WAS WE’WHA A HOMOSEXUAL?
Will Roscoe
D u r i n g a recent visit to Zuni, New Mexico, I stopped by the restored
mission in the center of the old village, where Alex Seotewa, a tribal elder
and the unofficial Zuni Michelangelo, has been painting murals of Zuni kachinas,
or gods, for the past twenty years. Alex has been aware of my work on the
berdache We’wha since 1987, when I presented slide-lectures at the Zuni
High School, but this was the first time we had had a chance to talk at length.
It was a long conversation about men-women of the past and the growing
visibility of gays at Zuni today, and many other things, but it was the way our
conversation began that left me with the strongest impression. After we had
exchanged greetings, Alex paused for a moment and said, “Tell me . . . do
you think that We’wha was a homosexual?’’
Until recently the greatest challenge for those of us concerned with the
so-called North American berdache or two-spirit tradition has been the problem of translation-finding
the best concepts and terms for describing a
social role so unlike any we find in contemporary society.’ Several researchers, myself included, have argued that a multiple gender paradigm, in which
female and male two-spirit roles are seen as third and fourth genders, best
serves to represent the multidimensional nature of a status that combines
social, occupational, religious, and sexual elements.2 While these debates
continue, however, another challenge also demands the attention of
researchers, one having to do less with translation and more with the issue
of transmission-what Gerald Vizenor refers to as Native American “survivance,” the capacity for passing on ideas, symbols, identities, and cultural
forms from generation to generation. Transmission entails questions of
authenticity, authority, and interpretation. What is the true two-spirit
tradition? Do two-spirits exist today? Are gay and lesbian Indians their
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114
descendants? And is the current interest in two-spirits based merely on romantic projections, or are we involved in the recovery of an important,
overlooked chapter of human history?
The answers to these questions so far have tended to be simplistic, even
dogmatic, relying on models of historical change that I hope to show are just
as unidimensional as the Western labels “homosexual” and “transvestite.”
Consider, for example, the statements one finds so often that “berdaches
began to disappear soon after European or American control was established,” that their behavior became “vestigial” (Callender and Kochems 443),
and that they “faded from view shortly after contact” (Hauser 57). As one
anthropologist recently declared, “The cultural reality of the berdache has
been destroyed, the victim of broader historical and material changes that
could no longer sustain and reproduce the conditions of social recruitment
and self-selection necessary” (Herdt 489).
The figure of the “vanishing berdache” has led some to ask, with sociologist Kenneth Plummer, “Why should one even begin to contemplate the notion
that the berdache has anything at all to do with homosexuality in our
terms?”-“our” presumably meaning “white” (48). Some Indians have been
just as peremptory. In an angry exchange some years ago, the editor of
Awkwesasne Notes told the gay publication RFD that any form of homosexuality was alien to native tradition and, like alcoholism, imposed by white
conquest (Roscoe, “Living the Tradition” 71-72). Others have taken the
position that individuals identifying as two-spirits today on some reservations
are merely “gay Indians” inventing a role for themselves that never really
existed (Roscoe, Zuni Man-Woman 264).
Underlying these statements are assumptions about cultural change based
on an either/or opposition of “traditional” and “assimilated.” Western culture, in this view, is imposed on and replaces native culture in a process
Ralph Linton termed “directed culture change”-the result is detribalization
and assimilation (501; see also Spicer, “Types of Contact”; Hoxie; Clemmer).
But how would my recent experience at Zuni fit into such a model? When I’ve
lectured at Zuni I’ve tried to avoid using Western terms to describe traditional
figures like We’wha. But there I was, being invited to do just that, to
interpret a Zuni tradition from a Western perspective. There was little
chance, however, that my answer would result in “directed culture change.”
Earlier that same day I had seen just how seriously Zunis take outside experts
on their culture. With a friend interpreting, I had asked an elderly couple
some questions about We’wha that have come up since The Zuni Man-Woman was published. Their immediate response was, “Why is he asking that?
Didn’t he write a book about it?” This was followed by gales of Zuni laughter.
Reliance on a traditionaVassimilated model has led some to propound
strict rules limiting the use of terms like “berdache,” “gay,” “homosexual,”
WAS WE‘WHA A HOMOSEXUAL?
115
and so forth in reference to Native Americans. In a recent article Fulton and
Anderson write, “Imposing Western labels (such as ‘male’ and ‘homosexual’)
on the aboriginal ‘man-woman’ imbues the role with Westernized meanings
for which, we suggest, there was no context in aboriginal society. The word
‘homosexual,’ for example, has its roots in the medical literature of mid19th-century Germany” (608). The assumption underlying this position is
that “Indian” and “Western” are discrete categories and that tribes and
native cultures have clear-cut boundaries. The operative metaphor is that of
the container-some “cultures” may be fuller than others, and some, like
those of Native Americans, were full once but are now empty. Full or empty,
the container has definite boundaries.
Although anthropologists have largely abandoned the view of cultures as
holistic, discrete, and closed systems,3 the practice of speaking and thinking
of cultures as if they were bounded entities continues in more informal settings and in other disciplines. As Renato Rosaldo observes, “Although the
official view holds that all cultures are equal, an informal filing system more
often found in corridor talk than in published writings classifies cultures in
quantitative terms, from a lot to a little, from rich to poor, from thick to thin,
and from elaborate to simple” (197). In Culture and Truth, Rosaldo shows
how such a view marginalizes what occurs at the interfaces of cultures, using
the examples of the Philippines and Mexico, societies with multiple cultural
zones and permeable borders. This leads him to conclude that “the view of
an authentic culture as an autonomous internally coherent universe no longer seems tenable in a postcolonial world” (87; see also Roscoe, “Writing
Lesbian and Gay Culture( s)”). Rosaldo’s observations apply equally well to
native North America. In fact, I would argue that the traditional, holistic
model of culture never has been tenable for any period of North American
history.
Ethnohistorians have periodized North American Indian history in terms
of four phases: symbiosis; conflict; the reservation period; and reemergence
or revivalism (Leacock and Lurie 11).Today, when anthropologists and Indians use the word “traditional” what they usually have in mind is the culture
of the symbiotic stage, that period of mutual interdependence between Europeans and natives that prevailed in many areas before the rise of the North
American nations. In truth, we know very little about native societies before
the disruptions caused by contact and conquest. In the 1600s, for example,
the lifestyle of Northeastern and Canadian Indians was dramatically altered
by the adoption of a pattern of hunting, trapping, and trading that intimately
linked their destinies to European markets. Similarly, the nomadic hunterwarrior lifestyle of the Plains Indians does not date back before the seventeenth century and the acquisition of the horse and the gun. Perhaps the best
example of a traditional culture that is really a highly creative synthesis is
that of the Navajo Indians. Archeological evidence suggests that the Dink
reached the Southwest only one or two centuries before the Spaniards
(Brugge). But in that time, they radically altered their hunting-gathering lifestyle by adopting agriculture and other cultural forms from the Anasazi.
Even so, what picture of “traditional” Navajo culture would be complete
without sheepherding-and where did the sheep come from?
American Indian survivance challenges the opposition between history and
structure, stability and change. As Marshall Sahlins points out in Islands of
History, these are not exclusive alternatives. It often happens that a set
of historical relationships reproduces traditional categories but at the same
time gives them new referents. Sahlins call this process the “striicture of the
conjuncture” (125). Change is both inevitable and inevitably constrained.
LL
For even as the world can easily escape the interpretive schemes of some
given group of mankind, nothing guarantees either that intelligent and intentional subjects, with their several social interests and biographies, will use
the existing categories in prescribed ways.” This is “the risk of the categories
in action” (145), the risk that, once deployed, especially in intercultural
contexts, the categories will be changed; and invariably they are. Even so,
Sahlins argues, “Things must preserve some identity through their changes
or else the world is a madhouse,” and he quotes Ferdinand de Saussure,
“The principle of change is based on the principle of continuity’’ (153).
The integration of synchronic and diachronic analysis enables Sahlins to
explain a variety of otherwise unintelligible episodes in native Hawaiian history. The actions of commoners eager to trade goods with Europeans, of
royalty who assumed that Europeans, like themselves, were deities, and of
Hawaiian women who sought intercourse with Europeans in order to bear the
child of a god all served to reproduce the traditional stratification of Hawaiian society. This confirms Sahlins’s proposition that “the transformation of a
culture is a mode of its reproduction.” At the same time, Europeans presented
new opportunities for forms of opposition between commoners and royalty.
In taking advantage of these opportunities, Hawaiians transformed the functional values of their traditional categories (138). Eventually, as the relationship between the categories changed, the structure of Hawaiian society itself
was transformed.
Recent developments at Zuni provide an example of interplay between
change and continuity. In 1987, I was told that the traditional Zuni word
Zha’ma or Zhamana was still used in relation to historical figures like We’wha,
but that a new term had been coined, ZhaZha, that meant “homosexual” (Zuni
Man-Woman 202-3). In 1993, however, I learned that the term ’e’tsawak’i
(girl-boy) was being used for men defined as being like traditional two-spirits,
while the word Zha’ma itself was now being used to mean “gay.” Clearly,
Western categories like “gay” are disruptive. Yet despite this semantic drift,
the traditional category is continually reproduced, whether as lha ’ma or
3 9
e tsawak ’i.
Although there are important differences between Rosaldo’s concern with
representation and power in postcolonial cultural analysis and Sahlins’s
refurbishing of structuralist theory, each suggests useful directions for
research on two-spirits. In this article I will argue that “traditional” twospirit roles were no less cultural syntheses-of both native and European
beliefs and practices-than were the cultures in general of the Northeastern,
Plains, or Navajo Indians during the symbiotic phase of their histories. In
fact, a review of the extensive contact literature-accounts
by European
explorers, travelers, traders, missionaries, and so forth-suggests that the
cultural exchange around white and native concepts of sexuality proceeded
much as Sahlins’s model predicts. Two-spirit roles were both reproduced and
transformed. In what follows, I will outline this “conjuncture of the structure” in two distinct settings: on the North American frontier, where Europeans and two-spirits met face-to-face; and in Europe, where those who read
accounts of two-spirits created an extensive discourse about them that eventually contributed to the medical and political discourses on homosexuality of
the late nineteenth century.
CLOSE ENCOUNTERS OF THE THIRD KIND
Before analyzing the evidence of frontier discourse, it might be helpful to
sample the contact accounts themselves to get an idea of the circumstances in
which this discourse occurred. Rather than attempt an exhaustive review of
this literature, I have selected five episodes that I believe illustrate the range
of contacts between two-spirits and Europeans and the variety of outcomes
these contacts had.
FLORIDA, 1564: SVMBIOSIS
We met an Indian woman of tall stature, which also was an Hermaphrodite, who came before us with a great vessel1 full of cleere fountaine
water, wherwith she greatly refreshed us. For we were exceeding faint
by reason of the ardent heate which molested us as we passed through
those high woods. And I beleeve that without the succour of that Indian
Hermaphrodite, or rather, if it had not bene for the great desire which
we had to make us resolute of our selves, we had taken up our lodging
all night in the wood. Being therefore refreshed by thes meane, wee
gathered our spirits together, and marching with a cheerful1 courage,
wee came to the place which wee had chosen to make our habitation in.
(Laudonni&re9: 16)
Re& Laudonniike’s account of his meeting with a native Floridian twospirit, probably of the Timucua tribe, is typical of native and European
contacts in the symbiotic phase. Laudonniike does not denounce the “hermaphrodite” who aids him; he is grateful for her assistance. For her part the
two-spirit, far from hiding from the aliens, seems to have sought them out.
Accounts of Osch-Tisch, We’wha, and Hastiin Klah, mentioned below, create
similar impressions of two-spirits as assertive, independent, and curious
individuals who actually sought contact with outsiders.
Symbiotic interactions were also common in the case of female two-spirits.
The Kutenai “warrior woman” QLnqon had extensive contacts with whites in
the Pacific Northwest in the early nineteenth century, as a courier for the
Northwest Company, a mediator in conflicts between Indians, and a disseminator of revivalistic prophecies (Schaeffer). Woman Chief of the Crow Indians was also “well known to all whites and Indians” (Denig 434). In all these
cases, the willingness of Europeans and Americans to interact with twospirits reflected in part their reliance on native aid and alliances.
MONTANA, 1810: ACCOMMODATION
Of these sacks, my mother had a collection, because she was a customer
of “Maracota Jim,” who visited the Nez Perce [sic] occasionally and
brought home these sacks, which were a unique craft of that Idaho
tribe. . . Maracota Jim was an unfortunate soul who was probably glad
to get away from his native tribe and go visiting. At home, he was forced
to dress like a woman, in a short dress, heavy leather belt, blanket,
head-scarf. Perhaps, as a boy, he had not measured up to the Crow idea
of manliness. He was not an old man when we knew him. He was a
pleasant person, and good-natured about this insult. But one can understand why he spent so much time among his friends the Nez Perce.
Perhaps he could dress as he pleased among them. However, he came
home now and then with the beautifully made sacks, of all sizes. He
always called on my mother, his customer and a kind person. She stuffed
the large sacks with straw and used them for extra pillows on the davenport. (Riebeth 88-89)
.
This account was written by Carolyn Riebeth, daughter of Samuel
Reynolds, who served as Crow Agent in the years 1902-1910. “Maracota”
[i.e., rni-akii-te] or “Woman Jim” was the name local whites used for the
Crow two-spirit (bot6)Osch-Tisch, or Finds-Them-Kills-Them (Roscoe, “That
Is My Road”). He was a highly respected medicine person who became a
tribal hero in 1876 when he donned men’s clothes and fought with Crow
warriors in the Battle of the Rosebud. In the 1880s, in an episode still
remembered by Crows today, an agent forced Osch-Tisch and other two-
WAS WEWHA A HOYOSEXUAL?
spirits to dress as men and do men’s work. But Finds-Them-and-Kills-Them
outlasted autocratic Indian agents and eventually established good relations
with them in later years, as Riebeth’s recollections reveal. Her account also
provides an example of how one Anglo-American on the frontier accommodated interaction with two-spirits. Although her understanding of the role is
faulty, she is able to justify his behavior in her own mind, and this, in turn,
enables her to accept his presence. (Interestingly, a “Keepsake” inserted by
the publisher into the 1985 release of Riebeth’s book adds the following
clarification: “And her meticulous research continues even past publication
of this work. She concludes Crow mothers would not force cross-dressing on
their children; this would be contrary to the ‘free and easy life,’ but rather,
‘Maracota Jim was garbed like a woman; and Crow friends tell me, he dressed
like a woman because he wanted to.’ ” It would appear that the process of
accommodation was ongoing for this frontierswoman and her native friends .)
NEW MEXICO, 1130: COLLABORATION
I grew to respect and love him for his real goodness, generosity-and
holiness, for there is no other word for it. He never had married, having
spent twenty-five years studying not only the ceremonies he gave, but all
the medicine lore of the tribe. . . . When I knew him he never kept
anything for himself. It was hard to see him almost in rags at his ceremonies, but what was given him he seldom kept, passing it on to someone who needed it. . . .
Our civilization and miracles he took simply without much wonder,
as his mind was occupied with his religion and helping his people. It was
wonderful to travel with him, as he knew the ceremonial names and
legends of all the mountains, rivers and places, and the uses and associations of plants and stones. Everything was the outward form of the
spirit world that was very real to him. (Klah 11-13)
My research on the lives of the Zuni two-spirit We’wha (1850-1896) and
the Navajo Hastiin Klah (1867-1937) provides examples of traditional thirdgender natives who formed close personal and working relationships with
non-Indians (primarily women) who were aware of their two-spirit status
(ZuniMan-Woman; “We’wha and Klah”). We’wha and Hastiin Klah worked
extensively with Anglo-Americans to record and preserve their cultural
knowledge. The preceding passage is by Mary Cabot Wheelwright, a wealthy
Bostonian who met Hastiin Klah in the 1920s and, with his cooperation,
founded the Navaho Museum of Ceremonial Art, now the Wheelwright Museum of the American Indian, in Santa Fe.
Directly and indirectly, these two-spirits had an impact on how their white
colleagues thought about sexuality and gender. The nature o f Hastiin Klah’s
200
GLQ: A JOURNAL OF LESBIAN 6 GAY STUDIES
status as a niidZeeh4 was a frequent subject of discussion among the avantgarde artists, writers, and intellectuals in Santa Fe, who met him on occasions when he accompanied Mary Whee1wright.j In a similar way, Ruth Benedict was so impressed by the stories she heard of We’wha that she made the
famous Zuni man-woman a centerpiece in her groundbreaking discussion of
homosexuality in Patterns of Culture.‘
NEBRASKA, 1930: ATTRACTION
During our stay in the field, we were visited by a male friend who had
been living an avowed homoerotic life in Japan, who was not transvestite but who had a complete repertoire of homosexual postures. Within
an hour of his arrival, the single berdache in the tribe turned up and
tried to make contact with him. (Mead 1452)
The type of contact Margaret Mead observed when a gay friend visited her
during her fieldwork among the Omaha Indians has been rarely reported,
but it is not entirely unique in the literature. John Tanner, in his account of
life on the frontier in the early nineteenth century, relates the determined
efforts of the Ojibway two-spirit Ozaw-wen-dib to seduce him (89-91). “Not
being discouraged with one refusal,” Tanner complained, “she repeated her
disgusting advances until I was almost driven from the lodge” (90). Attraction, whether reciprocated or not, was yet another possible outcome of contact between Europeans and two-spirits.
CALI FOR NIA, 178 0: REPRESSI0N/R ES ISTANCE
Among the gentile women (who always worked separately and without
mixing with the men) there was one who, by the dress, which was decorously worn, and by the heathen headdress and ornaments displayed,
as well as in the manner of working, of sitting, etc., had all the appearances of a woman, but judging by the face and the absence of breasts,
though old enough for that, they concluded he must be a man. . .
Taking off his aprons they found that he was more ashamed than if he
really had been a woman. They kept him there three days, making him
sweep the plaza, but giving him plenty to eat. But he remained very cast
down and ashamed. After he had been warned that it was not right for
him to go about dressed as a woman and much less thrust himself in with
them, as it was presumed that he was sinning with them, they let him go.
He immediately left the Mission and never came back to it, but from the
converts it was learned that he was still in the villages of the gentiles and
going about as before, dressed as a woman. (Palou, Biografia 245)
.
WAS WE’WHA A YONOSEXUAL?
Accounts like this, by the Franciscan Francisco Palou, relating events in
the California missions, have been taken to represent the standard pattern
for contacts between Europeans and two-spirits. Not enough attention, however, has been focused on the response of the two-spirit in these situations.
Far from submitting to the will of the missionaries, the two-spirit runs away
and resumes his preferred lifestyle beyond their jurisdiction, but not their
ken. It would be a serious error to interpret all instances in which two-spirits
are absent from the records of Europeans, including those of anthropologists, as evidence of the absence of their role. This might just as likely be
evidence of the effectiveness of their resistance.
Although it is not possible to state the actual frequency of each of these
contact scenarios-and these five certainly don’t exhaust the possible outcomes-none of the preceding episodes is unique. Additional examples could
be added to each category. They should serve, however, to dispel the notion
that two-spirits “faded from view” whenever Europeans showed up. Repression was only one possible outcome and not necessarily the most frequent.
But what was the impact of these contacts on how natives and Europeans
thought about and conceptualized sexuality and gender? To answer this question requires a shift to discourse analysis, for it is in discourse especially that
we find the cultural categories of sexuality and gender constructed .6
Obviously, the majority of discourse that occurred on the frontier was never
recorded, but it did leave some artifacts, in the form of generic terms that
both Europeans and natives used to speak about third-gender persons. The
forms and usages of these terms provide clues to the impact of Indian and
European categories on each other in the frontier setting.’ They are summarized in Table 1. Three are derived from European originals: the French
form of “berdache,” the Spanish word mujer, and the Enghsh word “hermaphrodite.” A fourth term, joya, is based on a native word. The variation
in their spelling and the fact that they were often assumed to be native terms
(e.g., Holder, who reports that “burdash” is a Tulalip term [623]) is evidence
that writers were transcribing what they had heard, not read. I refer to them
as “contact” rather than “pidgin” terms since, technically speaking, they are
not part of a pidgin language (Muhlhauser 21), although some tendency
toward simplification, a typical pidginizing process, is apparent in their forms
(e.g., mojarotAmugereado and Morphythermaphrodite). They are more
akin to terms like sachem and pow-wow, originally Algonkian words that
English colonialists adopted to refer to native roles that had no counterpart
in their culture.
“Berdache” has become the accepted anthropological term for North
202
Table 1. Contact Terms for Two-Spirits
Term
Provenance
Date
Joya (PN)
Coias
joyas
“Joya” (Chumash-Salinan)
Chumash
1775
California
1780s
Missions
California
1780~Missions
1820
Yokuts
1819
So. California
1820s
So. California
1840s
hombres mugeriegos
hombres amugerados
Amejerado (PN)
mujerado
Mojara (PN)
Amugereado ( P N )
mojaro
MexicoIPeru
FloridalTexas
Tesuque
Acoma-Laguna
Santa Clara
Acoma
Acoma
1607
1737
1823
1851
1860
1882
1900
mujererolmujerot a
New MexicoColorado
1983
joyas
Joyas
joyas
Source
Fages 173
Palou, BiograJia 173
Hollimon
Gayton 81
Boscana 284
Duflot de Mofras 192
“Mujerado” (Spanish)
’
‘bBerdache’’ (French)
Illinois
1693
Ojibway
1800
Deliette 343
Coues 53
Hidatsa
Kutenai
Lewis and Clark 531
Elliot 190; Gray 46
Bardache
La Berdach (PN),
Berdash
Birdas hes
BundoshlBowdash
(PN)
La Bredache (PN),
bredaches
Broadashe (PN)
bird-ash
Bredache, bardache,
berdashe
Rerdashe
BerdGches
berdash
bardache
burdash
Osage
1806
1825,
1837
1840
Blackfeet
Sioux
Mississippi Valley
French
Sauk and Fox
Crow
Cheyenne
Sioux
Tulalip
1846
1848
16731850
1830s
1856
1866
1866
1889
Morphy ( P N )
morphodites
murfidai
morphdites
“Hermaphrodite” (English)
Hopi
1892
Navajo
1897
Pomo
1942
Chugach
1953
PN
Garcia 297
Arlegui 144
Olmstead 156
Hammond 164
Territorial Census’
Bandelier 326
Casagrande and
Bourns 229
Cohos 115
Tixier 197
Stewart 54
Powers 31
McDermott 22-23
Catlin 214-15
Denig 58
Grinnell 237
Hyde 147
Holder 623
Fewkes 11
Matthews 217
Essene 65
Birket-Smith 94
= Personal Name
‘Garcia lived in Mexicw and Peru from 1.592 to 1604. He uses this phrase when comparing two-spirit
roles in the New World to the enarees: “Entre 10s Scythas havia unos Hombres Mugeriegos . . . que
parerian l o mismo clue 10s de 10s Indos.”
’Jonathan Batkin, pers. comm.
WAS WE‘WHA A HOMOSEXUAL?
203
American third-gender roles, but it has had an interesting, and unlikely,
etymology. Originally a Persian term for a captive or slave youth,8 “berdache” had entered most western European languages by the Renaissance,
without any reference to North America, as bardascia and bardasso (Italian), bardaje (Spanish), berdache (French), and “berdash” (Enghsh), with
the meaning of “catamite”-the
younger partner in an age-differentiated
homosexual relationship (Courouve; die^).^ As this pattern of homosexuality
became less frequent (at least in representation) in the eighteenth century
and a gender-based model became dominant (Trumbach), use of “berdache”
lapsed in Europe. It continued to be used on the American frontier, however,
having been introduced there by French explorers and traders in the seventeenth century.1° By the time Anglo-Americans recorded it in the early nineteenth century, its origin and European meaning had been forgotten. It was
even applied to female two-spirits. The Kutenai man-woman, Qinqon, was
known as Bundosh and Bowdash (see Table 1). It was this frontier usage of
“berdache” that American anthropologists picked up in the late nineteenth
century, unaware of its earlier European meanings.
Mujerado and its cognates are based on a verbalized form of the Spanish
noun “woman,” with the literal meaning of “woman-ed,” which I understand
in the sense of “made” or “artificial woman,” or perhaps “used (sexually)
like a woman” (see Hay). Although its currency in Spain was primarily in the
seventeenth and eighteenth century, its use in the Americas has continued to
the present day, especially in Mexico and the American Southwest.”
Joya is unique among the terms in Table 1, in that it is based on a borrowing of a native word rather than semantic shift of an existing European word.
In referring to a native Californian two-spirit, Palou reported that he was
called “con el nombre de Joya (que dicen llamarlos asi en su lengua nativa)”
(Biografia 245: “with the name of Joya [which is what they call such ones in
their native language]”). Whether he meant the Salinan or related Chumash
language of the central California coast is not clear.’*
At least one use of these terms reflects the power relations that existed on
the frontier. In California mission records joya occasionally appears as a
notation next to the names of certain natives, presumably known two-spirits
(Hollimon). Similarly, in New Mexican census records of the early nineteenth
century, male Indians identified as potters, normally women’s work, have
names like “Juan Amejerado” (Olmstead 156). In these cases, contact terms
serve a social control purpose-as
labels for identifying and monitoring
known two-spirits. The use of these terms as personal names is especially
interesting, involving the conflation of individual and role. Since native terms
are not known to have been used this way, the practice appears to reflect a
European tendency to view two-spirits as representatives of their deviance.
Perhaps it arose out of a dilemma missionaries faced when assigning
204
cc
Christian” names to two-spirits. Do you give them male or female namesespecially if they insist that neither is appropriate? Calling them “Joya” or
“Juan Amejerado” is one solution, and another instance of frontier accommodation. I 3
The kind of social conditions that produced creole and pidgin languages in
the Caribbean, where a small, powerful, monolingual group dominated a
larger, multilingual population, did not exist in contact zones north of Mexico.
It is not surprising, therefore, that jargon terms for multiple genders reflect
negotiation and compromise. This seems evident from the terms themselves.
In Europe, “sodomite” was the most common label used in texts referring to
gender-variant men in the New World. Why were “berdache” and mujerado
preferred in North America? I believe the answer lies in the dilemma Europeans faced when they found themselves interacting with two-spirits. “Sodomites” were avatars of evil who had to be denounced and punished. Calling
two-spirits mujerados or “hermaphrodites” alleviated some of the cognitive
dissonance Europeans experienced in their presence. As Morfi noted in his
Memorias concerning Texas, “In this nation there are many boys (monaguias) whom the Spaniards of Bt5jar call hermaphrodites; but it is not known
whether they are actually hermaphrodites or not” (55). Nonetheless, the
citizens of this frontier community chose to assume they were, and this has to
be seen in part as a concession to native tolerance of sexual and gender
difference.
The occurrence of these terms as personal names is also evidence that
natives themselves were using them. In 1819, for example, Estudillo observed
a “hermaphrodite” among the Yokuts “whom they called Joya” (Gayton 81).
Similarly, when the fur trader Alexander Henry recorded the names of the
Indians who joined his Red River brigade in 1800, he listed them variously in
French, English, and Ojibway, and sometimes all three. The two-spirit Ozawwen-dib is listed by his “French” and “Enghsh” names-“La Berdash” and
“Berdash” (Coues 53, also 163-65; McKenney and Hall 120-21; Tanner
89-91). Since Ojibway names are included in other cases, it would appear
that “Berdash” was the name by which Ozaw-wen-dib was most commonly
known, among Indians as well as whites. As late as the 1880s the Turtle
Mountain Chippewas (i.e., Ojibways) still remembered the famous two-spirit
warrior by this name. A young white man who lived among them heard
stories about how other warriors would have sex with “La Berdash,” “in
order to acquire his fighting ability and courage, by having intimate connection with him” (Carter opposite 45; see also Erickson 329-30).
What was the impact of these terms on the concepts of sexuality and
gender held by the natives and Europeans who used them?14
One effect would have been to foster the perception of individual tribal
instances of gender variance as part of a universal “Indian” phenomenon.
WAS WE’WHA A HOMOSEXUAL?
205
Europeans, of course, routinely lumped distinct tribal phenomena into
generic categories like “Indian” and “savage.” But a native precedent for this
existed even before contact, in the sign or gesture languages in use in various
regions of North America.15 In Plains sign language, for example, the gesture
for two-spirits interposed the sign for “half” with those for “male” or “female”
(an erect finger and a hair-combing gesture, respectively) (Scott; see also
Clark). The concept is, literally, “half-man, half-woman.” This is a fairly
direct rendering of the terms for two-spirits in some native languages, which
can be literally translated as “man-woman” (for example, the Shoshone
tainno’-wa’ippe [Miller 136,146; Clyde Hall, pers. comm.] and the northern
Tewa kwid6 [Jacobs and Cromwell661) but not in all (e.g., the Sioux winkte
o r Crow botk). In other words, when natives began to communicate with
Europeans many of them already had a pan-tribal concept for third-gender
status. Indeed, the assumption that third-gender roles were a universal phenomenon led some natives to look for-and find-such roles and persons in
the white world. I n the 1930s older Navajos commented to the anthropologist
Willard Hill, “There must be a great many more transvestites [i.e., n.cidleehB]
among the whites than among the Navaho because so many white women
wear trousers” (12).l6
These sign-language and Euro-native contact terms contributed to the construction of an intercultural subject called “berdache,” mujerado, and so
forth. For the non-Indians who used these terms, their implication was primarily “men dressed as women, doing women’s work.” The religious dimensions of the role, which are much more variable from tribe to tribe, are not
reflected in these generic terms. Consequently, tribal categories and terms
remained current t,hroughout the contact period, just as frontier Europeans
generally retained their existing gender and sexual categories. Rather, the
contact terms supplemented the vocabularies of natives and Europeans, and
by creating cross-references between them expanded the referents of each.
Mujerado, “hermaphrodite,” and “berdache” were also used, at some
point in their history, to refer to homosexual or gender-variant men in EuroAmerican settings as well as on the frontier. “Berdache,” of course, had been
widely used this way in Europe before the nineteenth century. In the Southwest, versions of mujerado were used to refer to Hispanic men and women
who were gender-variant. A dictionary of New Mexican and Colorado Spanish defines mujerero as “fond of women o r given to spending his time gossiping in the kitchen with the women,” and mujerota as a “hard-working or
brave female” (Cobos 115; see also entries on mujerengo, mujerero, mujeriegol-ga in Alonso and in Santamaria). Similarly, in the late nineteenth and
early twentieth centuries, “hermaphrodite” was the basis of slang terms for
nonmasculine homosexuals in Anglo-American society (Rodgers 105-6;
Roscoe, “Bibliography” 170-71). l7 It seems quite possible that future research
208
will attribute some influence to these contact terms on their cognates in EuroAmerican settings.
Our current debates over the appropriate labels and categories to use
in talking about and studying two-spirits recapitulates frontier discourse in
many key respects. The need to translate multiple genders remains. The
outcome, then and now, will always be a hybrid, a multicultural, multilingual
signified whose ontological status is grounded in neither native nor EuroAmerican reality, but in the specific reality of the contact zone. The present
denomination, “two-spirit ,” in this regard, follows mujerado, “burdashe,”
LL
murfidai” and joya-and before these, the sign-language gesture for “halfmadhalf-woman”-as a symbolization created for the purpose of intercultural communication, which elaborates but does not replace the original
categories.
TWO-SPIRITS IN EUROPEAN DISCOURSE, 1500-1 MOO
The encounter between native and European concepts of gender and sexuality unfolded in a second, very different, context-that of the elite discourse
of Europeans who read and cited the accounts of explorers, conquerors, and
travelers. Texts like those of Peter Martyr (1516), who reported Balboa’s
discovery of pathicos faemineo amictu in Nicaragua (Balboa had had forty
of them put to the dogs);I8 Oviedo (1526, 1535), who cataloged the practice of
sodomy among natives throughout Central America and the Caribbean; and
Cabeza de Vaca (1542), who observed two-spirits in Texas, were published in
numerous editions and translations and incorporated in the collections of
Ramusio (Italian), Hakluyt (English), Purchas (English), Thhvenot (French),
Harris (English), Pinkerton (English), Barcia (Spanish), Ternaux-Compans
(French), and others. This literature was read not only by those who enjoyed
narratives of exotic people and places but by scholars as well, in those disciplines most concerned with humankind as a subject of study (before the rise
of the social sciences)-philosophy and history. Later explorers and travelers read these accounts, too, so that the succession of Europeans who followed Columbus to the New World arrived with expectations, symbols, and
words for perceiving, categorizing, and narrating what they encountered.’”
A secondary literature on the subject of male two-spirits soon developed.”
Authors such as Oviedo and Herrera summarized and cataloged reports of
sodomy and gender variance, while historians like Garcia and Torquemada
drew on the contact literature in speculating on the origins of multiple genders in the Americas. Lescarbot (1606), writing in French, and Ens (1612)
and de Laet (1633), writing in Latin, also referred to contact accounts of twospirits in their histories of the New World. By the end of the seventeenth
century, reports of alternative genders from such diverse areas as Central
WAS WE‘WHA A HOYOSMUAL?
America, Florida, and the Mississippi Valley were routinely cited as if they
referred to a unified object of knowledge. Whether this object was called
“sodomite” or “hermaphrodite” (the two most common labels used in Europe
until the nineteenth century), the same set of contact accounts was cited.
Table 2 summarizes this secondary literature (that is, European texts
referring to two-spirits based on the observations of others), indicating author
and relevant pages; original language; year of publication and dates of key
translations and later editions; authors cited; and subsequent citations of the
text. The texts included in this survey were those (1) in western European
languages referring to two-spirits or homosexuality, (2) which cite or otherwise rely on the firsthand reports of others, and (3) which are subsequently
cited by at least one other author. Not included, therefore, are texts written
before 1900 but not published, and texts published but not cited by others.
Inclusion of these would substantially increase the database of references to
two-spirits.
Table 2. Two-Spirits in European Discourse, 1500-1900
Sixteenth
Century
Publication
Language History*
Peter Martyr
(106)
Latin
1516; 1555
ET; 1556 IT
Oviedo, Historia
natural (48b)
Spanish
1526, 1749;
1556 IT; 1625 ET
Oviedo, Historia
general (1:118-19;
4:377; 5:93)
Spanish
1535; 1556 IT
Herrera, Garcia,
Heyne, Martius,
Bancroft, Bastian
L6pez de G6mara
(1:69, 104, 106,
113, 119, 128,
163, 171, 177;
2218)
Spanish
1552
Herrera, Heyne,
Clavigero, Virey,
Martius, Peschel,
Bancroft, Burton,
Mantegazza
Cieza de Le6n
(96, 163, 166,
171, 190, 205-7,
2534,294, 324)
Spanish
1553; 1555
IT; 1709 ET
Herrera, Garcilasso,
Martius, Spencer,
Burton
Thevet (144,184,206) French
1575
Texts Cited
Cited In
[Balboa]
Heyne, Peschel,
Schneider
LaudonniGre (ms.)
Seventeenth Century
Herrera
(passim)
Spanish
1601-15;
1622 LT;
1622 FT;
1625
Purchas
[Las Casas (Historia
Clavigero, Martius,
de las Zndias), Oviedo, Spencer
L6pez de Gbmara,
Cieza de Le6n]
(continued)
Table 2.
Two-Spirits in European Discourse, 1500-1900 (continued)
Seventeenth
Century
Language
Lescarbot
French
Publication
History
Texts Cited
1606; 1609
LaudonniZre
Cited In
ET
(218)
Garcia (297)
Spanish
Garcilasso de
la Vega
Spanish
1607, 1729
Diaz, Oviedo,
Torquemada
Heyne
1609; 1688
Cieza de Le6n
Gibbon, Virey,
Spencer, Burton,
Lombroso
Heyne, Martius
ET
(1:155; 2: 2930, 236)
Ens (163 [ 1791)
Latin
1612
LaudonniZre
Torquemada
Spanish
1615, 1723
[Las Casas
Garcia, Heyne,
(ApoZogCtica historica), Clavigero, Duflot
Cabeza de Vaca]
de Mofras, Boscana,
Bastian (Mensch),
Bancroft, Bastian,
Burton
de Laet (216)
Latin
1633; 1640
FT
LaudonniZre
Heyne
Cogolludo (180)
Spanish
1688
Diaz
Spencer
Bayle (709)
French
1697; 1738
Cieza de Le6n
Gibbon
1722, 1753
[Illinois]
Heyne
1723; 1731
Purchas
Muller
(12,380,3924,
427)
ET
Eighteenth Century
de la Potherie (42)
French
Picart (101, 120)
French
ET
Lafitau (56-58)
French
1724
L6pez de Gbmara,
[Marquette]
de Pauw, Heyne,
Martius, Waitz,
Schneider
Martiniere (84)
French
1737
Coreal
de Pauw
Arlegui (14344)
Spanish
1737, 1851
[Florida sources]
Bancroft, Burton
Charlevoix
(Journal 303;
Histoire et
description
gCndrale 27)
French
1744
[LaudonniZre ]
de Pauw, Virey,
Brasseur de
Bourbourg, Peschel
Kraft (207)
German
1766 GT
[Florida sources]
Heyne
(continued)
208
WAS WE’WYA A YOYOSEXUAL?
Table 2. Two-Spirits in European Discourse, 1500-1900 (continued)
Eighteenth
Century
Publication
Language History
de Pauw (83-117)
French
Gibbon (506)
Texts Cited
Cited In
1769, 1770
Ens, Lambert, Dapper,?
Robbe,? Lafitau,
Charlevoix, Lahontan,
Coreal, Martiniere,
Dumont
Virey, Heyne,
Clavigero, Martius,
Miiller, Schneider,
Burton
English
1776-
Garcilasso, Bayle
Heyne
Latin
1779
de Pauw, Cabeza de
Herder
Vaca, Le Moyne, Ens,
de Laet, Lahontan,
Lafitau, Dumont, de la
Potherie, Peter
Martyr, L6pez de
Gbmara, Torquemada,
Oviedo, Garcia
Clavigero
(359-60)
Italian
1780-81;
1787 ET;
1789-90
GT; 1826
ST
de Pauw, Anon.
Spencer
Conquistador, L6pez
de Ghmara, Herrera,
Torquemada, Vetancurt,
Las Casas ( B r e v k i k a
relacwn [i.e., Entre
los r e m d i o s ] )
Herder (179)
German
1785-1 792
Heyne
de Sade (327)
French
1795, 1805
[Illinois sources]
Virey (272-74)
French
1801, 1824
BOSSU,L6pez de
Gbmara, Garcilasso,
Charlevoix, Dumont
(also Hennepin,
Coreal, de Pauw)
Heriot (278)
English
1805
[“derivative” (Sabin)]
Meier ( 151-52)
German
1837
Virey
Miiller
Nineteenth Century
Meier, Moll
Symonds
Miiller
Bromme (407)
German
1839
Montesinos
(54, 85,88,
90,92,99,102-4,
115-16, 120)
Spanish
1840 FT;
1882
[Cieza de Le6n,
Garcilasso, et al.]
Kingsborough
(134-5, 138,
147)
English
Spanish
1848
Vetancurt, Las Casas
Bancroft, Burton
(Apologktica historia),
Casteiieda, Morfi,
“Spanish authors”
Bastian (Mensch)
(continued)
Table 2.
Two-Spirits in European Discourse, 1500-1900 (continued)
Nineteenth
Century
Language
Publication
History
Miiller (44-45, 418)
German
1855, 1867
Bromme, Castaiieda,
Cabeza de Vaca, Picart,
de Pauw, Herder,
Maximilian, Alarccin
Bastian, (Der
Mensch 312-16)
German
1860
Torquemada,
Maximilian,
Castaiieda, Alarccin,
Las Casas
Texts Cited
Cited In
Symonds
(Apolog6tica historia),
Montesinos
Spanish
1860 ET
Oviedo
Brasseur de
Bourbourg
(clxviii-clxix)
French
1861
Anon. Conquistador,
[Charlevoix]
Waitz ( 1 13)
German
1862
Tanner, Perrin du
Schneider
Lac, Hennepin, Marquette,
LaSalle/Tonti, BOSSU,
Cabeza de Vaca,
Coreal, Maximilian,
Lafitau, McCoy, Long,
Keating, Irving
Ulric:hs
(“Inclusa” 63-64)
German
1864; 1898
Meier
Krafft-Ebing,
Symonds,
Carpenter
Martius (74-75)
German
1867
Lafitau, Ens, de
Pauw, Oviedo
(Historia general)
Lbpez de Ghmara,
Herrera, Cieza de
Lecin
Ellis and Symonds
Schultze
German
1871; 1885
Franklin (?), Stellers
Palacio (120)
ET
(12-13)
Bancroft ( 1:82,
92, 415, 515;
2 :467-68,
677-78)
Spencer
English
1874. 1883
Holmberg, Langsdorff, Burton
Sauer, Choris, Lisiansky,
Marchand, Palou (Bbgrafi),
Crespi, Boscana, Duflot de
Mofras, Torquemada,
Fages, Alarccin, Nentvig,
Arlegui, Ribas, L6pez de
Gcimara, Camargo, de Pauw,
Oviedo (Historia general),
Kingsborough, Las
Casas (Apobg6tica
historia), Diaz, Zuazo
(continued)
WAS WE’WHA A YONOSEXUAL?
211
Table 2. Two-Spirits in European Discourse, 1500-1900 (continued)
Nineteenth
Century
Language
Publication
History
Texts Cited
Cited In
Symonds
___
Spencer
(36-37)
English
1874
Zurita, Diaz, Anon.
Conquistador, de
Gand, Herrera,
Clavigero, C o g o h d o ,
Palacio, Piedrahita,
Simon, Cieza de
Le6n, Garcilasso
Peschel (42425, 427, 437)
German
1874, 1877;
1906 E T
Langsdorff, Stellers,
L6pez de Gbmara,
Peter Martyr, Cabeza
de Vaca, Charlevoix
Bastian
(702-3)
German
1878
Torquemada,
de Gand, Ovit-do
Letourneau
(71-73)
French
1880; 1881
ET
Diaz
Lombroso (36,
61.)
Italian
1881; 1889;
1894 G T
1895 FT
Diaz, Garcilasso
Krafft-Ebing,
Symonds,
Carpenter
Burton
(240-42)
English
1885
Bancroft, de Gand,
de Pauw, Cieza de
Le6n, Guzman
Symonds
Schneider
(287-88)
German
1885
Mackenzie, Waitz,
Maximilian, Lafitau,
Cabeza de Vaca,
Peter Martyr, de Pauw,
Lahontan
Ratzel
(562-63)
German
1885; 1896
ET
Marquette
Krafft-Ebing
(7,2034)
German
1886
Lombroso,
Friedreich,t Hammond
Carpenter, Moll
Mantegazza
(96-97)
Italian
1886; 1886
GT
L6pez de Gbmara,
Diaz, Duflot de
Mofras, [sources for
Central America,
Peru, Alaska]
Symonds
Carpenter, Moll
Symonds (54, 58)
English
1891, 1896
Meier, Gibbon, Krafft- Carpenter
Ebing, Lomhroso,
Bastian (Mensch),
Spencer, Burton,
Mantegazza
Symonds
(continued)
212
Table 2.
Two-Spirits in European Discourse, 1500-1900 (continued)
Nineteenth
Century
Publication
Language History
Moll (105-9)
German
Carpenter
(122, 125,
131)
Ellis and
Symonds (7-8,
22)
[ I
ET
FT
GT
IT
LT
ST
Texts Cited
Cited In
1891; 1893
FT
Mantegazza, Virey,
Diaz, Hammond,
Krafft-Ebing
Carpenter
English
1894
Ulrichs, Symonds,
Krafft-Ebing, Moll,
Lombroso,
Mantegazza
English
1896 GT;
1897
Langsdorff, Lisiansky,
Holmberg, Martius,
Hammond, Holder,
Burton
probable source
English translation
French translation
German translation
Italian translation
Latin translation
Spanish translation
*Date of initial publication is followed by dates of important later editions and translations. I have
relied primarily on Joseph Sabin, Biblioteca Americana: A Dictionary of Books Reluting to America,
from its Discovery to the Present Time (New York, 1868-1936).
tSource has not been verified as of this writing and does not appear in the bibliography.
The dissemination of contact accounts of two-spirits in European discourse
produced an intertext that cut across several discursive domains: first and
foremost a moral discourse on cultural diversity; then a discourse on prodigies; a historical discourse; and, finally, in the nineteenth century the discourses of the social sciences and medicine.
Christian morality mandates moral discourse-what Guy Poirier terms a
“rhetoric of abomination” (223)-whenever it encounters the violation of
biblical injunctions against cross-dressing and/or same-sex intercourse. The
Spaniards were especially constrained to employ moral discourse. The devoutly religious and legalistic bent of the Spanish monarchs of the sixteenth
century required that conquest be justified with definitive proof of the inferiority of New World natives. In the legal and philosophical debate that ensued,
sexual immorality counted as prima facie evidence of inferiority and irrationality. And so Spanish explorers dutifully catalogued the sexual sins of the
natives, and Spanish historians dutifully repeated them. Once the question
concerning just conquest had been resolved, however, Spanish interest in
Indian sexuality, indeed, in all aspects of Indian culture, waned (Roscoe,
Zuni Man-Woman 170-76).
213
The clash of Spaniards and French in Florida in the 1560s led to
the citation of two-spirits in another European discourse, one concerning the
existence of monsters and prodigies. Two accounts by Frenchmen who participated in these events, LaudonniGre (1586) and Le Moyne (1591), matter-offactly reported that “hermaphrodites” were common in Florida (see Lestringant). Europeans had long believed that the nether reaches of the world were
occupied by such fabulous beings as hermaphrodites. Tracing these speculations back to classical times, Margaret Hodgen attributes their survival to
the desire of the Church “to distort all alien beliefs and customs” (88). However, as Guy Poirier points out, neither Frenchman linked Floridian “hermaphrodites” to the sin that so preoccupied the Spaniards: sodomy (221).
In this regard, discourse on prodigies seems to suspend moral discourse. I
suspect, however, that this had as much to do with political realities as any
rules of discourse. The Protestant French colonists in Florida were desperate
to attract support for their enterprise back home. Far from besmirching the
reputation of the natives, their interests were best served b y painting an
Arcadian picture of the New World.**
Laudonniire’s and Le Moyne’s widely reprinted reports spawned a longlived debate among French authors over the actual nature of two-spirits. In
the writings of later travelers such as Marquette (129), Membrh (155), Hen“Tonti” (237-38), and La Salle (146), published
nepin (167), Lahontan (la),
between 1681 and 1712, the Illinois, like the Floridians, are credited with
having numerous hermaphrodites-but
also “hommes destinez d&s leur
enfance, ii cet usage dktestable” (La Salle 146) and men with “un malheureux
penchant pour la Sodomie” (Lahontan 144). Moral discourse has caught up
with the discourse on prodigies, Travelers and scholars alike continued to
debate the discrepancy between reports of “hermaphrodites” and “sodomites” throughout the eighteenth century (see Coreal; Lafitau; Dumont).
Meanwhile, the discourse on cultural differences had evolved from the
fairly straightforward question of whether natives were immoral to the more
complex issue of whether cultural differences in and of themselves were
immoral, and what would cause people to deviate from the culture dictated
by Christian belief (i.e., “civilization”). This led scholars to formulate theories, often fantastic, to account for patterns like the third-gender role in the
Americas. At this point, moral discourse becomes historical and comparative
discourse. Garcia and Torquemada, for example, had resolved the problem
of cultural difference by arguing that New World natives were immigrants
from the Old World-lost tribes of Israelites, or, perhaps, Scythians or Phrygians, as suggested by the apparent similarity between two-spirits and the
enarees and galli, gender-ambivalent religious figures of those two cultures,
respectively, known to European scholars from classical l i t e r a t ~ r e . ~ ~
The transition from a historical inquiry into the origins of difference to the
214
6LQ: A JOURNAL OF LESBIAN 8 BAY STUDIES
kind of sociological and anthropological inquiry typical of the nineteenth
century involved less of a break than those disciplines generally acknowledge, as Hodgen pointed out in her classic study, Early Anthropology in the
Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Instead of historical origins, nineteenth
century sociologists and anthropologists sought natural and social origins;
and natives, instead of representing a literal survival of some biblical or
classical people, became a metaphoric survival of the primitive past of “mankind” (read “Europeans”), evidence for the increasingly hegemonic theory of
the stages of c i ~ i l i z a t i o n . ~ ~
The continuity between earlier moral and historical discourse and that of
nineteenth century medicine and social sciences is evident in two texts dealing
with the subject of multiple genders in North America, published in 1768 and
1779, by the Dutchman Cornelius de Pauw (writing in French) and the German Christian H e ~ n eBoth
. ~ ~ authors, in true Enlightenment fashion, begin
by debunking the reports of hermaphrodites in the New World. De Pauw,
whose discussion appears in a chapter of his Recherches philosophique sur
Zes Amkricains, takes special delight in ridiculing earlier theories of twospirits as descendants of galli who had made their way to the New World:
“Quand on s’efforceroit d’imaginer une explication moins vraisemblable, ou
plus absurde, ou plus ridicule, il ne seroit pas possible d’y r6ussir” (100: “A
more improbable, absurd or ludicrous explanation would be impossible to
conceive”). After a digression on hermaphroditism in the plant world, he
relates cases of alleged hermaphrodites in Europe who, on examination, were
discovered not to be prodigies with two sets of sex organs, but females with
enlarged clitorises. De Pauw speculates whether the same phenomenon might
account for the reports of hermaphrodites in America, and he considers two
possible causes: warm climate and the effects of female circumcision, reported
to have been practiced by Florida natives. For de Pauw, Native American
gender diversity was only one more piece of evidence for his controversial
thesis concerning the degeneration and inferiority of everything in the New
World. His hermaphrodite was a monster, not a prodigy, and his text harkens back to a medieval view of change (and cultural difference, which is
viewed as change from biblical percepts) as degeneration and decline.
Heyne more clearly anticipates medical discourse. “De maribus inter
Scythas morbo effeminatis et de Hermaphroditis Floridae” was published in
Latin in the prestigious Commentationes of the Royal Scientific Society of
Gottingen. Here a discussion of two-spirits occurs in the context of a general
inquiry into the conditions in which the male body might be feminized (mirroring, in this regard, de Pauw’s interest in the masculinized female body).
After a long review of the ancient and modern literature on the thdeia
nosos, or “female disease,” which presumably caused Scythian men to become
enarees, Heyne turns to the reports of hermaphrodites in Florida. These
WAS WE’WHA A HOYOSEXUAL?
215
prodigies are, in fact, “certum hominum genus, animi corporisque imbecillitate laborantium tanta, ut se bellicis aliisque virilibus muneribus impares
sentierent, adeoque virum eiurarent, ad muliebria munia se ipsos damnarent” (39)-men
who, having been broken in spirit and body, give up manhood (41). Even though Heyne, like de Pauw, refutes Lafitau’s historical
theories, he still makes use of the same parallel between North American
third genders and the Scythian enarees. What these two cases share now,
however, is not a common historical origin but a common physiological
cause-“morbo nervoso”-tiology
instead of genealogy. Enfeebled by this
disease, men adopt female dress. This “muliebris iUe corporum habitus infami,”
in turn, makes their bodies susceptible to “Veneris ludibrw.” And from
this, Heyne concludes, the custom arises whereby any man afflicted with
effeminacy (muliebriu) donned women’s clothes and engaged in marium flugitiis pathicis infaminum (44).
Although both texts anticipate medical discourse, they do not make the
modern distinction between sexual identity and sexual orientation. For Heyne
male homosexuality is inseparable from gender variance-although
he is
uncertain whether effeminization (which he conceives of in primarily physiological terms) causes homosexual acts or homosexual acts cause effeminization. In either case, the object of knowledge-the
genderlsexual-variant
male-now has a body, and the origins of his behavior are to be sought there.
Although this body is no longer imagined as being literally hermaphroditic, it
is still seen as being somehow physically different from that of the normal
male. From the distinct ontological status of the hermaphrodite-a literal
third sex (not a g e n d e r b w e now have the defective body of a male viewed in
terms of a strictly dual sedgender system. Here we can detect the beginnings
of the Foucauldian shift from homosexual acts to homosexual personality.
The origins of modern discourse on homosexuality have been traced to
Germany and the writings of Karl Heinrich Ulrichs, beginning in 18M, and
Karl Maria Kertbeny, in 1869 and 1870 (FCray and Herzer), both of whom
advocated the reform of laws against male homosexuality. Their publications
were soon joined by those of the medical authorities, Westphal, Krafft-Ebing,
Moll, and many others (see Hekma 222-29). These authors often cited
Ulrichs, but insisted on pathologizing any condition involving same-sex desire
or gender variation. Nearly all of them were aware of Native American gender diversity, as the citations summarized in Table 2 show, and many of
them-including Lombroso, Mantegazza, Burton, Symonds, and Ellis-made
extensive use of the ethnographic literature, which by now was quite large. In
1868, when Westphal reported at a meeting of the Berlin Medical-Psychological Society “on several cases of persons who in a more or less high degree
had a perverse inclination to individuals of the same sex or at least behaved
in dress, actions, and the like in a way not corresponding to their sex,” Adolf
Bastian, the “father” of German ethnography, readily offered the information that “perverse sexual inclinations are often found in uncivilized tribes,
that in some the individuals afflicted with it are even treated as a special
caste, as more highly placed personalities, as sacred and the like” (qtd.
Kennedy 128).
In fact, the construction of the medical model of inversion (and, later,
homosexuality) required historical and cross-cultural examples. If sexual
variations were indeed diseases, which specialists were discovering and not
inventing, then cases of them surely occurred in other times and places.
Although the epistemological break between medical categories and earlier
taxonomies is now apparent to us, thanks to the work of Foucault and others,
the specialists themselves emphasized continuities between modern cases and
those found in history and anthropology. Consequently, as Arnold Davidson
notes, many of their works include “entire chapters attempting to demonstrate the presence of these diseases throughout history” (316-17). The most
significant break between Victorian medical discourse and earlier texts was
not in the object of knowledge they constructed but in their rules of evidence-in particular, the use of the case study. Now the “other,” that instance
of difference that must be explained, is found at home, among the mentally
ill, the poor, the female, the criminal, and so forth. Detailed case histories of
Europeans displace the Scythian enarees and North American two-spirits in
the body of the text. They appear instead in footnotes, introductions, and
chapters that supplement case studies.
By 1900 extensive citation of ethnographic and historical literature was a
standard feature of sexological works. Bloch’s 1902 Beitruge zur Aetiologie
der Psychopathia sexualis has some twenty pages of ethnographic evidence,
while the opening comments of Westermarck’s chapter on “Homosexual Love,”
published in 1906, include the assertion, “In America homosexual customs
have been observed among a great number of native tribes” (529). Crosscultural data were even more prominent in the writings of the early homosexual rights activists. Ferdinand Karsch-Haack’s Das Gleichgeschlechtliche
Leben der Naturvolker (1911) and Edward Carpenter’s Intermediate Types
among Primitive Folk (1914) are exhaustive surveys of contact and secondary literature on worldwide sexual and gender diversity. Professional anthropologists have yet to produce anything close to the comprehensiveness of
these early works.26
The medical literature on homosexuality inherited something from all the
earlier discourses in which two-spirits had been cited. From the moral discourse it received the equation of difference with defect. From the discourses
on prodigies and the historical origins of cultural diversity it inherited concepts of the origin point and causation. Indeed, the hermaphrodite returns in
nearly all the works of the Victorian theorists, alternately as monster and
WAS WE‘WIIA A IOYOSMUAL?
217
prodigy, in the form of psychic hermaphrodism and inversion-in Ulrichs’s
concept of a female soul in a male body, in Carpenter’s “intermediate type,”
in Freud’s view of the homosexual as a mother-identified male.
TR AD IT10NA1 INNOVATI0N8
Now we can answer Kenneth Plummer’s rhetorical question (and, indirectly,
the question that stands at the title of this essaykwhether two-spirits have
“anything at all to do with homosexuality in our terms.” The answer is: a
good deal. The history of the discourse in which modern homosexuality was
constructed cannot be told without reference to the role played by knowledge
of two-spirits, any more than the history of two-spirits in five hundred years
of contact can be told without reference to European ideas and actions.
Although the exact impact of this cultural exchange can and w i l l be debated,
as well as the extent to which Europeans accurately represented two-spirits
in their texts, the extensive citation of them is incontestable. Knowledge of
non-Western third genders has been an important point of reference for
discussions of sexuality and gender from the sixteenth century up to our
present debates over the epistemological status of the term “gay.”
The analytical distinction between the “homosexual role” of Western societies and the alternative gender roles found in native North America, as
articulated by Whitehead in her 1981 essay (93-99), remains the starting
point for research on the two-spirit tradition. At the same time, the error of
the statements quoted at the beginning of this essay should now be apparent.
The assertion by Fulton and Anderson that “Westernized meanings” have no
context in aboriginal society overlooks the long history of discourse on the
frontier and in Europe in which native and European meanings were related
to each other. As the preceding survey has shown, there is no “pure” Indian
two-spirit role and there is no “pure” Western category of homosexuality;
after five centuries of contact, both refer to each other.
Insistence on an extreme version of cultural relativism has been fostered in
lesbian and gay studies by social constructionist theory, at least in its “garden
variety” form, to the neglect of transmission, exchange, and contamination
as factors of historical process.27Thus Fulton and Anderson base their comments on what has become a truism of social constructionist history, that “the
word ‘homosexual’ .
has its roots in the medical literature of mid-19thcentury Germany” (Fulton and Anderson 608). But that literature, as we
have seen, included at its inception references to North American two-spirits
and related roles throughout the world. More importantly, the predominant
self-conceptualization of mid- to late-nineteenth century Europeans and
North Americans who desired sex with their own gender was not that represented by the term “homosexual,” but that of Ulrichs’s Urning (see Hekma),
..
a third-sexed being, and its predecessors, such as the Molly of eighteenthcentury England. This was the original form of modern homosexual identity,
not self-definition based on sexual object-choice. It was the identity of the
individuals who launched the early gay movement, like Ulrichs, Hirschfeld,
and Carpenter, and of the men and women who frequented those hidden
urban settings that eventually gave rise to today’s lesbian and gay communities. When Ulrichs wrote in Vindex, his original broadside, “Denn nach dem
Ausgefuhrten ist der Urning nicht Mann, sondern zwitterartiges Mannweib
mit weiblicher Richtung der Geschlechtsliebe,” he used the same term,
Mannweib, that German ethnographers routinely used to refer to North
American third genders (49; “For to follow up, the Uranian is not male, but a
hermaphrodite man-woman with a female sexual orientation”).28The reduction of lesbian and gay history to philology-the origin and dissemination of
the term “homosexual”-foreshortens the history of these gender-based identities and elides their place in the genealogy of contemporary queer culture
and politics. 2y
When it comes to the history of native America we can no longer cling to a
pre-Foucauldian idea of power flowing in only one direction and always from
the top down, for we will invariably end up characterizing American Indians
as passive recipients of white conquest and culture. As the history of twospirit survivance reveals, natives actively absorbed European signs and symbols into their cultural systems, and Europeans absorbed accounts of third
genders into theirs-to enrich and complicate but not replace existing categories. The term “berdache” and the role itself, to the extent that we know it, is
always-already a hybrid, a creative product of complex interactions over an
extended period of contact.
The question of the relationship between contemporary lesbian and gay
native people and historical two-spirits remains an open one. What I have
tried to show here is that it cannot be answered with either “yes” or “no,” or
with a model of history that counterposes “pure” or “indigenous” to “Westernized” meanings. In evaluating claims concerning transmission we must
consider at least three distinct dimensions of historical process: how and by
whom were two-spirit identities, roles, and symbols transmitted in the past
five centuries? How were these identities, roles, and symbols transformed in
the process of being reproduced? And how were these changes intellectually
and symbolically mediated-by,
for example, the employment of contact
terms-so as to maintain a “principle of continuity” in the midst of change?
Let’s not again retell Indian history as a fall from grace, a tragic decline
from cultural integrity to disintegration and assimilation, and, in the process, denigrate the present in order to idealize the past. It would be ironic,
indeed, if the current obsession with essentialism and historical anachronism
WAS WE‘WHA A HOMOSEXUAL?
218
made it impossible for Indians today to see themselves in the figure of the
traditional two-spirit (see Tafoya). The alternative to self-effacement, as
Clyde Hall writes in Living the Spirit, is cultural revival: “There is a need for
a resurgence of that old pride and knowledge of place. Traditions need to be
researched and revived. If traditions have been lost, then new ones should
be borrowed from other tribes to create groups or societies for gay Indians
that would function in the present” (104; see also Roscoe, “Living the Tradition”). As I hope I have shown here, Hall’s vision is completely consistent
with the history of Native American survivance, of transforming tradition to
preserve it, of negotiating symbol and meaning within a postcolonial, multicultural contact zone whose borders have grown to encompass us all.30
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Thanks to Stephen 0. Murray and Winfield Coleman for valuable comments,
Sandra Hollimon for sharing results of her forthcoming research, Helen
Rand Parish for assistance locating references to Las Casas, and David
Halperin for his critical editing. An earlier version of this paper was presented
at the 1993 meetings of the American Anthropological Association.
NOTES
“Two-spirit’’ has emerged as the preferred term of Native North Americans over the
anthropological term “berdarhe,” which is seen as retaining its European sense of “slave
boy” and “catamite.” Native Americans a r e understandably offended by labeling a role
that is largely religious in nature with terminology whose original meaning was sexual.
“Berdache” is even more inappropriate as a term for female warriors and chiefs. The
term “two-spirit’’ emerged as a n alternative in the late 1980s, when the Minneapolis
organization American Indian Lesbians and Gays adopted it as a pantribal term for both
male and female alternative gender roles. It is the literal translation of a native Anishinabe (Ojibway dialect) term (La Fortune, pers. comm.; Harris and Lone Dog 156). In 1991
the Toronto-based organization Gays and Lesbians of the First Nations rhanged its name
to 2-spirited People of the 1st Nations. A short film entitled Two-Spirit People by Lori
Levy, Michael Beauchemin, and Gretchen Vogel, released in 1991, features several lesbian
and gay native scholars, writers, and community leaders who use the term “two-spirit.’’ At
the conferenre Revisiting the North American Berdache, Empirically and Theoretically,
held in conjunction with the American Anthropological Association meetings in 1993,
native participants expressed a strong preference for this term (see also Tafoya).
The literature is summarized in Roscoe, “HOWto Become a Berdache.” For a dissenting
view, see Murray, “Subordinating Native American Cosomologies.”
The critique of the traditional anthropological concept of culture has gone forward on
many fronts (see Ortner). From the heyday of acculturation studies in the mid-twentieth
century to today’s cultural theorists trying to envision a postcolonial anthropology (see
Rosaldo), cultural anthropologists have been keenly aware of the permeability of cultural
borders and the wide range of circumstances in which cultural forms are transmitted and
transformed. Anthropologists interested in political economy and world systems have
shown how even seemingly isolated small “cultures” are linked to international markets
(e.g., Wolf). Yengoyan also points to the erosion of the epistemological basis of the concept
of culture under the onslaught of behaviorism and positivism. He counters that the concept of culture is to anthropology what Freud once suggested that “mind” was to psychology: its proper subject matter.
4. Based on conversations with Harry Hay and Bruce Bernstein.
5. Other two-spirits who formed close and collaborative friendships with whites who helped
record their cultural knowledge include Bernard Second (d. 1988), an Apache spiritual
leader (Farrer); Henry Azbill (d. 1973), a Chico Maidu (Craig Bates, pers. comm.); and
possibly Fernando Librado/Kitsepawit, a Chumash who worked closely with John Harrington (Sandra Hollimon, pers. comm.).
6. The analysis that follows has been inspired by Foucault’s Archaeology of Knowledge.
7 . As Tuttle notes (in Chiappelli 595-611), these borrowings tended to occur early after
initial contact and then to remain relatively stable. Thus, “squaw” and “papoose,”
Algonkian borrowings by the English, came to be applied to many other tribes.
8. The third edition of the American Heritage Dictionary traces “berdache” to the IndoEuropean root wela-, “to strike, wound,” from which the Old Iranian *varta-, “seized,
prisoner” is also derived (2132). The Sanskrit vadhri, “eunuch” (fr. vadh, “strike”;
Penzer 319; Saletore 43) appears to be another related term. It occurs in the Atharva
Veda (c. 500 BCE), where it is used in reference to gender-ambivalent figures performing
functions similar to those of modern hijra (6.138.3; Bloomfield 538-39).
9. There appears to have been some tendency for “berdache,” as it was used in Europe, to
lose some of its specifically sexual connotations, as it eventually did in North America.
According to Diez, bardassa, in regional Italian, means simply “boy” (42).
10. Spanish authors occasionally used bardaje in reference to Central American two-spirits
(Guerra 43; Alonzo, S.V. “Bardaj,” “Bardaja,” “Bardaje”). Its first use by a French
author in North America (as bardache) appears to be in the memoir of Deliette written
around 1704, which was not published until the twentieth century. It does not occur in the
literature with any frequency until the nineteenth century (see Roscoe, “Bibliography”
Table 1).
11. See Alonso (s.v. “Amujerado, -da”) and Santamaria (s.v. “Amujerado”). Another term
applied by Spaniards to two-spirits, amarwnado-amaricado-marica-maricon,
appears to
have a distinct etymology from mujerado. Guerra derives it from “MaryMaria” (43; see
also Cabeza de Vaca 29a; Font 105).
12. The available vocabularies of Mission Indian languages do not record terms for twospirits. The transcription, joya, corresponds to the Spanish word for “jewel,” which has
led some writers to assume that it was in fact a Spanish word. Although the term can be
used in reference to the male genitals in the same sense as the phrase “family jewels” in
English, I am not aware of a precedent for its application to gender variant o r homosexual
men outside of Spanieh California. It might be related to native terms for bbman”ooilohodo-ho’-yo in Chumash and ua in Salinan-r
to a-he’, the Chumash term for
gravedigger, a role often filled by two-spirits (Heizer; Hollimon). Terms for two-spirits in
other languages of the Hokan family include yaawaa (Atsugewi), law ’ya (Yana), alyhaa
(Mohave), elha (Cocopa), and elxa’ (Yuma); see Roscoe, “Bibliography.”
13. Another word that might be considered here is jotoljote, a term of uncertain origin used in
Mexico for nonmasculine homosexual men. In some areas of northern Mexico, jotos are
fully integrated members of their communities with the social and sexual status of ersatz
women, although they are “neither wholly male nor wholly female” (Alonso and Koreck
111). In the 1930s, when Drucker asked his Diegueiio Indian informants if they knew of
two-spirit-like traditions in their native culture, several self-consciously insisted that such
individuals, whom they called “jotes,” were to be found “only among Mexicans” (49; see
221
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
Alonso; Morinigo S.V. “Joto”). Future research will be needed to determine the exact
relationship between the norther Mexican joto or jote and native third genders, but it
seems possible that in the Southwest native third genders became a model for non-Indian
social roles.
In analyzing these terms I have found Paul Stoller’s questions concerning the origins of
pidgin languages helpful (78).
Sign or gesture languages are, in effect, pidgin languages, but ones formulated in precontact conditions. One reason pidgins did not develop in North America was because Europeans found it easier to learn these sign languages. Distinct systems evolved on the Plains
and in the Plateau region, although Plains sign language eventually became the standard
by the nineteenth century (Hymes 408).
See Bossu for the impressions of a n Illinois Indian of gender-variant Europeans he
observed on a trip to France in 1720 (84).
It was also used in reference to a common “act” in traveling carnivals and sideshows of the
late nineteenth centuries: the “half-and-half’ or “morphodite.” According to one circus
historian, “As a rule the sideshow half-and-half is a man who can speak in a high-pitched
voice as well as a deep one. He keeps the body hair on his pretended female side well
shaved and bleached to present a feminine appearance. He also uses makeup on that side.
To fake a female breast he may inject paraffin, silicone, or some other substance under
the skin. On the male side, the limbs get a lot of exercise, 80 they look manly and
muscular’’ (Drimmer 359; a “half-and-half’ act is described in the Flannery O’Connor
story, “A Temple of the Holy Ghost”).
A plate illustrating the scene in gruesome detail was included in the fourth part of De
Bry’s CoUectiones peregrinationurn (plate 22; see also [ 1091-110).
For a n introduction to the incunabula of the New World, see the articles by Gerbi and
Hirsch in Chiappelli. Hand (in Chiappelli 46) characterizes the readership of this literature as “the clergy, educated laymen, and the entrepreneurial classes who stood to gain by
commerce with the New World and its peoples,” and he emphasize6 the importance of
word-of-mouth dissemination among the first generation of explorers and chroniclers.
Hirsch concludes, “A definite and broadly based interest in early Discoveries did exist. It
was uneven, varying from country to country and from period to period, and was not
limited to the truly educated who read Latin texts, but reached in ever increasing number
those who could not, or would not, read Latin” (549-50).
Even those with extensive firsthand experience in America often resorted to the stock
language and tropes of previous texts-Marquette’s
1681 description of Illinois twospirits, for example, was paraphrased by Hennepin, Lahontan, and others.
Female berdaches or two-spirits were largely overlooked until the nineteenth century. One
exception is Lahontan’s mention of “hunting women,” ickouene kioussa. among the Illinois. See Roscoe, “How to Become a Berdache,” for an overview of the literature on
female two-spirits.
Poirier detects similar motives at work in Lescarbot’s History of New France (‘‘Marc
Lescarbot”).
Even earlier, Las Casas, in his Historiu de las lndias (not published until 1875), argued
that native men who dressed like women did not do so “para el detestable fin” but in “la
manera que refiere Hip6crates y Galeno, que hacen algunas gentes cithias [Scythian]”
(3:479). One finds the same parallel in Lafitau, Kraft, and Heriot. The ancient sources on
the enarees are Herodotus (4.67) and the Hippocratic author of Peri aerdn (17-22). The
literature concerning gaUi and the religion of Cybele and Attis is extensive. For a comprehensive introduction, see Sanders and Roscoe, “Priests of the Goddess.”
See also Berkhofer (part 2). Hodgen traces the theory of the progressive rise of humankind
222
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
through a series of distinct stages back to medieval notions of the great chain of being. De
Pauw proposes a theory of stages in the text discussed below. The American Louis Henry
Morgan gave the theory new life by drawing extensively from ethnographies of Native
Americans. Morgan’s stages of civilization were a key influence on the historical materialist theory elaborated by Marx and Engels.
Heyne (1729-1812) was principally responsible for inaugurating the lectures on archaeology and mythology in 1763 that made the University of Gottingen a center of classical
studies. The writings of the AbbC de Pauw (1739-1799) have been judged less kindly.
Preserved Smith characterized Recherches philosophiques sur les Ahricains as “a work
every whit as prejudiced and untrue to fact as is the gaudy picture of the savage by
Rousseau” (145-46; see also White in Chiappelli 128; for criticism by a contemporary of
de Pauw’s, see Clavigero 359-60).
Indeed, American anthropology, despite its liberal image, remains one of the least hospitable academic disciplines for lesbian and gay research, judging from a report compiled by
the Society of Lesbian and Gay Anthropologists, which found that only six dissertations
dealing with homosexuality o r gender variance had been accepted for the Ph.D., and only
two articles on such subjects had been published in the profession’s leading journals in the
period between 1980 and 1992.
For well-developed critiques of social constructionism along these lines, see both Richlin
and Partner.
For authors who use the term Mannweib see Maximilian, Miiller, and Bastian (cited in
Table 2 and in the bibliography).
Mary McIntosh, for example, in her seminal essay on the “homosexual role,” notes that in
the modern era “there seems to be no distinction at first between transvestism and homosexuality” (37), but then formulates her central thesis in a way that projects a single
modern homosexuality: “A distinct, separate, specialized role of ‘homosexual’ emerged in
England at the end of the seventeenth century” (38; see also Murray, North American
Homosexualities). Similarly, in his early, influential writings, Jeffrey Weeks makes note of
“popular notions” that “invariably associated male homosexual behaviour with effeminacy and probably transvestism as well” (101), but then characterizes nineteenth-century
history in a way that elides these “notions” and the identities based on them:
The latter part of the nineteenth century . . . saw the clear emergence of new
conceptualisations of homosexuality, although the elements of the new definitions
and practices can be traced to earlier periods. The sodomite, as Foucault has put
it, was a temporary aberration. The %omosexual,” on the other hand, belonged to
a species, and it is this new concern with the homosexual person, both in legal
practice and in psychological and medical categorisation, that marks the critical
change, both because it provided a new subject of social observation and specialization and because it opened up the possibility of new modes of self-articulation
(102).
But what of the self-articulations of the Mollies and Uranians who stand between the
sodomite of the premodern era and the gay man of the late twentieth century?
George Chauncey, Jr. was more careful in his 1983 review of the early medical literature
in Salmagundi: “Sexual inversion, the term used in most of the nineteenth century, thus
had a much broader meaning than our present term, homosexuality, which denotes solely
the sex of the person one sexually desires. Sexual inversion, rather, connoted a total
reversal of one’s sex role” (119). Chauncey dates the transition between the two terms to
“the turn of the century,” (116) although he allows elsewhere that the inversion model
continued to influence the writings of Ellis and others well into the twentieth century, and
WAS WE‘WHA A HOMOSEXUAL?
223
he rightly cautions that “only extensive and original research in more intimate records
such as diaries and correspondence will enable us to measure the influence of the medical
discourse on the emergence of gay identities and subcultures” (115).
Too often the discourse of elites has been taken to represent what actually happened in
the lives of people. David Halperin, in his essay “One Hundred Years of Homosexuality,”
singles out the year 1892 as marking a watershed in the history of sexuality because that is
when the term “homosexual” was introduced into the English language. “Before 1892
there was no homosexuality, only sexual inversion” (15). This is an important modification
to Foucault’s formulation, which counterposed homosexuality to sodomy, assimilating
inversion to the former. But, like Foucault, Halperin defines the identities constructed
under the sign of “homosexuality” in such sharp distinction to the earlier ones as to place
these outside the genealogy of contemporary lesbian and gay identities altogether. “Being a
womanish man, or a mannish woman, after all, is not the same thing as being a homosexual” (24). But this again begs the question: what is the subjectivity of the men and women
who are called, or call themselves (a distinction many constructionists fail to make),
“homosexual”? Halperin seems to assume that it does not include self-perceptions of
gender difference.
More recently, Chauncey has taken up his earlier challenge to find evidence for actual
self-conceptualizations in his admirably researched Gay New York. Here he moves forward the historical watershed placed in his earlier article at the turn of the century. Now
he writes of a “transition from an early twentieth-century culture divided into ‘queers’
and ‘men’ on the basis of gender status to a late twentieth-century culture divided into
‘homosexual’ and ‘heterosexuals’ on the basis of sexual object choice” (22; emphasis
added). Much more research will be necessary before definitive conclusions about the
dissemination of medico-psychiatric concepts of homosexuality can be made. My own
hypothesis is that notions of gender difference continued to dominate the self-conceptions
of significant numbers of “homosexuals” well into the 1960s. If so, then the history of
“homosexuality” may be significantly less than one hundred years. It may encompass only
those decades following Stonewall; and if the renewed interest in gender presentations on
the part of today’s queer-identified generation is any indication, it may be over by the end
of the century.
The notion of the “epistemological break,” although borrowed from Foucault, has been
applied by social constructionists in ways that tend to reperiodize history into discrete
phases, the hallmark of the conventional historiography Foucault so strenuously critiqued. As an alternative I propose again Sahlins’s model of historical process, which
recognizes that the transformation of a culture is a mode of its reproduction. My point is
that there have been two modern homosexualities-the type exemplified by the Molly and
the Uranian, roles in which gender difference and same-sex sexuality were interpenetrated,
and the type defined by object-choice alone without special reference to gender. Both can
be rightly characterized as “modern” in that both are understood as psychological phenomena characterizing types of persons (Davidson 309). The drawing of an arbitrary line
between them overlooks their genealogical relationship and their extensive coexistence;
the way in which the homosexual was produced both from within as well as against earlier
identities.
30. Indeed, innovation and intercultural communication may have been a traditional function
of two-spirits in some tribes. Consider, for example, Alfred Bowers’s description of Hidatsa
two-spirits: “Not being bound as firmly by traditional teachings coming down from the
older generations through the ceremonies, but more as a result of their own individual and
unique experiences with the supernatural, their conduct was less traditional than that of
the other ceremonial leaders” (167). For a brief, but provocative, theoretical discussion
of the reconstitution of cultures and identity around core symbols, see Spicer, “Persistent
Identity Systems.”
WORKS CITED
Sourer$ Cited in TaOiit 1 and 2
Original publication date of secondary sources appears in Table 2, along with page references.
Where possible, original editions of primary sources are cited below, along with the edition
actually consulted; the page numbers of references to two-spirits in these primary sources
appear in parentheses.
Alarcbn, Fernando. “Report of Alarch’s Expedition, 1540.” Narratives of the Coronado
Expedition 1540-1542. Ed. George P. Hammond and Agapito Rey. Albuquerque: U of New
Mexico P, 1940. 124-55. Originally published as “Relatione della navigatione & scoperta
che fece il Capitano Fernando Alarcone.” Ramusio 363-70. (130, 147-48).
[Anonymous Conquistador]. “Relation abrCgCe sur la Nouvelle-Espagne et sur la grande ville
de Temixtitan Mexico, Ccrite par un gentilhomme de la suite de Fernand Cortes.” Voyages,
relations et d m o i r e s originaux pour servir a l’histoire de la dhcouverte de 1’Amerique.
Ser. 1 , vol. 10, Recueil de p2ces relatives a la conqdte du Mexique (=Premier recueil de
p2ces sur le Mexique). Ed. Henri Ternaux-Compans. ’Paris: Arthus Bertrand, 1838. 49105. Trans. of “Relatione di alcune cose della Nuoua Spagna, & della gran citti di Temestitan
Messico, fatta per uno genlil’homo [sic] del Signor Fernando Cortese.” Ramusio 304-10.
Arlegui, Jose. Crbnica de la provincia de N . S . P. S . Francisco de Zacatecas. Mexico: JosC
Bernard0 de Hogal, 1737. Reprinted 1851. (143-44).
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