interviews.
The student participants volunteered, contacted me, and were informed about the research
before being given the informed consent form. The staff and administrators were
contacted via e-mail and informed about the research (email invitation is in Appendix C.)
Once they agreed to participate, I arranged a time to meet and interview them. For the
students, once they consented to participate in research, I set up interview times with
them in a private space such as a study room in the library, the music room in Kittredge
or a classroom where others were not present. Interviews were recorded. I let them know
that their input is important and will help understand the Warren Wilson community
better. I also let them know that what they say and do will be kept confidential, and that
they have the option to use pseudonym unless they want their name to be used, and that
they can stop the interview and turn off the recorder at any point during the interview
process. Pseudonyms are used in my presentation and paper. Information collected from
this research is kept in a binder and then analyzed and presented to the Warren Wilson
community once research is finished.
Selective interviews with staff and administrators gave me a different and
essential perspective on the subject of my study. Some of the staff and administrators are
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also alumni, and provide their experiences of environmental and social changes at WWC
since they were students. [Other than these staff and administrators, the participants of
this study are WWC students above the age of 18.] Observations were conducted around
public spaces at Warren Wilson campus to see some general trend in physical
appearances among different groups of students.
ALMA MATER
“Where the stalwart pioneers built their highland homes,
Still our college presses near frontiers yet unknown.
Gold of sun across a sky cast of mountain blue,
Glorious banner, heaven high, calls us to be true.
Take your place and do with us what tomorrow needs of you.
When the shadows sweep the light from the face of day,
Songs of freedom break the night. This is what they say:
God who raised our hills of home guard our fortress still,
Walk with us along the way, teach us wisdom 'til
Like a thousand stars by night we shall faithfully lead the way.”
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WWC HISTORY
Warren Wilson College is a private four-year liberal arts work college in the
Swannanoa Valley, North Carolina, near Asheville. One of eight work colleges in the US,
WWC is well known for its “Triad” curriculum of academics, work, and service, which
requires students to work an on-campus job and complete 100 hours of service work in
addition to completing general academic requirements upon graduation. The college
offers classes in 30 different departments, and the most popular are Environmental
Studies, English, and Outdoor Leadership. (2012: Princeton Review, Amina 2012) The
hundreds of acres surrounding the school include a farm, garden, maintained forest and
many hiking trails. The alma mater, found on WWC website, includes several references
to natural phenomena, associating WWC identity with the natural landscape. Students are
a key ingredient of WWC culture, not just because they are on-campus residents but also
because they are workers and are essential in helping the school function.
Warren Wilson College’s rich history is important as we examine it as an
institution. From an all-boys farm school to a co-ed four year Work College, resiliency,
environmental awareness, practicality, service, community and tolerance are some of the
values that attract students to the institution. Heller and Disher talk about the multiple
changes in the school’s demographics and governance, as well as institutional values,
from the 1930s to present day in their historical documentary on the College (2011). The
main changes include merging with Dorland Bell School for girls in 1942 and admitting
the first African-American student Two years before landmark Brown v. Board of
Education decision. “The emphasis on academics, work and service has been a part of
this institution since way back in the days of farm school,” (2011).
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25 students entered Asheville Farm School for Boys, founded in 1894, and
responsibility and communal living practices were immediately a part of WWC
philosophy as “the boys also cooked, washed laundry and maintained the school grounds
and equipment. That brand of practical learning coupled with the fact that a boys labor
could compensate for means parents lack put the farm school in demand.” (Disher and
Heller, 2011) And throughout the depression, WWC had financial issues, and basic needs
of students and staff were threatened. “If they needed more meat, they could butcher a
cow or two…that’s resiliency. That’s the heart and soul of this place.” (Disher and
Heller, 2011) WWC philosophy has been well preserved despite financial challenges and
drastic changes in student demographics as well as religious affiliations.
As WWC developed as an institution facing financial challenges and arguments
about admittance, its philosophy stayed consistent. Changes in demographics emphasize
school values such as tolerance and service. In 1938, confronted by financial pressure,
Dorland Bell School for Girls in hot springs closed their campuses and in 1942 merged
with Asheville Farm School. Shortly after that, international students were admitted.
“Once the fighting was done, international students arrived at Warren Wilson in far
greater numbers…Henry Jensen argued that it was an extension of the school’s original
mission…serving the disadvantaged” (2011). In 1952, two years before the landmark
Brown v. Board of Education decision, Alma Shippy was admitted as the first AfricanAmerican student after Sunderland residents vote 54-1 to welcome the young Swannanoa
man into their dorm. Voting is still present today in WWC structure. And in the 60s,
“required chapel was no longer required so other people could come in,” (2011). When
Ben Holden took over presidency nearly a decade later, his address to the college re-
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affirmed institutional values, “our efforts to seek the truth depend on open discussion,
frequent communication, and mutual tolerance…This is a community in the fullest sense
of the word, and let us keeps it so.”
The Triad is a functional example of school values in physical form.
In terms of community, faculty members say that WW has a sense of “shared
governance. Everybody has a voice and is given the opportunity to express how they
feel,” (2011).
Students have always worked to maintain the landscape since the Asheville Farm
School for Boys opened in 1894, and an increase in recruitment and a liberal direction
created the Triad program where students work to maintain the college in general.
“Academics for the mind, work for the hands, and service for the heart” is the Triad
program’s motto, summing up its purpose and effect. Along with the environmental focus
and landscape, the triad also serves as a main attraction for students to apply. A student
named Maria said, “I wanted to work,” (2012). Although work is an attracting
institutional trait, emphasis on the landscape and environmental focus also attracts
students to the school.
ECODORM and WWC ON THE WORLD STAGE
Warren Wilson’s role in the US college community is hard to pin point. It is
among one of eight work schools in the US, and has gained recognition in recent years
for taking the lead on the sustainability movement. In recent years, the Princeton review
and NY times have both given Warren Wilson recognition for sustainable ethics and
practices, including being the first school to institute on campus recycling in the 1980s
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(2012: Princeton Review). Countering mainstream social norms, WWC was also named
the top pot college by The Princeton Review, also ranking high as third in other
categories like "Birkenstock-Wearing, Tree-Hugging, Clove-Smoking Vegetarians". With
accomplishments and vices, WWC is portrayed as a counterculture on the educational
world stage. “Thoreau said education often made straight-cut ditches out of meandering
brooks. But not at the EcoDorm, which houses 36 undergraduates and is the spiritual
heart of Warren Wilson College,” (Wilson, 2009). WWC’s EcoDorm is one example of
how values have shown up in media. WWC gets media coverage because of sustainable
ethics.
The EcoDorm consumes nearly two-thirds less electricity than would a
conventional building of the same size. The article quotes Margo Flood, the executive
director of Warren Wilson’s Environmental Leadership Center, who says those who
apply to live there “see an integration between their actions and their values. They pledge
not to use hair dryers. Their music is acoustic.” (Wilson, 2009). Articles emphasize the
opposition to mainstream media and music as well as appliances used to maintain a
formal physical appearance. Consideration for the environment is one of WWC’s main
values.
“Environmental Studies is a popular major at Warren Wilson College, with six
different concentrations and a new cross-disciplinary sustainability curriculum
available…Much of the food served by the school's dining halls comes from an oncampus farm and garden.” Although most of the school’s food comes from corporations
like ‘Sysco,’ articles exaggerate sustainability
(2012: http://www.princetonreview.com/green-honor-roll.aspx). Sodexho is contracted to
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provide food services. On the one hand, the institution represents alternative lifestyle and
sustainability, and on the other hand it is embedded within the larger system.
Sustainability and environmental values are unavoidable school values that have
gained institutional recognition on a global scale. “Thanks to Ecodorm…Warren Wilson
was recognized as one of the most earth friendly colleges on the planet.” Practicality,
community, and global thinking are terms expressed by past college leaders, current
students, faculty members and alumni. Ecodorm’s opening in 2003 marks the
embodiment of values of sustainable living that Warren Wilson promotes. Appreciation
of the environment is reflected in building the Ecodorm, as well as in personal
connections to the landscape. Alumni recall environment as a key theme in stories of
their first arrival at WWC. Billy Edd Wheeler, coming to WWC in 1948 at age 16, said
“Coming into this spacious valley, it was like paradise” (Heller and Disher, 2011). The
beauty of the physical landscape is a factor in WWC advertising and some students claim
that the farm, pastures, and beautiful campus attracted them to the school. When asked
why they came here, every student interviewed mentioned the natural landscape.
When we come to the Warren Wilson website, we see smiles and pastures. In
public view, WWC represents its values and defines its personality traits, advertising the
physical landscape. ‘In the Swannanoa Valley of the Blue Ridge Mountains,’ is placed
directly below the WWC name on admissions pamphlets and the web-site.
Institutional values form a framework for students when they become part of the
community. Students conform to, or reject, institutional values. Some of them form
identity based on the landscape and location. “This is one of the prettiest campuses in the
US and I’m proud to play a role in maintaining it,” said Gabriel, a student on landscaping
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crew. One of the ways that students conform to, or reject institutional values is in
consumer choices and a change of tastes in music and clothes. “Everyone here looks like
a lumberjack,” Gabriel said. Indicators of institutional influence are reflected through
fashion.
The rural community connected to the school and the farm was a primary focus
when the Asheville Farm School for Boys was founded (Heller and Disher, 2011). Only a
handful of students work on the farm, but it is still a focus in the school’s identity and
advertising. One student, talking about her interactions with friends back at home, says,
“Everyone outside of Wilson seems to think we’re farmers and gardeners,” said Maria
(2012). As prospective students go on tours, professors highlight the farm and garden
crew as important aspects of the college. They have served a role in the College’s image
for a long time and upkeep a set of values: self-sustainability, eco-living, agricultural
education and local foods.
INSTITUTIONAL INFLUENCES; TREES AND TRIADS
“Coming to the campus for the first time, I remember standing at the admissions
office, in awe of the beauty of this place. I was sold,” said Lena, a sophomore (2012).
The WWC admissions office is precariously located on campus in an alcove that people
can not easily find. However, it offers one of the most beautiful views of the Appalachian
Mountains. When asked what the first thing you expect to see when you open up an
admissions pamphlet is, a multiple students replied “The barn…the pastures and the
mountain range. Because it’s beautiful,” (2012). Environmental ethics and maintenance
of the landscape advertise to students with an aesthetic eye for natural sites or with
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environmental values.
The top three reasons students say came here for are the environment, the work
program, and the school values. In terms of environment, “we haven’t changed the photo
of the mountainous landscape and pastures for over a decade,” said Ernesta. According to
Amina, the most popular majors are all related to the natural environment. When asked
what attracted her to WWC, Alyssia exclaimed, “The pictures of the school said that it
cared about the environment” (2012). During my first tour, I was shown the buildings
that have solar panels and geo-thermal technology, and the habit of not wasting food and
eating at Cowpie café was emphasized. School Tours emphasize the environmental
consideration and philosophy of the triad.
"Unique"
That's what people say about Warren Wilson, and with good reason. Our educational
program, the Triad, is singular in higher education. The Triad consists of three
interwoven strands of experience: academics in the liberal arts tradition, a campus-wide
work program, and service learning. The Triad is infused with a sustainability ethic and
cross-cultural understanding-integral parts of the College's history and founding
philosophy (WWC website)
The excerpt above is found on Warren Wilson’s website under information about
the Triad program. WW represents itself as “unique,” immediately setting the stage for
individuality and difference amidst other institutions. The way that WWC advertises
itself attracts student with particular values while simultaneously condemning certain
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doctrines that exist in mainstream media. As Kimball Young states, “Fashion dictates the
virtues which shall be esteemed and the vices which shall be tolerated from one
generation to another…also the doctrines, political and other, that shall be accepted or
condemned,” (1930). Fashion, otherwise known as dress behavior, is an indicator for
cultural definitions of virtue and vices. Our counter culture values are environmental and
sustainable values, and we can see that influence in the way students dress. The virtues
exist within the system of the Triad and work and service, creating a desire for practical
clothes and clothes that support the idea of a rural work ethic. Condemned doctrines exist
in the mainstream, and students feel “pressure to conform to the counter-culture,” says
Lieven (2012).
To prospective students, the triad is most represented with the garden, farm, and
outstanding school functions related to the history, environment and location of WW.
When asked what images stood out and attracted them to the school, Maria, and Alyssia
answered “the landscape, the farm and the garden,” (2012). The beauty of the natural
landscape is not only used to attract students to apply. It is also embedded in our identity
as a College. Presently, the first thing we see on the WWC website is a picture of the
landscape, and then three columns dedicated to parts of the Triad. “Academics for the
mind, Work for the hands, and Service for the heart,” is a quote that divides the columns.
The same picture of the farm pasture and red barn is located on the front and back of
admissions pamphlets. Institutional values exist with institutional functions. As students
work and live at Wilson, they internalize certain values. Changes in dress and consumer
behavior reflect the internalization of institutional values. Dress behavior is defined as a
type of common thought and action which depends upon certain currents of ideas and
23
actions running through a group “demonstrated through mediums such as clothing,
accessories, and hairstyles” (Young, 1930). Administration member Amina claims that
“students change when they come here…they’re playing a game of dress-up,” also stating
that the process students go through after coming to WWC is, “Dress up and then
internalization of Wilson values, which are equality, community and time management,”
(2012).
PEER INFLUENCES
Internalization of institutional values is reflected in peer interactions and peer
pressures. “Even though people say oh you can be who you are here. Everyone supports
you. There is that judgment and pressure to conform to counter-culture” says Lieven.
Lieven described when a student wanted to leave WWC and how her reasons were that,
“I bathe every day, I wear cute little sweaters, I don’t belong here.” When I asked Lieven
what happened to that student, she told me, “Well, she actually ended up getting
dreadlocks and drastically changing her appearance,” (2012). In interviews with students,
staff and administrators, it was clear that student style transformed from more formal to
less formal. In some cases students changed their ritual from showering frequently to
showering once or twice a week. This is due to function, practicality, environmental
values and peer pressures. “The judgment is flipped where if you do make up and spend
time on dressing up, you may be looked down upon,” says a junior named Rita.
Work crews are the main factor in changing clothing choices. How has this ever
affected retention? Those who do stay, are they accepting the social sphere of fashion? “I
remember a Japanese student, who was a fashion designer, left because of student
24
appearance. Odor, in particular” says (Amina, 2012). Although students create strong
student influence in perception of each other, staff and faculty are also involved and
integrated as supervisors of work crews. The environment affects everyone, leading to
observations like Amina’s; “Staff, faculty and students dress alike.”
Many of the students interviewed claim that their work crew has greatly
influenced the way they look. Some have ‘started wearing clothes that I don’t mind
getting dirty.’ Some have “gotten my first pair of boots and don’t change my clothes for
days until they’re really dirty,” (Gabriel, 2012). Some students “have to dress up for
office jobs,” (Maria, 2012). Depending on where a student works, they may dress in less
expensive, more dispensable clothes, or clothes that are presentable in offices where
students interact with faculty frequently. The Institutional influence of the school’s Triad,
especially the work crew, creates a trend to lean in towards practical clothing. Still, the
dress behavior of students is not always directed to the function and practicality of
clothing regarding work crews. While fashion aims at difference, it also still aims, at
approval. It is approved because it is followed by others. Fashion means a certain
uniformity of practice (Young, 1930). Lieven stated that “There is pressure to conform to
the counter culture. It’s like, ‘Well, don’t you know that’s a waste of water? Or in terms
of make-up, why do you buy into that paradigm?’” (2012).
“CARHARTT SHOULD PAY US” (Elena, 2012).
When asked if there are any preferable brand names or types of clothing on
campus, ‘Carhartts’ were mentioned in almost every interview. 14 out of 16 interviewees
either bought Carhartt clothes after coming here or noted the trend on campus. Both
25
faculty and students explain that Carhartts are popular because of the manual labor jobs,
like forestry, farm, landscaping and other crews. Many students learned about the clothes
from interacting with each other. 6 interviewees mentioned Flannel as a clothing trend on
campus. “Flannel is essential,” says Heidi (April, 2012). This shows an interesting trend.
Students are not totally unique because they still want to be similar to their peers. What is
different is the style. Instead of ‘coach,’ they now prefer ‘Carhartt.’
Erving Goffman, (1959), provides an example of how people, specifically
students, intentionally present themselves in order to support their social capital. “Since a
girl's dormitory mates will glean evidence of her popularity from the calls she receives on
the phone, we can suspect that some girls will arrange for calls to be made, and Willard
Waller's finding can be anticipated: It has been reported by many observers that a girl
who is called to the telephone in the dormitories will often allow herself to be called
several times, in order to give all the other girls ample opportunity to hear her paged,”
(1959: 3). Lena claimed that, “I got my first real flannel my first semester here because
everyone wears this stuff and it’s so comfy. I need to get a pair of Carhartts to fully
assimilate”. And Alyssia proclaimed that “I feel like a lot of people do things here
because they see other people do them” (April, 2012).
Because of work, “Class distinction is hard here” (Amina, 2012). It is harder to
determine a student’s socio-economic status, which is a noticeable detail in an
individual’s presentation. “When an individual enters the presence of others…they will
be interested in his general socio-economic status, his conception of self, his attitude
toward them, his competence, his trustworthiness, etc” (Goffman, 1959: 1). Work
influences informal, practical clothes, making class harder to determine and creating a
26
style that’s supported by collectivism. Designer clothes are devalued; making individuals
that wear brand names stand out in a negative way.
WWC students unconsciously and consciously decide what to wear based on
observations of their environment. Applying Cooley’s theory of Looking Glass Self helps
explain the human process of perception that affects how WWC students reflect
themselves. First, one imagines how they appear to others. Then they imagine the
judgment others may be making regarding that appearance, and develop a self-image by
the judgments or critiques of others. Individuals develop imagined perceptions of
themselves by observing others. There is no sense of "I," as in pride or shame, without its
correlative sense of you, or he, or they (Cooley, 1902: 180). WWC students change,
revise, and shape their physical appearance based on ideas of how peers view them.
Re-invention is not only supported by the perceived judgment of peer groups.
According to Erik Erikson, (1997), re-invention is a natural stage in developing identity
as an adolescent. Trying out a set of beliefs by learning about them and participating in
organizations centered on a particular set of beliefs serves to clarify for adolescents who
they are and how they wish to live. Embracing institutional values comes with trying on
different personas to develop identity. Combining Negative Identity Theory (Erikson,
1997), and Institutional Theory, (Scott, 1995) it’s clear that WWC’s environment
supports the re-invention of self-identity and image. Institutions are composed of
regulative elements that provide meaning for social life (Scott, 1995). In this case, those
elements are internalized values that socially support change in behavior and physical
appearance. Values include tolerance, community, and acceptance.
Administrators claim that there is an “acceptance for re-invention” (Amina, 2012)
27
on campus that allows people to play with and change their appearance. Lieven, Amina
and Ernesta claim that “social support on this campus is high,” (April, 2012). One
student, a junior and re-admit, shaved the left side of her head due to personal agency and
supportive social factors in the environment. “I shaved [my hair] for a few reasons… I
wanted to change something about me, physically, to reflect how I felt I'd changed
mentally/emotionally, and also in terms of appreciating Wilson and all its eccentricities
and feeling like I could be a part of it” (Lydia, 2012). The WWC environment condones
individualism and eccentricities. This allows students to reflect identity exploration.
“[After attending WWC] I cut off all my long hair. I was really into my long hair. I was
very proud of it… I felt like I needed to be someone different.” (Alyssia, 2012). Students
partake in a natural phase of development as they try on various possible selves, and also
integrate ideas, behaviors and norms of the environment.
MEDIA INFLUENCES:
Qualitative interviews with students, staff and administrators at the college
suggest that the easiest way to describe a Warren Wilson student to an outsider is a ‘dirty
hippie’ or ‘hipster,’ sporting an unmaintained ‘just got out of bed’ look. These answers
were identical in 13 out of 16 interviews. Interviewees claimed that this is a stereotype
and that there is actually a broad range of individual appearances at WWC. Whether the
repeated ‘unmaintained’ appearance is intentional or not may depend on the individual.
“Some people intentionally try to look like they rolled out of bed,” said Lydia, a student
on Farm crew. According to Presentation of Self, both maintained and unmaintained
physical appearances are costumes that the actor wears to relay a message about his or
28
her values, status and intentions.
Still, why do students actively or passively disregard their physical appearance?
Mainstream media images provide a framework for people whose values conflict with the
norm. One student, Paul, works with recycling on campus and said that, “The free store
has a bunch of Abercrombie, Aeropostale and J Crew clothes in it immediately after new
students arrive,” (2012). Students intentionally throw out brand name clothes and, in
some cases, change where they shop. A lot of the recycled free store clothes on campus
go to goodwill. Most of the clothes that go to Goodwill are clean, less grungy, and for
younger generations, whereas clothes preferred by students are ripped up or clothes
belonging to older generations (Paul, 2012). Referring to before and after WWC, Heidi
said “I shop at goodwill, thrift stores and the free store a lot more now,” (2012). Is it in
order to fit in? Or, according to negative identity theory, trying to fit out of the norms
they grew up with? Or is it because of work? Students say it is because of practicality,
costume parties, innovation and exposure. “People here have a put together look” says
Lieven. “They might have something from goodwill, something from the free store and a
hand-me-down put together” (2012). A student on theater crew named Lena suggested
that “Students here look nice…very hipster and collecting clothes from their family,
stores and random places to put outfits together,” (April, 2012). Again, sustainability
values factor into changes in dress behavior. But, along with institutional values, social
impacts and peer pressures cannot be ignored.
Krahé B, Krause C (2010), did a study where they measured the likelihood of
women choosing diet snacks over regular foods after exposure to certain model-groups.
The findings in this study may support the idea that the impact of body images pressures
29
was pervasive; affecting some women by encouraging habitual restrained eating, even
among less restrained eaters, through exposure to published images of thin models. This
study shows how media influences college students and affects their physical appearance.
From this study we can conclude that media affects body image and eating behavior as
well as clothing choices and dress behavior. From the internet to magazines, media
influence is present on campus and influences student dress behavior. “I read
cosmopolitan [magazine] for fun,” says Maria. A different student, Alyssia, proclaimed,
“I have a subscription to cosmopolitan, which I never had before coming here. I read it
just to have a connection to the mainstream world.” Sub cultures and counter cultural
groups differentiate themselves from mainstream culture but many of them are still
connected to the mainstream.
Images in mainstream magazines promote a certain type of appearance that
provides a framework for what not to do. Observing cosmopolitan magazine, a reader
sees women wearing sultry clothes with big boobs, thin cheekbones; shiny hair and make
up. In these images, the use of practicality in appearance is sparse. When asked about
how students dress, a Lieven said “practical, for function rather than fashion.” Looking at
the covers of cosmopolitan magazine (see Appendix G), it is clear that practicality is not
involved in these mainstream appearances. More make-up, fancier dresses and airbrushing involves time and money. When asked about daily rituals and hygiene habits,
Heidi proclaimed, “It’s an unmaintained appearance because we work. Wilson students
don’t have time for all of that,” (2012). How does work factor into physical appearance?
Trends in physical appearance are visible when viewing advertisements on other work
school websites. Deep Springs College posts pictures of their farm, working students,
30
mountains and landscape (http://www.deepsprings.edu/home), while Sterling College
shows an image of a woman with short hair reading under a tree
(http://www.sterlingcollege.edu/). 3 out of 8 Work Colleges in the US (including WWC),
advertise using pictures that emphasize nature, sustainability and work.
Objectification theory (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997) contends that media that
places women’s bodies and appearance at a premium can acculturate women to selfobjectify (i.e., to view the self primarily in terms of externally perceivable attributes), or
to feel anxious or ashamed of their bodies. However, another unexplored possibility is
that antecedent levels of self-objectification, appearance anxiety, and body shame could
drive the selection or avoidance of sexually objectifying media (Aubrey, 2006). This
study applies to magazines like ‘Cosmopolitan’, which contain objectification of the body
in media, and also explains general avoidance to most mainstream media. Because of
countercultural values, it is in the norm to avoid various types of mainstream media.
Reading media articles, in this sense, is not as much connecting with the mainstream as it
is to reassure themselves of what they need to avoid. “There are students who are
definitely disconnected from all sorts of mainstream media,” says Lieven.
Media’s presence on WWC campus cannot be pinpointed, so access to media is
more individualized. (Ernesta, April, 2012) Because of this, there is no social control on
what kinds of media students actually consume. Students used to have TVs in common
areas until the internet started hosting programs. Now, there are no communal TVs and
students have internet access and select their own magazines. Interviews show that some
students continue to read mainstream magazines and listen to mainstream music after
coming here, and some students prefer to change their habits. 6 out of 13 students started
31
listening to more bluegrass or country after coming to WWC. Nina, a student on paint
crew, “got more into bluegrass music as a result of WWC. I've played the classical violin
for 13 years but took fiddling classes since I've been at WWC. I was never exposed to
bluegrass in Pennsylvania (where I'm from) and have recently begun to go to bluegrass
shows and listen to it on WNCW radio station,” (2012).
Multiple staff members claim that some students feel uncomfortable about
missing pop-culture (2012). And interviewees claim that there’s bound to be students
who “secretly watch the bachelor and read ‘People’ magazine when no one is looking,”
(Lieven, 2012). According to Goffman, (1959), every individual is an actor and has both
a front stage, where they manage impressions to convey particular messages, and a back
stage, where their protected self resides. For example, people performing on the ‘front
stage’ fulfill a societal role when they are going to work. When they come home from
work and go ‘back stage’ they act more informal and change their behavior. This
involves behavior that conflict with the ‘front stage’ character. In this case, WWC
students who secretly consume mainstream media are doing it ‘back stage’. This
perception of guiltiness in consuming mainstream media shows the possibility of bias in
research. Still, students claim that the average look is an “unmaintained appearance,”
which identifies with alternative values. This appearance is a costume that relays values
as it’s worn on the ‘front stage’. And individualism cannot be overlooked. Amina says,
“From the outside, Warren Wilson students may seem to have one look that is
‘alternative’ by society’s standards. But from the inside, everybody’s different.
Everybody’s unique,” (2012).
Images in media work as a framework for WWC to sculpt, reject, and project an
32
alternative image in return. For years, the Warren Wilson motto was “We’re not for
everyone, but maybe you’re not everyone,” alluding to the fact that the college supports
an alternative student image. Although this motto has been removed from WWC
advertising, the college still compares itself to other institutions with a quote found on
websites and in admission pamphlets; “What kind of college has no football, no
fraternities or sororities, and believes that one person can change the world?” Supporting
the negative identity theory, WWC defines itself in comparison and difference to other
institutions.
CONCLUSION
Students change their physical appearance after arriving at WWC by throwing out
brand name clothes, wearing less make-up, maintaining their hair less often, and asserting
an individualistic feature, like a drastic hairstyle change. Students typically wear more
practical and informal clothing after arrival. According to Kimball Young’s Fashion as
Collective Behavior (1930), dress behavior is a medium used to express currents of
thought, ideas and actions running through a certain group of people. Changes in dress
and consumer behavior by the WWC student indicate some of the institutional values
described [environmental ethics, sustainability, community, individualism, practicality
and service]. Drastic changes in appearance indicate environmental support of individual
expression and identity exploration (Roazen, 1997). Dress behavior, studied alongside
consumer behavior, indicates institutional values like sustainability and functionality.
These values are reflected by behavior like wearing clothes until they get dirty and
acquiring Carhartts and work boots. “Even if I don't have to work I just always stay in my
33
work outfit, which is fit for construction. It’s all about practicality” (Alyssia, 2012).
Institutional pressures manifest with work crews, and internalization of institutional
values is reflected in peer interactions and peer pressures. Peer influences on dress
behavior are most prominent in daily interactions and on work crews. Media influence
brings out the school’s counter cultural subculture by creating a contrast. “Mainstream”
Media show what not to consume, look like, etc. Utilizing Negative Identity Theory in
accordance to the institution, mainstream media influence provides a framework for
people whose values conflict with the norm (Roazen, 1997). Reciprocal causation
(Bandura, 2001), explains how institutional behavior and the work environment influence
the individual as the individual re-produces both. Counter cultural institutional values,
like a community made with hard labor (Roscak, 1969), affect individuals attending the
institution, but individuals also maintain the institution by working and contributing to
the community.
Interviews indicate changes in behavior and institutional values where students
lean toward non-conventional and individualistic styles. Despite a few clothing trends,
non-conventional style becomes the norm and non-conformity paradoxically becomes a
type of conformity. Narrow socialization (promoting individuality), blends with broad
socialization (promoting collectivism), making a unique sub cultural environment.
Although style and consumer behavior reflects subculture and counter culture, the
institution and individuals attending it are still embedded in the larger system.
34
REFERENCES
Harrington, R. (2012). The Top Ten Most Marijuana Friendly Colleges. Princeton
Review List. Huffington Post. Retrieved from www.huffingtonpost.com
Bandura, A. (2001). "Social Cognitive Theory; An Agentic Perspective." Annu. Rev.
Psychol. 52:1–26. Department of Psychology, Stanford University, Stanford, California
94305-2131
Cooley, C. H. (1902). “Human Nature and the Social Order.” New York: Scribner's.
Young, K. (1930). “Fashion as collective behavior.” In Social psychology: An analysis of
social behavior. New York: Alfred A. Knopf
Roman, M., & Medvedev, K. (2011). "The Importance of Peer Approval in the Sartorial
Purchasing Patterns of the University of Georgia Students." College Student Journal, 45
(1), 164-176.
Basow, S. A., Foran, K. A., & Bookwala, J. (2007). "Body Objectification, Social
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Pressure, and Disordered Eating Behavior in College Women: The Role of Sorority
Membership." Psychology of Women Quarterly, 31(4), 394-400. doi:10.1111/j.14716402.2007.00388.x
Parboteeah, K., Hoegi, M., & Cullen, J. B. (2003). "Social Institutions and Sanctioned
Behaviors: A Cross-National Study." International Journal of Comparative Sociology
(Sage Publications, Ltd.), 44(3), 239-265. Retrieved from EBSCOhost.
Stang, D. J. (1976). "Group Size Effects on Conformity." Journal of Social Psychology,
98(2), 175. Retrieved from EBSCOhost.
Scott, W. Richard 2004. “Institutional theory.” Encyclopedia of Social Theory, George
Ritzer, ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Wilson, C. (2009). When Your Dorm Goes Green and Local. New York Times. Retrieved
from www.nytimes.com.
Disher, J & Heller, S. (2011). Frontiers Yet Unknown; The History of Warren Wilson
College. Warren Wilson College. Retrieved from www.youtube.com.
Aubrey, J. (2006). Exposure to Sexually Objectifying Media and Body Self-Perceptions
among College Women: An Examination of the Selective Exposure Hypothesis and the
Role of Moderating Variables. Sex Roles, 55(3/4), 159-172. doi:10.1007/s11199-006-
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9070-7
Roazen, P. (1997). “Erik H. Erikson: The Power and Limits of a Vision.” Jason Aronson
inc.
Roscak, T. (1969). “The Making of a Counter Culture.” Doubleday Anchor Books. New
York: Double Day Anchor Books.
Goffman, E. (1959). “Presentation of Self in Everyday Life.” Doubleday Anchor Books.
New York: Double Day Anchor Books.
37
Appendix A
INFORMED CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH
Warren Wilson College
Swannanoa, North Carolina
1.
TITLE OF RESEARCH STUDY
Change in the Physical Appearance of the Warren Wilson Student; the construction and expression of
identity through dress and behavior
2.
PROJECT DIRECTOR/INVESTIGATOR
Name: Valorie Nichols
Telephone Number: 9144508831
3.
Faculty Supervisor: Siti Kusujiarti
Telephone Number: 771-3703
THE PURPOSE OF THE RESEARCH
The purpose of this case study is to describe and understand the trends of changes in appearance
among the student body of Warren Wilson College. This research will focus on the changes in physical
appearance and the factors that influence the changes. Method of inquiry will include interviews and
observations.
4.
PROCEDURES FOR THIS RESEARCH
I understand that the researcher will conduct interviews with me. The interview questions will focus on
appearance and factors that influence appearance. Interviews will last for 25-40 minutes. I was
informed that a tape recorder will be used but I will have the choice to turn off the recorder or skip
questions if I would like to. My participation in this research is voluntary and I can withdraw from it
without any consequence. Results of the research will be presented for WWC community but real
names will not be used unless participants wish for them to. The data will be stored in a binder in a
locked safe that only the researcher knows the combination to. Transcribed and recorded interviews
will be stored in a password protected computer and they will be destroyed after the researcher finishes
her thesis.
5.
POTENTIAL RISKS OR DISCOMFORTS
Some questions might trigger uncomfortable feelings even though most of the questions for the
interviews are not sensitive ones. But if I don’t feel comfortable responding to certain questions, I can
skip the questions. If I feel that certain questions are sensitive, I can skip the question without
consequence. My name will be kept confidential. If I wish to discuss these or any other discomforts I
may experience, I may call the Project Director listed in #2 of this form.
6.
POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO YOU OR OTHERS
Few studies have been done to examine the combination of the influences of peer pressures, media,
and institutional pressures on college students’ physical appearance. This research will increase
38
knowledge of the effects of these factors on the changing physical appearance of Warren Wilson
College students. By acknowledging and understanding the trends of change in physical appearance at
Warren Wilson College, perceptions of Warren Wilson students can be explored and this will allow
students to learn about themselves and their acts of self-expression regarding body image.
7.
GENERAL CONDITIONS
•
•
•
I understand that I will not receive compensation for my participation in this study.
I understand that I will not be charged additional expenses for my participation in this study.
I understand that I am free to decline to participate or withdraw my/my child’s consent and discontinue
participation in this research project at any time without adverse consequences.
• All information collected will remain confidential except as may be required by federal, state, or local
law.
I am 18 years old or older _____ (please check)
8.
SIGNATURES
The principal investigator has fully explained to _______________________________________ the nature
and purpose of the above-described procedure and the benefits and risks that are involved in participating
in this study. I have answered and will answer all questions to the best of my ability. I may be contacted at
_______________.
_____________________________________
Signature of Principal Investigator
____________
Date
I, as a participant, have been fully informed of the above-described procedure and the benefits and risks
that are involved in participating in this study. I have received a copy of this entire document.
_____________________________________
Signature of Participant
____________
Date
39
Appendix B
WARREN WILSON COLLEGE IMAGE:
A STUDY ON STUDENT STYLE AND
APPEARANCE
Do you want to participate in a research to look at
physical appearance or body image among WWC
students? You need to be 18 or older to participate.
For more information, contact:
Valorie Nichols
vnichols@warren-wilson.edu
or (914)450-8831
40
Appendix C
Invitation to Participate in the Study for Administrators and Staff ( Sent via Email)
Hello, my name is Valorie Nichols and I am a Sociology/Anthropology student in my
senior year at Warren Wilson College. I’m asking if you would participate in a
confidential interview. I am currently conducting my senior research thesis on the process
of change in physical appearance and behaviors here at Warren Wilson College. The
interview will last approximately 25-40 minutes; with your permission it will be
recorded. It will include a series of questions regarding the behavior of Warren Wilson
students and what you think about the perception of student’s appearance at Warren
Wilson College. I will not ask specific questions about your decisions in the role that you
play here at Wilson. Our one-on-one interviews will occur on a mutually agreed upon
date and place. In order to maintain confidentiality, all data collected will be locked in a
secure place and destroyed once my research is complete. Results from my research will
also be presented with pseudonyms to make sure that no information can be connected to
any of my research participants. If you have any questions, comments, or concerns please
feel free to contact either myself at vnichols@warren-wilson.edu or my supervisor, Siti
Kusujiarti, at skusujiarti@warren-wilson.edu. Once you have read this email, please
respond at your earliest convenience and let me know if you are willing to participate in
my study.
Thank you so much.
Sincerely,
Valorie Nichols
41
Appendix D
Verbal Consent Script for Student Interview (I will say this before starting the
interview and ask participants to sign the written consent)
Hello, my name is Valorie Nichols and I am a Sociology/Anthropology student at
Warren Wilson College. The purpose of this interview will be to discuss trends in
physical appearance among student body at Warren Wilson College. This interview will
last for around 25-40 minutes. I will be asking a variety of open-ended questions
regarding student behaviors. Please feel free to respond to any of the questions, and if
possible, please provide any personal experiences to help clarify your comments. With
your permission, this interview will be tape recorded and later transcribed. Your
participation is completely voluntary, and if at any time you feel uncomfortable during
the interview, you have the option to stop the recorder. If you have any questions,
comments, or concerns please feel free to contact either myself, or my supervisor, Siti
Kusujiarti, at vnichols@warren-wilson.edu, or at skusujiarti@warren-wilson.edu. Please
read and, if you agree to the term outlined therein sign the written Consent Form. Thank
you.
42
Appendix E:
Interview Questions for Students
1. What is your gender?
2. Age?
3. Race/ethnicity?
4. What is your class standing?
5. How long have you been at Warren Wilson?
6. Why did you come to Warren Wilson College?
7. Was there anything in Warren Wilson advertising that caught your eye? Or any
specific advertising that made you want to come here more?
8. Have you changed your physical appearance since you've been here? If so, could you
tell me how and the process of change?
9. What kind of social group do you identify with? (Social Group meaning, for example;
close friends or people you regularly spend time with.)
10. Do you think your social group influenced the way you look at all? How?
11. What work crews have you been on?
12. How do you think the work crews you have been on influenced your physical
appearance?
13. Can you list a few brand names of clothes that you own?
14. Did you get them before or after you got here?
15. Where do you usually get your clothes? Do you go to different places (than before
you came here) after you come to WWC?
16. Do you notice any preferable types of clothing on campus?
17. What kind of magazines, if any, do you read regularly? What do you look at in the
43
magazines?
18. Did you read the same magazines before you came here?
19. What kind of music do you listen to? Did you listen to it before coming here?
20. Do you shave your legs? Did you shave your legs before you got here?
21. Has your hair or hair style changed since you have been here? How?
22. Do you have a daily ritual, for instance: shower, blow-dry, make-up, which you go
through for your appearance? What is it? Did you change these rituals after coming to
WWC?
23. How would you physically describe the average Warren Wilson student to a person
who hasn't been here before?
24. What kind of image did you expect when you first open up a Warren Wilson
admissions pamphlet?
44
Appendix F:
Interview Questions for Student life Staff (Resident Directors), Admission
Counselors and other staff members.
#1. What is your role here at WWC?
#2. How long have you been at Warren Wilson?
#3. Why did you come to Warren Wilson?
#4. How would you describe the appearance of an average Warren Wilson student to
someone who knows nothing about the school?
#5. Do you think a student’s physical appearance changes after coming to Warren
Wilson?
#6. If so, through your specific interactions with students and your line of work, how do
you see these changes? What factors influence the changes?
#7. Are you a work crew supervisor and/or a professor?
#8. Have you observed peer pressure in students interactions with each other? How?
#9. Do you observe certain types of preferable clothes in the student body?
#10. What do you think are the implications of these clothing trends on students?
#11. How do you think media are present on this campus?
#12. How do you see media presence reflected on campus?
#13. Do students react to that presence? How?
#14. Has students’ reaction to media changed overtime?
#15. Do you think appearance in the student body is connected to retention?
#16. Do you know any specific students who have left or stayed because of these factors
(collective appearance of students)?
#17. Do you think the college’s advertising contributes to a student’s change in physical
appearance?
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#18. Can you tell me about any specific instances where student appearance positively or
negatively affected interactions with neighboring communities?
#19. When you say you work at Warren Wilson, what do people say about your students?
#20. What was your reaction?
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Appendix G:
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