INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SELECTION AND ASSESSMENT VOLUME 10 NUMBERS 1/2 MARCH/JUNE 2002 The Structure of Counterproductive Work Behaviors: Dimensionality and Relationships with Facets of Job Performance1 Paul R. Sackett* University of Minnesota The central themes of this article are the need for an understanding of the covariance structure of counterproductive behaviors, and the need for an understanding of the relationship between counterproductive behaviors and other facets of job performance. Various literatures are reviewed to address issues of the intercorrelations among dimensions of counterproductive behaviors and the intercorrelations between counterproductive behavior and other facets of job performance. Introduction C ounterproductive workplace behavior at the most general level refers to any intentional behavior on the part of an organization member viewed by the organization as contrary to its legitimate interests. `Counterproductive behavior' is distinguished from `counterproductivity', with the latter viewed as the tangible outcomes of counterproductive behavior. Counterproductive behavior is viewed here as a facet of job performance. Consistent with current conceptualizations of job performance (e.g. Campbell, McCloy, Oppler and Sager 1993), performance is viewed as reflecting behaviors, rather than outcomes. Thus the intentional violation of safety procedures is an example of counterproductive behavior, as such behaviors put the individual and the organization at risk. The number and cost of injuries resulting from such counterproductive behaviors might serve as a measure of counterproductivity. In a given time period, violation of safety procedures (behaviors) may not result in any injuries (outcomes), thus illustrating the distinction between counterproductive behavior and counterproductivity. The above definition of counterproductive behavior does clearly take the perspective of the organization. This is done in order to make clear that a behavior can be performed by many employees in a given organization (e.g. a setting where taking sick leave when not actually * Address for correspondence: Paul R. Sackett, Department of Psychology, University of Minnesota, Elliott Hall, 75 East River Road, Minneapolis, MN 55455, USA. e-mail: psackett@tc.umn.edu ß Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2002, 108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA. sick has become widespread), and hence the behavior is not deviant in the norm-violation sense. The behavior may be still, however, viewed by the organization as counterproductive. Note, though, that there are limits to taking the organization's view: some behaviors (e.g. leaving one's job for career improvement) are counterproductive in the sense of being contrary to the organization's interests, yet do not carry the connotation of wrongdoing that accompanies behaviors viewed as illegal, immoral, or deviant. Similarly, it may be in an organization's interests to have employees willing to routinely work 14-hour days without extra compensation; again, an unwillingness to do so does not carry connotations of wrongdoing. Hence the term `legitimate' is included in the definition of counterproductive behavior as behavior contrary to the organization's legitimate interests. Counterproductive behavior encompasses a broad number of domains. Gruys (1999) identified 87 separate counterproductive behaviors appearing in the literature, and used a rational sort and factor analytic techniques to produce 11 categories of counterproductive behaviors. These categories are presented here as an overview of the range of behaviors included in the counterproductive behavior domain. This list is presented to give a sense of the range of behaviors in this domain, rather than as an exhaustive list: 1. Theft and related behavior (theft of cash or property; giving away of goods or services; misuse of employee discount). 2. Destruction of property (deface, damage, or destroy property; sabotage production); 5 6 3. Misuse of information (reveal confidential information; falsify records). 4. Misuse of time and resources (waste time, alter time card, conduct personal business during work time). 5. Unsafe behavior (failure to follow safety procedures; failure to learn safety procedures). 6. Poor attendance (unexcused absence or tardiness; misuse sick leave). 7. Poor quality work (intentionally slow or sloppy work). 8. Alcohol use (alcohol use on the job; coming to work under the influence of alcohol). 9. Drug use (possess, use, or sell drugs at work). 10. Inappropriate verbal actions (argue with customers; verbally harass co-workers). 11. Inappropriate physical actions (physically attack coworkers; physical sexual advances toward coworker). The central themes of this article are (1) the need for an understanding of the covariance structure of counterproductive behaviors; and (2) the need for an understanding of the relationship between counterproductive behaviors and other facets of job performance. Regarding the first theme, there has been a tendency to treat each form of counterproductive behavior as discrete, resulting in separate literatures on behavior categories such as theft, drug and alcohol use, absenteeism, and unsafe behaviors. As a complement to these behavior-specific literatures, it is suggested here that there is great value in understanding the pattern of interrelationships among various forms of counterproductive behavior. One possibility is that these truly are independent behaviors, with separate sets of antecedents. Another is that some, or perhaps all, of these behaviors are substantially interrelated, with each a behavioral manifestation of a latent trait with common individual difference and/or situational antecedents. Understanding the pattern of interrelationships would shed light on the possibility of integrating these distinct literatures. There does appear to have been a recent movement toward more integrative treatments of the range of counterproductive behaviors, as reflected in Hollinger and Clark (1983), Griffin, O'Leary-Kelly and Collins (1998), and Robinson and Greenberg (1998). With regard to the second theme, counterproductive behavior is viewed as a facet of job performance, where performance is defined as all employee workplace behavior relevant to organizational outcomes. The relationship between counterproductive behavior and various forms of productive behavior, such as task performance and organizational citizenship will be considered. International Journal of Selection and Assessment PAUL R. SACKETT The Dimensionality of Counterproductive Behaviors A seminal body of work examining a broad range of counterproductive behaviors is that of Hollinger and Clark (1983) who developed a broad list of counterproductive behaviors, provided a conceptual framework for interrelating those behaviors, and collected self-report data from large employee samples in three industries. They proposed that counterproductive behaviors could be grouped into two broad categories. The first is `property deviance', involving misuse of employer assets. Examples include theft, property damage, and misuse of discount privileges. The second is `production deviance', involving violating norms about how work is to be accomplished. This includes not being on the job as scheduled (absence, tardiness, long breaks) and behaviors that detract from production when on the job (drug and alcohol use, intentional slow or sloppy work). Robinson and Bennett (1995) note that the set of behaviors examined by Hollinger and Clark do not include interpersonal counterproductive behaviors, such as sexual harassment, and set out to expand upon the Hollinger and Clark framework. They had workers generate a large number of critical incidents of counterproductive behavior, obtained ratings of the similarity between pairs of behaviors, and subjected the resulting pairwise similarity matrix to multidimensional scaling. They obtained a two-dimensional solution, with one dimension differentiating behavior toward the organization (Hollinger and Clark's production and property deviance) from interpersonal behavior toward other organizational members (e.g. harassment, gossip, verbal abuse), and the other dimension representing a continuum from minor to serious offenses. Arraying behaviors in this two-dimensional space, Robinson and Bennett labeled the resulting four quadrants as property deviance (organizational ± serious), production deviance (organizational ± minor), personal aggression (interpersonal ± serious, including behaviors such as harassment, and theft from co-workers), and political deviance (interpersonal ± minor, including behaviors such as favoritism, gossip, and blaming others for one's mistakes). It is critical to note that this categorization scheme is based on workers' perceptions of the similarity of pairs of behaviors. When asked to judge the similarity of pairs of behaviors, respondents were not constrained as to the basis for their similarity judgments. The purpose of the multidimensional scaling technique is to identify dimensions underlying similarity judgements, and the study findings indicate that, in the aggregate, respondents used the two dimensions of organization as target vs. other person as target and minor offense vs. serious offense as the basis for their similarity judgments. While it is useful to know what dimensions underlie perceptions ß Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2002 THE STRUCTURE OF CWB of similarity between counterproductive behaviors, it is posited here that the key issue for understanding interrelationships among various forms of counterproductive behavior is the covariance of occurrence among these behaviors. The question is whether individuals who engage in one form of counterproductive behavior are also likely to engage in others. It is possible that the pattern of co-occurrence among counterproductive behaviors is quite different from the pattern of perceived similarity emerging from the Robinson and Bennett perceptual similarity task. For example, theft from a co-worker and verbal abuse of a customer are located close together in the multidimensional space emerging from Robinson and Bennett's analysis, in that both are serious offenses that target another person. However, the two behaviors may differ on a variety of other dimensions (e.g. a public vs. private dimension, a planned vs. unplanned dimension), making the rate of cooccurrence of the two an open question. How might one get insight into the rate of cooccurrence of counterproductive behaviors? While the ideal would be the objective measurement of each form of counterproductive behavior, the Achilles' heel of counterproductivity research must be acknowledged, namely, that while some forms of counterproductive behavior are public (e.g. absence), many are acts by employees who do not wish to be detected (e.g. theft, sabotage, harassment). In the face of the difficulties of direct observation, data on the covariance of counterproductive behaviors comes from three sources: (a) selfreport of the rate of occurrence; (b) judgments by others (e.g. supervisors) of the rate of occurrence; and (c) direct judgments about the rate of co-occurrence of counterproductive behaviors. Note that both self-report and other-report data are, like direct observational data, subject to interpretational difficulties. The correlations among self-reports could conceivably be inflated as a result of social desirability in responding, and the correlations among supervisor ratings may be inflated as a result of halo error. As none of these strategies is clearly ideal, exemplars of each of these are reviewed in turn, and convergence of findings across strategies is examined. The first example of the use of a self-report strategy comes from Bennett and Robinson (2000). The goal of the study was to develop a self-report instrument to asses the degree to which individuals engaged in counterproductive behavior. An extensive instrument development and refinement process was used, and the effort was guided by the conceptual framework developed in the Robinson and Bennett (1995) study described above. Specifically, the goal was an instrument with separate scales to assess behaviors aimed at the organization and behaviors aimed at other individuals. The final instrument, based on responses from a broad spectrum of 352 working adults, had a 12-item ß Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2002 7 organizational deviance scale and a seven-item interpersonal deviance scale; internal consistency reliabilities for the two were .81 and .78 respectively. Correlations between individual behaviors are not reported, but several useful insights can be gained about the interrelationships among behaviors. First, the reported internal consistency reliabilities and the Spearman-Brown formula can be used to ascertain that the mean correlation is .26 among the organizational deviance items and .34 among the interpersonal deviance items. Thus intercorrelations among self-reports of individual behaviors are positive, but relatively modest in magnitude ± a finding not uncommon for correlations among individual items. Second, Bennett and Robinson report that the correlation between the organizational deviance scale and the interpersonal deviance scale is .68. Correcting this for unreliability results in a corrected correlation of .86. Thus when one moves from correlations between individual behaviors to composites of behaviors within a category (i.e. organizational vs. interpersonal), the composite correlations between the two scales are very high. It is not argued here that the two forms of counterproductivity are, in fact, inseparable: to the contrary, Bennett and Robinson do show differential patterns of relationships with a number of other constructs (e.g. a courtesy scale is more highly related to the interpersonal deviance scale than to the organizational deviance scale). Ashton (1998) reports a similar set of findings from a study of college students with work experience. Individual self-report items dealing with eight counterproductive behaviors all falling into the organizational deviance category used by Bennett and Robinson (e.g. absence, tardiness, alcohol use, safety violations, theft) were used; the mean intercorrelation among the eight was .30, and the internal consistency reliability for a composite of the eight was .77. These findings closely parallel those of Bennett and Robinson. A different approach to self-reports of counterproductive behavior was taken by Gruys (1999). First, she noted that many individual counterproductive behaviors are specific to certain work contexts, and that some respondents might never have had the opportunity to engage in some of the behaviors (e.g. one cannot abuse an employee discount if one has not worked in a setting where such a discount is available). Thus Gruys asked respondents to consider that range of circumstances under which one could work and respond to behaviors using a scale anchored from `no matter what the circumstances, I would not engage in the behavior' to `in a wide variety of circumstances, I would engage in the behavior'. Second, ratings of 87 behaviors were obtained, and composite scores were obtained for the 11 behavior categories presented at the opening of this chapter (theft, destruction of property, misuse of information, misuse of time and resources, unsafe behavior, poor attendance, Volume 10 Numbers 1/2 March/June 2002 8 poor quality work, alcohol use, drug use, inappropriate verbal actions, inappropriate physical actions). Thus correlations are reported not between individual behaviors, but between behavior categories. Highly similar findings emerged from a sample of 115 students and a sample of 343 college alumni; the focus here is on the alumni sample. The mean correlation among the 11 behavior category composites was .50; the higher values than those found in studies of individual behaviors are interpreted here as reflecting the higher reliability of composites. Combining the 11 category composite into an overall grand composite results in an internal consistency reliability of .92. A second strategy for insight into the covariance of counterproductive behaviors comes from ratings made by others (e.g. supervisors) of the degree to which individuals engage in various counterproductive behaviors. Hunt (1996) reported a large-scale study using this strategy, involving ratings of over 18,000 employees in 36 companies. Individual ratings items were combined into composites; Hunt reports correlations among the composites. Five of the dimensions rated fall into the counterproductivity domain: attendance, off-task behavior (e.g. unauthorized breaks, personal business on work time), unruliness, theft, and drug misuse. The mean correlation among the composite measures for these five dimensions was .50 ± a figure that corresponds precisely to the mean correlation reported in Gruys's study using composites obtained from self-reports of counterproductivity. A final strategy for insight into the covariance of counterproductive behaviors involves obtaining direct judgments about the likelihood of co-occurrence of various counterproductive behaviors. Gruys (1999) employed this strategy in addition to the self-report research described above. Like Robinson and Bennett (1995), she obtained direct judgments of the similarity of counterproductive behaviors. However, while Robinson and Bennett permitted respondents to construe `similarity' in whatever fashion they chose, Gruys explicitly presented respondents with the task of making judgments of the likelihood that a person who engaged in one form of counterproductivity on the job would also engage in another. Gruys reports two dimensions underlying these likelihood judgements. Like Robinson and Bennett, a dimension emerged distinguishing acts that primarily harm the organization (e.g. theft, absence) from acts that primarily harm other individuals (e.g. verbal and physical acts toward others). In contrast to Robinson and Bennett's minor vs. serious dimension, Gruys's second dimension differentiated acts that detract from job performance (e.g. absence, intentionally doing poor quality work, safety violations) from harmful acts in the workplace not directly related to job performance (e.g. theft). The direct judgements of likelihood of cooccurrence do not translate into a correlational metric, International Journal of Selection and Assessment PAUL R. SACKETT thus not permitting a direct comparison of these results with those obtained using self-report or other-report. However, because Gruys had the same respondents perform both the paired comparison likelihood of cooccurrence task and the self-rating task described earlier, it is possible to compare the matrix of co-occurrence ratings with the correlation matrix from the self-report ratings, as both tasks involved the same 11 behavior categories previously outlined. The correlation between the elements of the co-occurrence matrix and the elements of the self-report correlation matrix was ÿ.17, which was not significantly different from zero. Thus perceptual data about likelihood of co-occurrence does not produce a similar pattern of interrelationships among counterproductive behaviors from that resulting from self-report. At a more general level, though, the results do match one aspect of the data emerging from self-report and other-report research, namely, a pattern of positive relationship among counterproductive behaviors. On a scale where 1 means that two behaviors are very unlikely to co-occur and 7 means that two behaviors are very likely to co-occur, the average rating was 4.2. Thus self-report, other-report, and direct judgments of likelihood of co-occurrence support the notion of positive interrelationships among counterproductive behaviors. Self-report data indicates positive correlations in the range of .30 between individual counterproductive behaviors, but higher correlations of about .50 between composites of related behaviors, a finding replicated with data using supervisor ratings. It appears reasonable to think in terms of an overall counterproductivity construct, as the true score correlation between Bennett and Robinson's two domains of organizational and interpersonal deviance is .86, the reliability of a grand overall composite across Gruys's 11 behavioral domains is .92, and the reliability of a grand composite across five behavioral domains in Hunt's work is .83. This proposal of an overall counterproductivity construct does not argue against research focusing on more specific forms of counterproductivity. What is suggested here is a hierarchical model, with a general counterproductivity factor at the top, a series of group factors, such as the organizational deviance and interpersonal deviance factors identified by Bennett and Robinson (2000) below this general factor, and specific behavior domains, such as theft, absence, safety, and drug and alcohol use below these group factors. Researchers and practitioners may focus at difference levels of this hierarchy for different applications. For example, in many personnel selection settings organizations are interested in identifying prospective employees who will not engage in the broad range of counterproductive behaviors, and thus may focus on the broad counterproductivity construct. In contrast, an intervention may be sought that will deal effectively with a single specific problem behavior (e.g. widespread ß Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2002 THE STRUCTURE OF CWB violation of safety procedures). The perspective taken here is that the decision as to where to focus one's intervention and/or measurement efforts on this continuum from general factor to specific behaviors is best made by recognizing the interrelationships among counterproductive behaviors. Counterproductive Behaviors and Job Performance The previous section focused on interrelationships among different forms of counterproductive behavior. The relationship between counterproductive behaviors and other behaviors making up the broad domain of job performance is now considered. The most prominent contemporary framework for viewing job performance is that of Campbell (Campbell et al. 1993), who offers eight performance components: job-specific task proficiency, non-job specific task proficiency, written and oral communication, demonstrating effort, maintaining personal discipline, facilitating peer and team performance, supervision/leadership, and management/ administration. The maintaining personal discipline dimension reflects the counterproductivity domain as discussed here. A series of interrelated frameworks have been offered that focus on a set of behaviors variously labeled as citizenship behaviors (Smith, Organ and Near 1983) prosocial behaviors, (Brief and Motowidlo 1986), and contextual performance (Borman and Motowidlo 1993). What these have in common is a focus on positive behaviors that contribute to organizational effectiveness, but that do not reflect core job tasks. These include helping others, persistence and extra effort, and supporting the organization. While there are differences in emphasis in these different frameworks (e.g. some frameworks require that a behavior be discretionary, i.e. not formally rewarded by the organization, while others do not include this restriction), the behavioral domains covered by these frameworks are largely overlapping. An emerging literature differentiates and contrasts the task performance domain and the citizenship/prosocial/ contextual performance domain (referred to as citizenship, as a term to reflect the broad domain, e.g. Conway 1999; Motowidlo and Van Scotter 1994). Adding the counterproductive behavior domain that is the focus of this article leads to a broad conception of three primary performance domains: task performance, citizenship performance, and counterproductive behavior, and prompts questions as to relationships between counterproductive behavior and the other two domains. The focus here in examining this issue is primarily on three large multi-sample data sets. The first is the US Army Selection and Classification Project, commonly referred to as Project A (Campbell 1990; McHenry, ß Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2002 9 Hough, Toquam, Hanson and Ashworth 1990). Project A investigated a broad array of predictor and criterion variables across a set of military jobs. Of great interest is the focus on the careful identification of constructs underlying measured variables. Thirty-two different criterion measures were obtained; factor analytic work was done to identify a set of five criterion constructs underlying these measures. These constructs include core technical proficiency, general soldiering proficiency, effort and leadership, physical fitness and military bearing, and maintaining personal discipline. The two soldiering proficiency measures reflect the task performance domain; effort and leadership the citizenship domain, and maintaining personal discipline the counterproductive behavior domain. Construct-level scores were obtained by combining different measures, including work samples, supervisor ratings, and indicators from administrative records, including the number of disciplinary infractions. Criterion scores were obtained for 4,039 soldiers in nine military enlisted jobs. The key findings are observed uncorrected mean correlations of ÿ.19 and ÿ.17 between counterproductivity and the general and specific task performance dimensions, and a mean correlation of ÿ.59 between counterproductive behavior and the effort/ leadership construct. Thus the relationship between counterproductive behavior and quantity and quality of task performance is quite low, in contrast to the relationship between counterproductive behavior and effort/leadership, which is quite high. The second large data set is the work of Hunt (1996), referenced earlier in the context on the interrelationship among various forms of counterproductive behavior. Hunt's focus was on what he termed `generic work behavior', namely, behaviors common across jobs and not specific to the tasks of any given jobs. The earlier discussion focused on five dimensions of counterproductive behavior; also relevant here are two dimensions labeled industriousness and persistence, which correspond conceptually to the effort/leadership dimension in Project A, and to the broad construct we are labeling citizenship. Hunt derived composite measures of these dimensions using a sample of over 18,000 supervisory ratings across 36 organizations. For this article, the psychometric theory of composites was used to estimate the correlation between a citizenship composite made up of Hunt's industriousness and persistence dimensions and a counterproductive behavior composite, made up of Hunt's five counterproductive behavior dimensions. The resulting correlation is ÿ.67, which is quite similar to the value of ÿ.59 obtained in Project A. The final source is a meta-analysis by Viswesvaran, Schmidt and Ones (1999) of the interrelationship among supervisor ratings. They sorted ratings from the published literature into eight dimensions. Sample sizes Volume 10 Numbers 1/2 March/June 2002 10 PAUL R. SACKETT varied by dimensions, and ranged from roughly 2,000 to 11,000. Here ratings of job knowledge, quantity of output and quality of output are combined into the broad dimension of task performance, ratings of interpersonal competence, effort, and leadership into the broad dimension of citizenship, and ratings of compliance/ acceptance of authority corresponded to the domain of counterproductive behavior. The mean unobserved correlation between counterproductive behavior and ratings in the citizenship and task domains was ÿ.57 and ÿ.54 respectively. There is clear convergence with respect to the relationship between counterproductive behavior and the citizenship domain: mean observed r is ÿ.59 in Project A, ÿ.67 in Hunt, and ÿ.57 in Viswesvaran et al. In contrast, findings regarding the relationship between counterproductive behavior and task performance are quite discrepant: a mean r of ÿ.18 in Project A and a mean r of ÿ.54 in the Viswesvaran et al. meta-analysis. It is posited here that these differences reflect differences in the conceptualization and measurement of task performance in the two studies. The task performance measures in Project A were work sample and job knowledge measures. They reflect measures of maximum performance: what the individual `can do' when performance is closely monitored. In contrast, the Viswesvaran et al. study was restricted to supervisor ratings, which can generally be seen as reflecting measures of typical performance: what the individual `will do' over an extended period of time (Sackett, Zedeck and Fogli 1988). The `can do' measures are primarily a function of knowledge and skill, while the `will do' measures are also influenced by the full range of individually and situationally driven motivational factors ± factors that also affect counterproductive behavior. Thus counterproductive behavior would be expected to correlate more highly with typical task performance than with maximum task performance. Conclusion The aim of this article was to examine issues and key literatures related to the structure of counterproductivity, including both the interrelationships among various counterproductive behaviors, and the relationship of counterproductive behavior to other facets of job performance. The most general conclusion is the consistent finding of positive interrelationships among the full range of counterproductive behaviors. The strength of the relationship increases as one aggregates from individual behaviors to sets of behaviors within a broader conceptual category (e.g. the theft-attendance relationship is weaker with single items measuring each one than when multi-item scales are used for each behavior category). While aggregation within a category International Journal of Selection and Assessment produces stronger cross-category correlations, it is also the case that aggregation across categories yields broad overall measures of counterproductive behavior with internal consistency reliability in the .8ÿ.9 range. Similar findings emerge from research using self-report measures and from research using evaluations by others (e.g. supervisor ratings). While behavior categories are substantially interrelated, the relationship is not so strong as to question the value of measuring or attempting to modify behavior in a specific category. Thus for some purposes it may be useful to focus on a single category, as in the case of an organizational intervention in a setting where a particular behavior or behavior category is of great concern (e.g. an intervention aimed at curbing increasing absenteeism). At the same time, the sizable interrelationships between categories of counterproductive behavior indicate that it will often be useful to view counterproductive behavior broadly. The fact of these interrelationships indicates that shared antecedents of different types of counterproductive behaviors are likely, and the acquisition of knowledge about the counterproductivity domain would be leveraged by the inclusion of multiple categories of counterproductive behavior in individual studies. Once counterproductive behavior is considered in the aggregate, rather than as a large number of individual behaviors, the question of the interrelationships between counterproductive behaviors and other facets of job performance arises. Current conceptualizations of job performance identify a task performance domain and a set of closely interrelated domains labeled as prosocial behavior, citizenship behavior and contextual performance by various scholars; the label `citizenship behavior' is adopted here. This article examined three large data sets that shed light on the interrelationships among task performance, citizenship behavior, and counterproductive behavior. Relationships between task performance and counterproductive behavior vary quite widely across studies, with very low relationships found when task performance is operationalized as task proficiency: what the employee can do. Much stronger relationships are found when both facets of performance are obtained by the same measurement method (e.g. supervisor ratings) and when task performance is operationalized as typical task performance: what the employee will do. Of considerable interest is the convergence across disparate data sets as to the relationship between citizenship behaviors and counterproductive behaviors. Correlations of about ÿ.60 emerge consistently, leading to the consideration of whether the citizenship and counterproductive domains should be viewed as opposite poles of a single dimension, with citizenship reflecting the positive pole and counterproductive behavior the negative pole (Puffer 1987). The perspective taken here ß Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2002 THE STRUCTURE OF CWB is that while two negatively correlated variables may usefully be combined into a composite for some purposes, the treatment of the two as reflecting a single continuum has implications of mutual exclusivity, namely, that the fact that an individual with high standing on citizenship cannot also be high in counterproductive behavior, and vice versa. There are ready examples of the highly productive employee who is also engaging in extensive counterproductive behavior (as when a high performer viewed as beyond suspicion is caught embezzling). The fact of a high correlation between the two domains can be usefully used in research on common antecedents, and a composite of the two reflecting an individual's contribution to the organization can be created without adopting a bipolar single dimensional view. In sum, this article argues for the value of a broad and integrative focus on counterproductive behavior, for searching for common antecedents in light of the interrelationships among various individual counterproductive behaviors, and for viewing counterproductive behavior as an important facet of job performance. Note 1. This article contains material that is part of a larger chapter entitled `Counterproductive behaviors at work', authored by Paul R. Sackett and Cynthia J. DeVore, to be published in N. Anderson, D. Ones, H. 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