African Union
VMUN 2016 Background Guide
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VANCOUVER MODEL UNITED NATIONS
the fifteenth annual conference | January 22-24, 2016
Dear Delegates,
Jake Hauser
Secretary-General
Jason Liu
Director-General
Andrew Tsai
Chief of Staff
Claudia Wang
USG General Assemblies
Chris Pang
USG Committees
Alvin Tsuei
USG Delegate Affairs 1
Eva Zhang
USG Delegate Affairs 2
Ashley Ng
USG Conference
Evan Johnson
USG Finance
Isabelle Cheng
USG Sponsorship
Sunny Cui
USG Marketing
My name is Anna Yang and it is my distinct pleasure to welcome you to
Vancouver Model United Nations 2016’s African Union. Having joined
the Model United Nations club in my school at the beginning of my
freshman year, it is without a doubt that I can proclaim that Model UN
was one of the best choices I have made thus far in my education. The
staff and I are excited to direct a committee that has such tangible
impacts on the global community. We are excited to meet you all, and
are looking forward to seeing the invigorating debate that is sure to take
place over the course of this conference.
The topics to be discussed this year are ones that seem to be on opposite
ends of the spectrum, but are both integral to the success of all nations in
the Union. They contain a variety of different spectrums, and require
extremely impactful, precise resolutions. They are multi-faceted, and
require the cooperation of all countries participating to have any
substantive progress. I can only hope that you enjoy debating these
topics as much as I did researching them.
One of the largest issues in Africa today is the recent insurgency of
radical religious terrorist groups, and so it is to no surprise that one of
the most pressing conflicts in the AU and Africa as a whole is currently
the group known as Boko Haram. Sustaining Nigeria’s sovereignty,
military reputation, and newly emerging democracy is difficult when
faced with daily assaults on all fronts. It is important that delegates
remember all actors when trying to fix the structural problems with
Nigeria’s government – though they may seem unrelated, the fate of
Nigeria is tied into the African Union’s fate as a whole.
On the topic of democracies, there arises a whole array of issues. Though
many countries in the AU have made progress towards becoming
democracies, there have been mountains of corruption and violence.
From the fledgling democracies to the almost developed, to the
totalitarian governments that still exist today, it is without a doubt that
there is no black and white perfect democracy. Delegates must therefore
create infrastructure and solutions that are all encompassing and selfsustainable.
The staff and I wish you luck in your research and preparation for this
committee. Should you have any questions or concerns about these
topics, please don’t hesitate to email us at au@vmun.com. We look
forward to seeing you!
Sincerely,
Anna Yang
African Union Director l VMUN 2016
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African Union
Position Paper Policy
What is a Position Paper?
A position paper is a brief overview of a country’s stance on the topics being discussed by a particular
committee. Though there is no specific format the position paper must follow, it should include a
description of your positions your country holds on the issues on the agenda, relevant actions that your
country has taken, and potential solutions that your country would support.
At Vancouver Model United Nations, delegates should write a position paper for each of the
committee’s topics. Each position paper should not exceed one page, and should all be combined into a
single document per delegate.
For the African Union, position papers are mandatory, especially for a delegate to be considered for an
award.
Formatting
Position papers should:
— Include the name of the delegate, his/her country, and the committee
— Be in a standard font (e.g. Times New Roman) with a 12-point font size and 1-inch document
margins
— Not include illustrations, diagrams, decorations, national symbols, watermarks, or page borders
— Include citations and a bibliography, in any format, giving due credit to the sources used in
research (not included in the 1-page limit)
Due Dates and Submission Procedure
Position papers for this committee must be submitted by midnight on January 8th, 2016.
Once your position paper is complete, please save the file as your last name, your first name and send it
as an attachment in an email, to your committee’s email address, with the subject heading as your last
name, your first name — Position Paper. Please do not add any other attachments to the email or write
anything else in the body.
Both your position papers should be combined into a single PDF or Word document file; position
papers submitted in another format will not be accepted.
Each position paper will be manually reviewed and considered for the Best Position Paper award.
The email address for this committee is au@vmun.com.
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Table of Contents
Combatting the Rising Influence of Boko Haram ........................................................................ 5 Overview ............................................................................................................................................................ 5 Timeline ............................................................................................................................................................. 6 Historical Analysis ............................................................................................................................................ 7 Current Situation .............................................................................................................................................. 8 Past UN/International Involvement ............................................................................................................... 9 Possible Solutions and Controversies........................................................................................................... 10 Bloc Positions .................................................................................................................................................. 11 Western Powers ................................................................................................................................................... 11
Eurasian Powers .................................................................................................................................................. 12
Africa .................................................................................................................................................................... 13
Discussion Questions ..................................................................................................................................... 13 Additional Sources .......................................................................................................................................... 13 References ........................................................................................................................................................ 14 Democratic Values in the African Union .................................................................................... 17 Overview .......................................................................................................................................................... 17 Timeline ........................................................................................................................................................... 18 Historical Analysis .......................................................................................................................................... 19 Current Situation ............................................................................................................................................ 21 Past UN/International Involvement ............................................................................................................. 22 Possible Solutions and Controversies........................................................................................................... 24 Bloc Positions .................................................................................................................................................. 25 Liberal Democracies ........................................................................................................................................... 25
Relatively Transparent Democratized Nations ............................................................................................... 25
Semi-Transparent Democratized Nations ....................................................................................................... 25
Authoritarian/Dictatorial Nations .................................................................................................................... 26
Discussion Questions ..................................................................................................................................... 26 Additional Sources .......................................................................................................................................... 26 References ........................................................................................................................................................ 27 African Union
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African Union Topic A
Combatting the Rising Influence of Boko
Haram
Overview
Figure 1: Red areas indicate the areas in Nigeria where Boko Haram is most active1.
Boko Haram is a militant Islamic group based primarily in northern Nigeria. Its name literally
translates to ‘Western education is forbidden’2, which symbolizes its core ideology of the rejection of
Western values. It was founded in 2002 by a group of young Islamic radicals in Maiduguri, the capital
of Borno state with the goal of creating an Islamic state in Nigeria. The group believes that politics in
Northern Nigeria have been overtaken by a group of corrupt, false Muslims. Thus, it wishes to wage a
war against the Federal Republic of Nigeria, in an attempt to create a “pure” Islamic state ruled by
Sharia law. The group has been responsible for multiple attacks and hundreds of casualties in its years
of operations, but was only recently named a terrorist organization by the US Department of State in
November 20133. The insurgents' main goal is to overthrow the Nigerian government by means of
destabilization, and they attempt to do this through regular attacks on local populations and the
targeting and kidnapping of unarmed civilians. Although Boko Haram has ties with Al-Qaeda and
shares many similarities in its structure, the differentiating factor is that Boko Haram has very few
interests outside of Nigeria. The success of the insurgency has been exacerbated by the largely
ineffective efforts of the Nigerian government and military in combating Boko Haram; institutional
challenges and corruption still serve as major blocks on the road to pushing back the rogue Islamic
1
Boko Haram activity in Nigeria. (n.d.). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.britannica.com/topic/BokoHaram/images-videos/Areas-in-Nigeria-where-Boko-Haram-was-most-active/187346
2
Ross, K. (2014, May 16). Why Boko Haram Wages War Against Western Education - USNI News. Retrieved July 28,
2015, from http://news.usni.org/2014/05/16/boko-haram-wages-war-western-education
3
A threat to the entire country. (2012, September 29). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from
http://www.economist.com/node/21563751
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terrorist group. Despite these obstacles, however, small glimmers of hope can be seen on the horizon.
Since February 7th, 2015, it has been allegedly reported by the Nigerian army that over 30 villages have
been reclaimed from Boko Haram forces on the back of renewed regional cooperation with Nigeria's
neighbors and the overall replenishing of demoralized Nigerian forces. Additionally, the recent election
win by APC party leader and former military commander Muhammadu Buhari signals to many
onlookers that change in Nigeria may be right around the corner; President Buhari has promised to
continue the Nigerian counter-insurgency with vigor4, and the ousting of previous incumbent
Goodluck Jonathan through a fair and democratic election has renewed onlookers' beliefs that
Nigeria's chances at both realizing its economic potential and defeating the Northern insurgency that
has claimed thousands of lives may not be out of reach after all.
Timeline
July 26th - 29th, 2009 - Years of religious conflict in Northern Nigeria culminate in three days of
clashes between Boko Haram militia and Nigerian forces, officially sparking the Boko Haram
insurgency.
September 7th, 2010 - Hundreds of inmates are freed from a prison in Bauchi5.
May 29, 2011 - Bombings in several northern villages claim 15 lives as President Goodluck Jonathan is
inaugurated in the other side of the country.
December 25th, 2011 - A year's worth of near-monthly bombings culminates in a series of Christmas
attacks on Catholic churches all across the country.
January 20th, 2012 - A series of bombings on Christian institutions and businesses kills over 150
civilians and police officers.
January - December, 2012 - A headcount by the Associated Press shows nearly 800 lives claimed by
Boko Haram throughout 2012.
September 12th - 18th, 2013 - A Nigerian army offensive kills over 150 Islamic insurgents6.
October 29th, 2013 - Boko Haram raids on the Yobe state capital of Damataru leave over 100 Nigerian
policemen and soldiers dead.
April 15th, 2014 - Islamic terrorists capture over 200 schoolgirls in the town of Chibok in Borno state.
The kidnappings spark an international outrage and the ineffective response by the Nigerian
government is followed with scrutiny. As of May 2015, despite the reclamation of many Boko Haram
controlled territories by the Nigerian military, Nigerian forces have found none of the Chibok girls. A
handful of captured girls that were able to independently escape tell horrific stories of rape and
murder7.
4
Cummings, R. (2015, June 22). New Nigerian President Inherits Same Boko Haram Violence. Retrieved July 28, 2015,
from http://theglobalobservatory.org/2015/06/nigeria-boko-haram-buhari/
5
Muh'd Sani, S. (2010, September 8). Nigeria: Attack On Bauchi Prison - Boko Haram Frees 721 Inmates. Retrieved July
28, 2015, from http://allafrica.com/stories/201009090034.html
6
Africa - Raid kills 150 Boko Haram Islamists, Nigeria says. (2013, September 18). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from
http://www.france24.com/en/20130918-raid-kills-150-boko-haram-islamists-nigerian-army
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Boko Haram freed Nigerian women tell of captivity horror. (2015, May 4). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-32574777.
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2014 - President Goodluck Jonathan reports that between the years of 2009 and 2014, Boko Haram
extremists killed over 13,000 civilians.
January 3rd - 7th, 2015 - Large-scale destruction in Bogo state results in heavy casualties. Estimates on
the overall headcount range from 200 civilians to over 2000 lives lost. The lack of both response and
basic acknowledgement of the situation by then-President Jonathan draws heavy backlash from the
international community8.
January 31st, 2015 - The African Union pledges to send 7,500 troops to Nigeria to help combat Boko
Haram, marking the beginning of a strong Nigerian counteroffensive. Additionally, Chadian forces
claim the lives of over 100 Boko Haram forces during fighting in neighboring Cameroon9.
February 7th, 2015 - The Nigerian government elects to postpone its general election for 6 weeks in
order to launch an offensive against Boko Haram intended to reclaim most of the territory gained by
the insurgency.
March 28th - 29th, 2015 - Muhammadu Buhari wins the Nigerian presidency in an open and
democratic election, pledging to continue the recent counter-insurgency on Boko Haram.
April 24th, 2015 - Boko Haram's presence in Nigeria is allegedly reduced to the Sambisa Forests after
months of city recapturing led by Nigerian forces.
Historical Analysis
Although Boko Haram has only recently been featured in international news, the group is not a new
arrival on the scene. It has been a growing threat in Nigeria for over a decade and its deep roots in the
country’s social development goes back even further. Its growth is not something we can overlook and
signals the emergence of a dangerous, militant religious movement that threatens Nigeria’s survival on
a whole.
Boko Haram’s story commences with a preacher named Mohammed Marwa, born in 1927. Although
the British had originally exiled Marwa from Nigeria during colonial rule, he returned from exile in
1972 and gradually began to build his followership as a priest. His sermons were extreme and mostly
focused on condemning Western culture and its popularity in Nigeria. He became so vehemently
opposed to Western ideology that he became known as Maitatsine, meaning “The one who damns.”
While the Nigerian government first ignored him, as his sermons grew increasingly anti governmental,
the government decided to crack down. This culminated in an uprising in 1980, where Maitatsine’s
followers rioted against the government in a conflict that claimed over 4,000 lives, including that of
Maitatsine.
At the same time, Sharia law, a legal framework and system of those living under Islamic law, became
increasingly buried as Nigeria moved towards independence in the 1960s. Under the settlement of
196010, Nigerian Muslims legally traded away their right to practice under Sharia law in return for
8
Segun, M. (2015, January 14). Dispatches: What Really Happened in Baga, Nigeria? Retrieved July 28, 2015, from
http://www.hrw.org/news/2015/01/14/dispatches-what-really-happened-baga-nigeria
9
Chad army says kills 120 Boko Haram militants in Cameroon. (2015, January 31). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from
http://www.reuters.com/article/2015/01/31/us-nigeria-violence-chad-idUSKBN0L40X920150131
10
Ostien, P., & Fwatshak, S. (n.d.). Sharia Implementation in Northern Nigeria. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from
http://www.sharia-in-africa.net/media/publications/sharia-implementation-in-northernnigeria/vol_1_5_chapter_1_part_II.pdf
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compensations of other sorts. In the years to follow, especially reaching a turning point in 1999,
support for Sharia law and an anti-settlement movement gained fervor in Muslim communities in the
north. These dissatisfaction leads to uprisings like that of Maitatsine, and it was the culmination of
these ideas that lead to the birth of Boko Haram in 2002.
Mohammed Yusuf, a passionate supporter of Sharia law, officially founded Boko Haram in 200211.
Boko Haram’s original mandate was to impose Sharia law throughout the country, thus transforming
Nigeria into an entirely Islamic State. Although Boko Haram has always been radical, it only recently
turned violent in 2009 following a clash with Nigerian police in riots that left over 800 civilians and
Boko Haram members dead. Following this incident, Yusuf was detained by Nigerian security forces
and executed without a trial by the government.
Since gaining its new leader Abubakar Shekau, Boko Haram has taken a turn into aggressive
terrorism12 and furthered its connections with international terrorist organizations, like Al Qaeda. The
connection between Boko Haram and Al Qaeda has grown increasingly strong as they receive training
and tactics in terrorist attacks from one another. Additionally, with their newly careless attitude, Boko
Haram has been able to strengthen their financial front. They employ increasingly radical tactics to rob
banks and farm illegal underground activity, and have since 2009 been able to acquire much more
sophisticated weaponry and artillery. In the past decade, Boko Haram has become incredibly radical
and extremely well funded.
Current Situation
Figure 2: Chart delineates multiple different international terrorist bodies and their movements in Africa13.
11
Hare, J. (2014, March 15). How Northern Nigeria's Violent History Explains Boko Haram. Retrieved July 28, 2015,
from http://news.nationalgeographic.com/2015/03/150314-boko-haram-nigeria-borno-rabih-abubakar-shekau/
12
Hafiz, Y. (2014, May 9). Boko Haram: Facts, History, Leaders, And Origins Of The Terrorist Group. Retrieved July 28,
2015, from http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/05/09/boko-haram-facts-history_n_5295563.html
13
A rising tide. (2015, July 20). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from
http://www.economist.com/blogs/graphicdetail/2015/07/daily-chart-jihadistsafrica?zid=304&ah=e5690753dc78ce91909083042ad12e30
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Considering the culture of distrust towards the government that has been deeply ingrained within
Nigeria's cultural and political landscapes throughout its post-independence existence as both a
military state and allegedly democratic republic, it is of little surprise that most of the efforts by the
Nigerian government to quell Boko Haram’s uprising to date have been as ineffective and corrupt as
Nigeria's institutions themselves. All past history aside, however, today's Nigeria does in fact look
significantly different from the earlier republics of years past, and progress has been made in creating
democratic and accountable institutions in the state's government. Perhaps the best indicator of this
movement towards a more accountable state is the recently held March election, where for the first
time in Nigeria's history a serious opposition party in an open and fair election unseated an incumbent
president. While Nigeria has certainly been yet to achieve the lucrative potential offered by its vast
reserves of oil, the newly anointed President Buhari has already taken steps to get the country off its
feet and move forward in the process of cracking down on corruption and creating economic
development and market diversity14. In a recent visit to the United States, Buhari reiterated that
Nigeria was not in need of significant foreign aid, and the best way for the international community to
help Nigeria was to help the country plug the porous loopholes through which various unaccountable
officials have been able to siphon the country's great wealth of oil money.
In regards to the conflict with Boko Haram specifically, Nigeria has also made significant ground in the
fight to push back the radical Islamic group. The military offensive launched by the Jonathan
administration in early February was successful in recapturing the majority of the Northern lands
taken by Boko Haram, and in April, it was reported that the only territory still controlled by the Islamic
insurgency was the isolated regions of the Sambisa forests15. Despite these major losses in occupied
land, however, Boko Haram has responded by reverting to guerrilla tactics. Recent analysis has shown
that most of the organization's 6000 militants are still active, and may even have regrouped in the
mountains along Nigeria's borders, and while Nigeria's army has been successful in retaking captured
territory, it has found far less success in the field of counterinsurgency.
Despite all of these positive changes, an increasing concern culminating in recent years is Boko
Haram’s ties with other international terrorist organizations, specifically ISIS and Al Qaeda. Though
Boko Haram’s attacks are centrally focused in Nigeria, with no interest in expanding internationally, Al
Qaeda has sent in training and shared tactics with the group, causing many to fear the collaboration
between the two groups. Boko Haram has recently pledged allegiance to ISIS, sharing similar views and
goals. ISIS has responded by sending out a video purporting to welcome the support16, and the
potential of terrorism becoming more international and collaborative becomes increasingly likely with
the widespread social media and internet access all around the globe. With these influences, as well as a
steady increase in radicalization within the internal structure of the group, the amount of violence that
has taken place in the past 3 years alone is more than triple that of the last three decades17.
Past UN/International Involvement
14
Nigeria: Economic priorities are clear – here is what Buhari needs to do. (2015, April 7). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from
http://theconversation.com/nigeria-economic-priorities-are-clear-here-is-what-buhari-needs-to-do-39547
15
Inside Nigeria's Sambisa forest, the Boko Haram hideout where kidnapped school girls are believed to be held. (n.d.).
Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/apr/29/nigeria-sambisa-forest-boko-haramhideout-kidnapped-school-girls-believed-to-be-held
16
Ostebo, T. (2015, March 20). Boko Haram's Allegiance to ISIS Isn't Nearly as Scary As It Sounds. Retrieved July 28,
2015, from http://www.newrepublic.com/article/121340/boko-harams-pledge-allegiance-isis-doesnt-mean-anything
17
Deaths reported in Boko Haram raid in Nigeria. (2014, July 18). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from
http://www.aljazeera.com/news/africa/2014/07/deaths-reported-boko-haram-raid-nigeria-201471815049875196.html
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In order to quell the rise of Boko Haram, the African Union has called for a regional five-nation force
of 8,700 troops18. The force will be made up of the four directly affected countries - Cameroon, Chad,
Niger and Nigeria - along with Benin, and has received international approval. United Nation’s
Secretary General, Ban Ki Moon, has expressed his approval for the force, stating that "[he] welcome[s]
the decision of the AU and regional countries to establish an MJTF [Multinational Joint Task Force]
against Boko Haram," leading to speculations that AU’s request for funding from the U.N. Security
Council will be carried out. While the mission’s structure and mandate still remains unclear, countries
such as Iran and the United States have already pledged support.
However, while a strong force may temporarily deter the militants and aid to stabilize Northern
Nigeria and it’s bordering countries, there are multiple issues with the regional plan. First, it runs the
risk of regionalizing a largely domestic insurgency19. Second, it does not address the root of the issue,
which are the conditions that gave rise to Boko Haram. Boko Haram (and other similar movements)
had rampant success because of the large ethnic and cultural divides throughout Nigeria. Though there
is currently a democratically elected president, a large part of the populace have completely different
political and religious affiliations; therefore, there is still domestic support for Boko Haram.
In addition to support from the African Union, since the April 2014 kidnapping of around 200 girls in
Chibok, international support and attention has also been called20. Numerous international powers
have offered to aid Nigeria find and free the captives. Nigeria has accepted help from the US, China,
UK, France and Israel to deal with the crisis, but only in this specific circumstance.. The aid offered by
these countries varies. Some of them have sent specialist teams, including hostage negotiators and
soldiers, while others like the United States, have sent in communications intelligence and technology.
Possible Solutions and Controversies
While considering the numerous potential ways of dealing with the Boko Haram insurgency, it will be
important for delegates to take into account both the effectiveness of the Nigerian government and the
stability of the Western African region as a whole. Throughout its four-republic history, Nigeria has
built its reputation on unaccountability. In its existence, the Nigerian military has been both ineffective
and corrupt, and a general lack of discipline and training has characterized the long struggle that the
Nigerian Armed Forces has faced against Boko Haram. Nigeria's problems run deeper than its Armed
Forces, too; up until 2015, Nigeria's elections have been corrupt and unsupervised, human rights
violations conducted both by Nigerian forces and international soldiers for hire have symbolized a
multi-year struggle between the Royal Dutch Shell and the Nigerian citizenry, and to this day billions
of dollars in oil revenue are swept up in the wind, inevitably ending up in the bottomless pockets of
corrupt officials. In regards to foreign military aid against Boko Haram, the Nigerian government has
outright rejected any potential offers. The only major instance of aid in this sector came in 2014, when
several members of the international community pledged to join the search for the 200 schoolgirls
kidnapped by Boko Haram forces in Chibok. In regards to cooperation between regional powers and
bordering African states, however, Nigeria has been far more welcoming to the idea of military
cooperation, especially in recent times. At the end of January, 2015, the African Union pledged to send
more than 8000 troops to Nigeria for the sole purpose of combating Boko Haram, and both the late
18
Joselow, G. (2015, January 30). AU Endorses 7,500 Troops to Fight Boko Haram. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from
http://www.voanews.com/content/african-union-endorses-thousands-of-troops-to-fight-boko-haram/2620479.html
19
Matfess, H. (2015, February 7). OPINION: African Union forces may exacerbate Boko Haram threat | Al Jazeera
America. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://america.aljazeera.com/opinions/2015/2/african-union-forces-mayexacerbate-boko-haram-threat.html
20
Boko Haram, Nigerian group that kidnapped schoolgirls, put on UN terror sanctions list. (2014, May 23). Retrieved
July 28, 2015, from http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=47874#.Vbb3-hNVh3-
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Jonathan and current Buhari administrations have been welcoming to military forces from
neighboring Chad and other closely located states in the fight against Islamic extremism.
Foreign Aid
The simple solution of foreign aid provides the benefits of respecting Nigeria’s national sovereignty, but
lacks basic effectiveness. Although the newly instituted president Buhari looks towards correcting the
corrupt government, the system as a whole has proven to be unprincipled; therefore, all foreign aid
sent has a large possibility of being used corruptly or never even making it to the people. Because of
this, the largest providers of foreign aid in the world, namely western powers are reluctant to send out
aid. Nonetheless, foreign aid (regulated and controlled) is still a valuable possible solution to
consider.
When looking at aid, there is a plethora of different types of aid to consider; food aid, educational aid,
development aid, and military aid all have varying effects in combatting Boko Haram. Food aid and
development aid have the obvious effects of alleviating the responsibilities of the government, while
military aid leads to more efficient and effective troops. The interesting card to note here is educational
aid - a large part of Boko Haram’s narrative is making the government out to be incompetent and
unable to provide for its citizens. Boko Haram makes itself out to be a legitimate alternative option for
the governing of Nigeria. By providing foreign aid, specifically educational aid, the government is able
to work towards destroying that narrative and start eliminating the Boko Haram propaganda that has
been veiled over the citizens.
Military Intervention
Military intervention poses two major problems, both of which are large enough that there has been no
such intervention on a large enough scale to date. The Nigerian government has indicated its distaste
towards intervention and help from large western powers like the United States and allies. Thus, the
only intervention they’d welcome with cooperation is intervention from surrounding African countries
and the African Union. While the African Union has intervened and attempted to send in regional
troops, this plan lacked efficiency and did little to make tangible differences in taking down Boko
Haram. Evidently, the best-equipped intervention would come from western countries, as surrounding
African countries generally don’t have the resources to successfully intervene. Largely, any intervention
on the part of the international community would meet protestation and no cooperation from the
military because of the violation of national sovereignty.
Additionally, the implications of western intervention on democracy as a whole in Africa are important
to remember. Nigeria is one of the few democratic countries in Africa; therefore, charging in with
western troops and western guns has negative implications on democratization in the region as a
whole. As Africa has been making progressions towards moving away from colonial governments and
into democracies, this fragility needs to be noted and taken into consideration.
Bloc Positions
Western Powers
As a general note, most western powers are reluctant to send in military aid because of the likelihood
of corruption on a national level. Most western powers are for military intervention as an alternative,
as that maximizes the potential for efficient resource allocation.
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United States:
Although the United States was one of the first foreign powers who offered intelligence and
surveillance assistance to help find the abducted schoolgirls in April 2014, with the Islamist insurgency
increasing in intensity and violence and the girls nowhere to be found, diplomatic ties have become
strained. This is because the Nigerian government does not wish to accept the mediums of help that
United States has offered, wishing only to receive help in forms of weapons. The Nigerian government
has thus been persistent in demanding for weapons from the United States, feeling dissatisfied with the
scope of the United States help. However, due to the horrid track record of human rights violations
accumulated by the Nigerian army, the United States has found it difficult to acquiesce to the Nigerian
government’s demands21. Because of this difference in opinions, the diplomatic connection between
Nigeria and America has been put at risk, with Nigeria going as far as to refuse to accept further
training of their troops by the United States. However, the United States has donated 5 million dollars
to the Multinational Joint Task Force to boost the military operation against the Boko Haram
insurgency.
United Kingdom:
Of the £1.7 m that United Kingdom allocated to humanitarian aid and civil protections programs in
2014, the budget for Nigeria was one of the biggest internationally, at around £250m. And after light of
recent events, United Kingdom has only amped up their efforts to help quell the Boko Haram and find
the missing schoolgirls22. The United Kingdom has started preparing to send "hundreds" of soldiers
into Iraq to train Iraqi and Kurdish forces, accompanied by a military "protection" unit.
France:
While France may be the best-positioned Western nation to assist in the regional fight against Boko
Haram, it is also the most vulnerable to being roped into an open-ended war. Therefore, despite it
having the most opportune geographical location to help out, France insists it will limit itself to
"indirect support" of the growing African movement to combat Boko Haram.
Eurasian Powers
China:
Chinese Premier Li Keqiang has pledged to assist Nigeria in its fight against Boko Haram23, which is a
departure from China's traditional stance in Africa of non-intervention in political or security matters.
With China’s help, this could be a rare anti-terror operation jointly conducted by the United States,
European powers and China. China has offered to provide satellite imagery and equipment such as
night vision goggles that would greatly aid the Nigerian military to monitor nocturnal activity in the
21
Cooper, H. (2015, January 24). Rifts Between U.S. and Nigeria Impeding Fight Against Boko Haram. Retrieved July
28, 2015, from http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/25/world/rifts-between-us-and-nigeria-impeding-fight-against-bokoharam.html?_r=1
22
Farmer, T. (2014, December 20). British troops to help fight against Boko Haram as SAS target Isil. Retrieved July 28,
2015, from http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/defence/11306242/British-troops-to-help-fight-against-BokoHaram-as-SAS-target-Isil.html
23
China offers help against Boko Haram. (2014, May 9). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from
http://country.eiu.com/article.aspx?articleid=1341796918&Country=Nigeria&topic=Politics&subtopic=Forecast&subsu
btopic=International relations&u=1&pid=1933291777&oid=1933291777&uid=1
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desert terrain of Nigeria. Other forms of help that China has offered includes military training and
hardware.
Russia:
As relations between Nigeria and Western states grow increasingly fraught, the government has turned
towards assistance from Russia and China in training its troops and the acquisition of military
hardware. Russia, not wanting to lose Nigeria as a large trading partner in oil, has shown its support for
the anti-Boko Haram movement in arming Cameroon in the military field and providing “specialized
military training24”. Enjoying much better relations than the previous bloc, Russia and Nigeria are
cooperative in combatting Boko Haram.
Africa
Nigeria and its four neighboring nations, being the most heavily affected by Boko Haram’s actions,
have pledged to deploy 8,700 troops, police and civilians as part of a regional effort to fight Boko
Haram militants. This announcement came out of a three-day summit that focused on organizing the
force that will battle Boko Haram. However, while the force has already garnered international support
and funding, it may be some time before this goes into action as respective countries must settle budget
and troop allocations. Fortunately, many international powers have pledged support to the joint force,
promising to send troops and equipment as well as donating money.
Discussion Questions
1. What measures can be taken to ensure that foreign aid to Nigeria will be used effectively?
2. What can be done to promote further regional cooperation between African states in the fight
against Boko Haram?
3. What measures can be taken to ensure that the Nigerian Armed Forces will be both better
armed and better disciplined in the fight against Boko Haram?
4. How can the Nigerian Armed Forces deal with the guerrilla warfare tactics that have been
recently employed by Boko Haram?
5. What institutional changes can be made within Nigeria to achieve a greater level of
accountability from the Nigerian government to its citizenry?
6. What measures can be taken by the Nigerian government so that a greater role can be played
in being proactive in preventing future Boko Haram bombings and other terrorist activities?
7. How can Nigeria regain foreign interest in investment?
Additional Sources
Great general research guide, provides good and accurate overview of Boko Haram.
http://www.cfr.org/nigeria/boko-haram/p2573924
Adamowski, J. (2015, January 20). Russia To Arm Cameroon Against Boko Haram. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from
http://www.defensenews.com/story/defense/land/weapons/2015/01/20/russia-boko-haram-cameroon-equipmentratsiborinski-biya/22056557/
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More in depth look at Boko Haram’s structure and history.
http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2014/05/140507-boko-haram-nigeria-borno-statemaiduguri-mohammed-yusuf-abubukar-shekau-goodluck-jonathan-world/
Very detailed analysis of the creation of Boko Haram.
http://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/SR308.pdfRegularly updated current events specific to Boko Haram.
http://zeenews.india.com/tags/boko-haram.html
Analytical document discussing possible solutions to Boko Haram.
http://www.academia.edu/3331715/A_CRITICAL_examination_of_the_BOKO_HARAM_INSURGE
NCE_ATTACKS_IN_NIGERIA_AND_POSSIBLE_SOLUTIONS
References
A rising tide. (2015, July 20). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from
http://www.economist.com/blogs/graphicdetail/2015/07/daily-chart-jihadistsafrica?zid=304&ah=e5690753dc78ce91909083042ad12e30
A threat to the entire country. (2012, September 29). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from
http://www.economist.com/node/21563751
Adamowski, J. (2015, January 20). Russia To Arm Cameroon Against Boko Haram. Retrieved July 28,
2015, from http://www.defensenews.com/story/defense/land/weapons/2015/01/20/russia-boko-haramcameroon-equipment-ratsiborinski-biya/22056557/
Africa - Raid kills 150 Boko Haram Islamists, Nigeria says. (2013, September 18). Retrieved July 28,
2015, from http://www.france24.com/en/20130918-raid-kills-150-boko-haram-islamists-nigerianarmy
Boko Haram activity in Nigeria. (n.d.). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from
http://www.britannica.com/topic/Boko-Haram/images-videos/Areas-in-Nigeria-where-Boko-Haramwas-most-active/187346
Boko Haram freed Nigerian women tell of captivity horror. (2015, May 4). Retrieved July 28, 2015,
from http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-32574777.
Boko Haram, Nigerian group that kidnapped schoolgirls, put on UN terror sanctions list. (2014, May
23). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=47874#.Vbb3hNVh3Chad army says kills 120 Boko Haram militants in Cameroon. (2015, January 31). Retrieved July 28,
2015, from http://www.reuters.com/article/2015/01/31/us-nigeria-violence-chadidUSKBN0L40X920150131
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China offers help against Boko Haram. (2014, May 9). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from
http://country.eiu.com/article.aspx?articleid=1341796918&Country=Nigeria&topic=Politics&subtopic
=Forecast&subsubtopic=International relations&u=1&pid=1933291777&oid=1933291777&uid=1
Cooper, H. (2015, January 24). Rifts Between U.S. and Nigeria Impeding Fight Against Boko Haram.
Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.nytimes.com/2015/01/25/world/rifts-between-us-andnigeria-impeding-fight-against-boko-haram.html?_r=1
Cummings, R. (2015, June 22). New Nigerian President Inherits Same Boko Haram Violence.
Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://theglobalobservatory.org/2015/06/nigeria-boko-haram-buhari/
Deaths reported in Boko Haram raid in Nigeria. (2014, July 18). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from
http://www.aljazeera.com/news/africa/2014/07/deaths-reported-boko-haram-raid-nigeria201471815049875196.html
Farmer, T. (2014, December 20). British troops to help fight against Boko Haram as SAS target Isil.
Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/defence/11306242/Britishtroops-to-help-fight-against-Boko-Haram-as-SAS-target-Isil.html
Hafiz, Y. (2014, May 9). Boko Haram: Facts, History, Leaders, And Origins Of The Terrorist Group.
Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/05/09/boko-haram-factshistory_n_5295563.html
Hare, J. (2014, March 15). How Northern Nigeria's Violent History Explains Boko Haram. Retrieved
July 28, 2015, from http://news.nationalgeographic.com/2015/03/150314-boko-haram-nigeria-bornorabih-abubakar-shekau/
Inside Nigeria's Sambisa forest, the Boko Haram hideout where kidnapped school girls are believed to
be held. (n.d.). Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/apr/29/nigeriasambisa-forest-boko-haram-hideout-kidnapped-school-girls-believed-to-be-held
Joselow, G. (2015, January 30). AU Endorses 7,500 Troops to Fight Boko Haram. Retrieved July 28,
2015, from http://www.voanews.com/content/african-union-endorses-thousands-of-troops-to-fightboko-haram/2620479.html
Matfess, H. (2015, February 7). OPINION: African Union forces may exacerbate Boko Haram threat |
Al Jazeera America. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from
http://america.aljazeera.com/opinions/2015/2/african-union-forces-may-exacerbate-boko-haramthreat.html
Muh'd Sani, S. (2010, September 8). Nigeria: Attack On Bauchi Prison - Boko Haram Frees 721
Inmates. Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://allafrica.com/stories/201009090034.html
Nigeria: Economic priorities are clear – here is what Buhari needs to do. (2015, April 7). Retrieved July
28, 2015, from http://theconversation.com/nigeria-economic-priorities-are-clear-here-is-what-buharineeds-to-do-39547
Ostebo, T. (2015, March 20). Boko Haram's Allegiance to ISIS Isn't Nearly as Scary As It Sounds.
Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://www.newrepublic.com/article/121340/boko-harams-pledgeallegiance-isis-doesnt-mean-anything
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Ostien, P., & Fwatshak, S. (n.d.). Sharia Implementation in Northern Nigeria. Retrieved July 28, 2015,
from http://www.sharia-in-africa.net/media/publications/sharia-implementation-in-northernnigeria/vol_1_5_chapter_1_part_II.pdf
Ross, K. (2014, May 16). Why Boko Haram Wages War Against Western Education - USNI News.
Retrieved July 28, 2015, from http://news.usni.org/2014/05/16/boko-haram-wages-war-westerneducation
Segun, M. (2015, January 14). Dispatches: What Really Happened in Baga, Nigeria? Retrieved July 28,
2015, from http://www.hrw.org/news/2015/01/14/dispatches-what-really-happened-baga-nigeria
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African Union Topic B
Democratic Values in the African Union
Overview
Figure 1: Red areas indicate full democracies, dark orange indicate flawed democracies, light orange indicate hybrid
regimes, yellow indicate authoritarian25.
Following the fall of the Soviet Union and the departure of imperialism in sub-Saharan Africa, the
democratization of the continent has become an increasingly heated issue of debate across the global
political sphere. The governmental instabilities brought by the post-Cold War era in the early 1990s
offered western democratization ideals an opportunity to be imposed in all around the world, most
significantly in Africa. The current weaknesses in African democracies can very possibly be linked
back to the fragile premise under which democracy was established in the first place; many cases of
foreign aid and loans, primarily from the IMF and the World Bank, came contingent on
democratization26 therefore rendering the authoritarian-democracy switch inorganic and
unsustainable. Nevertheless, democracy is seen as an international objective good; the African Union
acknowledges the importance of civil society in a democratic state. 39 out of the 54 countries in the
AU have signed the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance (ACDEG)27, a treaty
created by the AU in 2007 as a guideline of sorts to facilitate democratization and legitimate elections.
25
Morgan, M. (2013, September 26). Can democracy deliver for Africa? - BBC News. Retrieved August 30, 2015, from
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-24228425
26
Elkin, M. (2012, March 1). Loans to Egypt Hinge on Democracy Issues. Retrieved August 30, 2015, from
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/03/01/world/middleeast/01iht-m01-egypt-aid.html?_r=0
27
T. Ebobrah, S. (2007, May 1). THE AFRICAN CHARTER ON DEMOCRACY, ELECTIONS AND GOVERNANCE: A
NEW DAWN FOR THE ENTHRONEMENT OF LEGITIMATE GOVERNANCE IN AFRICA? Retrieved August 30,
2015, from http://www.afrimap.org/english/images/paper/ACDEG&ECOWAS_Ebobrah.pdf
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Amidst all the controversies, it is clear that there is an international trend towards democratization as
a means of development, and sub-Saharan Africa is no exception to this.
Since post-imperialism, the amount of African democracies has evidently augmented, but there are
still long ways to go before they become as legitimate as those found in the western sphere. Despite
valiant efforts, a majority of African states continue to be ruled by authoritarian regimes, a majority of
which earning legitimacy through control of the state’s military power. With more than 148 billion
dollars lost in corruption every year28, there are clear problems with the election process and
governmental structure put in the so-called democracies. According to the Economist’s Democracy
Index, there are only two (flawed) democracies in the entire continent29; the rest are either hybrid or
authoritarian regimes. Exorbitant amounts of violence occur during electoral processes, and state
coercion culminates in the legitimization of authoritarian regimes or illegal transfers of power. Lack of
free speech, censorship, and police brutality all contribute to the democratic rollback and many hybrid
regimes we see taking place, in lieu of tangible change. The African Union, despite having taken many
steps to try and facilitate democratization, conclude that action must be taken to secure civil, political,
and socio-economic rights for the safety of citizens.
Timeline
1930 - White women are allowed to vote in South Africa, but people of color are still barred from
elections30.
1951-1960 - European Countries find it difficult to continue justifying colonisation whilst African
nationalists ramp up their efforts of calling for change31.
1951 - Libya is the first African Nation to gain independence from Italy’s colonial rule establishing a
monarchy32.
1956 - Suez crisis; the UK and France try to regain control from Egypt but fail.
1957 - Ghana is the first South-Saharan African country to gain independence, gaining it from the
United Kingdom33.
1963 - The Organization for African Unity is founded, setting the basis and foundation for the African
Union.
June 30, 1975 - Paul Biya is declared Prime Minister of Cameroon, serving under president Ahmadou
Ahidjo.
4 November 1982-Present - President Ahidjo resigns as President and Biya is declared President, he
continues to serve as President to this day.
28
More than 148 billion dollars is lost to corruption-AU Report. (2013, March 11). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from
http://www.ghananewsagency.org/social/more-than-148-billion-dollars-is-lost-to-corruption-au-report-57428
29
Kekic, L. (2007). The Economist Intelligence Unit’s index of democracy. Retrieved August 30, 2015, from
http://www.economist.com/media/pdf/DEMOCRACY_INDEX_2007_v3.pdf
30
"African Timeline." Archives New Zealand. N.p., n.d. Web. 29 Aug. 2015.
31
"A Political History of Africa since 1900 - Interactive." The Guardian. N.p., 11 July 2011. Web. 29 Aug. 2015.
32
"African Timeline." Archives New Zealand. N.p., n.d. Web. 29 Aug. 2015.
33
"The Failure of Democracy in Africa." Taki's Magazine. N.p., n.d. Web. 30 Aug. 2015.
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1982 - Mauritius is the first African nation to have democratic elections leading to a change in
perspective and leadership for the island nation34.
1991 - Soviet Union collapses and the Russian Federation becomes independent.
1990 - The Central African Republic hold its first democratic elections under intense pressure from
the international community.
1993 - The Central African Republic holds a second round of elections destabilizing the current
government and forcing the new government to be a coalition35.
April 27, 1994 - South Africa holds its first democratic election, moving the country closer to a new
social and political system.
May 10, 1994 - Nelson Mandela, leader of the African National Congress party in South Africa is
inaugurated as South Africa’s first democratically elected president36.
2002 - The Organization for African Unity is disbanded and is replaced with the African Union, with
the aim of a unified and peaceful Africa.
2010-2011 - A movement commonly referred to as the “Arab Spring” takes place in Northern Africa
leading to the fall of multiple dictatorships and setting the stage for new democracies.
Historical Analysis
In the late 1800s and early 1900s, European colonial occupation in Africa disrupted many of the
natural political systems already held in place. At this point in history, systemic racism was still
rampant throughout the world, and Europeans therefore debased African culture and innovation
whether they believed that it fit into the approximated European ways or not. This wave of
imperialism saw the establishment of colonial rule all over Africa; the governors were either military
officials or career public servants, and they held little regard for African politico-cultural traditions
and values37. These governors were permitted to use whatever means necessary to bring the African
population under control, making the regimes extremely dictatorial and abhorrent to the people. With
this unsustainable system of absolute rulers and foreign governors, any existing indigenous democratic
values that may have grown into democracies in sub-Saharan Africa were completely destroyed and
replaced by colonial dictatorial values. This also meant that governors could create random positions
and officials if it suited them38, creating an extremely corrupt and arbitrary “election” process. As the
campaigns for independence grew following the end of World War II, however, colonizers began to
lean more towards democracy and free market/capitalist economies.
There is no clear reason as to why this shift occurred; however, it is undeniable that the western need
to battle against communism and neo-colonialism were large factors. As communism in Asia and
Eastern Europe rose, the West combated this with the promotion of multiparty politics and free
elections in their African territories. During the Cold War, the United States and its generally Western
allies propagated democracy worldwide. Simultaneously, however, they turned a blind eye to the
undemocratic practices carried out in Africa; ignoring the human rights violations made by regimes
34
"It's Progress, Even If It's Patchy." The Economist. The Economist Newspaper, 01 Oct. 2011. Web. 30 Aug. 2015.
Ibid.
36
"Timeline 20 Years of Democracy 1994 to 2014." Leander. N.p., 17 Apr. 2014. Web. 29 Aug. 2015.
37
Bankole Ijewereme, O. (2015, June 4). Anatomy of Corruption in the Nigerian Public Sector. Retrieved August 30,
2015, from http://sgo.sagepub.com/content/5/2/2158244015581188
38
Nigeria. (2007). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from http://www.encyclopedia.com/topic/Nigeria.aspx
35
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such as Kenya and Sudan39, they made no large-scale attempts until the collapse of the Soviet Union to
tackle colonialism in the region. Following the demise of the Soviet Union and subsequently
communism in the 1990s, the attitude of the West shifted significantly. This era offered
democratization its prime opportunity to spread throughout sub-Saharan Africa; many foreign aid
and loans, specifically from the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank, came contingent
on democracy and the reassessment of politico-economic crises. During this time period, we saw
countries such as Ghana, South Africa, and Kenya become relatively successful in their new
governments, and Sierra Leone, Cote d’Ivoire, Lesotho, Guinea, and Malawi make great efforts
towards democratization40, Sierra Leone and Cote d’Ivoire after civil wars that threatened the very
existence of their states. It was made very evident during this era that democracy would never be as
clear-cut and simple as it had seemed in the West; there were and are varying degrees of functionality
to the seemingly stable democracies in the African Union. Regardless of their successfulness, this
proliferation had much to do with the rapid democratization that would take place in the years to
come.
The second large wave of democratization to occur in Africa began on December 18th, 2010, with the
rise of the Arab Spring. The Arab Spring brought many new democracies and subsequently many new
challenges to Africa on a whole, but specifically in Tunisia, Morocco, Libya and Egypt. These nations
toppled their oppressive dictatorships and have been trying ever since to install democracies, with, of
course, varying degrees of success. Generally, the protests in these countries aim at receiving more
legitimate elections and higher respect for democratic values; driven by a population dissatisfied by the
democratic processes currently having taken place, the Arab Spring movement has been instrumental
in constructing the democracies we see in Africa today. Egypt, for example, has voted in two
presidential elections since the overthrow of former President Hosni Mubarak in 2011. Additionally,
after the toppling of Col Muammar Gaddafi in Libya, the country experienced its first free elections in
2012.41
39
World Report l 2013. (2013). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/wr2013_web.pdf
Rakner, L., & A. Skage, I. (n.d.). The Legacy of Africa’s Pro-democracy Movements. Retrieved August 30, 2015, from
http://www.cmi.no/file/?1322
41
Libya country profile - Overview - BBC News. (2015, June 9). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-13754897
40
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Current Situation
Figure 2: Nigerian President Goodluck (left), and APC main opposition party’s presidential candidate Mohammadu Buhari
(right) shake hands under the eyes of Chariman of the Abuja Peace Accord former Head of State General Abdulsalami
Abubakar (center), after signing the renewal of promises for peaceful elections42.
Unfortunately, regardless of all of this progress, African nationalists and post-independence African
leaders such as Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, Arap Moi of Kenya, and Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana
adopted the dictatorship and brutality of the foreign colonial governors. Like the brutal reigns of the
past, these leaders regarded any form of criticism against their governance as treason, and mass
censorship was seen across the continent. Democracy is still not implemented sustainably, and a lack
of a transparent multi-party system and governmental control of the opposition can still be observed.
Compared to decades ago, however, much has changed. The pure numerical amount of democratized
African nations has very evidently increased, yet not all of them can be considered full-fledged
operative democracies. Worldwide, scales like the Economist’s Intelligence Unit (EIU) or the Freedom
house Index (FHI) are currently measuring democracy. Disregarding the levels of subjectivity found in
both units of measure, they have both conclusively found that in 2012, about half of AU member states
were classified in the worst performing group, whereas on the other hand, less than ten qualify for the
best performing group on both indicators43. Additionally, sustainability is mixed and no country
shows consistency in improving democratic performances.
Following the Arab Spring, many African nations are attempting to re-stabilize yet also take advantage
of the wave of democratization that has descended through the Middle East and had reverberations in
Africa as well. Mali experienced a military coup in 2012 wherein a democratically elected government
was toppled, and the AU took steps to help establish a transition government, leading to free elections
in 201344. Even with this progress, there are countries such as Zimbabwe and Cameroon that are still
clinging to the ways of their old governments. Religious and ethnic conflicts tear through the new
42
Will Saturday’s Election Change Anything In Nigeria? (2015, March 26). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from
http://hereandnow.wbur.org/2015/03/26/nigeria-elections-monitor
43
Kekic, L. (2007). The Economist Intelligence Unit’s index of democracy. Retrieved August 30, 2015, from
http://www.economist.com/media/pdf/DEMOCRACY_INDEX_2007_v3.pdf
44
New Crises Seize Security Council's Attention in 2012 as Continuing Change around Arab World Sparks Second Year
of Tumultuous Transitions | Meetings Coverage and Press Releases. (2013, January 14). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from
http://www.un.org/press/en/2013/sc10881.doc.htm
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nation of South Sudan, and the continent as a whole continues to suffer from lack of basic
infrastructure and governmental transparency.
One of the largest issues barring democratic reform, however, is the large-scale corruption and
violence found pre, during, and post election processes. In the rich in resources yet still poverty-ridden
nation of Equatorial Guinea, President Obiang was elected into office with 95% of the vote45. His party
won 99% of seats in parliament46. In the country of Gambia, many opposition parties boycotted the
elections all together, making the not entirely inaccurate assumption that they would be rigged. These
instances show that democracy doesn’t necessarily bring about representative governments. In
addition, increasing amounts of electoral violence have occurred in numerous countries, Zimbabwe,
Nigeria, and Côte d’Ivoire, to name a few. Most commonly, more subtle forms of violence, such as
coercion and intimidation tactics, assassinations, and imprisonments have been utilized in an effort to
silence opposition groups. Attacks on parties’ headquarters and propaganda have not been uncommon
either. Clashes and riots have also been present, between supporters or security personnel of
opposition parties. Regardless of its type, electoral violence is an issue that must be addressed with the
utmost urgency; politicians use these tactics to rig elections or further their own means, and the
populace continues to lose hope for a transparent government as these instances keep occurring.
There are still many issues to be dealt with, and thus the fundamental principle of African
government, “that is, rule by consent of the ruled was all but destroyed by the imposition of colonial
rule and was cynically distorted and mangled when the one-party state allowed the emergence of
ambitious, corrupt, and dictatorial African leaders, many in military uniform, after independence.47”
The many facets to this issue beg collaborative organized support from the African Union.
Past UN/International Involvement
Since the inception of the African Union, it has been the biggest contributor to progress in
democratization in the region. In 2007, the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and
Governance was created, and some 39 countries have now signed on to it48. It illustrates
international guidelines and standards of functioning democracies, and is taken as a sort of
roadmap to rule of law, free elections, and the condemnation of unconstitutional changes of
government. In addition to the charter, the AU has been providing military support to states in the
installation of democracies, and has not been sparing in their usage of peacekeeping troops and
force in order to stabilize the continent. This military support can be seen in concrete actions like
the interventions in Darfur and Somalia, where they mitigated large human rights abuses and
political instability. In 2005, the AU suspended membership of Mauritania and Togo in order to
ensure the sustenance of their democracies49. Recently, the AU has sent surveillance into Egypt
and South Sudan, in regards to regulating possible disruptive electoral processes.
Concerning other UN bodies, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the
UNU World Institute for Development Economics Research (UNU-WIDER) have made
45
Scher, R. (2012, April 2). Africa: The Human Challenge. Retrieved August 30, 2015, from
http://foreignpolicyblogs.com/2012/04/02/africa-human-capital-challenge/
46
Ibid.
47
Owusu, “Domesticating Democracy,” 136
48
T. Ebobrah, S. (2007, May 1). THE AFRICAN CHARTER ON DEMOCRACY, ELECTIONS AND GOVERNANCE:
A NEW DAWN FOR THE ENTHRONEMENT OF LEGITIMATE GOVERNANCE IN AFRICA? Retrieved August 30,
2015, from http://www.afrimap.org/english/images/paper/ACDEG&ECOWAS_Ebobrah.pdf NEW DAWN FOR THE
ENTHRONEMENT OF LEGITIMATE GOVERNANCE IN AFRICA? Retrieved August 30, 2015,
49
Birikorang, E. (n.d.). Coups d’état in Africa – A Thing of the Past? Retrieved August 30, 2015, from
http://www.kaiptc.org/Publications/Policy-Briefs/Policy-Briefs/KAIPTC-Policy-Brief-3---Coups-detat-in-Africa.aspx
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significant process in foreign aid and research, respectively. The UNDP has, for the past decades,
been supporting African countries in their transitions from dictatorial regimes to stable
democracies, by means of monetary funding and military personnel50. They have ensured that
support has been granted during all phases of an electoral process. The UNU-WIDER has made
extensive progress in researches the influences and causes of democracy development in the
region, and hopes to elaborate on domestic factors that may help or damage the impact of foreign
aid51. The United Nations Democracy Fund (UNDEF) has also made significant contributions in
foreign aid.
International support in terms of foreign aid has not been sparse. Considering the incentives of the
West to democratize Africa, it is no surprise that many large Western powers including Canada, the
United States of America, France and Great Britain have contributed through national democracy aid
funds in order to facilitate electoral processes. In recent years however, many studies have shown that
just large amounts of aid were actually ineffective considering the corruptive natures of the receiving
governments; therefore, the trend seen in recent years have been to send in military personnel, troops,
and trainers for the amelioration of the current governments and militaries of the region.
50
The Role of UNDP in Supporting Democratic Elections in Africa. (2013, November 21). Retrieved August 30, 2015,
from http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/librarypage/democraticgovernance/electoral_systemsandprocesses/supporting_elections_in_africa.html
51
Resnick, D. (2011, November 3). Foreign Aid and Democracy in Africa - United Nations University. Retrieved August
30, 2015, from http://unu.edu/publications/articles/foreign-aid-and-democracy-in-africa.html
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Possible Solutions and Controversies
A notable fact to remember when evaluating possible solutions to upholding democratic values in the
African Union is that the base cause of instability and problems with democracies in Africa are the
colonial dictatorship roots that all African governments have had ingrained in them since the arrival of
European colonies in the late 1800s. Millions in foreign aid have been poured into Africa to no avail
precisely because of the corrupt ways in which that aid is being used; therefore, simply dumping
money into the area is no longer a viable solution. Governance in Africa is not a problem that will
solve itself; it is imperative that proactive and out of the box measures be taken to ensure the success of
democratization.
Election Process Security
As seen in recent years, there has been no direct link made between democracy and representation.
This is because of the corruptness and often rigged nature of existing elections in Africa, and violence
and vandalism alike are present in nearly every African election. Violence ranges in many forms; from
coercion and intimidation, to the theft of ballots and entire ballot boxes, to the murdering of entire
villages supporting a certain political party52. The management of a fair and free election can bring
both better representation and restore the people’s faith in democracy in Africa. This goal can be
achieved in a variety of different factors; through increased military aid and personnel, foreign aid
contingent on transparency, no matter what the means, a fair and free election process must be
achieved before any tangible change can be seen in democracy in Africa.
Mediating the Election Riots/Clashes
In addition to making sure that the government conducts itself peacefully, the populace and opposing
parties must also be held to the same rigorous standard of transparency. Not only is there violence
from the government, but also riots and clashes are frequently present between opposing parties and
angry civilians during election times. Increased security, or a forum for public debate should be
established, so the populace no longer has to resort to violent measures in order to have their voice
heard.
Transparency and Anti-Corruption Institutions
Used in collaboration to the previous solutions, the legitimacy and transparency of the newly elected
government once election processes are over is also crucial in the achievement of a functioning
democracy. Aid hinged on transparency and the upholding of human/civil rights is a viable solution,
but there then lies the problem of making sure that the nations uphold their end of the bargain after
aid has been dispersed. An alternative corruption monitoring system must be implemented should we
hope to see any form of cooperation within the system. Neutral, third-party UN observers can be
deployed to monitor these processes, or officers of the African Union specifically. Whoever the
personnel, a way to uphold accountability must be cultivated.
Education and the Enhancement of Political Culture
The fact remains that there are large portions of the African populace that is not aware of the
proceedings and functions of a legitimate democracy. In order to ensure that elected officials are fully
52
Political Violence. (n.d.). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from
http://www.hrw.org/legacy/backgrounder/africa/nigeria0407/4.htm
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representative of their people, citizens must want to vote in the first place. Citizens must recognize the
importance of elections and other political decisions in the effects of their everyday lives. General aid
and quality of life must be improved first and foremost; in accordance with Maslow’s hierarchy of
needs53, basic needs must be met before the citizens can even begin to self-actualize and care about
their political processes. Following that, general education infrastructure needs to be implemented in
order for the populace to understand when their government is being morally unjust and/or
conducting undemocratic actions. The problem with this, of course, is that the government can very
easily corrupt the education that they’re giving out; tailor the education in a way that the people will
not learn about the atrocities the government is committing. Nonetheless, education must be
implemented in order for the populace to push for change organically.
Bloc Positions
Liberal Democracies
Pertaining to the blocs of countries outside of the African Union, the international community on a
whole generally wishes to see the violence and corruption in African democracies end.
Based on the fact that this issue is solely internalized within Africa, we can assume that for the most
relevant blocs to this conflict are the ones within the AU. The United States’ partnership with Africa
supports citizens that demand for democracy54, and many other Western nations also follow suit.
Western liberal democracies on the whole wish to see Africa completely and fully democratized, and
are willing to provide foreign aid wherever necessary.
Relatively Transparent Democratized Nations
For the majority of African nations, democracy still has a long way to go. In the 1990s, Freedom House
reported only three African states with universal suffrage, corruption-free elections, and multiparty
political systems. However, in recent years, most of Western Africa has set up relatively political
systems, though still imperfect55. Sierra Leone, Liberia, Guinea, and Côte d’Ivoire have gotten over
violent periods and established democratic rule. Nigeria and Niger have had record-breaking polls
earlier this year. Guinea-Bissau had peaceful elections in March of 2014. Ghana has, since the
beginning, retained a very stable democracy. Western Africa is one of the most stable regions in
regards to democratization, and the majority of international aid isn’t needed here.
Semi-Transparent Democratized Nations
The vast majority of African nations are in this bloc: semi-transparent and in the process of
democratization. These nations seem to be working towards democracy, but there is still a large lack in
general infrastructure and large amounts of corruption in the elected officials. Election violence and
ethnic rifts are very common in these countries, and they are nowhere near as successful as the
aforementioned Western states. Concentrated in Southern Africa and Eastern Africa (though not
without scattered countries as well), these nations need foreign aid and military officials in order to
completely legitimize themselves and win the people’s faith and confidence. These countries include
53
Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs | Learning Theories. (2014, July 18). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from
http://www.learning-theories.com/maslows-hierarchy-of-needs.html
54
Africa l Our Partnership. (2015, August 17). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from https://www.usaid.gov/where-wework/africa
55
Scher, R. (2012, April 2). Africa: The Human Challenge. Retrieved August 30, 2015, from
http://foreignpolicyblogs.com/2012/04/02/africa-human-capital-challenge/
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the Democratic Republic of Congo, Kenya, Zimbabwe, South Africa, Zambia, Malawi, Gambia, Cape
Verde, Botswana, Namibia, Benin, Lesotho, and many more.
Authoritarian/Dictatorial Nations
Although solid progress has been made in terms of civil rights in African nations, there remain a large
number of authoritarian and dictatorial regimes in the country. These regimes completely disregard
the waves of democratization occurring all over the continent, and retain their power through violence
and intimidation. Additionally, they seek to cut off civil society group’s access to foreign aid, silence
journalists and civil rights activists, and refuse the populace any access to democratic reform. Ethiopia,
for example, has crippled democracy movements by creating legal framework within the nation
legalizing such actions56. Authoritarian regimes all over Africa are using the same methods of
loopholes and consequently preventing themselves from holding accountabilities. Some nations in this
bloc include Ethiopia, Angola, Gabon, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Sudan, Algeria, and
Togo.
Discussion Questions
1. What are possible ways to mitigate conflict, pre, during, and post-election processes?
2. Should the AU consider expanding its role as an interventionary body?
3. What are the influences of neighboring countries governmental practices on a nation’s ability
to democratize?
4. Should Africa continue to democratize based off of Western democratic ideals or traditional
political and cultural practices?
5. Are there economic, cultural, or political factors that make democracy in Africa inherently
unsustainable?
6. Are elections worthwhile if they are used for the purpose of legitimizing coups or
authoritarian/dictatorial regimes?
7. Are elections more helpful or damaging when conducted in violently ethnically divided
regions?
8. How can countries restore their people’s trust in the governmental system, given the amount
of corruption and brutality constructed for decades?
Additional Sources
Good general resources site, provides insight on the current situation in African politics.
http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-24228425
General overview of the history of African politics.
56
(n.d.). Retrieved August 30, 2015, from https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-worldfactbook/fields/print_2028.html
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http://exhibitions.nypl.org/africanaage/essay-colonization-of-africa.html
In depth analysis of democracy in Africa and its roots in colonialism.
http://upress.kent.edu/Nieman/Concepts_of_Democracy.htm
Great analysis on the current hybrid/authoritarian/democratic regimes in Africa.
http://www.economist.com/node/21551494
AU involvement spec knowledge,
https://www.ndi.org/WAEON-symposium
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