‘True Colors’
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
“Colorism is alive and well, but no one is talking about it and there’s no research on it.
It happens all the time…”
Research conducted by Marci L. Eads Ph.D. and edited by Nadine Pinede Ph.D.
Commissioned by True Blue Inclusion LLC and underwritten by Mattel, Inc.
TM
TM
Acknowledgements
Research of this consequence gets done only when people with expert skill sets in different
disciplines work well together. That certainly has been the experience here. The result shines
because highly motivated people cooperated seamlessly, targeting the achievement of a
collective goal instead of individual ones. In particular, I want to spotlight:
• Marci L. Eads, Ph.D. and her entire research team. Throughout weeks of intense ideation
and fieldwork, Dr. Eads and her staff maintained superlative research professionalism in
all they did. Many times, they did so as deadlines loomed, fieldwork obstacles arose and
unforeseen difficulties blossomed. At every turn, Dr. Eads’ positive outlook, intensely
high work ethic and infectious good humor made the hard work seem easier.
• Nadine Pinede, Ph.D. Dr. Pinede’s help in shaping the words for this research report were
essential. Her close association with the research team -- understanding goals, objectives,
methodologies, and consequences -- helped greatly in capturing the important story in
the findings. Sharing the work broadly and understandably with many audiences will be
facilitated by her contributions in editing and organization.
• Mattel, Inc. Early on, Mattel stepped forward not only with encouragement for this project,
but also stepped in to underwrite a significant portion of the cost. Important work like this
moves forward only with organizations who have the foresight and courage to make it happen.
• Lastly, note that a substantial body of work around identity, labels and colorism existed in the
public domain. Without the hard work done by many other individuals and organizations,
we would have had many more substantive hurdles to clear.
Catherine C. Smith
President & Founder,
True Blue Inclusion
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
2
Identity.
Consider the usual boxes we’re asked to tick off: gender, income level, educational attainment,
and of course, that slippery concept of race, where more and more people don’t feel they fit into
any box, except “other.” Every day our identity is being labeled by those who wish to place us in
categories for their purposes. Most of us hardly blink when asked to fit ourselves into these
pre-made boxes.
We all feel we know what identity means. We know it isn’t the rigid categories printed on forms.
Identity is what makes us who we are, unique individuals with our own hopes, dreams, and
memories. The loss of identity, especially in its social context, can often be one of the most difficult
situations we face. It can feel like a loss of self. Alzheimer’s is a poignant example, heartbreaking to
those who watch as their loved ones’ memories, an essential part of identity, begin to vanish.
Think of those who feel lost at sea without their professional identities, whether through
retirement or unemployment. Or those immigrants and refugees who were teachers and doctors
in their home countries and who now drive taxis and clean houses in their new host countries.
These stories of identity and transformation are often dramatic; as is the theft of identity, which
feels like a very special kind of violation. Someone else is trying to usurp who we are. Consider the
growing need for the services offered by companies that specialize in Internet identity protection
or personal branding, or of the European Union’s “right to be forgotten,” to delete those parts of
our identity we no longer want made public online. All of these examples show us how deeply
ingrained the concept of an inviolable identity is to who we are and what we do.
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
3
Of the many ways in which we see ourselves and others, racial identity holds a special status
in American life, both in the past and the present. The March/April 20151 issue of the prestigious
periodical Foreign Affairs featured a striking cover: a series of human faces of all ages, in all shades
and hues, with the “official number” of their color shade according to Pantone Inc., an authority
on color matching used in a variety of industries, written underneath their portraits as if they were
identification labels. The title of the issue was “The Trouble with Race,” and the magazine was
entirely dedicated to this topic. It noted the “rise and fall of race as a concept” and responses to this
shift, while also exploring these issues in a global context, particularly in Latin America, Europe,
and South Africa. This special issue can be ordered online: www.foreignaffairs.com/issues/2015/94/2.
The reader might assume that the trouble with race is that in an increasingly mixed racial world,
race as an identity label is no longer useful. The number of people who tick the box “other,” or
who refuse to tick any boxes, grows every day. However, we would be short-sighted to congratulate
ourselves on how quickly our world is becoming color-blind. Despite Martin Luther King’s dream
that we be judged not by the “color of our skin” but by the “content of our character,” there are
myriad ways in which our identities continue to be distorted by the labels and “-isms” that
deny the full complexity of who we are.
While racism itself may be more difficult to sustain when race as a concept becomes harder
to identify, the actual color of one’s skin is still an important factor in how people are treated
and how their lives unfold. Colorism is discrimination based on skin tone (other phenotypical
features are often included as part of colorism, including hair texure,or the shape of a person’s
nose, eyes, or lips), with individuals and groups who have darker skin tones (regardless of race
or ethnicity) experiencing greater levels of discrimination. Our project has explored this
concept and its global repercussions.
We are not claiming that a national conversation about colorism is not already taking place.
Oprah Winfrey, for example, discussed her own personal experience with colorism in episodes
of her “Life Class” television show, and many of her viewers were exposed to colorism’s impact,
some for the first time. The entertainment media has introduced the unfortunate but regular
practice of “lightening” the skin tone of numerous popular African American entertainers,
including the global superstar Beyoncé.
These practices clearly imply that having lighter skin is preferable, as if darker skin tone were a
blemish or wrinkle to be corrected by Photoshop. Reactions have varied from vociferous outrage
to shrugging acceptance. Despite this coverage of colorism in the popular media, now in leading
intellectual publications such as Foreign Affairs, and in academic journals and books, discussions
of colorism are not commonly held in the workplace. And yet, this is where colorism has
damaging and lasting effects.
This report will explain the urgent need for attention to identity, what labeling does to distort it,
and how the intersections of these with colorism, in its global context, can harm organizations and
leaders who are unaware of its impact. To explore these emerging phenomena we have conducted
this exploratory research.
However, even in this exploratory phase, our research has serious implications both here and
abroad. We will present four key findings from our research, their potential implications in the
workplace, and a plan of action for confronting the challenges colorism poses.
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
4
The Intersection of Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
In 2014, True Blue Inclusion LLC2 began a study into identity, labeling, and global colorism,
and the implications of these for corporations. After nearly 40 interviews with corporate executives,
researchers, and academics, and a review and analysis of nearly 200 articles, books, blogs, media
publications, and presentations, our research uncovered some resounding, dramatic, and complex
issues—as well as some intriguing paths toward solutions.
As we stated, our research defines colorism as: discrimination based on skin tone, with
individuals and groups who have darker skin tones (regardless of race or ethnicity)
experiencing greater levels of discrimination.
Points of Awareness: The Intersection of Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
The diagram above illustrates the relationships between identity, labeling, and colorism. Of course
the reality is much more complex, but this illustration is a useful first step in providing a map for
further exploration.
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
5
Identity sits atop the pinnacle of the triangle, much like self-actualization in psychologist
Abraham Maslow’s well-known hierarchy of needs.3 Influencing identity are the processes of
labeling and in particular, one type of labeling: colorism. At the center of the triangle is awareness,
without which these relationships go unnoticed. The goal of our research is to heighten awareness
of this interplay of identity, labeling, and colorism, and its implications for sustaining a robust
talent pipeline.
Despite a strong and common belief that race has become less relevant, colorism is emerging as
an increasingly significant basis for identification, labeling, and discrimination across the globe.
In a world that is becoming more complex, how people identify themselves, and how others label
them, is also becoming more complex. Skin tone is becoming more salient than race in these
processes. Additionally, colorism is happening in the workplace, but its implications are not
being rigorously researched, discussed, or addressed.
Here are the 10 most significant findings from our research:
1. Identity and labeling are complex concepts that are becoming more complex.
They are intricately interwoven with colorism.
2. Colorism is immensely prevalent in the business workplace. Much like gravity in the
physical world, colorism is so endemic that many people do not consciously accommodate
or acknowledge it. It is simply there.
3. Colorism is historic as well as current. Many people have experienced the legacy passed
down through generations of actions or decisions based on relative skin color.
4. Conversations about colorism are not occurring in the workplace.
5. Conversations are occurring outside the workplace. However, these conversations are very
different between and among darker-skinned populations (frequent, personal, and specific)
and lighter-skinned groups (infrequent, distant, and non-specific).
6. While colorism looks very different in different countries and regions, it exists around
the world. Our map of colorism’s global impact included in this report will illustrate this well.
7. Colorism is not a black-white issue, or a simple divide. Colorism is discrimination based on
skin-tone, with lighter-skinned individuals seen more positively overall by dominant groups.
However, colorism does not only occur among dominant (white) groups. People of color can also
have bias against darker skinned individuals and groups. Thus, colorism is both “inter-racial”
and “intra-racial.”
8. Colorism reduces the talent pool. For a business executive, understanding, acknowledging,
and acting to consciously minimize colorism, while understanding the shifting nature of
identity and labeling, is highly consequential. Colorism hinders individual achievement.
It may keep qualified individuals from rising to and filling key positions.
9. Colorism is the least data-centric behavior within human capital analytics and among
human resource professionals in business. While there is anecdotal evidence of its existence,
and some empirical, research-based evidence of its impact, there is almost no empirical data
on colorism in the workplace.
10. Opportunities for reward exist for executives who act with resolve to understand identity,
labeling, colorism, surface it in their decisions, and build in a consequential awareness about
it in their organizations.
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
6
We have conducted research that takes an important step toward understanding identity, labeling,
and colorism in the workplace and will result in practical recommendations for those engaged in
diversity and inclusion efforts within the corporate sector.
Our report addresses the interplay of identity, labeling and colorism in four sections.
1. Challenges: We provide succinct definitions and explanations of the interrelationships
among identity, labeling and colorism.
2. Findings: We present five key findings from our interviews and literature review.
3. Implications: We discuss how our findings affect people and the workplace.
4. Actions: We propose four steps to build on what this research discovered.
A summary of research methods and future plans are detailed in the Appendix.
1. Challenges
“When people are pretending to be something they are not – whether it’s related to colorism or pretending to be an extrovert
when you are an introvert…it takes way more energy to put up a façade and pretend to be something else. People don’t
realize the energy it takes until they are ‘out of the closet’ on [colorism or] whatever issue it is.”
How people identify and how they are labeled is a complicated issue, and it is becoming even
more so with increased migration in our global community. Furthermore, both identity and
labeling have complex relationships with colorism. Understanding these relationships begins
with understanding precisely what we mean by identity, labeling, and colorism, and how these
are changing.
Identity
Identity is essentially how we define ourselves. The formation and maintenance of identity is
not a simple issue. It is dependent on how an individual views herself or himself. This, in turn,
is constantly changing and shifting as one’s context changes: environmentally, developmentally,
socially, and geographically.
An individual might identify as young when surrounded by people who are older, but then
identify as old when working closely with someone who is younger. This continual shifting of
self-identification can change how individuals relate to others, what they feel they can contribute,
how they contribute and ultimately, how effective they are in their job. This is especially true in
terms of race and skin tone.
Sociologists, psychologists, and social psychologists have shown that as we develop our self-identity,
we internalize many complex societal ideas about who is valued, and what characteristics are most
valuable. Skin tone is one of these characteristics, and our value and identity are based, in part, on
our skin tone—and the messages we receive about it.4
From a very young age, because we are inundated with so many messages about skin color
and the value of different skin colors through media and other sources, we start to internalize
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
7
these messages. This has an impact not only on how we see the world, but how we see ourselves.
Because we are exposed to these messages so early, and the messages are so pervasive, color
becomes part of early identity formation (whether consciously or subconsciously), with lighter
skinned individuals developing an identity that has some superiority or confidence, and darker
skinned individuals internalizing messages of inferiority and of being less valuable or valued.
In this way, internalization of colorism and development of our own self-identity becomes
intertwined with the identities and labels that others place upon us. These are, of course,
generalizations that will not apply to every person in the same ways. Many other factors
contribute to identity formation, confidence, and self-perceptions.
All of this happens within the context of our culture and environment. Yet precisely how this
happens, and the results, varies by country. For example, in Brazil, “a wider range of skin color
designations allows (some) individuals to self-select their color identities based on location,
context, gender, and social class.”5 Census data collected in Brazil reflects this. Between 1950
and 1980, there was a 38% decrease in the number of people who self-identified as “preto” (black)
and a 34% increase in the number of people who self-identified as “pardo” (brown).
Researchers who have examined this data suggest it is probably an indication of people who
self-identified as black in 1950, but “reclassified” themselves as brown in 1980. A similar pattern was
found between 1980 and 1990. Other studies in Brazil have noted that even adolescents are “keenly
aware that skin color…adversely affects their prospects in the market place.”6 Men and women work
to straighten curly hair and change other features to look less dark or black when they go out into
the job market.
People of color often face a double-edged sword when it comes to colorism. Studies have shown
that while many dark-skinned African Americans, Latinos, and other people of color “view
their skin color proudly, others are ambivalent, and still others view their dark skin as a ‘mark of
oppression’. Conversely, many light-complexioned African Americans [Latinos, and others] have
been belittled because they do not look “black enough” [or Latino enough].”7 This puts people of
color in a “no-win” situation, struggling to constantly navigate between negotiating their own
identity and the labels others place on them.
Issues of identity are not new, and race as part of identity is not new. What is new is that, despite
the ubiquity of colorism, because of demographic and social trends (changes in migration patterns,
increased urbanization, interracial marriage, increases in access to media and disposable income),
how a person self-identifies relative to colorism is more fluid now than ever before.
According to a 2014 article in The New Republic: “The usual way that race labels are applied in the
United States in everyday parlance and in government statistics fail to capture a phenomenon
poised to reshape how race is actually lived in America: the increase in multiracial marriages and
births, which almost certainly will lead to more blended populations in future generations. As this
trend continues, it will blur the racial fault lines of the last half of the twentieth century. The nation
is not there yet. But the evidence for multiracial marriages and multiracial individual identity
shows an unmistakable softening of boundaries that should lead to new ways of thinking
about racial populations and race-related issues.”8
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
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More people than ever are finding the existing racial “boxes” they are asked to tick too narrow
in terms of their own self-identity. Similar dynamics play out in many other regions and countries
across the globe. Because of these trends, race as an organizing characteristic is less salient than ever
before, while skin color is becoming more relevant. In other words, people have more room to choose
how to identify, in terms of their race or ethnicity, and make different choices in different situations.
From a young age, we are inundated with messages from our parents, family, friends, and society,
including the media, about what is valuable and what is not. Some of us have memories of this
cruel childhood chant: “if you’re light, you’re all right; if you’re brown, stick around; if you’re black, stay
back.” These messages all contribute to the development of individual identity and to the
labeling of others.
As adults, these self-defining thoughts are part of a person’s identity, and these come with us
into the workplace.9 This has critical implications for diversity and inclusion efforts, as well as
developing successful recruitment and retention strategies. Strategies built on old ways of
understanding identity are simply outdated. Understanding how people identify, especially in
a global environment, is critical to understanding how to recruit and retain talent, and how to
develop a corporate culture that identifies and supports their strengths.
Labeling
Research suggests that we make judgments about others, essentially labeling them, in less than
a second.10 We all do it, whether deliberately or unconsciously. Labels are a quick way to decide who
someone is, how we will approach them, how much we believe we will relate to them, and how
much weight we will give their ideas.
As we’ve discussed, from infancy, we are flooded with messages from a variety of pervasive sources,
and these contribute to the development of our identity. These messages also contribute to how
we identify, or label, others and they are relentlessly delivered, and unconsciously incorporated into
how we view the world. They also include implicit and explicit values about skin tone: those with
darker skin are portrayed more negatively and those with lighter skin are portrayed more positively.
In part, because we learn these messages so early, and because the messages are so ubiquitous and
ingrained, colorism becomes unconscious for most people. Despite education, good intentions,
self-awareness, coaching, and other positive influences, the countless media messages that we
receive from birth are powerful. Many people (particularly those who are white, light skinned,
or in the dominant group) are often unaware of their own biases. This is especially true of
colorism or “skin color bias.” For most people, our research suggests that skin color biases
are often unconscious.
Research on implicit or unconscious bias is a growing field, and fortunately, skin tone is
beginning to be incorporated into the research. For example, Project Implicit, a multi-university
research collaboration between the University of Washington, Harvard University, and the
University of Virginia, has developed “Implicit Association Tests (IAT)” that measure biases
around a variety of diversity issues, including gender, disability, and race. One IAT explores bias
related to skin tone. Data from the test have revealed that, often, people have “an automatic
preference for light-skin relative to dark-skin” (http://spottheblindspot.com/the-iat/).
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
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Like identity, issues of labeling are not new. What is new is the complexity of labeling. It is
harder than ever, in many situations, to quickly or neatly label a person. There is evidence that
race, as a way to categorize or label people, is becoming less salient, and that skin tone (and other
related characteristics, such as hair texture, facial features, and even a person’s accent) may be
replacing race as a predominant way of “labeling” people.
While breaking down labels or categories is, in many ways, desirable and it may help break
down barriers, it also means that diversity and inclusion efforts (and, in essence, leadership
types and corporate cultures) need to become aware of these complexities. Only then can we
support true diversity, support employees and teams in being as effective as possible, and
develop a corporate culture that is capable of attracting, retaining, and effectively leveraging
talent, especially individuals whose very identities are being shaped by a culture in which
increased attention to and fluidity in identity and labeling may be the new norm.
A preliminary conclusion from our research is that as our world becomes increasingly more
interconnected with intricate intersections, and as people come into contact with increasing
diversity, the gaps between self-identification and how someone else labels a person may be
growing. Additionally, as it becomes more complex for individuals to identify (because there
are so many options, and because identity has become more contextual and fluid) and as it
becomes more complex for people and groups (governments, companies, dominant culture)
to label individuals (for the same reasons), and as we recognize that we are in an age of
multifaceted and complex social identities, there is greater use of color rather than race
as a way to identify or label – to categorize people and make sense of difference.
The reasons the issue of labeling are becoming more complex are discussed below.
Colorism
While a definition has not been universally agreed upon, our working definition of “colorism”
is basically a preference for lighter-skinned individuals and groups over darker-skinned individuals
and groups, and discrimination based on skin tone, with darker-skinned individuals and groups
facing greater discrimination, regardless of race.
Colorism is defined differently by different scholars in different fields. Some researchers call it
“skin color stratification” or “differentiation by lightness or darkness of skin tone”11 or skin tone
discrimination. While struggling to define colorism with clarity, scholars are also struggling to
understand and explain differences between colorism and racism. Colorism is clearly a product
of racism, and has its roots in racism, historical dominance of lighter skinned groups over darker
skinned groups, and white privilege and dominance. While colorism is a product of racism, it is
also its own separate and distinct form of discrimination. Research has shown a consistent
pattern of preference given to individuals with lighter skin, regardless of race. Colorism operates
within the system of racism, and different people experience racism differently, based on the
tone of their skin.12
Although colorism is not universal in its relevance and implications, it is a global phenomenon,
with lighter-skinned individuals preferred over darker-skinned individuals. While we might be
able to agree upon a definition or a set of characteristics that make up “colorism,” it is even more
important to understand how colorism manifests itself in different regions and settings.
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
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Colorism will continue to change and evolve with changes in:
•
•
•
•
•
•
Migration and family structure;
Access to information and education;
How people identify themselves;
How governments and other entities label people;
Media portrayals of people with lighter and darker skins;
The large scale cultural shifts that result from all of these.
Colorism varies by setting, and what colorism looks like and what its impacts will be are
regionally-specific, country-specific, rooted in the history and culture of a region, and impacted
by how people self-identity and how they are labeled by the dominant culture, government,
history, and other factors.
Colorism
Around
the World
The existing research on colorism and our interviews
have uncovered examples of colorism around
the world, from empirical data on the use of skin
whitening products to anecdotal evidence and
perceptions of differential treatment in the workplace.
“In northern Europe, it can be subtle. Colorism is one variable
in how a person is discriminated against or favored, and it is
very salient. Internationally, it’s less about black/white – it’s
more gradients.” Another noted that “Immigrants who are
higher caste are also often lighter – white majority connects
more easily with lighter skinned and higher caste.”
NORTHERN
EUROPE
In Japan, women
spend more money
on skin-lightening
products than women
in any other country.
UNITED STATES
“Most of the hiring
managers and decision
makers are Caucasian
and they are not aware
[of colorism].”
“Because of colorism,
an employee misses out
on key development
opportunities, exposure
to leadership. This leads
to hitting the glass
ceiling and leaving,
or staying at the
company and resigning
themselves to staying
but having career
frustration.”
CENTRAL
AMERICA
“In Jamaica and
Brazil, doctors,
engineers, bankers
are mostly lighter
skinned”. [Colorism
is a] “kind of caste
system.”
JAMAICA
BRAZIL
“In Central America,
lighter skinned
individuals are
entrepreneurs, get
higher education.
Darker skinned
individuals tend to
be in the service
industry, don’t have
access to higher
education and have
high illiteracy rates.”
“In Central
America, there is
an assumption that
light skinned people
are better.”
JAPAN
INDIA
In “Brazil and other Latin
American countries, there is
a correlation between your
status and how light your
skin is.”
In Hong Kong and
in India, over 60% of
skin-care sales are skinwhitening products
AFRICA
“In India and Bangladesh,
whether they are darker
skinned or lighter skinned,
it [colorism] is definitely a
reality” and it has a huge
impact on a person’s
chances in the business
world.”
In “Brazil, recruitment
strategies don’t encourage
finding Afro-Brazilians.
People say ‘well, they aren’t
qualified’. Historically, this
may have been true but
there is greater access now
to education and increased
opportunities but there is
still a perception that Black
Brazilians are not qualified.”
“[In Brazil, global
corporations] tend not
to employ a lot of black
Brazilians [in management
and leadership positions].”
CHINA
“Lighter skinned Indians
do look down upon darker
skinned Indians.”
Across Africa,
between 25% and
77% are reported to
use skin-lightening
products on a
regular basis.
In India, skin-lightening
products account for
more than 45% of the
skin care market.
As our map above illustrates, colorism manifests itself in unique ways around the
world, especially in countries where race is less talked about or focused on, or where racial
categories are or have become increasingly blurred through marriage, immigration, and
intergenerational and individual skin whitening efforts. For example, in parts of Latin America,
race is a less prominent part of a person’s identity and is often not part of daily discourse,
but skin color is extremely important.13
Colorism can be an issue of greater importance for women, because of society’s much greater
pressure for women to be attractive. One aspect of colorism that seems to be fairly consistent
globally is that lighter skin equals beauty. For darker skinned women, being perceived as
beautiful becomes both more important and more difficult.
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
11
Some researchers believe that a primary difference between racism and colorism is that
colorism can be intra-racial as well as inter-racial. Research in social psychology and other fields
has uncovered the distancing that occurs between races (between lighter skinned and darker
skinned people and groups), and a pattern of discrimination against darker skinned people,
both by people in dominant white groups and by lighter skinned individuals and groups.
Some have noted that “passing” as lighter skinned or white, “covering” one’s true racial or
ethnic background, and even “code switching” (changing one’s use of language in the workplace
to be more in alignment with dominant white culture) are all practices that are borne out of
colorism, as well as racism. In the U.S. and in many countries and regions across the globe,
non-white individuals, particularly darker skinned individuals, face tremendous pressure
to conform to the dominant (white) culture, to align with the group in power and, therefore,
to distance themselves from people without power (darker skinned individuals and groups)
by using these tactics and/or using skin lightening products, facial surgery, and other means.
As we’ve indicated and demonstrated in our research, colorism is:
•
•
•
•
•
A complex issue;
Nuanced and with far-reaching implications;
Clearly growing in importance;
Not well understood;
Rarely discussed or examined in the workplace.
2. Findings
“Countries have become more multi-cultural, and so colorism is more prevalent.”
“The color of the mouth the words come out of matters.”
“People get sick of the microaggressions; people leave; [companies] lose talent; then companies bring in new,
less experienced people and bad decisions get made.”
“If a person of color says something – no one takes it seriously. Then a white person says it and everyone thinks it’s
a great idea. The distinction exists for darker or lighter skinned also – with darker-skinned people more likely to get
interpreted negatively.”
Colorism exists, in life and in the workplace, around the world.
As with other types of discrimination or bias, colorism can have negative impacts on workplace
culture, recruitment, retention, and effectiveness.
While there is little research on colorism and its impacts in the workplace, there is ample evidence
of colorism in the media and the public realm, in education and the criminal justice system, in
health disparities and access to health care, and in other life outcomes.
Income and Education
Skin tone discrimination is evident throughout the world in the most basic life outcomes. Across a
variety of contexts, people with darker skin experience more negative treatment and outcomes than
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
12
people with lighter skin (Maddox 534; other citations). For example, darker skinned individuals and
groups have less access to education and attain lower educational outcomes. In Argentina, the
average number of years of education for darkest skinned individuals is 5 years lower than lighter
skinned individuals. This trend holds up across all Central American and South American countries.14
In the U.S., “darker skin tone is associated with lower levels of educational attainment, occupational attainment, socioeconomic status, [mental health], and physical health outcomes compared to
lighter skin tone.”15 Differences in educational outcomes are as great between light-skinned and
dark-skinned African American, as they are between whites and African Americans. The same is
true for Mexican Americans.16 In one study conducted in 2000 in 4 American cities, dark-skinned
African Americans had statistically significant lower levels of education than lighter-skinned
African Americans, and lighter-skinned African Americans were more likely to have a college degree
than medium- or darker-skinned African Americans.17
Impacts in the Workplace
Because there is less research about the existence and impacts of colorism in the workplace, we
concentrated intently on this topic in our interviews. Our interviewees stated that colorism exists
around the world and occurs frequently in the workplace. While most interviewees had not heard
the term “colorism,” once it was defined for them, most could cite examples of it from their own
lives, and from the lives of friends and colleagues, both within the U.S. and in other countries.
The few who could not cite an example were white, one of whom stated, “I suspect I haven’t
seen it because I’m white.”
Typically, interviewees could share multiple stories about exclusion, discrimination, and hostility
toward darker skinned colleagues, friends, family members (or themselves). These examples
ranged from hiring decisions and opportunities for advancement and retention, to more subtle
examples of commonplace indignities, those that comprise “microaggressions,” which will be more
fully defined in the section below. However, interviewees also reported that, while colorism exists
and is pervasive, it is often unseen by people in positions of power.
Hiring, Retention, and Promotion
In terms of hiring, retention, and promotion, interviewees revealed a pervasive sense that
“colorism definitely plays into hiring decisions and decisions about what assignments people get.”
One interviewee said this: “People with fair complexions rise higher and faster than darker skinned
colleagues.” Another noted that “it is so ingrained in decision making, it is unclear whether people
are aware of it or not.” Still another said that they “believe that lighter skinned individuals are
promoted more frequently and that there is a difference in pay.”
Empirical data reflect these perceptions about colorism in hiring, retention, pay, and promotion
of darker skinned individuals. For example, unemployment rates worldwide are highest for darker
skinned individuals. In the U.S., the employment rate for women with very dark skin tone is
strikingly lower (15-20% lower) than that of women with lighter skin tone.
Several studies have shown that, in the U.S. at least, skin tone is more important than
educational background for those seeking jobs. A University of Georgia study found that “a
light-skinned black male can have only a bachelor’s degree and typical work experience and still
be preferred over a dark-skinned black male with an M.B.A and past managerial positions, simply
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
13
because expectations of the light-skinned black male are much higher, and he doesn’t appear as
‘menacing’ as the darker-skinned male applicant.”18
In terms of wages, a good indicator of retention, promotion, and development, there is an 8-15%
difference in income in the U.S. between immigrants with lighter skin than those with the darkest
skin tones.19 Average hourly wages drop as skin tone darkens, with differences between lighter and
darker skinned individuals of over $3 per hour in one study.20 In Brazil, Afro-Brazilians make about
half of what white Brazilians make. Global statistics on rates of education reflect similar findings:
darker-skinned people of color receive lower levels of education compared to lighter-skinned
individuals, essentially blocking them from even reaching the recruitment pipeline.21
Colorism in recruitment, retention, and promotion affects companies as well. The “employer
loses the talent, loses the performance, loses an employee who could add value.” This is happening
at a time when there is an increasingly competitive battle to recruit, develop, and retain talent.
According to a recent engineering journal article: “The ticking clock… reminds us we are closer to
the end of the decade when a perfect storm of a limited employee pipeline, a retiring work force,
reshoring [the practice of bringing outsourced personnel and services back to the location from
which they were originally offshored], and the changing pace of technology is expected to place
even greater labor demands on manufacturers, challenged by an already slim supply of skilled
workers.”22 In the words of an interviewee: “Colorism impacts the world more broadly economically
- world-wide, darker skinned people are not getting the opportunities to go to school and to get
to the point of being interviewed for management jobs.” This has an impact on the success of
companies and, ultimately, of nations.
While we all have complex identities and internalized beliefs, and we may have unconsciously
“bought into” the media’s portrayals, representations, and stereotypes related to skin color,
most people are also relatively unaware of them. Partially due to this lack of awareness, workplace
cultures can subconsciously encourage or allow color discrimination, and these unconscious
beliefs and ideas sometimes guide workplace behaviors and decisions. Therefore, an employer
might only hire lighter skinned people because years of imprinting portrays lighter skinned
people as educated and business savvy – and the employer may not be aware he or she is
engaging in colorism or color discrimination.
The same scenario is less likely to occur based on race, because people are more aware of racism
and are more likely to notice and act upon race discrimination. Additionally, people tend to be
more comfortable with, and more likely to favor, people who look more like them. As a result, white
individuals may tend to hire and promote those with lighter skin because they unconsciously feel
that light-skinned people are more closely connected to “whiteness” and will have traits that are
more closely associated with being white. Throughout our interviews, interviewees reported
feeling that judgments are made about a person’s potential based on skin tone.
Microaggressions
Microaggressions are defined as, “brief and commonplace daily verbal, behavioral, and
environmental indignities, whether intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile,
derogatory, or negative racial slights and insults to the target person or group.”23
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
14
Our interviews also revealed more subtle forms of colorism. For example, one interviewee noted
that even something like “calling in sick” is interpreted more negatively for darker skinned people
of color, with colleagues and leadership being more likely to question its veracity. Another interviewee regarded asking for “favors” in the workplace, such as asking for support on a task or asking
for an introduction to a leader. This interviewee said that favors in the workplace are less likely to
be granted if you are darker skinned than if you are a lighter skinned person of color.
Additionally, a few interviewees felt that it is often left to the darker-skinned person of color to
change their style of interaction or their behavior in order to deal with or avoid these types of
micro-aggressions, and that this takes a toll. As with microaggressions against any group of people,
these leave the target of the microaggressions feeling frustrated, isolated, disconnected, and
unmotivated, even to the point of leaving a company. This has an impact on the company culture
and, ultimately, on the bottom line.
3. Implications
“The issue of colorism is probably the worst within groups. What is most harmful about
colorism is what it does to the psyche of people of color.”
“Yes, we talk about this in our families – a lot, in fact. But we check these conversations at the
door when we go to work.”
“Darker skinned people have a lot less room to be authentic in the workplace.”
The Trends
As we’ve noted, there are many reasons that color or skin tone is increasing in salience as a
part of identity and labeling, and therefore increasing in salience in the workplace and for
corporations in general. These include changes in migration and increased urbanization, which
leads to increased access to information, increased disposable income, and more interracial
marriage. These, and other factors, have led to more fluidity in race and, subsequently, changes
in how people identify and how they are labeled. All of this means that issues of identity, labels,
skin tone, and race, are becoming more complex, but also more important as there is more
competition for talent.
First, in terms of changes in migration, across the world more people are migrating to urban
areas, and the rate of migration is increasing. By 2030, the urban populations of emerging
economies are predicted to double, from 2 billion to 4 billion people.24 The population of India’s
towns and cities is expected to increase from 282 million to 590 million in the next 20 years. In
China, the urban population rose from 18% in 1978 to 50% in 2010. In Ghana, the urban population
has grown from 29% in 1970 to almost 52% in 2011. In the United States, the urban population
increased by 12.1% from 2000 to 2010, while overall growth was at only 9.7%. Urban areas now
account for almost 81% of the U.S. population. With increased urbanization often comes
increased access to disposable income, as well as increased access to media and diversity in
ideas and values, and contact with more diverse people and groups.25
Second, as more people have moved to urban areas, they typically have more disposable
income. In the U.S., the income of urban households is about 32% greater than the income of
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
15
rural households.26 In other countries, the same is true. In China, for example, “participation in
migration reduces poverty for those in rural households.” For the poorest in China, migrating
from a rural setting to an urban setting increased household income by an average of 80%.27
Additionally, with increased urbanization and income come increased access to new and more
information, and increased exposure to cultural values and media portrayal of cultural values.
One striking example of this increased access to information is the increased global use of the
Internet, which has doubled, tripled, or grown even more exponentially in the past decade,
coinciding with urbanization.28
There is evidence that urbanization, increased disposable income, and exposure to the dominant
group’s cultural values is increasing the existence of and perpetuating colorism. A stark piece
of evidence is the dramatic increase in the sales and use of skin whitening products across the
globe. Skin whitening products represent one of the rapidly growing segments in the global
beauty industry.
While equating light skin with beauty and being part of the dominant class is not new, the use
of skin lighteners and cosmetic surgery to change eye shape, nose shape and other features has
erupted in recent years. Growth in the market can be attributed in large part to increasing demand
in India, Japan, China, the Middle East, Latin America, and the United States. A study conducted in
2011 in Hong Kong revealed that 30% of ads on TV during prime time (on a Saturday night) were for
skin whitening products.29 In some nations, such as the U.S. and Great Britain, increased demand
for these products is attributed to an increase in immigration and the expanding population
of various ethnic groups.While much of the market share is women, men are also using skin
lightening products at increasing rates. Tellingly, “the global skin lighteners market is projected
to reach US$19.8 billion by 2018, driven by the growing desire for light-colored skin among
both men and women primarily from the Asian, African and Middle East regions.”30
Cosmetic surgery, to change the nose and eyes to more traditionally “European” or white
shapes, is also on the rise.31 Furthermore, efforts to lighten the skin and create more “European”
facial features can reach far beyond creams and surgical procedures, particularly among urban
residents seeking upward mobility. In India, Mexico, and other countries, skin color is an important
consideration in the matrimonial selection process,32 since marrying someone with lighter
skin promotes intergenerational skin whitening.
Media Attention
In the media, including social media, there has been a recent surge in attention to skin tone issues.
From controversy over whether the American celebrity entertainer Beyoncé has lightened her skin
(or her representatives lightened promotional photos) for a recent concert tour; to controversy over
whether Sammy Sosa, the Dominican born, retired National League Baseball player, was using skin
lightening products; to the alleged lightening of photos of Academy Award winning actress Lupita
Nyong’o to make her appear lighter-skinned, even after she was dubbed one of People Magazine’s
most beautiful people of 2014, colorism is being talked about in the media.
Issues of the complexity of identity and labeling are even being explored in the media and social
media, including a surge in Twitter activity after actress Raven Symone stated on an Oprah Winfrey
show,33 that she doesn’t like labels. She prefers to be “labeled [as] a ‘human who loves humans.’”
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
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She added: “I’m tired of being labeled. I’m American, I’m not African-American, I’m American.”34
Her comments generated heated Twitter discussion about race, identity, labeling and, to some
degree, color.
In July 2014, when information about a Hollywood agency’s casting call (for “A Girls” and “B Girls”
who are “light-skinned” and “D Girls” with “medium to dark skin tone”) made its way onto the
Internet in 2014, it was met with a firestorm of critique and controversy (resulting in an apology
from the casting agency). These examples reflect a heightened sensitivity to colorism, and a level
of social media engagement in response to it, which requires that organizations and individuals
pay attention and become educated about the issues of identity, labeling, and colorism and
their corresponding implications.
Legal Considerations
There are legal issues for corporations to consider as well, as color discrimination cases appear
to be on the rise. For several reasons, U.S. courts have had difficulty recognizing colorism-based
employment discrimination claims. In part, this is because colorism claims do not neatly fit the
template that has been established for racial discrimination claims. These have typically involved
a member of one racial category discriminating against a member of another racial category.
Also, it is sometimes difficult to distinguish between race and color claims. Because plaintiffs lack
the tools to differentiate color and race and to argue effectively on the basis of colorism, plaintiffs
simply agree to using race as the basis for their claims because it is simply easier and more effective
to argue within established legal frameworks instead of “charting new territory.” Plaintiffs may also
view their claims solely as race claims and assume that including color in the claim is redundant.
Therefore, it is believed that there may be more color based claims than have actually been reported.35
The U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) states, without detailed explanation,
that color and race are distinct claims. Although Title VII does not define color, the courts and the
EEOC define color in terms of “pigmentation, complexion, or skin shade or tone.” Therefore, color
discrimination occurs when someone is discriminated against “based on the lightness, darkness,
or other color characteristic of the person.” Title VII prohibits race/color discrimination against
all persons, including Caucasians).
Despite the lack of clarity about the number of colorism claims that have been filed in U.S. courts,
there is some evidence to suggest that colorism claims are increasing, or at least there is growing
recognition of claims that may be based in colorism rather than race.36 While each year the number
of race claims is much higher than color claims, in the past 15 years, the rate of increase in new
color claims has far outpaced the rate of new race claims. Between FY1997 and FY2013, there were
on average, nearly 150 new color-based claims compared to almost 425 new race-based claims.
However, “receipt of color-based claims increased 312% compared to 13% for race based claims
between FY1997 and FY2013. From 2012 to 2013, receipt of color claims increased 18% compared
to a small decline (1%) for race based claims”.37
The monetary benefits for color based claims totals $29.6M in 2013 compared to $112.7M for
race based claims. Currently, in the U.S., more color-based employment discrimination claims
are filed by Latinos, followed by Asians and people from the Middle East.38
Tanya Hernandez, professor of law at Fordham University, suggests that color-based claims will
continue to increase in the U.S. due to the growing presence of immigrants from countries where
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
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color plays a vital role in the formation of hierarchy, as racial categorization becomes increasingly
complicated as a result, not only of immigration patterns, but of rising rates of interracial sex and
marriage, and as color rather than race becomes a more frequently used basis for distinction.
It is anticipated that, “as the United States becomes a ‘triracial system’ emphasizing color
distinctions as part of a multifaceted and complex social ordering and greater use of color rather
than race as a mode of social differentiation, race based discrimination claims will likely decrease with
a simultaneous increase in color discrimination cases.”39 Corporations need to be prepared to prevent
these kinds of cases, and this kind of discrimination, by becoming aware of changing patterns
of identity and labeling and the increased salience of skin tone.
Awareness of Colorism
There is growing evidence that younger generations (i.e., future consumers and future talent)
are more aware of colorism as an issue. They may be more likely to make not only employment
decisions, but also purchasing decisions based on corporate performance in diversity areas,
especially those that are more nuanced, like skin tone. For example, exposure to diverse
backgrounds is different for younger people because they see more diversity in the media
(especially social media). They are more aware of and more sensitive to corporate responsibility,
including issues of colorism. As the younger generation is more attentive to race and color,
they are more likely to judge companies based on whether they are diverse in their employees and
leadership, and in their marketing, and they may make consumer choices and investment choices
based on how well a company does on diversity. As colorism continues to be discussed more in
the media and in social media, younger people will gain a greater awareness of it.
High Risk/High Reward Potential
All of these factors lead to greater complexity in how people identify, how people are labeled,
and the salience that colorism has for these issues. As race continues to become less of an
organizing characteristic, and identities and labels become more fluid, it will become more
important for corporations to be attentive to the existence of colorism in the workplace, and
its potential impacts on corporate culture and successful recruitment, retention, and
effectiveness of talent.
Because colorism seems to be ubiquitous, and awareness of it seems to be on the rise, but it is
an understudied and not well understood concept (even less so in the workplace), it represents
both a high risk for corporations (in terms of talent pipeline, work force needs, recruitment,
retention and diversity efforts) and a big opportunity (for corporations that handle this issue
well and are even on the cutting edge of awareness and initiatives to manage it).
For corporations that want to pursue genuinely transformative and learning-oriented diversity
and inclusion efforts, there is increasing evidence that acknowledging and understanding colorism
may be a critical emerging area of focus. For corporations that want to be leaders in addressing
emerging and evolving discrimination issues, understanding and addressing colorism as a
long-term work force development issue may be important.
In a 2011 article in Equality Diversity and Inclusion: An International Journal, the authors note that:
“the diversity management paradigm tends to be ‘stuck’ at the level of compliance, rather than
[focusing on] organizational cultural transformation…[a] focus on compliance also limits a
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
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‘transformational agenda,’ keeping corporations focused on a ‘tick box mentality’.” A promising
approach to changing this is to examine identity, labeling, and colorism within the context of
different settings, and from the perspective of developing language and raising awareness as
first steps in a more transformative approach.
Little Talk about Colorism
Corporations and people in the workplace are not talking about colorism. As we started to explore
colorism, we were immediately confronted with the assertion from many scholars that colorism
was ubiquitous but extremely understudied.40 We also noted that we could not easily find much
practical application of the existing research. Furthermore, our interviewees stated that colorism
is not being explicitly addressed in the workplace.
Why is colorism understudied? Colorism is rapidly evolving on a global level, and it takes many
shapes and forms throughout the world. In part, colorism is understudied because it crosses so
many disciplinary boundaries. The study of colorism is by necessity an interdisciplinary and
multi-disciplinary endeavor. In nearly every academic article on colorism, the author notes that
colorism is extremely understudied in that scholar’s field. This is true whether in legal studies,
the social sciences, or business.
Second, colorism is changing quickly, and the pace of change is accelerating as migration
patterns speed up and the pace of development and economic growth in many regions of the
world accelerates. Third, many people, including both white people and people of color, are
unaware of colorism, and there is a lot of confusion between racism and colorism. And last,
some authors, among them Ronald Hall of Michigan State University, assert that colorism is
not studied because people do not want to acknowledge its existence. He states, “It has been
overlooked on the basis of cultural taboos and maintaining polite social discourse.”
Why is colorism not discussed or addressed in the workplace? Our interviews and research
reflect that, outside of academia, almost no one is talking about or addressing colorism. This is
due to a lack of conscious awareness; a lack of language; the complexity of the issues; denial; or
other priorities. Despite its prevalence, and despite a growing awareness of colorism or skin tone
discrimination, almost no one is talking about it in the workplace, and for many people, skin tone
discrimination is unconscious. We heard from interviewees that there is no language to discuss
colorism in the workplace, though people of color have talked about the issue with their families
and among friends, as a child and as an adult. Almost without exception, diversity and inclusion
strategies do not address explicitly colorism and issues of identity and labeling.
Lack of Awareness
While nearly every interviewee reported having seen colorism, they believe that most white
people do not see colorism, which leads to the issue not being discussed.
One interviewee said they had not seen colorism in the workplace, or outside of the workplace.
Later in the interview, when we asked their race, the interviewee said Caucasian, and then followed
that with “and maybe that’s why I’m not seeing colorism.” Another noted, “The Caucasian work
force does not recognize it.” In the words of another: “most of the hiring managers and decision
makers are Caucasian – and…they are not aware [of colorism].” As we explore the issue of colorism
in other countries during the next phase of our research, we can draw meaningful comparisons
to colorism in the U.S.
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
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Lack of Discourse
While it’s clear from our research that scholars are developing a terminology for examining
colorism, these terms, such as “pigmentocracy,” have not yet passed into ordinary speech.
In other words, we still lack the appropriate discourse to discuss colorism in a way that
acknowledges its potential for discomfort and denial. We need to develop and test processes
for uncovering the “right” ways to discuss colorism in different settings. This includes
vocabulary that can describe colorism, demonstrate its existence and impacts, and is at
once attentive to the intersections between identity, labeling, and colorism.
Our research also revealed that the terms used to describe colorism vary by context, and that the
terms used are critically important. Having a conversation about colorism is challenging for many
reasons, and not having the appropriate discourse is a sure way to halt the conversation early.
Understanding the local context, including a country’s history and culture, and a corporation’s
culture, are important in choosing the right terms and conceptual framework to describe and
discuss issues of colorism.
Complexity of the Issues
While we can create and begin to use a straightforward definition of colorism, and building
the language to talk about it is critical, for the reasons discussed throughout this paper, it is
important to remember that this is a very nuanced issue. Skin tone and skin tone biases intersect
with the complexities of how individuals create and maintain their identity, and how others label
people, particularly in an increasingly fluid and complex international environment. Individuals
experience colorism and are labeled or identify differently in different situations based
on multiple factors, and how colorism plays out around the world varies.
For example, one interviewee noted that: “In India, everyone is Indian, so people are looking
for the next layer of things to discriminate or [connect around]. When everyone is the same
nationality, this [colorism] becomes a bigger conversation.” Another stated that: “In Europe, when
northern Europeans talk about southern Europeans, there is automatically a stigma associated
with [being] darker skinned – that [darker skinned people are] lazier, slower moving.” In the words
of another: In Mexico, “identity appears to be about nationality. But…skin hues are also related.
Spanish people tend to be lighter and Mexicans tend to be darker,” and there is discrimination and
bias related to this. These are just a few examples gleaned from our interviews, and they highlight
the complexities and nuances of identity, labeling, and colorism. While they differ in their nuances,
they are all the same in their basic message: colorism happens across the globe.
Denial and Discomfort
Many interviewees felt that there is a lot of denial that colorism is an issue and, until there is
hard empirical data to show that colorism exists and that people are impacted by it, colorism will
not be addressed in the workplace. For example, interviewees told us that they repeatedly hear
Europeans say, “Race and color are not issues here.” In some parts of northern Europe, “you can’t
even ask about race [or color].” The same is often true in the U.S., where some “people say we live in
a ‘post racial society’.” “I don’t see race,” the mantra of popular comedian Stephen Colbert’s former
persona on his cable television show “The Colbert Report,” parodies this ‘post-racial’ point of view.
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
20
Despite anecdotal evidence and lived experience that colorism exists, in many countries there
is still intense denial about “having any problems around race or color, and this is seen as a U.S.
issue.” For example, “Some parts of Europe are more multi-cultural today than in the past – more
Arabic population, more African immigrants (from Algeria, for example). When issues of color or
race are brought up, this is thought to be a U.S. issue. Some Europeans believe they do not have a
‘race problem.’ However, there is discrimination against darker skinned immigrants from northern
Africa.” Similarly, in northern Europe, “they believe there is no race issue at all. But you walk around
London and you see a lot of diversity, but you walk into an office and it’s all white.”
Interviewees noted that across the globe “people don’t like to talk about race,” and many
thought that talking about color will be even harder and more divisive.
Other Priorities
Our research revealed that, in general, colorism is not a priority for diversity and inclusion efforts.
Most interviewees reported that their corporations, around the world, believe that race and gender
have to be the first priorities. Some interviewees even suggested that addressing colorism may
be too advanced – it may be a “next phase” of diversity and inclusion efforts and that “a company
has to be pretty advanced in its diversity and inclusion to take this on.” Despite evidence of the
existence of colorism and its impacts (and perhaps due to a lack of large-scale empirical,
workplace-based evidence of its existence and impacts), colorism has not become a priority.
The Result: No Trainings, No Methods to Address Identity, Labeling & Colorism
As a result, almost without exception, diversity and inclusion strategies do not address
explicitly colorism and issues of identity and labeling. Issues of identity and labeling are
sometimes addressed in unconscious bias or other similar trainings, but without touching
on the importance of colorism as an organizing construct.
While almost all interviewees reported having seen or experienced colorism in the workplace
and acknowledged the existence of complex relationships between skin color, labeling, and
identity, almost without exception, interviewees reported that their companies do not address
colorism in their diversity and inclusion efforts and they did not know of any strategies to address
it. In fact, one interviewee noted that they “had never linked colorism with diversity and inclusion
strategies.” While many other important issues such as gender, age, sexual orientation, disability
status, and rural versus urban upbringing are more typically addressed in diversity and inclusion
(D&I) strategies, and these other issues are important, our research revealed that colorism is the
most important issue NOT being addressed. And because addressing colorism is so closely linked
with understanding and addressing identity and labeling, which are changing and evolving quickly,
addressing colorism has potentially even more power to transform D&I efforts.
Clearly, in order for the issue of colorism to be addressed, language, content and strategies need
to be developed and piloted, and a process for corporations to use to uncover the “right” language
in different settings needs to be developed. This includes language describing colorism and
language demonstrating its existence and impacts, and it includes language that is attentive
to the intersections between identity, labeling, and colorism.
A few interviewees suggested “colorism would have to be dealt with differently within the
diversity space. There is so much education that needs to be done” with both people of color and
white people. Addressing colorism may require a more holistic approach to identity biases, more
education about how biases develop, and appropriate language and content to discuss colorism.
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
21
There is little guidance and few resources about how to successfully address identity, labeling,
and colorism. Colorism and the related issues of identity and labeling have impacts on people and
on companies, but there is not enough empirical data and research on colorism in the workplace.
Without closer investigation and analysis, it is impossible to address fully the complexities of
colorism, shifting identities, and labels, and the negative impacts on corporations and individuals.
Qualitative information from interviews and available empirical data all point to colorism having
negative impacts – on people, on teams, on corporations, and even on nations and regions. While
there is data on impacts of colorism in a variety of settings, there is very little empirical data on the
existence and impacts of colorism in the workplace. Our research and our review of other research
suggest that skin tone discrimination affects corporations in many of the same ways that racism
and sexism have affected and continue to affect corporations. Some of these negative effects
include a corporation having fewer skilled workers in its pipeline; less diversity in its work force;
a work force that does not match its customer base; lower productivity; and challenges meeting
public perception for genuine diversity.
Data on skin tone and the impacts of skin tone discrimination within corporations, including
within recruitment, is critically needed. Corporations need recent, reliable, and valid empirical,
quantitative data on skin tone to use in benchmarking and to support increased focus on
this issue. Some academics and researchers (particularly in cultural studies, sociology and
anthropology, family studies, psychology, and African American studies, for example) are
beginning to study colorism and have been analyzing the available data. The data that exist are
compelling, showing that darker skinned people face discrimination and lower life outcomes,
relative to lighter skinned people of color, across a variety of domains: education, employment,
income, perceptions of their leadership ability, self-esteem, higher rates of expulsion from schools
and higher rates of incarceration. These general findings hold up across countries, regions, and
time periods, but most data are old, incomplete, and often are not applicable to corporate settings.
Importantly, there is a paucity of rigorous, large-scale, quantitative data in the workplace. Rigorous
quantitative data are needed on colorism, and the impact of colorism. In recent years, a few
surveys have worked to incorporate some measure of skin tone into their survey effort. However,
none of these has resulted in a conclusive and consistent methodology for collecting and using
skin tone data, and none has been conducted within a workplace setting.41
What we learned from these efforts is that it is possible to collect data on skin tone, but that it
is not easy, and there is no perfect methodology for doing so. We also realized that these data are
not being collected in a consistent fashion, nor are they being consistently collected and used to
better understand the complex relationships between identity, labeling and colorism.
In addition to a need for solid empirical data, there is a need for a template, or a step-by-step guide
on how to uncover, talk about, and address colorism throughout the world. Tools and strategies
need to be developed and adapted. Our research uncovered a lack of resources, and even a lack of
language to talk about the topic. The academic research that does exist has yet to be translated into
the language, strategy, and tools of business. The topic itself is so uncomfortable or alien to many
people that even having a conversation about it or considering incorporating it into D&I strategies
seem impossible.
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
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Despite the existence of evidence of colorism and its impacts, we have a lot to learn about the
dynamics of colorism globally, and its effects on people, businesses, and whole economies.
What we do not have, despite compelling qualitative evidence that colorism exists and is impacting
recruitment, retention, and productivity, is quantitative, empirical research on skin tone bias in
the workplace.
The lack of data on skin tone, and the relevance of skin tone, makes it difficult to have a
conversation about colorism.In the words of one interviewee: “We have been talking about
race for 20 years and there is data on race. For example, we have ratios of each race at each level
of the organization, but I can’t tell you any of that around colorism.” 4. Actions
“In order to address colorism, companies will want data on it, and will want to know how to track it and
track the impact on hiring, performance evaluations, promotion, and retention.”
“This is very emotional. Some people might want to let sleeping dogs lie. To talk about it, we must acknowledge internalized
oppression and internalized racism. This is a very sophisticated dialogue, both within groups and across groups, and it has
to be handled with sensitivity.”
“We are now faced with the fact that tomorrow is today. We are confronted with the fierce urgency of now.
In this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there ‘is’ such a thing as being too late. This is no time for apathy
or complacency. This is a time for vigorous and positive action.”
As we have demonstrated throughout this paper, there is no defined and accepted discourse for
talking about colorism, particularly in the workplace. This paper is an important step in achieving
this. We know that words can shape thoughts. We want to be on the cutting edge in helping shape
the way we think and talk about colorism. With that in mind, we urge you to consider the following
action plan:
1. Incorporate the dynamism of identity, labeling and colorism in unconscious bias training.
Develop employee resource groups that cut across identities and labels. Develop and support
the process of helping corporations gather information in any setting that will inform the
development of culturally-appropriate, locally-relevant strategies and measures, including
performance measures.
2. Develop the terms and tools to start the conversation, and then start the conversation.
It takes leaders with courage and vision to share their thoughts on what can be a sensitive topic.
In order to discuss colorism in the workplace, we need to develop clear talking points that
include relevant statistics, and we need business case studies and presentation material to help
diversity and inclusion experts begin this vital urgent conversation with leaders and employees.
3. Develop new tools and strategies to help people understand the complexity of
identities and labels, and/or adapt existing strategies to incorporate these important
and emerging concepts.
Frame diversity and inclusion efforts to include identity, labeling, and colorism as part of an
integrated strategy that addresses the complexities of identity and labeling. Include consideration of skin tone as part of the multiple “dimensions of diversity.” Incorporate colorism into
existing leadership trainings. Develop new leadership trainings that connect understanding
the intersections of identity, labeling, and colorism with authentic and visionary leadership.
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
23
4. Collect empirical data on skin tone discrimination in the workplace, including globally,
and on the shifting nature of identity and labeling, especially as these relate to workplace.
There is a tremendous paucity of data on skin tone discrimination and the relevance and
impact of skin tone in corporate settings, which are needed for benchmarking and to
adequately address the issues. The data needed would include an exploration of
•
•
•
•
•
shifts in how people identify;
shifts related to migration and urbanization;
generational changes;
how people are labeled in the workplace;
the impacts of these on recruitment, retention, promotion, and organizational
effectiveness and competitiveness.
Our research and your attention to it are fundamental to putting colorism on the map.
There is clearly an urgent need for greater understanding of colorism and its impact, especially in
the workplace. In the words of Martin Luther King Jr., speaking against the Vietnam War in 1967,
greater focus is achieved when recognizing “the fierce urgency of now”.
The time to act is now. Those who do not understand colorism—and its implications—in today’s
global community, will be like explorers of a new world who sail forth without a compass. Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
24
APPENDIX
Methodology
This preliminary study was intended to be exploratory – to begin an examination of whether
colorism is happening in the workplace, how identities and labels are shifting and changing,
and to explore whether anyone is addressing these issues in the workplace. As such, this study
does not claim to provide a comprehensive review of all research that has been conducted on
identity, labeling, and colorism. The field of study is growing rapidly, with new articles and studies
being released every month. This research also does not claim to have interviewed a random
sample of corporate staff for their opinions and experiences. As we discussed, several more
comprehensive studies are critically needed to explore issues of identity and labeling further,
and an empirical study on the impacts of skin tone on individuals in the workplace and on
corporations would be extremely valuable. This first phase of our research is intended to
highlight early findings and suggest future directions for study.
Literature Review
This initial, exploratory phase of our research consisted of two primary methods: an extensive
review of existing literature and interviews with key informants. To conduct the literature review,
we used multiple scholarly and popular databases. We searched for published academic and
non-academic articles, research in progress, presentations, books, blog postings, and other
web-based publications. We searched in popular, non-academic, and trade publications, and
sought out coverage of the issues in news and other media. We searched using a comprehensive
list of terms related to the topics. In addition, we conducted a secondary, less expansive search
for research on migration patterns and urbanization, Internet use and income trends, and use of
skin whitening products. We uncovered approximately 200 relevant sources, which we reviewed
and analyzed.
Key Interviews
Key interviewees were selected using purposive and snowball sampling. We initially sought
out corporate staff with expertise in diversity and inclusion, as we were interested in whether
colorism was being discussed within their corporations, and whether any diversity and inclusion
efforts included discussion of identity, labeling, and colorism. Second, we sought out academics
and researchers working on either issues of colorism or issues of corporate diversity and inclusion.
Many of these key individuals were uncovered via the literature review.
We interviewed 40 individuals in total. They were high-level executive staff at mostly global Fortune
500 corporations. Many had expertise and experience in both the U.S. and internationally, having
served in leadership roles throughout North and South America, Europe, Asia, and Africa.In order
to keep the identities of interviewees confidential, only very general information about race,
ethnicity, and skin tone may be provided.The pronoun “they” was used to refer to interviewees in
this report. 75% of interviewees identified as African American, multi-racial, or a race other than
white, and 25% identified as white or Caucasian. 66% were female and 34% were male. 20% identified
as having dark skin tone, 20% medium skin tone, and 35% identified as having light skin tone, with
the remainder identifying as having white skin.
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
25
Possible Direction for Additional Research
• Collect data on skin tone and the relevance of skin tone.
Data on skin tone discrimination and the relevance of skin tone in the workplace are
extremely limited. This lack of data presents a challenge for corporations that want to
understand how colorism is an issue in their organization, how people identify and are
labeled, what the impacts of these are, and how to address these issues. The next phase of
research will consist of a pilot study to gather skin tone data using unobtrusive methods,
such as researchers analyzing skin tone variation of corporate leaders using available
photos and an agreed upon skin tone palette or scale. Many methodological challenges
exist with such a study, but these can be overcome with rigorous training and protocols to
ensure inter-rater reliability and to adjust for researcher subjectivity and unconscious bias.
• Conduct a regional case study to develop a template for developing culturally appropriate,
locally relevant diversity and inclusion strategies that include a focus on colorism.
Our next phase of research will also include a case study on a region to pilot test a process
for learning about identity, labeling, and colorism within a local context and then using
that information to develop a rigorous, culturally appropriate, and effective diversity and
inclusion strategy for that local context. This case study will allow us to develop a template
or step-by-step guide for other corporations to use to undertake a similar initiative in any
region. This case study will focus in on one industry in one region to conduct an in-depth
study including the legal, cultural and historical context; the goals, commitment, resources,
current diversity, and talent needs of the corporation; and government and other initiatives
that could play a role in talent development and acquisition.
• Finalize and pilot test language, tools, and strategies.
We will develop and pilot test language on colorism and ways to incorporate colorism
into a larger diversity and inclusion strategy. This additional research to pilot test the
effectiveness of language and tools will generate a tested and proven set of tools and
resources for corporate diversity and inclusion staff to leverage in their conversations with
colleagues and leadership, and for use in their evolving diversity and inclusion strategies.
Before corporations can fully address colorism in their diversity and inclusion efforts, more
research needs to be done to understand the relationships between changing societal trends
such as migration, changing demographics, how people identify and are labeled, and how
colorism is emerging as an issue of importance, but also as a potential framework to begin
to shape future diversity and inclusion strategies.
Results from this research and the development of these tools will propel the conversation
about colorism forward, providing opportunities for corporations to be at the forefront of this
issue, to learn about it and address it proactively, and to create appropriate assessment tools.
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
26
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44.For example, the General Social Survey included a subjective measure of skin tone in 2012: surveyors were asked
to note the respondent’s skin tone on a scale of 1 to 10, with 1 being lightest and 10 being darkest. The Americas
Barometer Survey, which was last administered in 2012 in 26 countries in Central and South America, asked
respondents whether they agree or disagree with a series of questions related to color, including whether people
with darker skin are good political leaders. It also asked respondents to self-identify their skin tone using an 11-shade
skin tone color palette. The National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health required the interviewer to note the
respondent’s skin tone (white, light brown, medium brown, dark brown, or black). In the 1990s, a survey effort (the
Latino National Political Survey) used a 5-shade skin tone palette and asked respondents to report their self-identified
skin tone. The National Longitudinal Study of Freshmen (NLSF), the National Survey of Black Americans, and the
New Immigrant Survey also attempted to capture skin tone in similar ways (using ratings, skin tone palettes, and
either self-identification or interviewer’s subjective labeling of the respondent). In terms of identity and labeling,
we found one survey that explores these issues. The Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS) includes
a question that ask the respondent what race they identify as, and a question that asks what race other people
typically identify them as.
Identity, Labeling & Global Colorism
29
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