Alexander Hamilton:
• Federalist No. 9—“The proposed Constitution, so far from implying an abolition of the State governments, makes them constituent parts of the national sovereignty, by allowing them a direct representation in the Senate, and leaves in their possession certain exclusive and very important portions of sovereign power.” i
• Federalist No. 26—“People should resolve to recall all the powers they have heretofore parted with out of their own hands, and to divide themselves into as many states as there are counties, in order that they may be able to manage their own concerns in person.” ii
• Federalist No. 31—“The State governments, by their original constitutions, are invested with complete sovereignty.” iii
• Federalist No. 28—“Original right of self-defense which is paramount to all positive forms of government.” iv
• Federalist No. 32—“But as the plan of the convention aims only at a partial union or consolidation, the State governments would clearly retain all the rights of sovereignty which they before had, and which were not, by that act, EXCLUSIVELY delegated to the United
States.” v
James Madison:
• Federalist No. 45—“The States will retain, under the proposed Constitution, a very extensive portion of active sovereignty, the inference ought not to be wholly disregarded. In the
Achaean league it is probable that the federal head had a degree and species of power, which gave it a considerable likeness to the government framed by the convention.” vi
• Federalist No. 45—“The powers delegated by the proposed Constitution to the Federal
Government are few and defined. Those which are to remain in the State Governments are numerous and indefinite. The former will be exercised principally on external objects, as war, peace negotiation, and foreign commerce;... The powers reserved to the several states will extend to all the objects, which, in the ordinary course of affairs, concern the lives, liberties and properties of the people, and the internal order, improvement, and prosperity of the state.” vii
• Federalist No. 39—“But it was not sufficient, say the adversaries of the proposed
Constitution, for the convention to adhere to the republican form. They ought, with equal care, to have preserved the FEDERAL form, which regards the Union as a CONFEDERACY of sovereign states.” viii

• Federalist No. 39—“The local or municipal authorities form distinct and independent portions of the supremacy, no more subject, within their respective spheres, to the general authority, than the general authority is subject to them, within its own sphere. In this relation, then, the proposed government cannot be deemed a national one; since its jurisdiction extends to certain enumerated objects only, and leaves to the several States a residuary and inviolable sovereignty over all other objects.” ix
• Federalist No. 39—“Each State, in ratifying the constitution, is considered as a sovereign body, independent of all others, and only to be bound by its own voluntary act.” x
John Adams:
• “I expressly say that Congress is not a representative body but a diplomatic body, a collection of ambassadors from thirteen sovereign States…. Each state had its own political and cultural life and each was sovereign.” xi
Roberts Yates:
• “It is agreed by most of the advocates of this new system, that the government which is proper for the United States should be a confederated one; that the respective states ought to retain a portion of their sovereignty, and that they should preserve not only the forms of their legislatures, but also the power to conduct certain internal concerns.” xii
Noah Webster:
• “Should it be said that such an event is desirable, I answer; the states are all entitled to their respective sovereignties, and while they claim independence in international jurisdiction, the federal constitution ought to guarantee their sovereignty.” xiii
• “Every person, capable of reading, must discover, that the convention have labored to draw the line between the federal and provincial powers—to define the powers of Congress, and limit them to those general concerns which must come under federal jurisdiction, and which cannot be managed in the separate legislatures—that in all internal regulations, whether of civil or criminal nature, the states retain their sovereignty, and have it guaranteed to them by this very constitution.” xiv
Patrick Henry:
• “It is not a democracy, wherein the people retain all their rights securely. Had these principles been adhered to, we should not have been brought to this alarming transition, from a confederacy to a consolidated government. … Here is a revolution as radical as that which separated us from Great Britain. It is as radical, if in this transition our rights and privileges are endangered, and the sovereignty of the States be relinquished: And cannot we plainly see, that this is actually the case?” xv

• “It was expressly declared in our Confederation that every right was retained by the States respectively, which was not given up to the Government of the United States. But there is no such thing here. You therefore by a natural and unavoidable implication, give up your rights to the General Government. Your own example furnishes an argument against it. If you give up these powers, without a Bill of Rights, you will exhibit the most absurd thing to mankind that ever the world saw--A Government that has abandoned all its powers--The powers of direct taxation, the sword, and the purse. You have disposed of them to Congress, without a Bill of
Rights--without check, limitation, or controul. And still you have checks and guards--still you keep barriers--pointed where? Pointed against your weakened, prostrated, enervated State
Government! You have a Bill of Rights to defend you against the State Government, which is bereaved of all power; and yet you have none against Congress, though in full and exclusive possession of all power! You arm yourselves against the weak and defenceless, and expose yourselves naked to the armed and powerful. Is not this a conduct of unexampled absurdity?
What barriers have you to oppose to this most strong energetic Government? To that
Government you have nothing to oppose. All your defence is given up. This is a real actual defect. . .” xvi
• “Caesar had his Brutus, Charles the First his Cromwell, and George the Third” xvii
• “When the American spirit was in its youth, the language of America was different: Liberty, sir, was the primary object.” xviii
• “Guard with jealous attention the public liberty. Suspect everyone who approaches that jewel.
Unfortunately, nothing will preserve it but downright force. Whenever you give up that force, you are inevitably ruined.” xix
• “The liberties of a people never were, nor ever will be, secure, when the transactions of their rulers may be concealed from them.” xx
• “It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace– but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!” xxi
Fisher Ames:
• “The rights of conscience, of bearing arms, of changing the government, are declared to be inherent in the people. Freedom of the press, too.” xxii
• “And lastly, the violent republicans, as they think fit to style themselves, who are new lights in politics ; who would not make the law, but the peo ple, king ; who would have a government all checks ; who are more solicious to establish, or rather to expatiate upon, some highsouding principle of republicanism, than to protect property, cement the union, and perpetuate liberty.” xxiii
• “A democracy is a volcano which conceals the fiery materials of its own destruction. These

will produce an eruption and carry desolation in their way.” xxiv
• “Monarchy is no path to liberty, offers no hopes.” xxv
Benjamin Franklin:
• “[I]t is a common observation here that our cause is the cause of all mankind, and that we are fighting for their liberty in defending our own.” xxvi
• “Without Freedom of Thought there can be no such Thing as Wisdom; and no such Thing as
Public Liberty, without Freedom of Speech.” xxvii
Richard Henry Lee:
• (Lee Resolution) Second Continental Congress—“Resolved, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States, that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved.
That it is expedient forthwith to take the most effectual measures for forming foreign
Alliances.
That a plan of confederation be prepared and transmitted to the respective Colonies for their consideration and approbation. ” xxviii
George Washington:
• “Now therefore I do recommend and assign Thursday the 26th day of November next to be devoted by the People of these States to the service of that great and glorious Being, who is the beneficent Author of all the good that was, that is, or that will be. That we may then all unite in rendering unto him our sincere and humble thanks, for his kind care and protection of the People of this Country previous to their becoming a Nation, for the signal and manifold mercies, and the favorable interpositions of his providence, which we experienced in the course and conclusion of the late war, for the great degree of tranquility, union, and plenty, which we have since enjoyed, for the peaceable and rational manner, in which we have been enabled to establish constitutions of government for our safety and happiness, and particularly the national one now lately instituted, for the civil and religious liberty with which we are blessed; and the means we have of acquiring and diffusing useful knowledge; and in general for all the great and various favors which He hath been pleased to confer upon us.” xxiv
• “While I receive, with much satisfaction, your Address replete with expressions of affection and esteem; I rejoice in the opportunity of assuring you, that I shall always retain a grateful remembrance of the cordial welcome I experienced in my visit to Newport, from all classes of
Citizens.
The reflection on the days of difficulty and danger which are past is rendered the more sweet,

from a consciousness that they are succeeded by days of uncommon prosperity and security. If we have wisdom to make the best use of the advantages with which we are now favored, we cannot fail, under the just administration of a good Government, to become a great and a happy people.
The Citizens of the United States of America have a right to applaud themselves for having given to mankind examples of an enlarged and liberal policy: a policy worthy of imitation. All possess alike liberty of conscience and immunities of citizenship It is now no more that toleration is spoken of, as if it was by the indulgence of one class of people, that another enjoyed the exercise of their inherent natural rights. For happily the Government of the United
States, which gives to bigotry no sanction, to persecution no assistance requires only that they who live under its protection should demean themselves as good citizens, in giving it on all occasions their effectual support.
It would be inconsistent with the frankness of my character not to avow that I am pleased with your favorable opinion of my Administration, and fervent wishes for my felicity. May the
Children of the Stock of Abraham, who dwell in this land, continue to merit and enjoy the good will of the other Inhabitants; while every one shall sit in safety under his own vine and figtree, and there shall be none to make him afraid. May the father of all mercies scatter light and not darkness in our paths, and make us all in our several vocations useful here, and in his own due time and way everlastingly happy.” xxx
i
Hamilton, Alexander. Alexander Hamilton: Writings. [New York]: Library of America, 2001.
Print. ii. iii ibid ibid iv. v ibid ibid vi. vii. viii xix
Madison, James. James Madison - Writings. N.p.: Library of America, 1999. Print ibid ibid ibid x xii ibid xi.
Adams, John, and Charles Francis Adams. The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United States: With a Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations,. Boston: Little, Brown, 1850.
Print.
Henry, Patrick, Robert 1738-1801. Yates, and Samuel Byron. The Anti-Federalist Papers.

[Seattle, Wash.]: Pacific Studio, 2010. Print. xiii.
Bailyn, Bernard. The Debate on the Constitution: Part One : September 1787 to February
1788.
New York: Library of America, 1993. Print. xiv. ibid xv.
Print.
Storing, Herbert J. The Complete Anti-federalist. Chicago: University of Chicago, 1981. xvi. ibid xvii.
Henry, William Wirt. Patrick Henry; Life, Correspondence and Speeches,. New York:
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1891. Print. xviii
Print.
Storing, Herbert J. The Complete Anti-federalist. Chicago: University of Chicago, 1981. xix Elliot, Jonathan, and James Madison. The Debates, Resolutions, and Other Proceedings, in
Convention, on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution: As Recommended by the General
Convention at Philadelphia, on the 17th of September, 1787: With the Yeas and Nays on the
Decision of the Main Question. Washington: Printed by and for the Editor, 1827. Print. xx. ibid xxi. Wirt, William. Sketches of the Life and Character of Patrick Henry. Philadelphia: James
Webster, 1817. Print. xxii
Ames, Fisher, Seth Ames, and John Thornton Kirkland. Works of Fisher Ames. With a
Selection from His Speeches and Correspondence. Boston: Little, Brown and, 1854. Print. xxiii xxiv. ibid ibid xxv. xxvii. ibid xxvi
Franklin, Benjamin, and Albert Henry Smyth. The Writings of Benjamin Franklin. New
York: Macmillan, 1907. Print.
The New-England Courant. ... Boston: Printed and Sold by Benjamin Franklin, 1723. Print. xxviii
Print
Lee, Richard Henry., and James Curtis. Ballagh. 1762-1778. New York: Macmillan, 1911. xxix "Amendment I (Religion): George Washington, Proclamation: A National Thanksgiving."
Amendment I (Religion): George Washington, Proclamation: A National Thanksgiving. N.p., n.d.
Web. 03 Sept. 2012. <http://presspubs.uchicago.edu/founders/documents/amendI_religions54.html>. xxx
Print.
Washington, George. Washington: Writings. New York, NY: Library of America, 1997.
Queenstown Technologies LLC.
© All rights reserved