The Rhythmic Medium in African Music
Author(s): John M. Chernoff
Source: New Literary History, Vol. 22, No. 4, Papers from the Commonwealth Center for
Literary and Cultural Change (Autumn, 1991), pp. 1093-1102
Published by: The Johns Hopkins University Press
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The Rhythmic
Mediumin AfricanMusic*
John M. Chernoff
thenatureoftherhythmic
mediumin Africanmusic.I would
initiallynote two distinguishingpointsabout Africanrhythms
in the general context of critical theory. First, this discussion is
grounded in general features of musical contexts that can be observed. Although the use of rhythmsin Africanmusic is theoretically
suggestive,its criticalor philosophical relevance is not the extension
of a hypotheticalconstructor an aestheticmanifesto.Thus, we are
considering the aestheticeffectof rhythmin an art that exists,not
an art that can or should be. Second, the African approach to
rhythmreflectsa differentcultural orientationfrom what we normallyfindin Westernand otherculturalzones. Specifically,in African
musical idioms, several rhythmictendencies are elevated as fundamental principlesof musical organization.In discussingthe rhythmic characteristicsof African music as indicative of cultural orientation,one begins withan assumptionthat modes of participation
and interactionin musical performancecontextscan provide a model
of sensibilitythatreflectsbroader patternsof perceptionand aesthetic
purpose.
This assumptionof culturalanalogy is plausible in Africanmusical
idioms for several reasons. In African societies, the extent of participationin music-makingis comparativelyhigh,and Africanmusical
activityis often described as participatoryin nature. Instead of
isolatingperformersand spectators,Africanmusical contextsexhibit
a high degree of integrationof spectators into the music-making
process. Many people who would merelylistenwithinother cultural
idioms are involved in Africanmusic-makingthroughaccompanying
handclapping, singing,and the use of simple percussion instruments
like wood blocks or rattles.' Also, despite some notable exceptions,
African music is primarilyperformed as music for dancing; importantparts of musical sound are frequentlycontributedby dancers
This essay is a revised version of a paper presented at the Commonwealth Center
seminar series "Rhythmin Nature and Culture."
New Literary
History,1991, 22: 1093-1102
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1094
NEW LITERARYHISTORY
who wear leg-bells and leg-rattles,strikecastenets,or attach other
sounding devices to their bodies or clothing.
The notion of participation is also enhanced by the extent of
musical activityin African cultures. Much of the documentationof
Africanmusic focuses on its varied contextualuses. In many African
societies, music fulfillsfunctions that other societies delegate to
differenttypes of institutions.Music serves a crucial integrative
functionwithinmany types of institutionalizedactivities,2and musiciansperforma complex social role in communityoccasions.3There
is special music for individualsat various points of theirlives,special
music for differenttypes of work, special music for courtship and
for marriage, special music for healing, for death, for particular
families,for particulartimes of the year: in many Africansocieties,
practicallyany way in which one might wish to categorize a sociocultural portraitwould find its logic affirmedin musical repertory.
It is frequentlythe case that social organizations or groups have
their own music and specificmusical activitiesto which theydevote
considerable energy.I have often heard assertionsto the effectthat
if somethingis happening and there are no musicianspresent,then
what is happening is not important.Even in less ceremonial veins,
African youth groups are as likelyto compete in music and dance
as American youth groups are likely to compete in basketball. In
other contexts,music and dance sometimesprovide the generative
dynamicsof large and small-scalesocial movements.4In manyAfrican
societies,musiciansare the acknowledged authoritieson historyand
custom,5and musicians often have important political functions.6
In such societies, musicians often have distinctlineage groupings
and hierarchical chieftaincyorganizations; they undergo formal
trainingfor years,and theycontinue theiracquisitionof knowledge
throughoutlife.7The varietyand diversityof music-makingin Africa
can be ordered by the proposition that, compared to most places
in the world, African societies have relativelymany people who
participatein musical activity.
The predominant participatorymode of African music can be
said to constitutea formalcharacteristicthat takes precedence over
other elements of musical organization. In this regard, therefore,
aesthetic issues can be contextualized by functional concerns of
communal cohesion. The aesthetic principles that make African
music work reflectthe manner in which the music has been institutionalized to provide frameworksfor participation.The music is
importantto communal objectivesof bringingquality to social and
cultural occasions. As such, the modes of participationappropriate
at musical events reflectpeople's concerns to achieve effectiveness
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THE
RHYTHMIC
MEDIUM
IN AFRICAN
MUSIC
1095
considered in social as well as musical terms, to see or present
themselvesat theirbest. The currentunderstandingof these modes
of participationis that they are based on a dominating rhythmic
focus oriented toward establishing contexts of dynamic rhythmic
interrelationshipand communication.Learning to participatein such
contexts, where musical activityserves as an agent for the representationand socializationof indigenous values,s contrastswithother
types of pedagogy such as the verbal and writtendiscourse typical
of much Westernlearning,and also contrastswithpedagogies based
on images, as are found, for example, in certain aspects of Christianityor in the controllingforcesof meditationin a spiritualguide
like the I Ching.
The model of communityarticulatedin an African musical event
is one that is not held together by ideas, by cognitive symbols or
by emotional conformity.The communityis established throughthe
interactionof individual rhythmsand the people who embody them.
The rhythmsare a kind of language, of course, but what kind of
communicationexists in their relationships?What is the nature of
rhythmiceffects?One would really have to stretchthe notion of a
symbol to call rhythmiccommunication and interactionsymbolic.
Somehow, though, and particularlydependent upon people coming
from differentindividual places within the rhythmicstructureof
the music, a tightlycohesive whole is created, a whole that is more
than its individual parts at the same time that it enhances them.
The issues involved in the essentially participatorydynamics of
African rhythmicorganization can lead in a number of speculative
directions. Among them are methodological questions regarding
how one can investigateand discuss the significanceof rhythmsin
social life.Also of interestare sociologicaland philosophicalquestions
about the significanceof rhythmicallypatterned interactionas a
cohesive and generative cultural force in contrast to or in concert
with symbolicallyor emotionallyshared knowledge. This essay will
present a synopsisof the rhythmicstructureof Africanmusic. Those
who wish a fuller account that includes the manner in which I
addressed such analogical issues in my own research may consult
and AfricanSensibility
(see n. 8).
my monograph AfricanRhythm
How does the rhythmicmedium enhance participatoryobjectives
in African music? The essence of rhythmis repetition,the uniform
recurrence of a pattern of sound. One might say equally that the
timingof the repetitiondefinesthe rhythmor thatthe rhythmgives
structureto time; whatever,the effectivepower of rhythmlies in
the coherence of its forward movement. We move along with a
rhythm,which has a kind of compelling life, the abilityto capture
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1096
NEW LITERARYHISTORY
or even dominate our attention. African music has a well-known
rhythmicpriority,and the use of rhythmin African music reflects
several characteristics.The basis of these characteristicsis polyrhythm.Westernmusic tends to relyon a single metricpulse unified
on the downbeat: rhythmicmovement is generallystraightforward
and is often articulated as an attributeof melody. African music
tends toward multiplerhythmiclines defined withreferenceto one
another: frequently,the rhythmshave differentstartingpoints and
differenttiming.As a result,those who are unfamiliarwitha given
piece are not clear about which particularrhythmdefines the basic
pulse of the music.The inabilityto distinguisha rhythmicfoundation
results in alienation evidenced as the experience of monotony or
itscomplement,the experience of cacophony.Even withoutvariation,
a simple rhythmcan be potentiallydisorienting,and African music
exploits this ambiguityof perspective.
The example I will use to demonstratethisambiguityis a rhythm
so fundamental to African musical idioms that it has been characterized as the "standard pattern."' It would be difficultto find
an African musical traditionthat did not contain this rhythm,and,
similarly,the rhythm frequentlysupports many pieces in many
traditions'repertories.In Westernnotation,the rhythmwould typically be assigned a twelve-eighttime signature.The rhythmcould
then be represented as: quarter note, quarter note, eighth note,
quarter note, quarter note, quarter note, eighth note, and so on.
In the representationbelow, the sounded note is indicated by an
X.
II: X + X + XX + X + X + XX + X + X X + X + X + X :11
The rhythmitselfseems clear enough, but one needs to finda point
of reference beyond the shortestpulse for the rhythmto become
musically meaningful,or more to the point, in order to dance to
it.
Consider, therefore,the followingways of crossing the rhythm
witha unifyingpulse. I generallyfind that the most common initial
response among Western listeners is to maintain the triple-time
feeling.
+
+ X +X + X X + X + X X + X + X +
II: X + X +X
:11l
I1:X + + + X + + + X + + + X + + + X + + + X + + + :11
To dance to the rhythm,though, one would need a duple-time
perception, analogous to dotted eighth notes, and there are three
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1097
THE RHYTHMIC MEDIUM IN AFRICAN MUSIC
possibilitiesbased on differentstarting points: the firstexample
shows the normal form; in the second two examples, the highlighted
X indicates the startingpoint of the firstexample.
II:x + x + X X + x + X + X X + x + x + x + X + X X :11
II:x + + X + + X + + X + + X + + X + + X + + X + + :11
II:XX + X
II:X + + X
II:XX + X
II:X + + X
+
+
+
+
X+
+ X
XX
+ X
XX
+ +
+ X
+ +
+
X
+
X
X
+
X
+
+
+
+
+
XX
X+
XX
X+
+
+
+
+
X
X
X
X
+
+
+
+
X
+
X
+
+
X
X
X
X
+
+
+
X
+
X
+
+
X
+
X
X
+
X
+
+
+
+
+
:11
:11
:11
:11
The varyingplacementof the secondrhythm
impartsvaryingperdifferent.
makingit sound completely
spectivesto the firstrhythm,
In effect,the second rhythmhelps the firstrhythmmake sense,
lets it be somethingone can hear and understandso thatone can
move or dance to it.
in polyrhythmic
established
or counterrhythms
The cross-rhythms
music have perceptualimplicationswhichare differentfromthe
a welleffectsof mostWesternmusic.Insteadof following
rhythmic
has to
or melodicline,a listeneror a participant
definedrhythmic
thatallows(or requires)him
findand put forwardanotherrhythm
or her to make-and add-a personal type of sense of what is
alreadythere.Rhythmic
meaningis comprehendedin the relationThis orientation
does not necessarily
of
several
preships
rhythms.
to thosewho have been accustomedto such music,
sentdifficulties
but as withany musicalperception,it does involvelearningand
experience.We may note in advance thaton the simplestlevel of
is already
inAfricanmusic,however,
thetendency
structure
rhythmic
balthatchallengerhythmic
definedtowardaestheticculminations
ance. Typically,as can be inferredfromthe rhythmcalled the
"standardpattern"above, even elementaryrhythmic
relationships
and offbeataccentuation.
are sophisticated
by syncopation
In a polyrhythmic
context,notionslike syncopationand offbeat
theeffect
wouldnotseemto makesense.Furthermore,
accentuation
lineshas been describedas theclashor conflict
of multiplerhythmic
in whichthe main pulse is obscured.Nonetheless,a
of rhythms,1'
mainpulse does indeedexist.Althoughtheentrancesof an ensemwithitsown metric
ble's partsmaybe "staggered,""each seemingly
sense, in combinationthe parts establishan emergentpulse. In
on his own partof the ensemble,an
context,a playerconcentrates
orientation that has been called "apart-playing."'2The separation
of rhythmicparts occasionally makes the pulse subject to misinter-
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1098
NEW LITERARYHISTORY
pretation by someone unfamiliar with the particular idiom, as in
the examples of potential cross-rhythmsabove. The pulse cannot
profitablybe defined as the fastestcommon unit of time that can
unite the various rhythms.Rather,the main pulse is a simple duple
time that represents the timing of dance steps. African musicians
often avoid sounding notes on this main pulse, in effectleaving
room for the dancers to punctuate or anchor musical phrases;
conversely, the off-beat accentuation of percussive and melodic
accents complementsand responds to dance movements.This characteristiclinks the music to its participatorysocial context,bringing
the dancers into the emergent rhythmicstructure.
Ultimately,there is often needless sophisticationin the attention
we might pay to the complexitiesof an ensemble's organization or
to the rhythmiccomplexitiesof a virtuoso'simprovisation.The basic
principles of African rhythmicaestheticsapply in simple as well as
elaborate articulations. Thus, for example, assigning compound
meters or changing time signatures to African music is generally
inappropriate because there is almost always a two-beat or fourbeat pulse that holds the ensemble together from the perspective
of a dancer. Likewise,there is generallyno reason to thinkin terms
of triple-timemeters or three-against-twocounterrhythms.A musician might think in terms of triple-timeto ensure proper hand
patternsof playing techniques,but audiences and dancers tap their
feet, move, or clap their hands according to the duple-time pulse.
In African musical contexts,the unifyingperception is grounded
in movement and thus already distanced from a wide range of
rhythmicexpression.
For practical purposes, we may note there is little difference
between the typicaltwelve-eight"standard pattern"and the common
duple-time and triple-timeversions that complement it in various
idioms. What is importantis to perceive the duple-timemain pulse,
which is highlightedin the examples below.
II: X+X+XX+X+X+XX+X+XX+X+X+X:ll
II: X+X+X++X+X++X+X+X++X+X++
II: X++X++XX++X+X++XX++X++XX++X+X++X
:l
II:X++X++X+++X+X+++X++X++X+++X+X+++
:|l
:II
In each rhythmabove, the unsounded main pulse leaves room for
people in the context to mark it themselves.
It is also typical for African musicians to leave the downbeat
unsounded. In the followingrepresentationof a supportingensemble
for an African dance, the instrumentallines avoid the pulse or
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THE RHYTHMIC MEDIUM IN AFRICAN MUSIC
1099
hintat it.A four-beat
pulseis shownon thetopline,and
merely
the "standard pattern" is second; a straightline drawn from the
pulse through the represented rhythmswould touch mainly unsounded notes.
II: X + + X + + X + + X + + X + + X + + X + + X + + :11
II: X + X + XX + X + X + XX + X + X X + X + X + X :11
I: + X X + X X + X X + X X + X X + X X + X X + X X :11
II: + XXX + + + XXX + + + XXX + + + X X X + + :11
II: + + X + X + + + + + + + + + X +X + + + + + + + :
+ X X :
II: + + x + X X + + x + X X + + x + X X + +
The off-beataccentuation of percussive lines merelysuggests the
pulse, which is in turn demonstrated in context by participants.It
is almost as if the sounded notes lift the dancers up while the
unsounded notes are accented by downward or emphatic movement.
The model of participationin Africanmusical idioms, suggested by
such notions as apart-playingor the separation of parts, is based
on establishingan integratingperspectivethat presupposes distance
from the sounded rhythms.Variationsin accentuationdo not dominate but rather complement and complete perception. Improvisations that mimic speech or range far from metricalpatterns are
anchored by an underlyingpulse that is relativelyslow when compared to a pulse defined by the syllablesof rhythmicphrasing. The
rhythmicmedium in Africanmusic has thereforebeen characterized
as "cool" rather than "hot,"'3 indicatinga distanced integrationof
diverse elements instead of an intensiveor compelling focus on a
prominent element. The metaphor of coolness does not preclude
emotion or excitement,of course: the nature of the participatory
contextrequires thatpeople supply theirown energyin the minimal
sense that they have to bind whatever tension exists among counor in the more constructivesense thattheirself-assertion
terrhythms
adds to the whole and encourages others as well.
There are several characteristicmusical devices that increase the
interestand intensityof polyrhythmicmusic. First,in many if not
all African musical idioms, is the percussive texture, which often
can be felt as well as heard. Second, the multiple rhythmicrelaare complementedby rhythtionshipsestablishedby counterrhythms
mic antiphony,a familiar feature of African-Americanmusic and
generally referred to as "call-and-response." A certain rhythmic
patterneveryone or two measures serves as an answer forvariations
which either fill the gaps in its recurrence or occasionally extend
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1100
NEW LITERARYHISTORY
to overlap it.Third, the associationof rhythmswithlinguisticphrases,
particularly in lead instrumentsand melodic vocal lines, allows
furtherdeviation fromthe pulse. Fourth,rhythmicphrasing can be
extended over two or four or even more measures, since the pulse
is maintainedapart frompredominantlines. Finally,there are many
inherentrhythmsthat can emerge as variationsfrom the repetition
of an individual rhythm.Thus the "standard pattern"shown above,
which is already syncopated, can be furthersyncopated by simple
omission. The followingexamples, all ones I have heard in Africa,
do not even begin to exhaust the possibilities:
II:X + X + XX + X + X + XX + X + X X + X + X + X :I
+ + :11
:X + X + + + + X +X + + X +X + + + + X +X
II: + + X + + + + X +X + + + + X + + + + X +X + + :11
II: + + X + + + ++
+ X + + + + X + + + + + + X + + :11
+
:11
II:X + X + + + + X +X + XX +X + + + + X +X X
+
X
II:X + X + + + + + + X + + + + + + + + + + +
:11
: X + + + X + + X + X + + X + ++ X + + X + X + + :11
: X + + + X + + X + X + X X + + + X + + X + X + X :11
African musicians use all these devices to create a flexible and
open structureforrhythmicvariation.Africanmusicaleventspresent
an ongoing frameworkof participation that we might compare,
borrowingcriticalmetaphors, to individualized readings of a polyrhythmiccontext or to leaving the reader his or her share of the
text. Rhythmiccohesion is enhanced by the way differencesare
placed into amicable or fruitfulrelationship. Therein lies an approach to the ethnographic notion that the institutionalizationof
music in Africa can possibly provide a nexus for perspectiveson
functionalinterrelationships.In any case, it is clear thatthe rhythmic
medium functions according to organizing principles that solicit
participationand encourage movement. A few ethnographers are
only now beginningto explore the analogies that may exist between
musical sensibilityand the way in which African societies manage
the organizationof social cohesion and differentiation.
Nonetheless,
it is now a generally accepted axiom of current ethnomusicology
that the use of rhythmsin African music is a socializing element
that patterns interactionand enhances a sense of togethernessat
communityevents.
For insight regarding the type of intelligence involved in the
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THE RHYTHMIC MEDIUM IN AFRICAN MUSIC
1101
exploitationof the rhythmicmedium's aestheticpotential,we might
observe the way Africanmusiciansand dancers manipulate the basic
expression. The sensibilitymanifestedin
principlesof polyrhythmic
the music requires precision in execution and balance in control.
Polyrhythmscreate a delicate tension. In the face of transientand
changing rhythmicrelationships,it is easy to shiftone's time perspective and lose one's place. Presuming an appropriate degree of
rhythmicexperience, musiciansput pressure on people's perception
by playing with time, by promoting rhythmicdialogue, by putting
pressure on people's rhythmicperception,even by challengingtheir
abilityto maintainperspective.The music fallsshortof its expressive
purpose in two ways: it loses energy if rhythmiccommunication
becomes oversimplified,overrepetitive,or redundant; it loses complexity if the musicians make mistakes and play out of time or if
theystretchtime perception so much that people become confused.
When the music relinquishes its relation to movement,it abandons
its participatorypotential. Therefore, aesthetic command of the
rhythmicmedium is achieved through a clarityin expression that
manages the movement of intensity.
PITTSBURGH,
PA.
NOTES
1 General ethnographic overviews of African music are J. H. Kwabena Nketia,
Music ofAfrica(New York, 1974); and Alan P. Merriam,"AfricanMusic," in Continuity
and Change in AfricanCultures,ed. William R. Bascom and Melville J. Herskovits
(Chicago, 1959), pp. 49-86.
2 See A. M. Jones, Studiesin AfricanMusic, 2 vols. (London, 1959); Charles Keil,
Tiv Song(Chicago, 1979); Merriam,"AfricanMusic"; Alan P. Merriam,TheAnthropology
of Music (Evanston, Ill., 1964); Hugo Zemp, Musique Dan: La musiquedans la pensde
et la vie socialed'une societdafricaine(Paris, 1971).
3 See S. Kobla Ladzekpo, "The Social Mechanics of Good Music: A Description
of Dance Clubs among the Anlo Ewe-Speaking People of Ghana," AfricanMusic, 5
in Akan Communities
(1971), 6-22; J. H. Kwabena Nketia,Drumming
ofGhana (London,
1963).
4 See John Blacking, "The Role of Music in the Culture of the Venda of the
ed. M. Kolinski,vol. 2 (New York,
NorthernTransvaal," in Studiesin Ethnomusicology,
1965); "Music and the HistoricalProcess in Vendaland," in Essayson Music and History
in Africa,ed. Klaus P. Wachsmann (Evanston, Ill., 1971); T. O. Ranger, Dance and
in EasternAfrica,1890-1970: TheBeni Ngoma(London, 1975); David B. Coplan,
Society
In TownshipTonight!:SouthAfrica'sBlack CityMusic and Theatre(London, 1985).
5 See David W. Ames, "A Sociocultural View of Hausa Musical Activity,"in The
TraditionalArtistin AfricanSocieties,ed. Warren L. d'Azevedo (Bloomington, Ind.,
1973), pp. 128-61; David W. Ames, "Igbo and Hausa Musicians: A Comparative
17 (1973), 25-78; Ayo Bankole, Judith Bush, and
Examination," Ethnomusicology,
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1102
NEW LITERARYHISTORY
Sadek H. Samaan, "The Yoruba Master Drummer,"AfricanArts,8 (1975), 48-56,
77-78; Paul Berliner, The Soul of Mbira: Music and Traditionsof the Shonq People of
Zimbabwe(Berkeley, 1978).
6 See Charles Cutter, "The Politics of Music in Mali," AfricanArts,1 (1968), 3839, 74-77; Roderic Knight,"Music in Africa: The Manding Contexts,"in Performance
Practice,ed. G. B6hague (London, 1984), pp. 53-90; Gordon Innes, Sunjata: Three
Mandinka Versions(London, 1974).
7 Regarding the Dagbamba of northern Ghana, for example, see John Miller
88 (1979), 68-75; John
Chernoff,"Music-MakingChildren of Africa,"NaturalHistory,
A Celebration
Miller Chernoff,"The Drums of Dagbon," in Repercussions:
of AfricanAmericanMusic, ed. GeoffreyHaydon and Dennis Marks (London, 1985), pp. 10125; ChristineOppong, GrowingUp in Dagbon (Accra-Tema, Ghana, 1973).
8 See John Miller Chernoff,AfricanRhythm
and AfricanSensibility:
Aesthetics
and Social
Actionin AfricanMusical Idioms(Chicago, 1979); Robert Farris Thompson, African
Art in Motion: Icon and Act in the Collectionof KatherineCorytonWhite(Los Angeles,
1974).
9 Jones, Studiesin AfricanMusic,passim.
10 See A. M. Jones, "African Rhythm,"Africa,24 (1954), 26-47.
11 Jones, "African Rhythm,"p. 41.
12 Robert Farris Thompson, "An Aesthetic of the Cool: West African Dance,"
AfricanForum,2 (1966), 93-94.
13 Thompson, "An Aestheticof the Cool," passim.
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