“Construction and Expression of Cultural Identity at Warren Wilson College” “Construction and Expression of Cultural Identity at Warren Wilson College: A view through the lens of physical appearance” Valorie Nichols Warren Wilson College 1 “Construction and Expression of Cultural Identity at Warren Wilson College: A view through the lens of physical appearance” Appearance transformation among college students lacks sufficient analysis of environmental factors. This study examines the construction and expression of cultural identity among Warren Wilson college students by focusing on indicators of institutional, media, and peer influences on physical appearance. In this institutional space, students are pressured by judgments of peers to fit into a non-conventional norm, simultaneously producing and being shaped by their environment. (Goffman; 1959, Cooley; 1902, Bandura; 2001, Scott; 2004). This paper discusses how Warren Wilson students adapt to their collegiate environment and how they express personal social statements and institutional values through dress and consumer behavior. Research on trends of appearance will benefit the recruitment, retention and public image of the college. This paper will draw on qualitative interviews conducted with a number of current undergraduate Warren Wilson students, faculty, and staff. Interviews will provide a foundation for future research on similar topics. 2 Table of Contents: Introduction and Problem Statement 4 Literature Review 6 Research questions and Methods 13 WWC History: Institutional Identity 16 WWC on the world stage 18 Institutional Influences: Trees and Triads 21 PEER INFLUENCES 24 Carhartt Should Pay Us 25 Media Influences 28 Conclusion 32 References 33 APPENDIX A: 38 APPENDIX B: 40 APPENDIX C: 41 APPENDIX D: 42 APPENDIX E: 43 APPENDIX F: 45 APPENDIX G: 47 3 INTRODUCTION Collective conformity at colleges is indicated by trends of change in student appearance. This research reviews media, institutional, and peer influences on students construction and expression of cultural identity at Warren Wilson College. Observing the reasons behind these trends will help community members make conscious appearance choices in awareness of relationship between environment and students. By analyzing how we cultivate our personal identity, this research will clarify our communal identity as a college. Methods of inquiry will include interviews and content analysis. What does the average WWC student look like? Throughout my interviews, the terms “hippie,” “hipster,” and “happy worker” came up in response to that very question. A variety of answers from different interviews point to the same physical image; hinting that there is a common trend of change in physical appearance that is influenced by socialization in the WWC community. It has only become visible when discussed and researched. Analyzing trends involves observing personal identity and institutional identity. This supports the social cognitive theory of reciprocal causation, where people are producers as well as products of their environment and behavior can influence both the environment and the person (Bandura, 2001). In fact, each of these three variables; the person, the behavior, and the environment can have an influence on each other. Physical appearance, influenced by the institution, peers, and media, is an indicator of a broader culture at WWC. Although the perceived image of a WW student is not what everyone looks like, it indicates aspects of the broader culture of the institution. From interview to interview, the “carefree hippie” stereotype is clear. Individuals 4 produce the stereotype as it is perceived to already exist in the environment. According to the theory of reciprocal causation, in order to understand the stereotype, we must look at what influences the environment that supports it. The ‘Looking Glass Self,’ a term coined by Charles Cooley, refers to people shaping themselves based on other people's perception, which leads people to reinforce other people's perspectives on themselves (Cooley, 1902). People act according to what they perceive others think of them and how they are expected to act. Then their actions fit into a mold, or set of conceptual notions, that someone else initially gave them. “In imagination we perceive in another's mind some thought of our appearance, manners, aims, deeds, character, friends, and so on, and are variously affected by it” (Cooley, 1902; 8). The Looking Glass Self Theory applies to individual students as well as WWC as an institution in the eyes of the media. WWC’s identity in the public eye is defined by articles on Ecodorm (Wilson, 2009), recycling and marijuana usage (Harrington, 2012); all of which are associated with the stereotypical “hippie” image, and all associated with internalized institutional values. From the WWC website, admissions pamphlets, to living on campus, community members see the “dirty hippie” as a quiet mascot of the college. Various studies ( Holmstrom, Krahe & Kraus, Roman & Medvedev, Rose, Bearden, Sheldon, 2004, 2010, 2011, 1992, 2010) on effects of external influences on changes in physical appearance among college students examine factors such as peer pressures, media pressures and institutional influences. Studies show that media, peer and institutional influences are key in influencing the way a student feels about his or her own appearance and personal agency. My research emphasizes choices such as daily hygiene and appearance rituals, doing make-up, changing hairstyles, and wearing specific types of 5 clothing. Below I will relate the construction and expression of cultural identity through dress at Wilson to trends explored in past studies that have attempted to understand factors that influence physical appearance of undergraduate and American college students. LITERATURE REVIEW Media, institutional, and peer influences present on campus simultaneously create individuality and conformity. WWC, as an institution, and WWC students both portray individuality. Psychologist Erik Erikson suggests that ‘a negative identity’ of oneself is defined by what one was not. Most commonly, an adolescent would become exactly the opposite of whatever his or her parents wished (Roazen, 1997). In terms of physical appearance and personal agency at WWC, negative identity exists in the individual and institution. Based on negative identity theory, one can extrapolate that mainstream media resembles the parents and WWC resembles the child. WWC opposes mainstream cultural norms in order to develop and define identity. Some students arrive at WWC after adolescent years where they explored ‘a negative identity’ with their parents. On their way to adulthood at WWC, students associate with the institution and explore ‘a negative identity’ with mainstream culture. Many WWC students perceive that mainstream culture has negative impacts and characteristics and some would identify themselves with certain subcultures or counterculture. Interviewees remarked on prominent “counter-culture” at WWC, and despite the preference of alternative media over mainstream media on campus, the “presence of eating disorders shows that we are not immune from mainstream media.” (Lieven, April, 6 2012) However, a disconnection from media is not the only indicator of “counter culture” at WWC. In The Making of a Counter Culture, Theodore Roscak claims that in order to create counter culture, “you make up a community of those you love and respect, where there can be enduring friendships… [and] 3 meals a day scraped together by honorable and enjoyable labor” (1969: 203). 6/16 interviewees used the term “Community,” referring to deciding factors in attending or working at the institution. 11/16 interviewees claimed that “work” was a deciding factor in attending WWC. Institutional influences like work and community conflict with dress behavior reflected in the media. Media end up influencing “counter-culture” values indicated by certain dress behaviors. Mainstream media builds a frame for the institution on which to define itself. Institutional identity is a negative identity (1997) that thrives off of cultural and environmental awareness and “counter-cultural” values. Further exploring how social influence plays a factor in physical appearance, Roman and Medvedev make the point that there is "ample evidence that peer approval and group acceptance play a role in many social phenomena" and their article specifically focuses on dress, taking a deeper look into how peer pressures can manifest (2011: 1). The study determines whether peer approval and group acceptance influence the "sartorial" purchases of college students and their participation in popular apparel trends on-campus by using a survey asking students how well-known 14 brand-name apparel items are. Student responses indicate that there is a significant role of peer approval in personal decision-making. Results showed that the majority of the respondents (85.96%) ended up owning at least one item and all of the respondents were aware of the popularity of the 14 items. This research shows that choices regarding physical appearance in the 7 undergraduate student body are driven by conformity (Roman and Medvedev, 2011). Sartorial or dress behavior is defined as a type of common thought and action which depends upon certain currents of ideas and actions running through a group “demonstrated through mediums such as clothing, accessories and hairstyles” (Young, 1930: 552). Popularity of items and styles is not simply a random event, but actually gives insight into a broader cultural package of ideas, thoughts, and actions. In a study by Basow, Foran and Bookwala, (2007) it was hypothesized that women belonging to sororities as well as those who intended to join would score higher on measures of disordered eating than non-sorority and women with no intention to join body objectification, and social pressure. It also was predicted that the amount of time spent living in a sorority house as well as degree of social pressure from sorority members would correlate positively with higher scores on body objectification and disordered eating. Basow, Foran and Bookwala focused on sororities at Lafayette College, but did not study the institutional pressures apparent at the college in order to further understand their research. The field study was done with 90 sorority women and 80 non-sorority women past their first year. Results supported nearly all hypotheses, suggesting that sororities attract women who are likely to both develop disordered eating habits and score high on body objectification. By showing how close social groups share ideas and values, such as thinness, and influence each other’s individual habits, this study supports the significance of social or institutional pressures influencing college students. Despite the lack of sororities at WWC, some of the dorms represent living arrangements like sororities. Also comparable to sororities, work crews form close-knit social groups. One student claims that “Work crews are the closest thing to sororities and fraternities 8 here” (Lydia, 2012). Drawing from these studies, my research analyzes how social pressures and reputation affect Warren Wilson students. People often look at one variable such as media fashion advertisements when they examine why someone changes his or her appearance. However, Sheldon indicates that peer pressures are important considerations that influence individual’s choice to change their body image (2010: 7). Sheldon stresses that young people today live in an environment in which looks are of utmost importance because "social support is low, and pressure to achieve the cultural ideals of attractiveness is high" (2010: 7). However, this differs for WWC because it carries a unique social environment which is discussed later in this paper. In Sheldon’s study of media and peer pressures, he finds that peer pressures are more influential than media pressure (2010: 3). My research emphasizes peer pressures, but also traces the relationship peers have with media. Rose and Bearden support the conclusions of Sheldon's study that peer and family pressures have significant influence on the use of illicit drug and alcohol consumption (1992: 2). They investigate the role of attributions, defined as the assignment of quality to a person or thing, generating resistance to pressures toward conformity in the illicit consumption of drugs and alcohol, listing peer and family pressures as a key influence in what student's purchase and consume (1992: 7). Rose and Bearden’s study highlights peers and family members as effective social influences, but does not explore institutional influence on the individual. Institutional pressures exist in deeper aspects of social structure and are harder to define and observe because they structure the rules, norms, values and routines in a given social structure, making up the guidelines for social behavior (Scott, 2004). Studies done 9 by Parboteeah, Hoegi, & Cullen, (2003), confirm that social institutions influence individuals' justifications of sanctioned behaviors, above and beyond important individual-level control variables, by looking at social inequality and religiosity in given social structures and the individuals’ reaction. While Parboteeah, Hoegi, & Cullen, (2003), focus on specific values within an institution and their relationship to the individual, Stang (1976), makes up for the lack of research in regards to institutional pressures by looking at different group sizes in given social structures and how group size affects group conformity. A field experiment is reported which tests the hypothesis that conformity is an increasing function of the numerosity of a unanimous influence source. Thirty-three student electives presented petitions containing zero, four, eight, or 12 previous signatures to 300 male and female college students and the probability of signing increased from zero to four signatures as the number of signatures increased, then leveled off. These results, as well as those of two pilot studies, generally support the hypothesis; that an increased number of followers influence another individual to conform. Conformity in student's immediate social surroundings may also be influenced by broader pressures, such as exposure to certain kinds of media. Krahe and Krause (2010: 351), conducted a study in which they show relations between habitual tendencies to restrain eating behavior and the exposure to fashion magazines. Women were put into different groups and presented with normal-size, thin, and overweight models in fashion magazines. After presented with average size models, more women reported restrained eating and sometimes chose the diet snack instead of regular foods. Women in the thinmodel group were "more likely to choose the diet snack regardless of individual 10 differences in habitual restrained eating" (2010: 4). The results of the study show that the impact of media on body images is pervasive in White college females and exposure to certain advertisements affects women's eating habits significantly. “The presence of eating disorders on campus shows that we are not immune from mainstream media,” says an administrator. It is clear that WWC students are not completely disconnected from mainstream media since exposure to certain advertisements affect women’s eating habits and there are eating disorders on campus. Looking at the Presentation of Self in Everyday Life by Erving Goffman (1959), it is clear that changes in body image and style carry social significance. Goffman points out that people have different stages in everyday life and communicate with body language, what they wear, and how they emotionally express themselves (1959). Goffman suggests that belief in a particular role by an individual performer is related to perceived reality. Thus, what the individual wears and how they look is considerably important in fulfilling a role and relaying a message. Theories in Symbolic Interactionism like the Presentation of Self in Everyday Life combined with Looking Glass Self (Cooley; 1902), help describe the process of daily interaction amongst peer groups. Even though past studies have focused on the influence of institutions, media, and peers, these studies failed to combine peer pressures, media pressures, and immediate influences of the surrounding community as determining factors that contribute to degrees of change in the student's physical appearance. Although terminology like Bandura’s reciprocal causation, (2001), provides perspective on connections between environmental factors, past studies have not linked media pressures to social and peer pressures, and have not connected institutional influence to both media and peer related 11 pressures. Studies have not traced the connection back between peer pressures and media pressures and also have not thoroughly explained the expressions and acts of nonconformity, or disagreements with trends, and how they can paradoxically create a type of conformity within a community. In societies with narrow socialization, individual expression and achievements are celebrated. In a community where individualism is supported, styles that express individualism become popularized, presenting a social contradiction. My research addresses the deficiencies of past studies by delving deeper into the connections between peer and media pressures and explaining their relation to each other. This research is a case study of Warren Wilson College that will examine influences that change students’ physical appearance and analyze acts of non-conformity, or possible trends that reflect opinions on social norms. Looking at the Warren Wilson college campus and how physical change occurs within the undergraduate student body will help the community understand the social phenomenon and what factors, social, media, and institutional, influence its occurrence. My research will develop the presence of institutional, peer, and media pressures on campus and how they factor into the physical appearance of Warren Wilson students. The purpose of this case study is to describe and analyze the trends of change in physical appearance in the student body at Warren Wilson College. Using interviews, this research will focus on the changes in physical appearance and the factors that influence the changes. 12 RESEARCH QUESTIONS This research explores the main social factors that influence students' change in physical appearance. Social influences are found in an exploration of friend groups, work crews and factors in deciding to attend WWC. This research also observes what changes occur in dress behavior; hairstyle and shaving habits, and consumer behavior; where people purchase clothes, music taste. General questions are: How do students change their physical appearance after arriving at Warren Wilson College? How does dress behavior indicate institutional values and culture at WWC? But more specifically, this research is addressing: A) How do institutional pressures influence WWC students' physical appearance? B) How do peer pressures influence WWC students' physical appearance? C) How do media pressures influence WWC students' appearance? METHODS Participants: For this qualitative study, I recruited students in a pool of 800-900 who are interested in talking about physical appearance, fashion, WWC school image, and their personal experiences with the school. The main participants for my study were Warren Wilson College students above the age of 18. To recruit the participants, I posted a flyer (see Appendix B) around campus and invited responses from at least 20 undergraduate Warren Wilson students and then conducted structured, one-on-one interviews with them. The average length of the interviews was 30 minutes. I used snow-ball sampling and nonprobability sampling in recruiting the participants; anyone who contacted me and met the age requirement was recruited for formal interviews (for interview questions see 13 Appendix E.) Other than the students, certain numbers of staff and administrators were selected and asked to participate and help address the idea of perception of physical appearance and appearance changes at Wilson over-time. The staff and administrators include those who work in admissions, Service Program Office and Student Life. Procedure: For this case study, I used qualitative methods using observations and interviews. The student participants volunteered, contacted me, and were informed about the research before being given the informed consent form. The staff and administrators were contacted via e-mail and informed about the research (email invitation is in Appendix C.) Once they agreed to participate, I arranged a time to meet and interview them. For the students, once they consented to participate in research, I set up interview times with them in a private space such as a study room in the library, the music room in Kittredge or a classroom where others were not present. Interviews were recorded. I let them know that their input is important and will help understand the Warren Wilson community better. I also let them know that what they say and do will be kept confidential, and that they have the option to use pseudonym unless they want their name to be used, and that they can stop the interview and turn off the recorder at any point during the interview process. Pseudonyms are used in my presentation and paper. Information collected from this research is kept in a binder and then analyzed and presented to the Warren Wilson community once research is finished. Selective interviews with staff and administrators gave me a different and essential perspective on the subject of my study. Some of the staff and administrators are 14 also alumni, and provide their experiences of environmental and social changes at WWC since they were students. [Other than these staff and administrators, the participants of this study are WWC students above the age of 18.] Observations were conducted around public spaces at Warren Wilson campus to see some general trend in physical appearances among different groups of students. ALMA MATER “Where the stalwart pioneers built their highland homes, Still our college presses near frontiers yet unknown. Gold of sun across a sky cast of mountain blue, Glorious banner, heaven high, calls us to be true. Take your place and do with us what tomorrow needs of you. When the shadows sweep the light from the face of day, Songs of freedom break the night. This is what they say: God who raised our hills of home guard our fortress still, Walk with us along the way, teach us wisdom 'til Like a thousand stars by night we shall faithfully lead the way.” 15 WWC HISTORY Warren Wilson College is a private four-year liberal arts work college in the Swannanoa Valley, North Carolina, near Asheville. One of eight work colleges in the US, WWC is well known for its “Triad” curriculum of academics, work, and service, which requires students to work an on-campus job and complete 100 hours of service work in addition to completing general academic requirements upon graduation. The college offers classes in 30 different departments, and the most popular are Environmental Studies, English, and Outdoor Leadership. (2012: Princeton Review, Amina 2012) The hundreds of acres surrounding the school include a farm, garden, maintained forest and many hiking trails. The alma mater, found on WWC website, includes several references to natural phenomena, associating WWC identity with the natural landscape. Students are a key ingredient of WWC culture, not just because they are on-campus residents but also because they are workers and are essential in helping the school function. Warren Wilson College’s rich history is important as we examine it as an institution. From an all-boys farm school to a co-ed four year Work College, resiliency, environmental awareness, practicality, service, community and tolerance are some of the values that attract students to the institution. Heller and Disher talk about the multiple changes in the school’s demographics and governance, as well as institutional values, from the 1930s to present day in their historical documentary on the College (2011). The main changes include merging with Dorland Bell School for girls in 1942 and admitting the first African-American student Two years before landmark Brown v. Board of Education decision. “The emphasis on academics, work and service has been a part of this institution since way back in the days of farm school,” (2011). 16 25 students entered Asheville Farm School for Boys, founded in 1894, and responsibility and communal living practices were immediately a part of WWC philosophy as “the boys also cooked, washed laundry and maintained the school grounds and equipment. That brand of practical learning coupled with the fact that a boys labor could compensate for means parents lack put the farm school in demand.” (Disher and Heller, 2011) And throughout the depression, WWC had financial issues, and basic needs of students and staff were threatened. “If they needed more meat, they could butcher a cow or two…that’s resiliency. That’s the heart and soul of this place.” (Disher and Heller, 2011) WWC philosophy has been well preserved despite financial challenges and drastic changes in student demographics as well as religious affiliations. As WWC developed as an institution facing financial challenges and arguments about admittance, its philosophy stayed consistent. Changes in demographics emphasize school values such as tolerance and service. In 1938, confronted by financial pressure, Dorland Bell School for Girls in hot springs closed their campuses and in 1942 merged with Asheville Farm School. Shortly after that, international students were admitted. “Once the fighting was done, international students arrived at Warren Wilson in far greater numbers…Henry Jensen argued that it was an extension of the school’s original mission…serving the disadvantaged” (2011). In 1952, two years before the landmark Brown v. Board of Education decision, Alma Shippy was admitted as the first AfricanAmerican student after Sunderland residents vote 54-1 to welcome the young Swannanoa man into their dorm. Voting is still present today in WWC structure. And in the 60s, “required chapel was no longer required so other people could come in,” (2011). When Ben Holden took over presidency nearly a decade later, his address to the college re- 17 affirmed institutional values, “our efforts to seek the truth depend on open discussion, frequent communication, and mutual tolerance…This is a community in the fullest sense of the word, and let us keeps it so.” The Triad is a functional example of school values in physical form. In terms of community, faculty members say that WW has a sense of “shared governance. Everybody has a voice and is given the opportunity to express how they feel,” (2011). Students have always worked to maintain the landscape since the Asheville Farm School for Boys opened in 1894, and an increase in recruitment and a liberal direction created the Triad program where students work to maintain the college in general. “Academics for the mind, work for the hands, and service for the heart” is the Triad program’s motto, summing up its purpose and effect. Along with the environmental focus and landscape, the triad also serves as a main attraction for students to apply. A student named Maria said, “I wanted to work,” (2012). Although work is an attracting institutional trait, emphasis on the landscape and environmental focus also attracts students to the school. ECODORM and WWC ON THE WORLD STAGE Warren Wilson’s role in the US college community is hard to pin point. It is among one of eight work schools in the US, and has gained recognition in recent years for taking the lead on the sustainability movement. In recent years, the Princeton review and NY times have both given Warren Wilson recognition for sustainable ethics and practices, including being the first school to institute on campus recycling in the 1980s 18 (2012: Princeton Review). Countering mainstream social norms, WWC was also named the top pot college by The Princeton Review, also ranking high as third in other categories like "Birkenstock-Wearing, Tree-Hugging, Clove-Smoking Vegetarians". With accomplishments and vices, WWC is portrayed as a counterculture on the educational world stage. “Thoreau said education often made straight-cut ditches out of meandering brooks. But not at the EcoDorm, which houses 36 undergraduates and is the spiritual heart of Warren Wilson College,” (Wilson, 2009). WWC’s EcoDorm is one example of how values have shown up in media. WWC gets media coverage because of sustainable ethics. The EcoDorm consumes nearly two-thirds less electricity than would a conventional building of the same size. The article quotes Margo Flood, the executive director of Warren Wilson’s Environmental Leadership Center, who says those who apply to live there “see an integration between their actions and their values. They pledge not to use hair dryers. Their music is acoustic.” (Wilson, 2009). Articles emphasize the opposition to mainstream media and music as well as appliances used to maintain a formal physical appearance. Consideration for the environment is one of WWC’s main values. “Environmental Studies is a popular major at Warren Wilson College, with six different concentrations and a new cross-disciplinary sustainability curriculum available…Much of the food served by the school's dining halls comes from an oncampus farm and garden.” Although most of the school’s food comes from corporations like ‘Sysco,’ articles exaggerate sustainability (2012: http://www.princetonreview.com/green-honor-roll.aspx). Sodexho is contracted to 19 provide food services. On the one hand, the institution represents alternative lifestyle and sustainability, and on the other hand it is embedded within the larger system. Sustainability and environmental values are unavoidable school values that have gained institutional recognition on a global scale. “Thanks to Ecodorm…Warren Wilson was recognized as one of the most earth friendly colleges on the planet.” Practicality, community, and global thinking are terms expressed by past college leaders, current students, faculty members and alumni. Ecodorm’s opening in 2003 marks the embodiment of values of sustainable living that Warren Wilson promotes. Appreciation of the environment is reflected in building the Ecodorm, as well as in personal connections to the landscape. Alumni recall environment as a key theme in stories of their first arrival at WWC. Billy Edd Wheeler, coming to WWC in 1948 at age 16, said “Coming into this spacious valley, it was like paradise” (Heller and Disher, 2011). The beauty of the physical landscape is a factor in WWC advertising and some students claim that the farm, pastures, and beautiful campus attracted them to the school. When asked why they came here, every student interviewed mentioned the natural landscape. When we come to the Warren Wilson website, we see smiles and pastures. In public view, WWC represents its values and defines its personality traits, advertising the physical landscape. ‘In the Swannanoa Valley of the Blue Ridge Mountains,’ is placed directly below the WWC name on admissions pamphlets and the web-site. Institutional values form a framework for students when they become part of the community. Students conform to, or reject, institutional values. Some of them form identity based on the landscape and location. “This is one of the prettiest campuses in the US and I’m proud to play a role in maintaining it,” said Gabriel, a student on landscaping 20 crew. One of the ways that students conform to, or reject institutional values is in consumer choices and a change of tastes in music and clothes. “Everyone here looks like a lumberjack,” Gabriel said. Indicators of institutional influence are reflected through fashion. The rural community connected to the school and the farm was a primary focus when the Asheville Farm School for Boys was founded (Heller and Disher, 2011). Only a handful of students work on the farm, but it is still a focus in the school’s identity and advertising. One student, talking about her interactions with friends back at home, says, “Everyone outside of Wilson seems to think we’re farmers and gardeners,” said Maria (2012). As prospective students go on tours, professors highlight the farm and garden crew as important aspects of the college. They have served a role in the College’s image for a long time and upkeep a set of values: self-sustainability, eco-living, agricultural education and local foods. INSTITUTIONAL INFLUENCES; TREES AND TRIADS “Coming to the campus for the first time, I remember standing at the admissions office, in awe of the beauty of this place. I was sold,” said Lena, a sophomore (2012). The WWC admissions office is precariously located on campus in an alcove that people can not easily find. However, it offers one of the most beautiful views of the Appalachian Mountains. When asked what the first thing you expect to see when you open up an admissions pamphlet is, a multiple students replied “The barn…the pastures and the mountain range. Because it’s beautiful,” (2012). Environmental ethics and maintenance of the landscape advertise to students with an aesthetic eye for natural sites or with 21 environmental values. The top three reasons students say came here for are the environment, the work program, and the school values. In terms of environment, “we haven’t changed the photo of the mountainous landscape and pastures for over a decade,” said Ernesta. According to Amina, the most popular majors are all related to the natural environment. When asked what attracted her to WWC, Alyssia exclaimed, “The pictures of the school said that it cared about the environment” (2012). During my first tour, I was shown the buildings that have solar panels and geo-thermal technology, and the habit of not wasting food and eating at Cowpie café was emphasized. School Tours emphasize the environmental consideration and philosophy of the triad. "Unique" That's what people say about Warren Wilson, and with good reason. Our educational program, the Triad, is singular in higher education. The Triad consists of three interwoven strands of experience: academics in the liberal arts tradition, a campus-wide work program, and service learning. The Triad is infused with a sustainability ethic and cross-cultural understanding-integral parts of the College's history and founding philosophy (WWC website) The excerpt above is found on Warren Wilson’s website under information about the Triad program. WW represents itself as “unique,” immediately setting the stage for individuality and difference amidst other institutions. The way that WWC advertises itself attracts student with particular values while simultaneously condemning certain 22 doctrines that exist in mainstream media. As Kimball Young states, “Fashion dictates the virtues which shall be esteemed and the vices which shall be tolerated from one generation to another…also the doctrines, political and other, that shall be accepted or condemned,” (1930). Fashion, otherwise known as dress behavior, is an indicator for cultural definitions of virtue and vices. Our counter culture values are environmental and sustainable values, and we can see that influence in the way students dress. The virtues exist within the system of the Triad and work and service, creating a desire for practical clothes and clothes that support the idea of a rural work ethic. Condemned doctrines exist in the mainstream, and students feel “pressure to conform to the counter-culture,” says Lieven (2012). To prospective students, the triad is most represented with the garden, farm, and outstanding school functions related to the history, environment and location of WW. When asked what images stood out and attracted them to the school, Maria, and Alyssia answered “the landscape, the farm and the garden,” (2012). The beauty of the natural landscape is not only used to attract students to apply. It is also embedded in our identity as a College. Presently, the first thing we see on the WWC website is a picture of the landscape, and then three columns dedicated to parts of the Triad. “Academics for the mind, Work for the hands, and Service for the heart,” is a quote that divides the columns. The same picture of the farm pasture and red barn is located on the front and back of admissions pamphlets. Institutional values exist with institutional functions. As students work and live at Wilson, they internalize certain values. Changes in dress and consumer behavior reflect the internalization of institutional values. Dress behavior is defined as a type of common thought and action which depends upon certain currents of ideas and 23 actions running through a group “demonstrated through mediums such as clothing, accessories, and hairstyles” (Young, 1930). Administration member Amina claims that “students change when they come here…they’re playing a game of dress-up,” also stating that the process students go through after coming to WWC is, “Dress up and then internalization of Wilson values, which are equality, community and time management,” (2012). PEER INFLUENCES Internalization of institutional values is reflected in peer interactions and peer pressures. “Even though people say oh you can be who you are here. Everyone supports you. There is that judgment and pressure to conform to counter-culture” says Lieven. Lieven described when a student wanted to leave WWC and how her reasons were that, “I bathe every day, I wear cute little sweaters, I don’t belong here.” When I asked Lieven what happened to that student, she told me, “Well, she actually ended up getting dreadlocks and drastically changing her appearance,” (2012). In interviews with students, staff and administrators, it was clear that student style transformed from more formal to less formal. In some cases students changed their ritual from showering frequently to showering once or twice a week. This is due to function, practicality, environmental values and peer pressures. “The judgment is flipped where if you do make up and spend time on dressing up, you may be looked down upon,” says a junior named Rita. Work crews are the main factor in changing clothing choices. How has this ever affected retention? Those who do stay, are they accepting the social sphere of fashion? “I remember a Japanese student, who was a fashion designer, left because of student 24 appearance. Odor, in particular” says (Amina, 2012). Although students create strong student influence in perception of each other, staff and faculty are also involved and integrated as supervisors of work crews. The environment affects everyone, leading to observations like Amina’s; “Staff, faculty and students dress alike.” Many of the students interviewed claim that their work crew has greatly influenced the way they look. Some have ‘started wearing clothes that I don’t mind getting dirty.’ Some have “gotten my first pair of boots and don’t change my clothes for days until they’re really dirty,” (Gabriel, 2012). Some students “have to dress up for office jobs,” (Maria, 2012). Depending on where a student works, they may dress in less expensive, more dispensable clothes, or clothes that are presentable in offices where students interact with faculty frequently. The Institutional influence of the school’s Triad, especially the work crew, creates a trend to lean in towards practical clothing. Still, the dress behavior of students is not always directed to the function and practicality of clothing regarding work crews. While fashion aims at difference, it also still aims, at approval. It is approved because it is followed by others. Fashion means a certain uniformity of practice (Young, 1930). Lieven stated that “There is pressure to conform to the counter culture. It’s like, ‘Well, don’t you know that’s a waste of water? Or in terms of make-up, why do you buy into that paradigm?’” (2012). “CARHARTT SHOULD PAY US” (Elena, 2012). When asked if there are any preferable brand names or types of clothing on campus, ‘Carhartts’ were mentioned in almost every interview. 14 out of 16 interviewees either bought Carhartt clothes after coming here or noted the trend on campus. Both 25 faculty and students explain that Carhartts are popular because of the manual labor jobs, like forestry, farm, landscaping and other crews. Many students learned about the clothes from interacting with each other. 6 interviewees mentioned Flannel as a clothing trend on campus. “Flannel is essential,” says Heidi (April, 2012). This shows an interesting trend. Students are not totally unique because they still want to be similar to their peers. What is different is the style. Instead of ‘coach,’ they now prefer ‘Carhartt.’ Erving Goffman, (1959), provides an example of how people, specifically students, intentionally present themselves in order to support their social capital. “Since a girl's dormitory mates will glean evidence of her popularity from the calls she receives on the phone, we can suspect that some girls will arrange for calls to be made, and Willard Waller's finding can be anticipated: It has been reported by many observers that a girl who is called to the telephone in the dormitories will often allow herself to be called several times, in order to give all the other girls ample opportunity to hear her paged,” (1959: 3). Lena claimed that, “I got my first real flannel my first semester here because everyone wears this stuff and it’s so comfy. I need to get a pair of Carhartts to fully assimilate”. And Alyssia proclaimed that “I feel like a lot of people do things here because they see other people do them” (April, 2012). Because of work, “Class distinction is hard here” (Amina, 2012). It is harder to determine a student’s socio-economic status, which is a noticeable detail in an individual’s presentation. “When an individual enters the presence of others…they will be interested in his general socio-economic status, his conception of self, his attitude toward them, his competence, his trustworthiness, etc” (Goffman, 1959: 1). Work influences informal, practical clothes, making class harder to determine and creating a 26 style that’s supported by collectivism. Designer clothes are devalued; making individuals that wear brand names stand out in a negative way. WWC students unconsciously and consciously decide what to wear based on observations of their environment. Applying Cooley’s theory of Looking Glass Self helps explain the human process of perception that affects how WWC students reflect themselves. First, one imagines how they appear to others. Then they imagine the judgment others may be making regarding that appearance, and develop a self-image by the judgments or critiques of others. Individuals develop imagined perceptions of themselves by observing others. There is no sense of "I," as in pride or shame, without its correlative sense of you, or he, or they (Cooley, 1902: 180). WWC students change, revise, and shape their physical appearance based on ideas of how peers view them. Re-invention is not only supported by the perceived judgment of peer groups. According to Erik Erikson, (1997), re-invention is a natural stage in developing identity as an adolescent. Trying out a set of beliefs by learning about them and participating in organizations centered on a particular set of beliefs serves to clarify for adolescents who they are and how they wish to live. Embracing institutional values comes with trying on different personas to develop identity. Combining Negative Identity Theory (Erikson, 1997), and Institutional Theory, (Scott, 1995) it’s clear that WWC’s environment supports the re-invention of self-identity and image. Institutions are composed of regulative elements that provide meaning for social life (Scott, 1995). In this case, those elements are internalized values that socially support change in behavior and physical appearance. Values include tolerance, community, and acceptance. Administrators claim that there is an “acceptance for re-invention” (Amina, 2012) 27 on campus that allows people to play with and change their appearance. Lieven, Amina and Ernesta claim that “social support on this campus is high,” (April, 2012). One student, a junior and re-admit, shaved the left side of her head due to personal agency and supportive social factors in the environment. “I shaved [my hair] for a few reasons… I wanted to change something about me, physically, to reflect how I felt I'd changed mentally/emotionally, and also in terms of appreciating Wilson and all its eccentricities and feeling like I could be a part of it” (Lydia, 2012). The WWC environment condones individualism and eccentricities. This allows students to reflect identity exploration. “[After attending WWC] I cut off all my long hair. I was really into my long hair. I was very proud of it… I felt like I needed to be someone different.” (Alyssia, 2012). Students partake in a natural phase of development as they try on various possible selves, and also integrate ideas, behaviors and norms of the environment. MEDIA INFLUENCES: Qualitative interviews with students, staff and administrators at the college suggest that the easiest way to describe a Warren Wilson student to an outsider is a ‘dirty hippie’ or ‘hipster,’ sporting an unmaintained ‘just got out of bed’ look. These answers were identical in 13 out of 16 interviews. Interviewees claimed that this is a stereotype and that there is actually a broad range of individual appearances at WWC. Whether the repeated ‘unmaintained’ appearance is intentional or not may depend on the individual. “Some people intentionally try to look like they rolled out of bed,” said Lydia, a student on Farm crew. According to Presentation of Self, both maintained and unmaintained physical appearances are costumes that the actor wears to relay a message about his or 28 her values, status and intentions. Still, why do students actively or passively disregard their physical appearance? Mainstream media images provide a framework for people whose values conflict with the norm. One student, Paul, works with recycling on campus and said that, “The free store has a bunch of Abercrombie, Aeropostale and J Crew clothes in it immediately after new students arrive,” (2012). Students intentionally throw out brand name clothes and, in some cases, change where they shop. A lot of the recycled free store clothes on campus go to goodwill. Most of the clothes that go to Goodwill are clean, less grungy, and for younger generations, whereas clothes preferred by students are ripped up or clothes belonging to older generations (Paul, 2012). Referring to before and after WWC, Heidi said “I shop at goodwill, thrift stores and the free store a lot more now,” (2012). Is it in order to fit in? Or, according to negative identity theory, trying to fit out of the norms they grew up with? Or is it because of work? Students say it is because of practicality, costume parties, innovation and exposure. “People here have a put together look” says Lieven. “They might have something from goodwill, something from the free store and a hand-me-down put together” (2012). A student on theater crew named Lena suggested that “Students here look nice…very hipster and collecting clothes from their family, stores and random places to put outfits together,” (April, 2012). Again, sustainability values factor into changes in dress behavior. But, along with institutional values, social impacts and peer pressures cannot be ignored. Krahé B, Krause C (2010), did a study where they measured the likelihood of women choosing diet snacks over regular foods after exposure to certain model-groups. The findings in this study may support the idea that the impact of body images pressures 29 was pervasive; affecting some women by encouraging habitual restrained eating, even among less restrained eaters, through exposure to published images of thin models. This study shows how media influences college students and affects their physical appearance. From this study we can conclude that media affects body image and eating behavior as well as clothing choices and dress behavior. From the internet to magazines, media influence is present on campus and influences student dress behavior. “I read cosmopolitan [magazine] for fun,” says Maria. A different student, Alyssia, proclaimed, “I have a subscription to cosmopolitan, which I never had before coming here. I read it just to have a connection to the mainstream world.” Sub cultures and counter cultural groups differentiate themselves from mainstream culture but many of them are still connected to the mainstream. Images in mainstream magazines promote a certain type of appearance that provides a framework for what not to do. Observing cosmopolitan magazine, a reader sees women wearing sultry clothes with big boobs, thin cheekbones; shiny hair and make up. In these images, the use of practicality in appearance is sparse. When asked about how students dress, a Lieven said “practical, for function rather than fashion.” Looking at the covers of cosmopolitan magazine (see Appendix G), it is clear that practicality is not involved in these mainstream appearances. More make-up, fancier dresses and airbrushing involves time and money. When asked about daily rituals and hygiene habits, Heidi proclaimed, “It’s an unmaintained appearance because we work. Wilson students don’t have time for all of that,” (2012). How does work factor into physical appearance? Trends in physical appearance are visible when viewing advertisements on other work school websites. Deep Springs College posts pictures of their farm, working students, 30 mountains and landscape (http://www.deepsprings.edu/home), while Sterling College shows an image of a woman with short hair reading under a tree (http://www.sterlingcollege.edu/). 3 out of 8 Work Colleges in the US (including WWC), advertise using pictures that emphasize nature, sustainability and work. Objectification theory (Fredrickson & Roberts, 1997) contends that media that places women’s bodies and appearance at a premium can acculturate women to selfobjectify (i.e., to view the self primarily in terms of externally perceivable attributes), or to feel anxious or ashamed of their bodies. However, another unexplored possibility is that antecedent levels of self-objectification, appearance anxiety, and body shame could drive the selection or avoidance of sexually objectifying media (Aubrey, 2006). This study applies to magazines like ‘Cosmopolitan’, which contain objectification of the body in media, and also explains general avoidance to most mainstream media. Because of countercultural values, it is in the norm to avoid various types of mainstream media. Reading media articles, in this sense, is not as much connecting with the mainstream as it is to reassure themselves of what they need to avoid. “There are students who are definitely disconnected from all sorts of mainstream media,” says Lieven. Media’s presence on WWC campus cannot be pinpointed, so access to media is more individualized. (Ernesta, April, 2012) Because of this, there is no social control on what kinds of media students actually consume. Students used to have TVs in common areas until the internet started hosting programs. Now, there are no communal TVs and students have internet access and select their own magazines. Interviews show that some students continue to read mainstream magazines and listen to mainstream music after coming here, and some students prefer to change their habits. 6 out of 13 students started 31 listening to more bluegrass or country after coming to WWC. Nina, a student on paint crew, “got more into bluegrass music as a result of WWC. I've played the classical violin for 13 years but took fiddling classes since I've been at WWC. I was never exposed to bluegrass in Pennsylvania (where I'm from) and have recently begun to go to bluegrass shows and listen to it on WNCW radio station,” (2012). Multiple staff members claim that some students feel uncomfortable about missing pop-culture (2012). And interviewees claim that there’s bound to be students who “secretly watch the bachelor and read ‘People’ magazine when no one is looking,” (Lieven, 2012). According to Goffman, (1959), every individual is an actor and has both a front stage, where they manage impressions to convey particular messages, and a back stage, where their protected self resides. For example, people performing on the ‘front stage’ fulfill a societal role when they are going to work. When they come home from work and go ‘back stage’ they act more informal and change their behavior. This involves behavior that conflict with the ‘front stage’ character. In this case, WWC students who secretly consume mainstream media are doing it ‘back stage’. This perception of guiltiness in consuming mainstream media shows the possibility of bias in research. Still, students claim that the average look is an “unmaintained appearance,” which identifies with alternative values. This appearance is a costume that relays values as it’s worn on the ‘front stage’. And individualism cannot be overlooked. Amina says, “From the outside, Warren Wilson students may seem to have one look that is ‘alternative’ by society’s standards. But from the inside, everybody’s different. Everybody’s unique,” (2012). Images in media work as a framework for WWC to sculpt, reject, and project an 32 alternative image in return. For years, the Warren Wilson motto was “We’re not for everyone, but maybe you’re not everyone,” alluding to the fact that the college supports an alternative student image. Although this motto has been removed from WWC advertising, the college still compares itself to other institutions with a quote found on websites and in admission pamphlets; “What kind of college has no football, no fraternities or sororities, and believes that one person can change the world?” Supporting the negative identity theory, WWC defines itself in comparison and difference to other institutions. CONCLUSION Students change their physical appearance after arriving at WWC by throwing out brand name clothes, wearing less make-up, maintaining their hair less often, and asserting an individualistic feature, like a drastic hairstyle change. Students typically wear more practical and informal clothing after arrival. According to Kimball Young’s Fashion as Collective Behavior (1930), dress behavior is a medium used to express currents of thought, ideas and actions running through a certain group of people. Changes in dress and consumer behavior by the WWC student indicate some of the institutional values described [environmental ethics, sustainability, community, individualism, practicality and service]. Drastic changes in appearance indicate environmental support of individual expression and identity exploration (Roazen, 1997). Dress behavior, studied alongside consumer behavior, indicates institutional values like sustainability and functionality. These values are reflected by behavior like wearing clothes until they get dirty and acquiring Carhartts and work boots. “Even if I don't have to work I just always stay in my 33 work outfit, which is fit for construction. It’s all about practicality” (Alyssia, 2012). Institutional pressures manifest with work crews, and internalization of institutional values is reflected in peer interactions and peer pressures. Peer influences on dress behavior are most prominent in daily interactions and on work crews. Media influence brings out the school’s counter cultural subculture by creating a contrast. “Mainstream” Media show what not to consume, look like, etc. Utilizing Negative Identity Theory in accordance to the institution, mainstream media influence provides a framework for people whose values conflict with the norm (Roazen, 1997). Reciprocal causation (Bandura, 2001), explains how institutional behavior and the work environment influence the individual as the individual re-produces both. Counter cultural institutional values, like a community made with hard labor (Roscak, 1969), affect individuals attending the institution, but individuals also maintain the institution by working and contributing to the community. Interviews indicate changes in behavior and institutional values where students lean toward non-conventional and individualistic styles. Despite a few clothing trends, non-conventional style becomes the norm and non-conformity paradoxically becomes a type of conformity. Narrow socialization (promoting individuality), blends with broad socialization (promoting collectivism), making a unique sub cultural environment. Although style and consumer behavior reflects subculture and counter culture, the institution and individuals attending it are still embedded in the larger system. 34 REFERENCES Harrington, R. (2012). The Top Ten Most Marijuana Friendly Colleges. Princeton Review List. Huffington Post. Retrieved from www.huffingtonpost.com Bandura, A. (2001). "Social Cognitive Theory; An Agentic Perspective." Annu. Rev. Psychol. 52:1–26. Department of Psychology, Stanford University, Stanford, California 94305-2131 Cooley, C. H. (1902). “Human Nature and the Social Order.” New York: Scribner's. Young, K. (1930). “Fashion as collective behavior.” In Social psychology: An analysis of social behavior. New York: Alfred A. Knopf Roman, M., & Medvedev, K. (2011). "The Importance of Peer Approval in the Sartorial Purchasing Patterns of the University of Georgia Students." College Student Journal, 45 (1), 164-176. Basow, S. A., Foran, K. A., & Bookwala, J. (2007). "Body Objectification, Social 35 Pressure, and Disordered Eating Behavior in College Women: The Role of Sorority Membership." Psychology of Women Quarterly, 31(4), 394-400. doi:10.1111/j.14716402.2007.00388.x Parboteeah, K., Hoegi, M., & Cullen, J. B. (2003). "Social Institutions and Sanctioned Behaviors: A Cross-National Study." International Journal of Comparative Sociology (Sage Publications, Ltd.), 44(3), 239-265. Retrieved from EBSCOhost. Stang, D. J. (1976). "Group Size Effects on Conformity." Journal of Social Psychology, 98(2), 175. Retrieved from EBSCOhost. Scott, W. Richard 2004. “Institutional theory.” Encyclopedia of Social Theory, George Ritzer, ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Wilson, C. (2009). When Your Dorm Goes Green and Local. New York Times. Retrieved from www.nytimes.com. Disher, J & Heller, S. (2011). Frontiers Yet Unknown; The History of Warren Wilson College. Warren Wilson College. Retrieved from www.youtube.com. Aubrey, J. (2006). Exposure to Sexually Objectifying Media and Body Self-Perceptions among College Women: An Examination of the Selective Exposure Hypothesis and the Role of Moderating Variables. Sex Roles, 55(3/4), 159-172. doi:10.1007/s11199-006- 36 9070-7 Roazen, P. (1997). “Erik H. Erikson: The Power and Limits of a Vision.” Jason Aronson inc. Roscak, T. (1969). “The Making of a Counter Culture.” Doubleday Anchor Books. New York: Double Day Anchor Books. Goffman, E. (1959). “Presentation of Self in Everyday Life.” Doubleday Anchor Books. New York: Double Day Anchor Books. 37 Appendix A INFORMED CONSENT TO PARTICIPATE IN RESEARCH Warren Wilson College Swannanoa, North Carolina 1. TITLE OF RESEARCH STUDY Change in the Physical Appearance of the Warren Wilson Student; the construction and expression of identity through dress and behavior 2. PROJECT DIRECTOR/INVESTIGATOR Name: Valorie Nichols Telephone Number: 9144508831 3. Faculty Supervisor: Siti Kusujiarti Telephone Number: 771-3703 THE PURPOSE OF THE RESEARCH The purpose of this case study is to describe and understand the trends of changes in appearance among the student body of Warren Wilson College. This research will focus on the changes in physical appearance and the factors that influence the changes. Method of inquiry will include interviews and observations. 4. PROCEDURES FOR THIS RESEARCH I understand that the researcher will conduct interviews with me. The interview questions will focus on appearance and factors that influence appearance. Interviews will last for 25-40 minutes. I was informed that a tape recorder will be used but I will have the choice to turn off the recorder or skip questions if I would like to. My participation in this research is voluntary and I can withdraw from it without any consequence. Results of the research will be presented for WWC community but real names will not be used unless participants wish for them to. The data will be stored in a binder in a locked safe that only the researcher knows the combination to. Transcribed and recorded interviews will be stored in a password protected computer and they will be destroyed after the researcher finishes her thesis. 5. POTENTIAL RISKS OR DISCOMFORTS Some questions might trigger uncomfortable feelings even though most of the questions for the interviews are not sensitive ones. But if I don’t feel comfortable responding to certain questions, I can skip the questions. If I feel that certain questions are sensitive, I can skip the question without consequence. My name will be kept confidential. If I wish to discuss these or any other discomforts I may experience, I may call the Project Director listed in #2 of this form. 6. POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO YOU OR OTHERS Few studies have been done to examine the combination of the influences of peer pressures, media, and institutional pressures on college students’ physical appearance. This research will increase 38 knowledge of the effects of these factors on the changing physical appearance of Warren Wilson College students. By acknowledging and understanding the trends of change in physical appearance at Warren Wilson College, perceptions of Warren Wilson students can be explored and this will allow students to learn about themselves and their acts of self-expression regarding body image. 7. GENERAL CONDITIONS • • • I understand that I will not receive compensation for my participation in this study. I understand that I will not be charged additional expenses for my participation in this study. I understand that I am free to decline to participate or withdraw my/my child’s consent and discontinue participation in this research project at any time without adverse consequences. • All information collected will remain confidential except as may be required by federal, state, or local law. I am 18 years old or older _____ (please check) 8. SIGNATURES The principal investigator has fully explained to _______________________________________ the nature and purpose of the above-described procedure and the benefits and risks that are involved in participating in this study. I have answered and will answer all questions to the best of my ability. I may be contacted at _______________. _____________________________________ Signature of Principal Investigator ____________ Date I, as a participant, have been fully informed of the above-described procedure and the benefits and risks that are involved in participating in this study. I have received a copy of this entire document. _____________________________________ Signature of Participant ____________ Date 39 Appendix B WARREN WILSON COLLEGE IMAGE: A STUDY ON STUDENT STYLE AND APPEARANCE Do you want to participate in a research to look at physical appearance or body image among WWC students? You need to be 18 or older to participate. For more information, contact: Valorie Nichols vnichols@warren-wilson.edu or (914)450-8831 40 Appendix C Invitation to Participate in the Study for Administrators and Staff ( Sent via Email) Hello, my name is Valorie Nichols and I am a Sociology/Anthropology student in my senior year at Warren Wilson College. I’m asking if you would participate in a confidential interview. I am currently conducting my senior research thesis on the process of change in physical appearance and behaviors here at Warren Wilson College. The interview will last approximately 25-40 minutes; with your permission it will be recorded. It will include a series of questions regarding the behavior of Warren Wilson students and what you think about the perception of student’s appearance at Warren Wilson College. I will not ask specific questions about your decisions in the role that you play here at Wilson. Our one-on-one interviews will occur on a mutually agreed upon date and place. In order to maintain confidentiality, all data collected will be locked in a secure place and destroyed once my research is complete. Results from my research will also be presented with pseudonyms to make sure that no information can be connected to any of my research participants. If you have any questions, comments, or concerns please feel free to contact either myself at vnichols@warren-wilson.edu or my supervisor, Siti Kusujiarti, at skusujiarti@warren-wilson.edu. Once you have read this email, please respond at your earliest convenience and let me know if you are willing to participate in my study. Thank you so much. Sincerely, Valorie Nichols 41 Appendix D Verbal Consent Script for Student Interview (I will say this before starting the interview and ask participants to sign the written consent) Hello, my name is Valorie Nichols and I am a Sociology/Anthropology student at Warren Wilson College. The purpose of this interview will be to discuss trends in physical appearance among student body at Warren Wilson College. This interview will last for around 25-40 minutes. I will be asking a variety of open-ended questions regarding student behaviors. Please feel free to respond to any of the questions, and if possible, please provide any personal experiences to help clarify your comments. With your permission, this interview will be tape recorded and later transcribed. Your participation is completely voluntary, and if at any time you feel uncomfortable during the interview, you have the option to stop the recorder. If you have any questions, comments, or concerns please feel free to contact either myself, or my supervisor, Siti Kusujiarti, at vnichols@warren-wilson.edu, or at skusujiarti@warren-wilson.edu. Please read and, if you agree to the term outlined therein sign the written Consent Form. Thank you. 42 Appendix E: Interview Questions for Students 1. What is your gender? 2. Age? 3. Race/ethnicity? 4. What is your class standing? 5. How long have you been at Warren Wilson? 6. Why did you come to Warren Wilson College? 7. Was there anything in Warren Wilson advertising that caught your eye? Or any specific advertising that made you want to come here more? 8. Have you changed your physical appearance since you've been here? If so, could you tell me how and the process of change? 9. What kind of social group do you identify with? (Social Group meaning, for example; close friends or people you regularly spend time with.) 10. Do you think your social group influenced the way you look at all? How? 11. What work crews have you been on? 12. How do you think the work crews you have been on influenced your physical appearance? 13. Can you list a few brand names of clothes that you own? 14. Did you get them before or after you got here? 15. Where do you usually get your clothes? Do you go to different places (than before you came here) after you come to WWC? 16. Do you notice any preferable types of clothing on campus? 17. What kind of magazines, if any, do you read regularly? What do you look at in the 43 magazines? 18. Did you read the same magazines before you came here? 19. What kind of music do you listen to? Did you listen to it before coming here? 20. Do you shave your legs? Did you shave your legs before you got here? 21. Has your hair or hair style changed since you have been here? How? 22. Do you have a daily ritual, for instance: shower, blow-dry, make-up, which you go through for your appearance? What is it? Did you change these rituals after coming to WWC? 23. How would you physically describe the average Warren Wilson student to a person who hasn't been here before? 24. What kind of image did you expect when you first open up a Warren Wilson admissions pamphlet? 44 Appendix F: Interview Questions for Student life Staff (Resident Directors), Admission Counselors and other staff members. #1. What is your role here at WWC? #2. How long have you been at Warren Wilson? #3. Why did you come to Warren Wilson? #4. How would you describe the appearance of an average Warren Wilson student to someone who knows nothing about the school? #5. Do you think a student’s physical appearance changes after coming to Warren Wilson? #6. If so, through your specific interactions with students and your line of work, how do you see these changes? What factors influence the changes? #7. Are you a work crew supervisor and/or a professor? #8. Have you observed peer pressure in students interactions with each other? How? #9. Do you observe certain types of preferable clothes in the student body? #10. What do you think are the implications of these clothing trends on students? #11. How do you think media are present on this campus? #12. How do you see media presence reflected on campus? #13. Do students react to that presence? How? #14. Has students’ reaction to media changed overtime? #15. Do you think appearance in the student body is connected to retention? #16. Do you know any specific students who have left or stayed because of these factors (collective appearance of students)? #17. Do you think the college’s advertising contributes to a student’s change in physical appearance? 45 #18. Can you tell me about any specific instances where student appearance positively or negatively affected interactions with neighboring communities? #19. When you say you work at Warren Wilson, what do people say about your students? #20. What was your reaction? 46 Appendix G: 47