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Notes
I/L cards to leadership and reading a heg impact to AIDs might be a double-turn so be careful.
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1ac materials
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Key Building Blocks
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1ac plan
The United States federal government should establish a bilateral partnership with the
government of Mexico against human trafficking.
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1ac inherency
Currently, untold numbers of Mexican men, women, and children are being unfairly
imprisoned by human traffickers along the border—a bilateral partnership is critical
GARZA 2011 (Rocio, Candidate for Juris Doctor, Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law, May 2011; A.B. (2005)
Harvard University, CARDOZO J. OF INT’L & COMP. LAW, March,
www.cjicl.com/uploads/2/9/5/9/2959791/cjicl_19.2_garza_note.pdf)
On any given day, a Mexican woman will be promised a good paying job as a nanny or waitress in the United
States. A Mexican man will be promised employment as a waiter or construction worker . They will be told that
they will earn enough money to send back to their families in Mexico. Given that, for many years, undocumented immigrants have
been working in the United States and sending money to their families in Mexico, this will be an enticing and believable job offer. Having limited
economic resources in their home country and perhaps a lack of formal education, they will take the risk and pay a coyote to transport them to the
United States. They will leave behind their families and all that they know for a chance at the elusive American Dream. Their immigration stories are all
too common. Many people will arrive in the United States to find jobs in the agriculture, restaurant, construction, and housekeeping industries, joining
countless other undocumented immigrants. They will live in the shadows across the United States. Others, however, will be less fortunate. When
they arrive in the United States, many people will be told their transportation fees have increased and will be hardpressed into forced labor or forced prostitution to repay their debts . They may even be coerced into signing
“labor contracts,” stipulating wage deductions for food and shelter. They will likely not know how much they owe and the money
they earn will go directly to their captors. What begins as a smuggling operation can quickly turn into the heinous crime of human trafficking. 1
Human trafficking is the exploitation of people primarily for labor or sex using force, coercion or fraud. 2 It
dehumanizes victims by treating them as commodities3 and by subjecting them to dreadful living conditions .4
Traffickers may recruit, transport, or harbor victims using force, threat, or fraud for the purpose of sexual
exploitation, forced labor, or other similar practices.5 Men, women, and children can all be victims of human
trafficking. Described as “a modern-day form of slavery,”6 human trafficking manifests itself in a number of forms.7 As of June 2010, the United
Nations estimated that “there are at least 12.3 million adults and children in forced labor, bonded labor, and commercial sexual servitude at any given
time.”8 However, due to the clandestine nature of human trafficking,9 the exact number of victims is unknown with estimates ranging from four million
to twenty-seven million.10 Human trafficking is not a new phenomenon, 11 but no one knows how long it has been in existence. In the last decade, since
2000, governments around the world began to acknowledge the prevalence of human trafficking, its destructive impact on victims, and the need to
eradicate it.12 People tend to disassociate themselves from human trafficking, thinking it does not happen within their communities.13 However, in
actuality, trafficking touches almost all countries in one way or another.14 A combination of internal motivating factors and external factors make the
exploitation of people possible.15 Some of the factors that motivate traffickers to exploit people and make victims vulnerable to exploitation include
poverty, lack of economic opportunities, lack of education, lack of information about legal immigration, and social conflicts within countries.16 Among
others, external factors include gender discrimination, weak border controls, absence of legislation to address immigration and trafficking, government
corruption, and demand for cheap labor and sexual services in receiving countries of human trafficking victims. 17 Enacting anti-trafficking laws is one of
the first steps a country must take to prosecute traffickers, protect victims, and prevent trafficking. 18 To date, more than half of all countries have
enacted laws prohibiting human trafficking in all its forms,19 yet the problem persists. Although outlawing human trafficking is a positive development,
prosecution, protection, and prevention do not immediately follow. Given the complex factors under which human trafficking flourishes,20 more than
enacting anti-trafficking legislation is needed to curb these despicable acts.21 The United States enacted federal legislation, the Trafficking Victims
Protection Act of 2000 (TVPA), criminalizing trafficking in persons. 22 The TVPA may be utilized to protect victims of “severe forms of trafficking” and
to prosecute traffickers.23 A person subjected to forced labor or sexual exploitation, as in the situations described above of the victims who fall into the
hands of traffickers, may be able to press charges against their traffickers and get legal protection.24 Similarly, in 2007, Mexico enacted the Law to
Prevent and Punish Trafficking in Persons (Mexican Anti-Trafficking Law). However, access to the TVPA is contingent on the victim seeking help or
being rescued. Given that victims are usually undocumented, fear being deported, and are intimidated with violence, the chances that the TVPA reaches
intended victims is often slim. Similarly, in 2007, Mexico enacted the Law to Prevent and Punish Trafficking in Persons (Mexican Anti-Trafficking
Law).25 Despite enacting anti-trafficking legislation, Mexico is not yet in compliance with the United Nations Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish
Trafficking in Persons Especially Women and Children (UN Protocol), 26 which sets out the international legal framework to eradicate human
trafficking.27 The UN Protocol is a supplement to the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime.28 Although the Mexican AntiTrafficking Law29 surpasses the minimum requirements for incarceration of traffickers outlined in the UN Protocol, Mexico has failed to adequately
implement the law.30 As of June 2009, there had been no convictions under this federal law.31 In December 2009, however, a Mexican federal judge
achieved the first conviction under the Mexican Anti-Trafficking Law in a case involving six trafficking offenders.32 With only one successful
prosecution, Mexico continues to be a transit, origin and destination country for human trafficking victims.33 The porous United States-Mexico
border continues to be a significant point of entry for human trafficking victims 34 that are beyond the reach of
the Mexican Anti-Trafficking Law and unlikely to benefit from the TVPA. Along the approximately 2,000-mile
division, the challenges of eradicating human trafficking are manifold.35 One of these challenges is determining
whose responsibility it is to remedy the human trafficking situation. Should the United States expend more resources saving
victims and incarcerating traffickers within its borders? Is it Mexico’s responsibility to warn its citizens and keep them safe from traffickers? Should it
matter that what makes victims vulnerable to traffickers is their basic human instinct to do better for themselves and their progeny by seeking better
economic opportunities? Human trafficking transcends boundaries and so must its solution. The United States and Mexico are both deeply
affected and inextricably linked by human trafficking due to their history and extensive shared geographic
border. Hence, a solution for addressing human trafficking must take into consideration both countries’
interests through a bilateral partnership.
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Mexico is the key—they’re a global hotspot for sex trafficking
Department of State, 13 (U.S. Department of State, 2013, “Trafficking in Persons Report 2013”
http://www.state.gov/j/tip/rls/tiprpt/2013/index.htm)//EM
Mexico is a large source, transit, and destination country for men, women, and children subjected to sex
trafficking and forced labor. Groups considered most vulnerable to human trafficking in Mexico include women, children, indigenous persons, persons with
mental and physical disabilities, as well as lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender youth, and undocumented migrants. Mexican women and children are exploited in sex
trafficking within Mexico and the United States, lured by fraudulent employment opportunities, deceptive offers of romantic relationships, or extortion, including through the
retention of identification documents or threats to notify immigration officials. Mexican men, women, and children also are exploited in forced labor in agriculture, domestic
service, manufacturing, construction, in the informal economy, and in forced street begging in both the United States and Mexico. Staff at some substance addiction
rehabilitation centers and women’s shelters have subjected residents to forced labor and forced prostitution. The vast majority of foreign
victims in forced labor and
from Central and South America, particularly Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador; many
of these victims are exploited along Mexico’s southern border. Trafficking victims from the Caribbean, eastern Europe, Asia, and Africa have
also been identified in Mexico, some en route to the United States. Organized criminal groups coerced children and migrants into prostitution and
sexual servitude in Mexico are
work as hit men, lookouts, and in the production, transportation, and sale of drugs. There were also reports during the year of criminal groups using forced labor in coal mines
and kidnapping professionals, including architects and engineers, for forced labor. Child
sex tourism persisted in Mexico, especially in tourist
areas such as Acapulco, Puerto Vallarta, and Cancun and in northern border cities like Tijuana and Ciudad Juarez. Many child sex tourists are from the United States,
Canada, and western Europe, though some are Mexican citizens. In some parts of the country, threats of violence from criminal organizations impede the ability of the
government and civil society to combat trafficking effectively. The Government of Mexico does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking;
however, it is making significant efforts to do so. During the year, authorities approved a new national anti-trafficking law and increased convictions of trafficking offenders at
the state level. Some states strengthened their anti-trafficking law enforcement capacity, and the government maintained varied training efforts at the national and local level.
Specialized victim services and shelters remained inadequate, however, and victim identification and interagency coordination remained uneven. There was no centralized
data on victim identification or law enforcement efforts, efforts against forced labor continued to be relatively weak, and official complicity continued to be a serious problem.
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1ac solvency
US human trafficking policies are modeled globally
Srikantiah 7 Associate Professor of Law and Director, Immigrants’ Rights Clinic, Stanford Law (Jayashri, “Perfect Victims and Real Survivors:
The Iconic Victim In Domestic Human Trafficking Law,” Boston University Law Review v. 187,
http://www.bu.edu/law/central/jd/organizations/journals/bulr/volume87n1/documents/SRIKANTIAHv.2.pdf)//AM
As the United States continues to grapple with human trafficking, other ¶ countries are doing the same and, in
many cases, are using the U.S. trafficking ¶ legislation as a model. Our trafficking approach could have global ¶
consequences. Unless we allow our approach to evolve as our understanding ¶ of trafficking evolves, we
erroneously exclude trafficking victims from ¶ immigration relief.
A bilateral partnership increases prevention initiatives in addition to number of prosecutions allows for information sharing and expedited investigations
Garza 11 Candidate for Juris Doctor, Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law, AB from Harvard (Rocio, 11/1/11, "Addressing Human Trafficking Along
the United States-Mexico Border: The Need for a Bilateral Partnership,"
http://www.cjicl.com/uploads/2/9/5/9/2959791/cjicl_19.2_garza_note.pdf)//AM
Victims on both sides of the United States-Mexico border ¶ would greatly benefit from improvements to both countries’ laws ¶ and their implementation.
Regardless, the United States and ¶ Mexico can accomplish much more if they join efforts and ¶ collaborate in a formal
bilateral partnership that takes into ¶ account the internal and external factors243¶ that make human ¶ trafficking
possible. A bilateral partnership would ensure that ¶ both countries’ interests are represented in any solution to ¶ eradicate human trafficking.
It could be beneficial in prosecuting ¶ traffickers, protecting victims, and putting preventative measures ¶ in
place.¶ 1. Prosecution of Traffickers¶ A formal bilateral partnership could allow the United States ¶ and Mexico to share
information about traffickers, which could ¶ lead to more prosecutions. Currently, if in the course of an ¶ investigation, a U.S.
prosecutor believes that a trafficker returned ¶ to Mexico, the prosecutor may either petition for extradition or ¶ submit a request for the Mexican
government to prosecute the ¶ accused in Mexico.244 Generally, Mexican President Calderon ¶ cooperates with the United States in extraditing
criminals.245¶ Several traffickers have been extradited to the United States ¶ in connection to high profile cases, such as the Carreto-Valencia ¶ brothers
who were charged with human trafficking for running a ¶ forced prostitution ring in New York.246 After several family ¶ members were charged in 2004,
another participant was extradited ¶ in 2007 and sentenced in 2008.247 Another case involved ¶ defendants who illegally transported Mexican
individuals to ¶ Florida and forced them to work in fruit harvesting fields by ¶ threatening them with violence.248¶ If the strategies used to ¶
prosecute these traffickers were maintained by a bilateral ¶ partnership, both the United States and Mexico could
expedite ¶ their investigatory processes instead of acting unilaterally and only ¶ responding to each other’s requests for extradition and ¶
punishment. More efficient prosecutions would leave more ¶ resources and time to address the needs of victims. ¶ 2.
Protection of Victims¶ A bilateral partnership could be formed between U.S. Customs and Border Protection agents and Mexican customs
¶ officials in order to create better strategies to identify human ¶ trafficking victims at the shared border . Although most ¶
immigrants agree to be smuggled, others are abducted and taken ¶ against their will.249 When these immigrants are intercepted at the ¶ border, they are
often confused with smugglers and the people ¶ they are smuggling and not recognized as victims.250 Having a ¶ bilateral partnership could ensure that
these issues come to light ¶ and that proper training is provided to U.S. Customs and Border ¶ Protection agents in order to prevent them from simply
deporting ¶ victims or sending them back to their traffickers. Even if ¶ immigrants have consented to being smuggled, U.S. agents may be ¶ able to
identify the signs of human trafficking if information is ¶ shared across the border. Suspected victims of human trafficking ¶ could be
turned over to Mexican customs officials for further ¶ investigation and possible legal aid and protection.¶ In a
bilateral partnership with representatives from both ¶ countries, the United States and Mexico would be able to
come up ¶ with strategies that keep traffickers and smugglers out of the ¶ United States while protecting the
victims. For example, if a ¶ partnership were in place, the members of the partnership could ¶ designate specific steps for U.S.
Customs and Border Protection ¶ agents to take when they suspect the people they have detained ¶ are victims of human trafficking.
These steps could include, for ¶ example, sending victims directly to predetermined and stateapproved Mexican shelters equipped to handle their needs
as victims of human trafficking. Another specific step that a ¶ partnership may be able to put in place is that U.S.
Customs and ¶ Border Protection agents could separate people they intercept at ¶ the border and ask them
specific questions to determine if they are ¶ victims. Some victims of human trafficking report that if they had ¶ not been near their
traffickers at the time they were stopped at the ¶ border and if they had been asked more direct questions, they ¶ would have revealed that they were
being taken against their will ¶ and been rescued despite their fear of retaliation from traffickers.¶ 3. Prevention of Human Trafficking¶ Prevention tends
to be a goal that is cast aside in favor of ¶ prosecution of traffickers and protection of victims because it is ¶ intangible. One can count the number of
prosecutions and victims ¶ helped but cannot ascertain how many are saved with preventative ¶ measures. In the 2009 TIP Report, Secretary of State
Hillary ¶ Clinton acknowledged that much remains to be done in identifying ¶ and tackling the root causes of human trafficking.253 Clinton urged ¶ all
governments to leverage their resources and offered U.S. ¶ partnership to strengthen anti-trafficking efforts.254¶ One of the ways in which the
United States can leverage its ¶ resources is by partnering with Mexico in order to continue raising ¶ awareness
about the dangers of human trafficking and how ¶ smuggling can easily lead to trafficking. In addition, a partnership ¶ would
send a message to both countries about the seriousness of ¶ the crime and the urgent need to address it
together. In a ¶ partnership between U.S. and Mexican representatives, they ¶ would be able to strategize to
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develop viable alternatives to ¶ prevent illegal immigration, given that most victims are vulnerable ¶ due to a lack
of economic alternatives. Furthermore, through a ¶ partnership, the United States and Mexico could develop joint and ¶ more informed
awareness campaigns to warn their citizens about ¶ the dangers and criminal consequences of engaging in human ¶ trafficking.
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1ac no war
No war – economic interdependence and nuclear deterrence
Deudney and Ikenberry, 09 — MA and PhD in Political Science, Professor, Political Science, Johns
Hopkins University; PhD, Professor, International Affairs, Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International
Affairs, Princeton University (Daniel and G. John, January/February 2009, “The Myth of the Autocratic
Revival: Why Liberal Democracy Will Prevail,” Foreign Affairs Volume 88, Issue 1, ProQuest, Hensel)
This bleak outlook is based on an exaggeration of recent developments and ignores powerful
countervailing factors and forces . Indeed, contrary to what the revivalists describe, the most striking features of the
contemporary international landscape are the intensification of economic globalization , thickening
institutions , and shared problems of interdependence . The overall structure of the international system
today is quite unlike that of the nineteenth century. Compared to older orders, the contemporary liberal-centered
international order provides a set of constraints and opportunities—of pushes and pulls—that reduce the likelihood of
severe conflict while creating strong imperatives for cooperative problem solving . Those invoking the
nineteenth century as a model for the twenty—first also fail to acknowledge the extent to which war as a path to
conflict resolution and great-power expansion has become largely obsolete . Most important, nuclear weapons have
transformed great-power war from a routine feature of international politics into an exercise in national suicide. With all of
the great powers possessing nuclear weapons and ample means to rapidly expand their deterrent forces, warfare
among these states has truly become an option of last resort . The prospect of such great losses has instilled in
the great powers a level of
caution and restraint that effectively precludes major revisionist efforts. Furthermore, the
diffusion of small arms and the near universality of nationalism have severely limited the ability of
great powers to conquer and occupy territory inhabited by resisting populations (as Algeria, Vietnam, Afghanistan, and
now Iraq have demonstrated). Unlike during the days of empire building in the nineteenth century, states today cannot translate great
asymmetries of power into effective territorial control; at most, they can hope for loose hegemonic relationships
that require them to give something in return. Also unlike in the nineteenth century, today the density of trade,
investment, and production networks across international borders raises even more the costs of war . A Chinese
invasion of Taiwan, to take one of the most plausible cases of a future interstate war, would pose for the Chinese communist regime daunting economic
costs, both domestic and international. Taken together, these changes in the economy of violence mean that the international
system is far more primed for peace than the autocratic revivalists acknowledge.
Even if it does occur, it will never involve great powers
Tepperman 9 Deputy Editor of Newsweek, Member of the Council on Foreign Relations, now Managing
Editor of Foreign Affairs, holds a B.A. in English Literature from Yale University, an M.A. in Jurisprudence
from Oxford University, and an LL.M. in International Law from New York University (Jonathan, "Why Obama
Should Learn to Love the Bomb," 8/28/09, http://www.thedailybeast.com/newsweek/2009/08/28/whyobama-should-learn-to-love-the-bomb.html)//AM
These efforts are all grounded in the same proposition: that, as Obama has said several times, nuclear weapons represent
the "gravest threat" to U.S. security. This argument has a lot going for it. It's strongly intuitive, as anyone who's ever seen pictures of
Hiroshima or Nagasaki knows. It's also popular; U.S. presidents have been making similar noises since the Eisenhower administration, and halting the
spread of nukes (if not eliminating them altogether) is one of the few things Obama, Vladimir Putin, Hu Jintao, and Benjamin Netanyahu can all agree
on. There's just one problem with the reasoning: it may well be wrong. ¶ A growing and compelling body of research suggests
that nuclear weapons may not, in fact, make the world more dangerous, as Obama and most people assume. The
bomb may actually make us
safer. In this era of rogue states and transnational terrorists, that idea sounds so obviously wrongheaded that few politicians or policymakers are
willing to entertain it. But that's a mistake. Knowing the truth about nukes would have a profound impact on government policy. Obama's idealistic
campaign, so out of character for a pragmatic administration, may be unlikely to get far (past presidents have tried and failed). But it's not even clear he
should make the effort. There are more important measures the U.S. government can and should take to make the real world safer, and these mustn't be
ignored in the name of a dreamy ideal (a nuke-free planet) that's both unrealistic and possibly undesirable.¶ The argument that nuclear
weapons can be agents of peace as well as destruction rests on two deceptively simple observations. First,
nuclear weapons have not been used since 1945. Second, there's never been a nuclear, or even a nonnuclear,
war between two states that possess them. Just stop for a second and think about that: it's hard to overstate how
remarkable it is, especially given the singular viciousness of the 20th century. As Kenneth Waltz, the leading "nuclear
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optimist" and a professor emeritus of political science at UC Berkeley puts it, "We
now have 64 years of experience since Hiroshima.
It's striking and against all historical precedent that for that substantial period, there has not been any war
among nuclear states."¶ To understand why—and why the next 64 years are likely to play out the same way—you need to start by recognizing that
all states are rational on some basic level. Their leaders may be stupid, petty, venal, even evil, but they tend to do things only
when they're pretty sure they can get away with them. Take war: a country will start a fight only when it's almost certain it can get
what it wants at an acceptable price. Not even Hitler or Saddam waged wars they didn't think they could win. The
problem historically has been that leaders often make the wrong gamble and underestimate the other side—and millions of
innocents pay the price.¶ Nuclear weapons change all that by making the costs of war obvious, inevitable, and
unacceptable. Suddenly, when both sides have the ability to turn the other to ashes with the push of a button—and everybody knows it—the basic
math shifts. Even the craziest tin-pot dictator is forced to accept that war with a nuclear state is unwinnable and
thus not worth the effort. As Waltz puts it, "Why fight if you can't win and might lose everything?"¶ Why indeed? The iron logic of
deterrence and mutually assured destruction is so compelling, it's led to what's known as the nuclear peace: the
virtually unprecedented stretch since the end of World War II in which all the world's major powers have avoided coming to blows. They did fight
proxy wars, ranging from Korea to Vietnam to Angola to Latin America. But these never matched the furious destruction of fullon, great-power war (World War II alone was responsible for some 50 million to 70 million deaths). And since the end of the Cold
War, such bloodshed has declined precipitously. Meanwhile, the nuclear powers have scrupulously avoided
direct combat, and there's very good reason to think they always will. There have been some near misses, but a close look at
these cases is fundamentally reassuring—because in each instance, very different leaders all came to the same safe conclusion.
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1ac framing
Failure to incorporate methods of dealing with structural violence into our politics is the
failure of politics all together
Winter and Leighton in 1999 (Deborah DuNann Winter and Dana C. Leighton. Winter: Psychologist that specializes in Social Psych,
Counseling Psych, Historical and Contemporary Issues, Peace Psychology. Leighton: PhD graduate student in the Psychology Department at the
University of Arkansas. Knowledgable in the fields of social psychology, peace psychology, and ustice and intergroup responses to transgressions of
justice) (Peace, conflict, and violence: Peace psychology in the 21st century. Pg 4-5)
Finally, to recognize the operation of structural violence forces us to ask questions about how and why we
tolerate it, questions which often have painful answers for the privileged elite who unconsciously support it. A final question of this section is how
and why we allow ourselves to be so oblivious to structural violence. Susan Opotow offers an intriguing set of answers, in her
article Social Injustice. She argues that our normal perceptual/cognitive processes divide people into in-groups and outgroups. Those outside our group lie outside our scope of justice. Injustice that would be instantaneously
confronted if it occurred to someone we love or know is barely noticed if it occurs to strangers or those who are
invisible or irrelevant. We do not seem to be able to open our minds and our hearts to everyone, so we draw
conceptual lines between those who are in and out of our moral circle. Those who fall outside are morally
excluded, and become either invisible, or demeaned in some way so that we do not have to acknowledge the
injustice they suffer. Moral exclusion is a human failing, but Opotow argues convincingly that it is an outcome of everyday social cognition. To
reduce its nefarious effects, we must be vigilant in noticing and listening to oppressed, invisible, outsiders.
Inclusionary thinking can be fostered by relationships, communication, and appreciation of diversity. Like
Opotow, all the authors in this section point out that structural violence is not inevitable if we become aware of its operation,
and build systematic ways to mitigate its effects. Learning about structural violence may be discouraging,
overwhelming, or maddening, but these papers encourage us to step beyond guilt and anger, and begin to think about how to reduce
structural violence. All the authors in this section note that the same structures (such as global communication and normal
social cognition) which feed structural violence, can also be used to empower citizens to reduce it.
A crisis focused ethic is wrong – attention to isolated instances of warfare ignores the daily
horrors of structural violence. This is the precondition for any war to happen
Cuomo 96 – PhD, University of Wisconsin-Madison, Department of Philosophy, University of Cincinnati (Chris, Hypatia Fall 1996. Vol. 11, Issue 3, pg 30)
In "Gender and `Postmodern' War," Robin Schott introduces some of the ways in which war is currently best seen not as an event but as a presence (Schott 1995).
Schott argues that postmodern understandings of persons, states, and politics, as well as the high-tech nature of much contemporary warfare and the preponderance of civil and nationalist wars, render an
eventbased conception of war inadequate, especially insofar as gender is taken into account. In this essay, I will expand upon her argument by showing that accounts of war that only focus on events are
impoverished in a number of ways, and therefore feminist consideration of the political, ethical, and ontological dimensions of war and the possibilities for resistance demand a much more complicated
approach. I take Schott's characterization of war as presence as a point of departure, though I am not committed to the idea that the constancy of militarism, the fact of its omnipresence in human
Theory that does not investigate or
even notice the omnipresence of militarism cannot represent or address the depth and specificity of the
everyday effects of militarism on women, on people living in occupied territories, on members of military
institutions, and on the environment. These effects are relevant to feminists in a number of ways because military practices and institutions help
construct gendered and national identity, and because they justify the destruction of natural nonhuman
entities and communities during peacetime. Lack of attention to these aspects of the business of making or
preventing military violence in an extremely technologized world results in theory that cannot
accommodate the connections among the constant presence of militarism, declared wars, and other
closely related social phenomena, such as nationalistic glorifications of motherhood, media violence, and
current ideological gravitations to military solutions for social problems. Ethical approaches that do not attend
to the ways in which warfare and military practices are woven into the very fabric of life in twenty-first century
technological states lead to crisis-based politics and analyses. For any feminism that aims to resist oppression and create alternative social
and political options, crisis-based ethics and politics are problematic because they distract attention from the need for
sustained resistance to the enmeshed, omnipresent systems of domination and oppression that so often
function as givens in most people's lives. Neglecting the omnipresence of militarism allows the false belief
that the absence of declared armed conflicts is peace, the polar opposite of war. It is particularly easy for those whose lives
are shaped by the safety of privilege, and who do not regularly encounter the realities of militarism, to maintain this false belief. The belief that militarism is an ethical,
political concern only regarding armed conflict, creates forms of resistance to militarism that are merely
exercises in crisis control. Antiwar resistance is then mobilized when the "real" violence finally occurs, or
when the stability of privilege is directly threatened, and at that point it is difficult not to respond in ways that
experience, and the paucity of an event-based account of war are exclusive to contemporary postmodern or postcolonial circumstances.(1)
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make resisters drop all other political priorities. Crisis-driven attention to declarations of war might actually
keep resisters complacent about and complicitous in the general presence of global militarism.
Seeing war as necessarily embedded in constant military presence draws attention to the fact that horrific,
state-sponsored violence is happening nearly all over, all of the time, and that it is perpetrated by military
institutions and other militaristic agents of the state. Moving away from crisis-driven politics and
ontologies concerning war and military violence also enables consideration of relationships among
seemingly disparate phenomena, and therefore can shape more nuanced theoretical and practical forms of
resistance. For example, investigating the ways in which war is part of a presence allows consideration of the
relationships among the events of war and the following: how militarism is a foundational trope in the social
and political imagination; how the pervasive presence and symbolism of soldiers/warriors/patriots shape
meanings of gender; the ways in which threats of state-sponsored violence are a sometimes
invisible/sometimes bold agent of racism, nationalism, and corporate interests; the fact that vast numbers of
communities, cities, and nations are currently in the midst of excruciatingly violent circumstances. It also
provides a lens for considering the relationships among the various kinds of violence that get labeled "war ." Given
current American obsessions with nationalism, guns, and militias, and growing hunger for the death penalty, prisons, and a more powerful police state, one cannot underestimate the need for
philosophical and political attention to connections among phenomena like the "war on drugs," the "war on crime," and other state-funded militaristic campaigns. I propose that the constancy of
militarism and its effects on social reality be reintroduced as a crucial locus of contemporary feminist attentions, and that feminists emphasize how wars are eruptions and manifestations of omnipresent
militarism that is a product and tool of multiply oppressive, corporate, technocratic states.(2) Feminists should be particularly interested in making this shift because it better allows consideration of the
effects of war and militarism on women, subjugated peoples, and environments. While giving attention to the constancy of militarism in contemporary life we need not neglect the importance of addressing
the dramatic nature of declared, large-scale conflicts should not
obfuscate the ways in which military violence pervades most societies in increasingly technologically
sophisticated ways and the significance of military institutions and everyday practices in shaping reality.
Philosophical discussions that focus only on the ethics of declaring and fighting wars miss these connections,
and also miss the ways in which even declared military conflicts are often experienced as omnipresent horrors.
These approaches also leave unquestioned tendencies to suspend or distort moral judgement in the face
of what appears to be the inevitability of war and militarism.
the specific qualities of direct, large-scale, declared military conflicts. But
Predictions of international relations fail
Tetlock and Gardner, 11 professor of organizational behavior at the Haas Business School at the University
of California-Berkeley and columnist and senior writer (Dan Gardner and Philip Tetlock, 7/11/11, “Overcoming
Our Aversion to Acknowledging Our Ignorance”, http://www.cato-unbound.org/2011/07/11/dan-gardnerphilip-tetlock/overcoming-our-aversion-acknowledging-our-ignorance)//EM
The editors may regret that short shelf-life some years, but surely not this one. Even now, only halfway through the year, The World in 2011 bears little
resemblance to the world in 2011. Of the political turmoil in the Middle East—the revolutionary movements in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya,
Yemen, Bahrain, and Syria—we
find no hint in The Economist’s forecast. Nor do we find a word about the
earthquake/tsunami and consequent disasters in Japan or the spillover effects on the viability of nuclear power
around the world. Or the killing of Osama bin Laden and the spillover effects for al Qaeda and Pakistani and
Afghan politics. So each of the top three global events of the first half of 2011 were as unforeseen by The Economist as the next great
asteroid strike. This is not to mock The Economist, which has an unusually deep bench of well-connected observers
and analytical talent. A vast array of other individuals and organizations issued forecasts for 2011 and none, to the best
of our knowledge, correctly predicted the top three global events of the first half of the year. None predicted two of the events. Or even
one. No doubt, there are sporadic exceptions of which we’re unaware. So many pundits make so many predictions that a few are bound to be bull’s eyes.
But it is a fact that almost all the best and brightest—in governments, universities, corporations, and intelligence agencies—were taken by surprise.
Repeatedly. That is all too typical. Despite massive investments of money, effort, and ingenuity, our ability to predict human affairs is impressive only in
its mediocrity. With metronomic regularity, what is expected does not come to pass, while what isn’t, does. In the most comprehensive analysis of expert
prediction ever conducted, Philip Tetlock assembled a group of some 280 anonymous volunteers—economists, political
scientists, intelligence analysts, journalists—whose work involved forecasting to some degree or other. These experts
were then asked about a wide array of subjects. Will inflation rise, fall, or stay the same? Will the presidential election be won
by a Republican or Democrat? Will there be open war on the Korean peninsula? Time frames varied. So did the relative turbulence of the
moment when the questions were asked, as the experiment went on for years. In all, the experts made some 28,000 predictions. Time
passed, the veracity of the predictions was determined, the data analyzed, and the average expert’s forecasts were revealed to be only
slightly more accurate than random guessing—or, to put more harshly, only a bit better than the proverbial dart-throwing chimpanzee.
And the average expert performed slightly worse than a still more mindless competition: simple extrapolation algorithms that automatically predicted
more of the same.
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Probability neglect paralyzes and causes serial policy failure
Sunstein, 2 Distinguished Service Professor, University of Chicago, Law School and Department of Political
Science (Cass R. Sunstein, 9/23/2, “Probability Neglect: Emotions, Worst Cases, and Law”,
http://www.yalelawjournal.org/pdf/112-1/SunsteinFINAL.pdf)//EM
How should we understand human behavior in cases of this sort? My principal answer, the thesis of this Essay, is that when intense emotions are
engaged, people tend to focus on the adverse outcome, not on its likelihood. That is, they are not closely attuned to the probability that harm will occur.
At the individual level, this phenomenon, which I shall call “probability neglect,” produces serious difficulties of various sorts,
including excessive worry and unjustified behavioral changes. When people neglect probability, they may also
treat some risks as if they were nonexistent, even though the likelihood of harm, over a lifetime, is far from
trivial. Probability neglect can produce significant problems for law and regulation. As we shall see, regulatory agencies, no less than individuals, may
neglect the issue of probability, in a way that can lead to either indifference to real risks or costly expenditures for little or no gain. If agencies are falling
victim to probability neglect, they might well be violating relevant law.5 Indeed, we shall see that the idea of probability neglect helps illuminate a
number of judicial decisions, which seem implicitly attuned to that idea, and which reveal an implicit behavioral rationality in important pockets of
federal administrative law. As we shall also see, an understanding of probability neglect helps show how government can heighten, or dampen, public
concern about hazards. Public-spirited political actors, no less than self-interested ones, can exploit probability neglect so as to promote attention to
problems that may or may not deserve public concern. It will be helpful to begin, however, with some general background on individual and social
judgments about risks. A. Cognition On the conventional view of rationality, probabilities matter a great deal to reactions to risks. But emotions, as such,
are not assessed independently; they are not taken to play a distinctive role.6 Of course, people might be risk-averse or risk-inclined. For example, it is
possible that people will be willing to pay $100 to eliminate a 1/1000 risk of losing $900. But analysts usually believe that variations in probability
should matter, so that there would be a serious problem if people were willing to pay both $100 to eliminate a 1/1000 risk of losing $900 and $100 to
eliminate a 1/100,000 risk of losing $900. Analysts do not generally ask, or care, whether risk-related dispositions are a product of emotions or
something else. Of course, it is now generally agreed that in thinking about risks, people rely on certain heuristics and show identifiable biases.7 Those
who emphasize heuristics and biases are often seen as attacking the conventional view of rationality.8 In a way they are doing just that, but the
heuristicsand- biases literature has a highly cognitive focus, designed to establish how people proceed under conditions of uncertainty. The central
question is this: When people do not know about the probability associated with some risk, how do they think? It is clear that when people lack statistical
information, they rely on certain heuristics, or rules of thumb, which serve to simplify their inquiry.9 Of these rules of thumb, the “availability heuristic”
is probably the most important for purposes of understanding risk-related law.10 Thus, for example, “a class whose instances are easily retrieved will
appear more numerous than a class of equal frequency whose instances are less retrievable.”11 The point very much bears on private and public
responses to risks, suggesting, for example, that people will be especially responsive to the dangers of AIDS, crime,
earthquakes, and nuclear power plant accidents if examples of these risks are easy to recall.12 This is a point about how
familiarity can affect the availability of instances. But salience is important as well. “The impact of seeing a house burning on the subjective probability of
such accidents is probably greater than the impact of reading about a fire in the local paper.”13 So, too, recent events will have a greater impact than
earlier ones. The point helps explain much risk-related behavior. For example, whether people will buy insurance for natural disasters is greatly affected
by recent experiences.14 If floods have not occurred in the immediate past, people who live on flood plains are far less likely to purchase insurance.15 In
the aftermath of an earthquake, the proportion of people carrying earthquake insurance rises sharply—but it declines steadily from that point, as vivid
memories recede.16 For purposes of law and regulation, the problem is that the availability heuristic can lead to serious errors of fact, in terms of both
excessive controls on small risks that are cognitively available and insufficient controls on large risks that are not.17 The cognitive emphasis of the
heuristics-and-biases literature can be found as well in prospect theory, a departure from expected utility theory that explains decision under risk.18 For
present purposes, what is most important is that prospect theory offers an explanation for simultaneous gambling and insurance.19 When given the
choice, most people will reject a certain gain of X in favor of a gamble with an expected value below X, if the gamble involves a small probability of riches.
At the same time, most people prefer a certain loss of X to a gamble with an expected value less than X, if the gamble involves a small probability of
catastrophe.20 If expected utility theory is taken as normative, then people depart from the normative theory of rationality in giving excessive weight to
lowprobability outcomes when the stakes are high. Indeed, we might easily see prospect theory as emphasizing a form of probability neglect. But in
making these descriptive claims, prospect theory does not specify a special role for emotions. This is not a puzzling oversight, if it counts as an oversight
at all. For many purposes, what matters is what people choose, and it is unimportant to know whether their choices depend on cognition or emotion,
whatever may be the difference between these two terms. B. Emotion No one doubts, however, that in many domains, people do not think much about
variations in probability and that emotions have a large effect on judgment and decisionmaking.21 Would a group of randomly selected people pay more
to reduce a 1/100,000 risk of getting a gruesome form of cancer than a similar group would pay to reduce a 1/200,000 risk of getting that form of
cancer? Would the former group pay twice as much? With some low-probability events, anticipated and actual emotions, triggered by the best-case or
worst-case outcome, help to determine choice. Those who buy lottery tickets, for example, often fantasize about the goods associated with a lucky
outcome.22 With respect to risks of harm, many of our ordinary ways of speaking suggest strong emotions: panic, hysteria, terror. People might
refuse to fly, for example, not because they are currently frightened, but because they anticipate their own anxiety, and they
want to avoid it. It has been suggested that people often decide as they do because they anticipate their own regret.23 The same is true for fear.
Knowing that they will be afraid, people may refuse to travel to Israel or South Africa, even if they would much enjoy seeing those nations and even if
they believe, on reflection, that their fear is not entirely rational. Recent evidence is quite specific.24 It suggests that people greatly neglect
significant differences in probability when the outcome is “affect rich”—when it involves not simply a serious
loss, but one that produces strong emotions, including fear.25 To be sure, the distinction between cognition and emotion is
complex and contested.26 In the domain of risks, and most other places, emotional reactions are usually based on
thinking; they are hardly cognition-free. When a negative emotion is associated with a certain risk—pesticides or nuclear power, for example—
cognition plays a central role.27 For purposes of the analysis here, it is not necessary to say anything especially controversial about the nature of the
emotion of fear. The only suggestion is that when emotions are intense, calculation is less likely to occur, or at least that form of calculation that involves
assessment of risks in terms of not only the magnitude but also the probability of the outcome. Drawing on and expanding the relevant evidence, I will
emphasize a general phenomenon here: In political and market domains, people often focus on the desirability of the outcome in
question and pay (too) little attention to the probability that a good or bad outcome will, in fact, occur. It is in such cases
that people fall prey to probability neglect, which is properly treated as a form of quasi-rationality.28 Probability neglect is especially large when people
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focus on the worst possible case or otherwise are subject to strong emotions. When
such emotions are at work, people do not give
sufficient consideration to the likelihood that the worst case will actually occur. This is quasi-rational because,
from the normative point of view, it is not fully rational to treat a 1% chance of X as equivalent, or nearly equivalent, to a
99% chance of X, or even a 10% chance of X. Because people suffer from probability neglect, and because neglecting probability is not
fully rational, the phenomenon I identify raises new questions about the widespread idea that ordinary people have a kind of rival rationality superior to
that of experts.29 Most of the time, experts are concerned principally with the number of lives at stake,30 and for that reason they will be closely attuned,
as ordinary people are not, to the issue of probability.
The obsession with calculations reduces the world to mere numbers and results in the worst
manifestation of gendered violence
Nhanenge 7 (Jytte Masters @ U South Africa, paper submitted in part fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of master of arts in the
subject Development Studies, “ECOFEMINSM: TOWARDS INTEGRATING THE CONCERNS OF WOMEN, POOR PEOPLE AND NATURE INTO
DEVELOPMENT)
Machines, calculations and measurements were increasingly integrated into the industrial life of European society.
Development of transportation, navigation techniques, roads and canals, mining technology, refinement of metals, advances in ballistic machinery where
all compatible with the image of a mechanical cosmos. Socio-economic ends could be realized by mining the earth, cutting the forests and constructing
ships to transport the products. Mechanism made the natural world rational, predictable and thereby manipulable. The
image of nature as a machine removed any scruples associating with a living organism. However, it also had side effects.
Already in 1661, an analysis of the ecological interrelationships between air, water and the health of living things was made. Especially the air pollution
was criticized. One half of the people who died in London were assumed to die from consequences of air pollution. (Merchant 1980: 226-227, 241).
However, in spite of such minor side effects mechanical science was established as being an objective, value-free,
context-free and universal knowledge system. In sum, this view came about due to the creation of assumptions
about reality that make human control of nature possible: Firstly, matter is composed of parts, which are dead, passive and inert.
The motion of the atoms forms new objects by external force. Secondly, the world is subject to law-like behaviour. Thirdly, by observing these laws
knowledge can be abstracted from the natural world. Fourthly, only quantities and context- independent issues that can be submitted to mathematical
modelling counts. Finally, problems can be broken into parts and abstracted from the context and be manipulated by mathematics. Conclusively,
man has power over nature. These assumptions are prevailing in the modern culture. Based on them data is
gathered which guides decision making in governments, in the economy, in industries and in application of
technology. The information is arranged in such a way to assure man's domination over the entire earth and the
planets. (Merchant 1980: 228-229, 231-234). The mechanical world-view has been the philosophical ideology of modern culture during 300 years.
Mechanism has been institutionalized as a form of life in the Western world. It determines education, modern philosophy,
religious structures, manufacturing, consumption, government bureaucracies, the medical system and the legal
system. It supports exploitation of natural resources, recommends industrialisation and alters the character and quality
of human life. Reductionism is ruled as being the only valid scientific method and system. It has consequently transformed complex pluralistic
traditions of knowledge into one monolith, gender-based, class-based thought. It was promoted as being a superior and universal
tradition, which therefore should be imposed on all classes, genders and cultures. Science has been able to hide
its ideologies behind false assumptions of neutrality, objectivism and progress . It is inaccessible to criticism concealed
behind a claim to universality. (Merchant 1980: 287; Shiva 1989: 20-21). Mechanism replaced a natural point of view with non-natural laws.
Subsistence economy was replaced by open-ended exchange accumulation for profits. Living nature died and
money became alive. Increasingly capital and the market would assume the organic attributes of growth, strength, activity, pregnancy, weakness,
decay and collapse. These would obscure the underlying social relations of production and reproduction that make
economic growth and progress possible. Nature, women, blacks and wage labour was seen as natural and human resources for the modern
world system. The ultimate irony of this transformation was the name given to it: rationality. (Merchant 1980: 288). The
Western reality is consequently the world of classical physics. This view has completely constructed human consciousness. Even today, people scarcely
question its validity. The overall belief is that the world is composed of inert parts that move with uniform velocity unless forced by another body to
deviate from their straight line. Nature, society and the human body are assumed composed of interchangeable parts that can be repaired or replaced
from outside. There is a trust that technology can fix everything. The mechanical view taught in most Western
schools is accepted without question as our everyday common sense reality. We hardly are reflecting on their origins and
associated values. (Merchant 1980: 193, 275). This was not so in the 17th century. The replacement of natural ways of thinking by
new and unnatural forms of life did not occur without resistance. Moreover, the organic perspective never really disappeared. It
has remained an underlying tension. It reappeared in the 20th century manifested in the theory of holism by Jan Christiaan Smuts, the process
philosophy of Alfred North Whitehead and the ecology movements. Their underlying idea is that nature is active and alive. They
find it necessary to reassess the values and constraints, which historically were associated with the organic
world-view to create a viable future. (Merchant 1980: 288-289, 293).
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Critical Advantages
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1ac disposability
Trafficking operates through a dominant conception of Otherness that sees victims as
unimportant, which perpetuates exploitation. Only through rejecting this understanding can
we open up space for effective politics that combat this violence
Todres ’09 (Jonathan, Professor of Law at Georgia State University, “Law, Otherness, and Human Trafficking”, July 2009,
Accessed via Project MUSE, [SG])
The recent surge in interest in ending human trafficking has led even Hollywood to take up the cause.
Hollywood’s foray into this area evidences the problem with the dominant discourse on human trafficking. In
2005, Lifetime Television aired the first major commercial film on the issue, Human Trafficking, starring Mira Sorvino and Donald Southerland. The
film was praised for bringing this horrific practice into stark daylight. The film’s portrayal of the issue, however, received little examination; in the film,
all of the victims were white girls, except one (a Filipina girl), and all were abducted except one who was sold by her family—the only non-white girl.
This portrayal overlooked important realities of human trafficking, including the fact that globally the majority
of exploited girls and boys are not white, while reinforcing stereotypes that “other” cultures value children less
and thus will sell their children while white Western families must be victims. I submit that these portrayals reflect much
deeper held societal views that inform the prevailing understanding of and responses to the problem of human trafficking. Specifically, I suggest
that “otherness” is a root cause of both inaction and the selective nature of responses to the abusive practice of
human trafficking. Otherness with its attendant devaluation of the Other, facilitates the abuse and exploitation
of particular individuals. Otherness operates across multiple dimensions to reinforce a conception of a virtuous “Self” and a lesser “Other.” In
turn, the Self/Other dichotomy shapes the phenomenon of human trafficking, driving demand for trafficked
persons, influencing perceptions of the problem, and constraining legal initiatives to end the practice. Thus,
for example, otherness leads men in Western, industrialized countries to rationalize their
exploitation of women and children in poorer countries . It also causes Western leaders to overlook
the extent to which human trafficking related abuses occur within their own borders at the hands of their own
citizens. Similarly, otherness operates in developing countries to permit the exploitation of
particular populations. Ultimately, appreciating the true nature of the problem of human trafficking and
its root causes will require overcoming deep-seated beliefs of the lesser value of “others” and acknowledging a
truer picture of the Self and the role that the Self, or dominant group, plays not only in helping others but also
in the exploitation of particular populations. Exposing and understanding dominant conceptions of
the “other” is a necessary step in both generating the political will to eliminate human
trafficking and developing effective measures to combat the practice. To successfully combat human
trafficking, it is also essential to recognize and acknowledge all facets of the Self including its responsibility in
fostering or tolerating the conditions under which the Other can be exploited.
Victims of trafficking experience horrific forms of dehumanization- we must reject this
violence
Crouse ’07 (Janice, PhD, Senior Fellow at the Beverly LaHaye Institute, the think tank for Concerned Women
for America, “Sex Trafficking Victims: Disposable or Human”, July 12, 2007,
http://www.cwfa.org/articledisplay.asp?id=13418, [SG])
We have all heard the catchy song lyrics about "what happens in Mexico" staying in Mexico or the advertisements about "what happens in Vegas"
staying in Vegas. Ambassador Lagon addressed that fallacy. "What 'happens' in these places does not 'stay' in these places. It is
a stain on humanity. Every time a woman, a girl, a foreign migrant is treated as less than human, the loss of
dignity for one is a loss of dignity for us all."
It was gratifying to hear the ambassador directly address the problems of
"It's high time we treat pimps as exploiters rather than hip
urban rebels. When a pimp insists his name or symbol be tattooed on his 'girls' he is branding them like cattle
— dehumanizing them, treating them like property." There are those who would argue that human trafficking is the inevitable
outcome of poverty and that some poverty—stricken people choose willingly to be involved. But, as Ambassador Lagon pointed out, "There is a
American popular culture in glamorizing the "ho" and "pimp." He said,
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growing refusal to accept enslavement as an inevitable product of poverty or human viciousness. Corruption is
typically poverty's handmaiden in cases of human trafficking." CWA is pleased to be among those that Ambassador Lagon called
an "indomitable force." We and other evangelical Christians are at the forefront of this battle as modern—day abolitionists who work for the human
rights of women and for the dignity of all of God's people. We agree with Ambassador Lagon that trafficking in persons
"shouldn't be regulated or merely mitigated; it must be abolished." The victims of this crime are among
the "most degraded, most exploited, and most dehumanized people in the world." We join the
ambassador in declaring, "Exploiters must be stigmatized, prosecuted, and squeezed out of existence." Those who
treat people as commercial commodities — pimps, madams and johns — are slavers who buy and sell human
beings as disposable goods for their brothels, factories or fields. We must work for good laws and good law enforcement that will
treat human trafficking as a criminal offense that will be investigated and the perpetrators prosecuted, convicted and punished to the fullest extent of the
law. Otherwise, such crimes undermine everyone's liberty and freedom; only corruption—free democratic
processes create a society where peace and prosperity are possible for all citizens.
Human trafficking is a cultural expression that sees bodies as expendable. This is new age
slavery that not only attempts to profit off of the body, but also break it down, which is the
worst form of dehumanization. This must be rejected
Truong ’01 (Thahn-Dam, PhD in International Studios, Associate Professor at the International Institute of
Social Studies, “HUMAN TRAFFICKING AND ORGANISED CRIME”, July 2001,
http://repub.eur.nl/res/pub/19084/wp339.pdf, pgs. 13-14, [SG])
Domination through the new forms of cultural expression of desire, be it in sex or health reflects the cruel
nature of human greed as well as the absurdity of moral systems in late capitalist-patriarchy. Data on the sex trade
suggest that the majority of clients purchasing children’s sexuality in the Third World are males from the West, East Asian countries, Australia and the
Middle East. These countries have produced different kinds of economic miracles, known as the miracle of post-
war reconstruction, miracle of catching-up, oil-driven miracle. Sinisterly, they also produce new forms of
cultural expression of desire that are being ‘socially dumped’ on young people that may or may not be their
fellow citizens. The mismatch between supply and demand of organs has existed for many years since transplanting technology and practices
became institutionalised in health systems in the U.S.A. and Western Europe. While Xenotransplant research has yielded some results, its development
and application is not quick enough to deal with the pressure of shortage. Within the health system, norms of allocation of organs for transplant are
fraught with inequality whereby the majority of beneficiaries are middle-class adult men10. Fairness in organ allocation has become one of the most
contentious public policy issues in addition to fairness in procurement. The health miracle may benefit a few people who can financially afford them. It
also carries hidden social prices to be borne by others. In many ways, the intensification of violence in the trade in human
bodies and body parts may be considered as being worse than slavery. The slave was valued for his/her
labouring capacity, which implied that his/her body must be maintained. Mutilation could occur, but only for
the purpose of discipline and punishment. By contrast, modern marketing of human bodies and body parts is
more based on rapid cash earnings. Earnings through the manipulation of adult sexual desire by way of
eroticising innocence can lead to the injection of hormones and drugs in the child’s body to transform
appearance and behavior. These practices can become regular as long as earnings prevail. Earnings through the manipulation of pity and
charity can lead to the mutilation of the child’s body to enhance misery for purposes of gains from donation. Assault on the body in these
cases goes beyond discipline and punishment. It has economic purposes and hence its logic can shift from
maintenance to disposal, as and when the commercial function of the human beings concerned no longer
exists. To sum up this section, a similarity may be noted between the trade in human bodies and body parts and previous forms of slavery. This lies in
the connection with production systems, despite the changing ideological structures. The imaginary of slavery has expanded from
labouring power to other utility roles of the human body. This expansion is facilitated by an ongoing
cultural decomposition of the human being, through a gradual removal of its spirit,
personhood, and vitality, down to bare body parts . The implication of this decomposition is the
emergence of a culture of disposal , i.e. as some human beings reach a ‘marginal’ level of social utility they
can be disposed of. Seen through this angle, the issue of moral responsibility no longer rests exclusively on the
negligent or greedy parents or guardians, the ‘loose’ woman who voluntarily opts for sex work as an alternative,
or the unscrupulous criminal traders in human bodies and body parts. It also rests on those who socialise
consumption in conspicuous ways, be it in the subjective field of sexual desire, or health. The ongoing cultural
transformation that codifies the body in a causal manner and facilitates a proliferation of forms of
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domination must be recognized. The moral contradiction in this transformation emerges from the practices of different professional
communities. When it comes to human bodies, the medical community can now make an organ of an animal compatible to a human body. When it
comes to human social identity, the legal community must treat human migrants as alien entities. While different biological organisms
can be made compatible, social organisms cannot, reflecting the lack of uniformity in the modes of cognition
and re-cognition of what constitutes humanity today.
Human trafficking is the modern-day slave trade, and the U.S.-Mexico border is the new middle
passage. (We don’t affirm the gendered language in this card)
Hathaway ’12 (Dana, Masters in Interdisciplinary Studies at Portland State University, “Human Trafficking and Slavery:
Towards a New Framework for Prevention and Responsibility”, 2012, accessed via ProQuest, [SG])
The process by which some people become enslaved is understood as human trafficking, which can be
understood as somewhat analogous to the historical transAtlantic slave trade (Bravo 2007). The trans-Atlantic slave trade
was for the most part a highly visible and overt phenomenon: slave raids or trades in African villages, large ships off the port being loaded and unloaded
of their human cargo, and slave auctions taking place in the middle of town squares. Trafficking today, by contrast, is a complex
process and can be rather subtle and difficult to identify. The 1926 Slavery Convention defines the slave trade
as: [A]ll acts involved in the capture, acquisition or disposal of a person with intent to reduce him to slavery; all
acts involved in the acquisition of a slave with a view to selling or exchanging him; all acts of disposal by sale or
exchange of a slave acquired with a view to being sold or exchanged, and, in general, every act of trade or
transport in slaves (Bales 2005, 44). Human trafficking was most recently defined in the 2000 United Nations
Trafficking Protocol: “Trafficking in persons” shall mean the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring
or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of
deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or
benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation.
Exploitation shall include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced labor or services,
slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or the removal of organs (United Nations 2000). This protocol, which supplements the United Nations
Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime (2000), “provides the first clear definition of trafficking in international law” (United Nations
2002). The first part of this definition addresses movement, no matter the distance: recruitment, transportation, transfer, receipt, and controlling the
free-movement of people through harboring. The second part addresses how the first part is achieved: through force, threat
of force, coercion, abduction, fraud, deception, abuse of power, and even includes the possibility that the victim
gives consent. This second part is necessary since the movement of people, in general, cannot by itself be illegal
or morally problematic. The second part of the definition (force, fraud, deception, etc., except for abduction) is also by itself not necessarily
illegal (though may be unethical). In everyday life we may encounter force, coercion, fraud, deception, and abuse of power at varying levels of severity,
some instances rising to the level of criminality and other instances hardly noticeable. What is crucial then to this definition of human trafficking is both
the third part, “for the purpose of exploitation,” and the requirement that all three parts must take place together.
Mexican sex trafficking has consigned almost 70,000 minors to living hell—the problem is
spreading
Alis and Romo, 5/17 (Krupskaia Alis and Rafael Romo, CNN, 5/17/13, “Mexican sex traffickers moving into
U.S.”, http://thecnnfreedomproject.blogs.cnn.com/2013/05/17/mexican-sex-traffickers-moving-into-us/)//EM
Joanna moves her hands nervously as she speaks. Her oversized, golden earrings rattle as she shakes her head to make a point.
Joanna is not her real name. She's speaking on the condition that CNN will protect her privacy and not disclose her real name. She's only 16
years old, but has already experienced a lifetime of horror, abuse and torture. She's a former sex
slave. It all started when she met a charming man. "I was in a normal relationship with him for three months,"
she says. At the time she was only 14 years old. She was treated like royalty and fell in love. A few months later he asked her
to elope and she agreed. "He promised that we would get a house and that we would raise children. I was naïve and believed everything he said.
We started living together in July and by September he was already forcing me to work as a prostitute," Joanna
said. By then it had become painfully clear that Joanna's boyfriend was in reality her captor, a pimp who preyed
on young, vulnerable teenagers whom he recruited in central Mexico with the purpose of forcing them into
prostitution. Joanna says she was forced to have sex with dozens of men for as many as 18 hours a day . There were
days, she says, she would only sleep a couple of hours before starting another long and painful shift, sleeping with
strangers who paid only a few dollars to be with her 15 minutes. The worst part was that if she failed to make at least $600 a day, she
faced severe punishment. "He hit me many times with a phone cable. He would hit me in the legs and hands.
One time he started beating me with a broomstick. He beat me so hard that I couldn't even get up
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afterwards," Joanna said. According to the Mexico City Human Rights Commission, as many as 70,000 minors in Mexico
are victims of human trafficking. Most of them are subjected to forced labor, but a significant number are forced into prostitution, as
in the case of Joanna. Over the last decade, the problem has crossed the U.S. border. The arrests of 13 people in New York state in
late April suggests pimps are also fond of getting cash, not only in Mexican pesos, but also in U.S. dollars. According to authorities, the suspects worked a
"sex trafficking corridor," transporting women from the small town of Tenancingo, in the central Mexican state of Tlaxcala, to the New York area. Over a
period of seven years, federal officials say, dozens of women were exploited; some of them were illegally transported from Mexico. Once in the United
States, they were forced to have sex with as many as 30 customers per day, according to the federal complaint charging all 13 suspects. Victims were paid
$30 to $35, the complaint says. Their driver would keep half. The other half went to the pimp, and the victims were left with nothing. Manhattan U.S.
Attorney Preet Bharara said the defendants blatantly lied to their victims in order to recruit them. " With promises of a better life, the
members of this alleged sex trafficking and prostitution ring lured their unsuspecting victims to the United States
and then consigned them to a living hell - forcing them to become sex slaves living in abhorrent
conditions, and using threats, verbal abuse, and violence – sexual and otherwise – when they resisted and
even sometimes when they didn't," Bharara said. The complaint describes how one victim was smuggled into the United States with her
young child. Once in New York, she was made to sleep on the floor with the child. But that was just the beginning of her ordeal. On one occasion,
when the woman refused to work as a prostitute, she and her child were forced to stay outside on a cold winter
night . Federal agents conducted raids at six locations, including four brothels in Yonkers, Poughkeepsie, Newburgh, and Queens. If convicted, the
suspects face anywhere from two years in prison to life. Humberto Padgett is a Mexican journalist who wrote a book titled "Intimate Portrait of a Pimp."
Based on years of research and interviews with victims and pimps, the book describes how Mexican pimps operate and how they exploit their victims.
Padgett says trafficking young women in Mexico has increased faster than drug trafficking in recent years. "You can only sell a kilo of marijuana once.
But you can sell a woman multiple times, even as many as 60 times per day. In five years, a woman can make as much as a million dollars for her pimp,"
Padgett says. Last year, Mexico approved a law that makes human trafficking a federal crime punishable by up to 40 years in prison. The law targets not
only those involved in sex trafficking, but also other forms of modern slavery, including forced labor and child pornography. Padgett says pimps force
women to stay with them by threatening to kill family members if they escape. Maria, another former sex slave who asked that her real name not be used,
lost her father six months after escaping her pimp. The now-17-year-old believes the prostitution ring that held her is responsible for his murder. "More
than anything, I feel guilty about my father's death. Sometimes I think that I should've stayed with the pimp so that he would kill me and not my father,"
Maria says. She's back with her family, but still suffers from depression and nightmares associated with the verbal and physical abuse to which she was
subjected.
"There's no way I'm ever going to feel better," she says. "They destroyed my life."
This modern form of slavery affects millions of oppressed persons worldwide—we need to act
both via legislation and through our speech-act
Shahinian, 4/26/13 – Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Slavery, United Nations (Gulnara,
April 26, 2013, “Slavery must be recognised in all its guises,” The Guardian,
http://www.guardian.co.uk/global-development/poverty-matters/2013/apr/26/slavery-recognised-all-guises,
Hensel)
¶ Five years ago, I became the UN's first special rapporteur on contemporary forms of slavery. Since then, I have been
asked time and again by government officials, businesspeople and NGOs not to use the word "slavery" at all. I
have been asked to change the name of my mandate and not speak out about what I have seen. They have asked me to use other words
instead – ones that don't carry the same meanings or implications .¶ ¶ Yet what other word describes people who
have been beaten mercilessly, shut indoors, made to work without pay, sexually abused, poorly fed and
threatened with more abuse against themselves and their family if they attempt to leave? This is not just
violence or exploitation. What describes the situation in which a mother has no right over her child, or a father
is forced to put down his own life – and those of his family – as collateral, working for nothing to try to repay a
debt that will never go away? These are the forms of slavery that exist today.¶ ¶ Millions of people live in some
form of enslavement . The exact numbers are impossible to calculate. Modern slavery is one of the most powerful criminal
industries (pdf), and it is because of our collective silence and refusal to acknowledge its existence that it thrives
and transforms itself into new forms year after year. By not speaking out, we are helping to perpetuate an
industry that strips millions of their humanity and rights.¶ ¶ Slavery did not end when it was legally abolished. Instead, it is
flourishing, extending its tentacles into every corner of the planet.¶ ¶ This is something that touches all our lives.
It is almost impossible not to be complicit . How many of us ask ourselves who makes biofuels, jewellery, vegetables, fruit, clothes, shoes
and even carpets? We all enjoy the cheap fruits of enslavement, while telling ourselves that exploitation happens
"over there" and is nothing to do with our own country or community.¶ ¶ Sex trafficking is finally starting to
receive visibility as the horrendous human rights abuse it is. Yet more widespread forms of slavery and
trafficking continue to go unreported and ignored.¶ ¶ I have spent the past five years talking to people in forced
labour, domestic servitude, bonded labour, servile marriages and child slavery. These forms of slavery remain
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invisible , since people are silenced by discrimination, fear of retaliation and lack of awareness. These modern
forms of human slavery and criminal acts are often excused as tradition, culture, religion or poverty, or
dismissed as nothing more than bad labour practices.¶ ¶ The slavery industry relies on the invisibility of those it
preys on . Those trapped are not visibly shackled, but they do live their lives under the control of others .¶ ¶ For
the world to tackle slavery effectively, we need to recognise this industry in people in all of its manifestations .
Human rights are equal and inalienable. I have met organisations working on ending forced marriage, or on the abuse and exploitation of
domestic workers and children, who feel they are unable to call these abuses slavery as the word is too loaded and they would put their work at risk. This
must stop. Slavery is slavery, no matter what form it takes.¶ ¶ We must face up to all forms of slavery or
inadvertently ignore the plight of millions . One type of slavery, such as sex trafficking, cannot be considered
more worth fighting for than another. We have a collective responsibility to end this pernicious and persistent
problem.¶ ¶ All countries must ensure that they have national legislation prohibiting and criminalising all forms
of slavery, and this legislation must be properly enforced. The failure of justice systems to put anti-slavery laws
into action is one of the props the slavery industry relies upon. This needs to change.¶ ¶ To combat slavery, we need to
speak for people who have been silenced by this most brutal of trades . We must stop being complacent, and
find the courage to hold individuals, companies and governments accountable. Complacency is no longer an
option.
This is made worse by the culture of silence surrounding trafficking in the status quo
Aguilera, 5/28 (Elizabeth Aguilera, immigration expert for The San Diego Union-Tribune, 5/28/13, “Sex
trafficking in U.S. linked to Mexico”, http://www.utsandiego.com/news/2013/may/28/sex-trafficking-mexicotlaxcala-fugitive-atlanta/all/?print)//EM
Tenancingo is at the center of the issue of human trafficking. Most people in the town of approximately 10,000 people
will either deny or ignore any knowledge of the sequestering young girls from other towns in
Tenancingo's giant mansions. The mayor will point out there are activities such as boxing or karate for the town's
youth. Meanwhile a tight network of eyes and ears oversees the flow of people and information in the narrow streets
that make up this hillside town.— Peggy Peattie
This renders bodies as disposable piece of property
Soodalter, 9 (interview with Ron Soodalter, 6/18/9, “The Slave Next Door: Human Trafficking and Slavery in
America Today”,
https://www.carnegiecouncil.org/studio/multimedia/20090701b/0179.html/_res/id=sa_File1/Bales_Soodalt
er.pdf)//EM
We as Americans know that the South kept slaves and the North fought a righteous war of liberation. We know that the Emancipation
Proclamation freed all the slaves. We know that there was no legal slave trade up until the Civil War. We know that America
has been slavery-free since 1865. These things we know. None of it is true . On the other hand, most Americans do not know that
slavery not only exists in the world today, it flourishes. As Devin said just a few minutes ago, there are some 27 million people
estimated to be in slavery in the world today, which is twice the number that were taken in chains during the entire 350 years of the Atlantic slave trade—
more than twice the number. Slavery is a high-income criminal enterprise. It's right up there with drugs and with guns. It's responsible for billions and
billions of dollars in revenues worldwide every year. You will say, "Well, it's all those emerging nations," what we used to call Third World countries. You
would be partially right. But it's also civilized nations, such as England, Scotland, Ireland, Greece, Italy, France, Spain, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Israel,
Japan, China, and the United States. Most Americans do not know that slavery is alive and more than well, thriving right here, in the dark, and practiced
in forms and in places we would least expect. The simple truth of it is, guys, that Americans have kept slaves, Europeans have kept slaves,
humans have kept slaves as long as we were able. We as Americans see ourselves as the world's foremost messengers and practitioners of personal
freedom, whereas in point of fact there has never been one single day on this continent since its European discovery where slavery has not existed. That's
from the day in 1493, when Columbus enslaved hundreds of Taino Indians , right up to the present moment, there has been slavery on the American
continent. Slavery in America may have hit its lowest ebb in the 1960s, due largely to the civil rights movement. But starting in the 1980s and then
burgeoning in the 1990s, slavery exploded and came back with a vengeance. This was largely due to the fact that at the end of the Cold War the global
population more than tripled, from 2 billion to over 6 billion people. As borders collapsed around the world and people found themselves
disenfranchised and struggling for survival, they became easy targets for human traffickers. And once again, America became a prime destination.
Most Americans' concept of slavery comes right out of the pages of Uncle Tom's Cabin —the whip in the
overseer's hand, the chains, the crack of the auctioneer's gavel. That was one form of slavery. The forms of
slavery that afflict America today take different iterations. But please be assured, it is slavery, for sure. It's the
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real deal. There are differences. Back in the 1800s slavery was legal; today it is not. In The Slave Next Door: Human Trafficking and Slavery in
America Today http://www.carnegiecouncil.org/resources/transcripts/0179.html 2 of 16 3/14/2011 10:09 AM the antebellum South, slave owners were
proud of their property, of their human property, as a sign of status and prestige. Today slaves are hidden, which makes it all the harder to locate the
victims and to punish the traffickers. At one point in our history, slaves were African or African- American. Today slaves come in all ethnicities, all races,
all types. We are, if anything, totally democratic in the ways in which we enslave our fellow man. This is, for want of a better term, capitalism at its
absolute worst. Before the Civil War, buying a slave was an expensive proposition. It could cost as much as $1,200, which in today's currency is
somewhere around $40,000 to $50,000. When you buy property of such worth, you keep it, for longevity and productivity purposes, as well and healthy
as you can. We're not talking humanitarianism or kindness; we're talking simple, basic economics here. You would no more damage property of such
worth than you would cripple a good plow horse or neuter a seed bull. Nowadays, you can buy a slave for as little as $100. This
makes the victim not only affordable, but also disposable . Should a slave become ill or injured, it's often
cheaper and also less likely to arouse suspicion for the slave owner to simply jettison his human property rather
than pay the money for services or health care. All forms of slavery are terrible. This, I think, nobody will argue with.
However, today's slavery has taken forms that are so much more insidious than many forms over the
thousands of years in which man has been enslaving his fellows , especially when you consider that modern-day
slavery does not exist without what we call a bundle of other crimes, which include document fraud, assault, rape, torture, and sometimes homicide, to
name just a handful. So how many slaves are we actually talking about? As Devin said, the State Department estimates that somewhere around 17,000
foreign nationals are trafficked into this country, from at least 35 other countries, every year and enslaved here.
Human trafficking is the worst form of dehumanization
Garza, 11 (Rocio Garza, Harvard graduate, candidate for Juris Doctor, 11/1/11, Addressing Human Trafficking
Along the United States-Mexico Border: the Need for a Bilateral Partnership,
http://www.cjicl.com/uploads/2/9/5/9/2959791/cjicl_19.2_garza_note.pdf)//EM
Human trafficking is the exploitation of people primarily for labor or sex using force, coercion or fraud. 2 It dehumanizes victims by
treating them as commodities 3 and by subjecting them to dreadful living conditions. 4 Traffickers may recruit,
transport, or harbor victims using force, threat, or fraud for the purpose of sexual exploitation, forced labor, or other
similar practices. 5 Men, women, and children can all be victims of human trafficking. Described as “a modern day form of
slavery,” 6 human trafficking manifests itself in a number of forms. 7 As of June 2010, the United Nations estimated that
“there are at least 12.3 million adults and children in forced labor, bonded labor, and comme r cial sexual servitude at any given time.” 8 However, due to
the clande s tine nature of human trafficking, 9 the e xact number of victims is u n known with estimates ranging from four million to twenty seven
million.
Dehumanization makes every impact inevitable—it is the equivalent of nuclear war,
environmental collapse, and genocide
Berube, 97 (David, professor of speech communication, Nanotechnology Magazine, June/July 1997,
http://www.cla.sc.edu/ENGL/faculty/berube/prolong.htm)
Assuming we are able to predict who or what are optimized humans, this entire resultant worldview smacks of eugenics and Nazi racial science. This
would involve valuing people as means. Moreover, there would always be a superhuman more super than the current ones, humans would never be
able to escape their treatment as means to an always further and distant end. This means-ends dispute is at the core of Montagu and Matson's
treatise on the dehumanization of humanity. They warn: "its destructive toll is already greater than that of any war, plague,
famine, or natural calamity on record -- and its potential danger
to the quality of life and the fabric of civilized society is beyond
calculation. For that reason this sickness of the soul might well be called the Fifth Horseman of the Apocalypse.... Behind the genocide of the
holocaust lay a dehumanized thought; beneath the menticide of deviants and dissidents... in the cuckoo's next of America, lies a dehumanized image
of man... (Montagu & Matson, 1983, p. xi-xii). While it may never be possible to quantify the impact dehumanizing ethics may have had on
humanity, it is safe to conclude the foundations of humanness offer great opportunities which would be foregone .
When we calculate the actual losses and the virtual benefits, we approach a nearly inestimable value greater than any tools which we can currently
use to measure it. Dehumanization
is nuclear war, environmental apocalypse, and international
genocide. When people become things, they become dispensable. When people are dispensable, any and
every atrocity can be justified. Once justified, they seem to be inevitable for every epoch has evil and dehumanization is
evil's most powerful weapon.
Structural violence outweighs all of your magnitude claims
Hintjens 7 [Helen Hintjens is Lecturer in the Centre for Development Studies, University of Wales, “MDF Understanding Development Better”]
From Johan Galtung, famous Norwegian peace ‘guru’, still alive and heads up TRANSCEND University on-line, has been working since 1960s on
showing that violence is not OK. His Ghandian approach is designed to convince those who advocate violent means to
restore social justice to the poor, that he as a pacifist does not turn a blind eye to social injustices and inequality. He
extended therefore our understanding of what is violent, coercion, force, to include the economic and social
system’s avoidable injustices, deaths, inequalities. Negative peace is the absence of justice, even if there is no war.
Injustice causes structural violence to health, bodies, minds, damages people, and must therefore be resisted
(non-violently). Positive peace is different from negative (unjust and hence violent) peace. Positive peace requires actively
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combating (struggling peacefully against) social injustices that underpin structural violence. Economic and social,
political justice have to be part of peacebuilding. This is the mantra of most NGOs and even some agencies (we will look later at NGO
Action Aid and DFID as examples). Discrimination has to end, so does the blatant rule of money, greater equality is vital
wherever possible. All of this is the opposite of neo-liberal recipes for success, which in Holland as in Indonesia,
tolerate higher and higher levels of social inequality in the name of efficiency. Structural violence kills far more
people than warfare – for example one estimate in DRC is that 4 million people have been killed in war since 1998, but
NGOs estimate that an additional 6 million people have died in DRC since then, from disease, displacement and
hunger, bringing the total to an unthinkable 10 million of 90 million est. population. “Since there exists far more wealth in the
world than is necessary to address the main economic causes of structural violence, the real problem is one of priorities ”…p. 307
“ Structural violence…is neither natural nor inevitable ”, p. 301 (Prontzos).
The politics of disposability leaves entire populations open to eradication- this
ignorance of human dignity has become politicized, and will ultimately be the death of
politics
Giroux ’10 (Henry, Professor of English and Cultural Studies at McMaster University, previous professors at BU, Miami U, and
Penn State “Memories of Hope in the Age of Disposability”, published 9/28/2010, http://archive.truthout.org/memories-hope-agedisposability63631 [SG])
The new culture of cruelty combines with the arrogance of the rich as morally bankrupt politicians such as Mike Huckabee tell his fellow Republican
extremists that the provision in Obama's health care bill that requires insurance companies to cover people with pre-existing conditions should be
repealed because people who have these conditions are like houses that have already burned down. The metaphor is apt in a country that no longer has a
language for compassion, justice and social responsibility. Huckabee at least is honest about one thing. He makes clear that the right-wing fringe leading
the Republican Party is on a death march and has no trouble endorsing policies in which millions of people - in this case those afflicted by illness - can
simply "dig their own graves and lie down in them."(7) The politics of disposability ruthlessly puts money and profits ahead of
human needs. Under the rubric of austerity, the new barbarians such as Huckabee now advocate eugenicist
policies in which people who are considered weak, sick, disabled or suffering from debilitating health
conditions are targeted to be weeded out, removed from the body politic and social safety nets that any decent
society puts into place to ensure that everyone, but especially the most disadvantaged, can access decent health
care and lead a life with dignity. Consequently, politics loses its democratic character along with any sense of
responsibility and becomes part of a machinery of violence that mimics the fascistic policies of past
authoritarian political parties that eagerly attempted to purify their societies by getting rid of those human
beings considered weak and inferior and whom they ultimately viewed as human waste. I don't think it is an
exaggeration to say that a lunatic fringe of a major political party is shamelessly mimicking and nourishing the barbaric roots of one of the most evil
periods in human history. By arguing that individuals with pre-existing health conditions are like burned-down houses who do not deserve health
insurance, Huckabee puts into place those forces and ideologies that allow the country to move closer to the end point of such logic by suggesting that
such disposable populations do not deserve to live at all.¶ Welcome to the new era of disposability in which market-driven
values peddle policies that promote massive amounts of human suffering and death for millions of human
beings. Programs to help the elderly, middle aged and young people overcome poverty, get decent jobs, obtain access to health insurance and decent
health care and exercise their dignity and rights as American citizens are denounced in the name of austerity measures that only apply to those who are
not rich and powerful.(8)
At the same time, the new disposability discourse expunges any sense of
responsibility from both the body politic and the ever-expanding armies of well-paid, anti-public
intellectuals and politicians who fill the air waves with poisonous lies, stupidity and ignorance, all in the name
of so-called "common sense" and a pathological notion of freedom stripped of any concern for the lives and
misfortunes of others. In the age of disposability, the dream of getting ahead has been replaced with, for many
people, the struggle to simply stay alive. The logic of disposability and mean-spirited cruelty that now come out
of the mouths of zombie-like politicians are more fitting for the authoritarian regimes that emerged in Russia
and Germany in the 1930s rather than for any society that calls itself a democracy. A politics of uncertainty, insecurity,
deregulation and fear now circulates throughout the country as those marginalized by class and color become bearers of unwanted memories, subject to
state-sanctioned acts of violence and rough justice. Poor minority youth, immigrants and other disposable populations now become the flash point that
collapses moral and political taxonomies in the face of a growing punishing state. Instead of becoming the last option, violence and
punishment have become the standard response to confronting the problems of the poor, disadvantaged and
jobless. As Judith Butler points out, those considered "other" and disposable are viewed as "neither alive
nor dead, but interminable spectral human beings no longer regarded as human .(9) Thinking about
visions of the good society is now considered a waste of time. As Zygmunt Bauman points out, too many young people and adults¶ are now pushed and
pulled to seek and find individual solutions to socially created problems and implement those solutions individually using individual skills and resources.
This ideology proclaims the futility (indeed, counterproductivity) of solidarity: of joining forces and subordinating individual
actions to a "common cause." It derides the principle of communal responsibility for the well-being of its members, decrying it as a recipe for
a debilitating "nanny state" and warning against care for the other leading to an abhorrent and detestable "dependency."(10)¶ Tea Party candidates
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express anger over government programs, but say nothing about a government that provides tax breaks for the rich, allows politicians to be bought off by
powerful lobbyists, contracts out government functions to private industries and guts almost every major public sphere necessary for sustaining an
increasingly faltering democracy. Tea Party members are outraged, but their anger is really directed at the New Deal, the social state and all those others
whom they believe do not qualify as "real" Americans.(11) At the same time the American public is awash in a craven and vacuous media machine that
routinely tells us that people are angry, but offers no analysis capable of treating such anger as symptomatic of an economic system that creates massive
inequalities, rewards the ultra rich and powerful and punishes everybody else. Bob Herbert has recently argued that the rich and powerful are indifferent
to poor people and, of course, he is right, but only partly so.(12) In actuality, it is much worse. Today's young people and others caught in webs of poverty
and despair face not only the indifference of the rich and powerful, but also the scorn of the very people charged with preserving, protecting and
defending their rights.
We now live in a country in which the government allows entire populations and
groups to be perceived and treated as disposable, reduced to fodder for the neoliberal waste
management industries created by a market-driven society in which gross inequalities and massive human
suffering are its most obvious byproducts.(13) The anger among the American people is more than justified by the suffering many people
are now experiencing, but an understanding of such anger is stifled largely by right-wing organizations and rich corporate zombies who want to preserve
the nefarious conditions that produced such anger in the first place. The result is an egregious politics of disconnection, not to
mention a fraudulent campaign of lies and innuendos funded by shadowy, ultra right billionaires such as the Koch brothers,(14)the loss of historical
memory amply supported in dominant media such as Fox News and a massively funded depoliticizing cultural apparatus, all of which help to pave the
way for the new barbarism and its increasing registers of cruelty, inequality, punishment and authoritarianism.¶ This is a politics that dare
not speak its name - a politics wedded to inequity, exclusion and disposability and beholden to what Richard
Hofstadter once called the "paranoid style in American politics."(15) Driven largely by a handful of right-wing billionaires such as
Rupert Murdoch, David and Charles Koch and Sal Russo, this is a stealth politics masquerading as a grassroots movement. Determined to maintain
corporate power and the benefits it accrues for the few as a result of vast network of political, social and economic inequalities it reproduces among the
many, this is a politics wedded at the hip to an irrational mode of capitalism that undermines any vestige of democracy. At the heart of the new barbarian
politics is the drive for unchecked amounts of power and profits in spite of the fact that this brand of take-no-prisoners politics is largely responsible for
both the economic recession and producing a society that is increasing becoming politically dysfunctional and ethically unhinged. It is a fringe politics
whose funding sources hide in the shadows careful not to disclose the identities of the right-wing billionaire fanatics eager to finance ultra-conservative
groups such as the Tea Party movement. While some Republicans seem embarrassed by the fact that the likes of Glenn Beck, Rush Limbaugh and Sarah
Palin have taken over their party, most of its members still seem willing to embrace wholeheartedly the politics of inequality, exclusion and disposability
that lies at the heart of an organized death-march aimed at destroying every public sphere essential to a vibrant democratic state.
Affirmation of political hope is necessary to reinvigorate democracy. Democracy is
militarized in the status quo, parallel with disposability. To educate and advocate for
hope is to evoke the political power of resistance.
Giroux ‘10 (Henry, Professor of English and Cultural Studies at McMaster University, previous professors at BU, Miami U, and
Penn State “Memories of Hope in the Age of Disposability”, published 9/28/2010, accessed online 7/2,
http://archive.truthout.org/memories-hope-age-disposability63631)//BZ
The working-class neighborhood of my youth never gave up on democracy as an ideal in spite of how much it might have failed us. As an ideal, it offered
the promise of a better future; it mobilized us to organize collectively in order to fight against injustice; and it cast an intense light on those who traded in
corruption, unbridled power and greed. Politics was laid bare in a community that expected more of itself and its citizens as it tapped into the promise of
democracy is now also viewed as disposable,
considered redundant, a dangerous remnant of another age. And yet, like the memories of my youth, there is something to be
found in those allegedly outdated ideals that may provide the only hope we have for recognizing the anti-democratic politics,
power relations and reactionary ideologies espoused by the new barbarians. Democracy as both an ideal and a
reality is now under siege in a militarized culture of fear and forgetting. The importance of moral witnessing has been replaced
a democratic society. But like many individuals and groups today,
by a culture of instant gratification and unmediated anger, just as forgetting has become an active rather than passive process, what the philosopher
Slavoj Zizek calls a kind of "fetishist disavowal: 'I know, but I don't want to know that I know, so I don't know.'"(16)
The lights are going
out in America ; and the threat comes not from alleged irresponsible government spending, a growing deficit
or the specter of a renewed democratic social state. On the contrary, it comes from the dark forces of an economic Darwinism and its
newly energized armies of right-wing financial sharks, shout till-you-drop mobs, reactionary ideologues, powerful, right-wing media conglomerates and
corporate-sponsored politicians who sincerely hope, if not yet entirely believe, that the age of democratization has come to an end and
the time for a new and cruel politics of disposability and human waste management is at hand. We are living through
a period in American history in which politics has not only been commodified and depoliticized, but the civic
courage of intellectuals, students, labor unions and working people has receded from the public realm. Maybe
it is time to reclaim a history not too far removed from my own youthful memories of when democracy as an
ideal was worth struggling over, when public goods were more important than consumer durables, when the
common good outweighed private privileges and when the critical notion that a society can never be just
enough was the real measure of civic identity and political health. Maybe it's time to reclaim the spirit of a
diverse and powerful social movement willing to organize, speak out, educate and fight for the promise of a
democracy that would do justice to the dreams of a generation of young people waiting for adults to prove the
courage of their democratic convictions.
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1ac gender
Sex trafficking embodies a patriarchal form of domination that perpetuates the belief that
women should be silent while they suffer
Ditmore, Maternick, and Zapert ’12 (Melissa, Anna, and Katherine, all are research consultants to the Sex Workers
Project of the Urban Justice Center, “The Road North: The role of gender, poverty and violence in trafficking from Mexico to the US”,
August 2012, pg. 22-25 http://www.ccasa.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/04/The-Road-North-The-role-of-gender-poverty-andviolence-in-trafficking-from-Mexico-to-the-US.pdf , [SG])
Violence against women and cultural beliefs and state systems that support it exist in greater or lesser degree
all over the world. In Mexico, patriarchal cultural values take the form of machismo, which
values strong and dominant men, and justifies identifying women as property and violence
against women in various forms (Bucardo 2004; Newdick 2005; Peek-Asa, Garcia, McArthur & Castro 2002). Evidence
displays various cultural ideals that support machismo’s influence on Mexican society. For example, young women are often mandated
to work by their families or must get permission, and intimate partner violence is not given serious consideration as a public health
issue (Peek-Asa, Garcia, McArthur & Castro 2002; Villareal 2007). Machismo also manifests in pervasive discrimination against
lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people in Mexico. Some organizations estimate that there are as many as 1,000 murders
of gays, lesbians, transgender or transsexual individuals occurring every year (Norandi 2007), or up to 15 homophobic or transphobic
murders each month, according to The Citizens Commission Against Homophobic Hate Crimes (Fortino Torrentero 2009). Murders,
assaults and other violent crimes against LGBT persons are hugely under reported due to a general distrust of law enforcement based on
the violence, exploitation and indifference exhibited by law enforcement toward LGBT persons (Villamil 2010). The presence of
machismo in Mexican society creates a culture that tolerates the existence of an involuntary sexual labor force.
Latino culture has many concepts that define beliefs about gender and family in addition to machismo, which are present in Mexico
(Bucardo 2004; Newdick 2005; Peek-Asa, Garcia, McArthur & Castro 2002). Familismo calls upon a strong obligation to one’s family.
In the traditional gender roles in Latino culture, marianismo, creates the expectation that women present as
wholesome and must comply with the needs of their family, particularly the male members (Bucardo 2004;
Newdick 2005; Peek-Asa, Garcia, McArthur & Castro 2002). Simpatia emphasizes non-confrontational relationships. These social
and cultural beliefs not only create an atmosphere tolerant of abuse, but also one where acknowledgement of
abuse is unlikely (Bucardo 2004; Peek-Asa, Garcia, McArthur & Castro 2002). These cultural values can also act as deterrents to
speaking out negatively against family, friends, elders, and particularly males. In addition, respeto—a fundamental value
concerning respect—further complicates abuse because a woman would likely fear the consequences of
speaking out against an elder, relative, or man because it could be deemed disrespectful due to respeto (Bucardo
2004; Newdick 2005; Peek-Asa, Garcia, McArthur & Castro 2002). Physical and social retribution may be the consequences of violating
respeto. Revictimization is a stark reality because Latino culture dictates that when an unmarried woman is no longer a virgin, she is
automatically considered promiscuous and/or a fair target of sexual aggression by male family and non-family members (Comas-Diaz
1995). Although these cultural understandings are from a study of Puerto Rican family dynamics, these characteristics are
prevalent in Mexico. The specific cultural examples in the next section clearly display this. These deeply instilled
cultural beliefs further perpetuate a culture where women are often silent sufferers of
violence. State actions in Mexico perpetuate structural violence against women through policies that are
socially constraining, such as lack of access to abortion and reproductive health rights, the ability to marry as
young as 14 with parental consent, and lack of prosecutions against those who abuse or murder women (Hague
Domestic Violence Project 2012; United Nations Population Fund 2009). Lack of attention to violence against women may
be an unintended consequence of the state’s focus on tackling drug-related violence through a military
response to the cartel-led drug trafficking industry (Martinez 2012). However, violence against women in Central
America is not isolated to Mexico. The Guatemalan government recently launched a “femicide” unit to address the unprecedented levels
of violence against women, particularly indigenous women, and the rising murder rate (Bevan 2012). Due to these cultural,
societal and economic conditions, the trafficking of persons into commercial sex has become a lucrative
business in some southern Mexican states. Not only are young women seeking alternative employment opportunities, but
many in these regions have been left economically vulnerable due to the forces of globalization, and most notably the North American
Free Trade Agreement’s (NAFTA) impact on certain socio-economic sectors in these states (Newdick 2005). Human trafficking
within and originating in Mexico is a diverse and widespread phenomena, affecting many kinds of labor and
industry. However, in regards to trafficking into commercial sex in Mexico, historical and cultural factors have led the city of
Tenancingo in the state of Tlaxcala to be a geographic nucleus (Torres 2009; Brumback & Stevenson 2010; HSTC Bulletins #9, #11
2011). Here, adult men, often with the support of their multi-generational families, have come to distort customary marriage traditions
of local indigenous populations in order to deceptively coerce young women into prostitution (HSTC Bulletin #9 2011; Torres 2009;
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Castro Soto et al. 2004). The lack of economic opportunities for men in Tlaxcala and the surrounding regions is one important factor
contributing to the rise of trafficking. Anthropologist Oscar Montiel Torres carefully tracks how changes in the economy in Tlaxcala left
few employment options for men of the region (Torres 2009). Torres cites the industrialization process, cycles of factory booms and
busts in the early and late 20th century, corresponding political changes, and labor policy as the reasons why so many men in and
around Tenancingo, once dependent on factory work, now turn to trafficking (Torres 2009: Ch. 3). Two of the most common
recruitment methods used by traffickers in Tlaxcala, Mexico are the “asking of the hand” and the “theft of the bride.” Long-standing
cultural practices are the basis for both methods, which are still commonplace when seeking a wife (HSTC Bulletin #9 2011; Castro Soto
et al. 2004). The “asking of the hand” method entails adult men—the traffickers, or as they are known locally, padrotes—wooing and
courting adolescent women for a culturally acceptable amount of time before asking permission of the bride’s family for her hand in
marriage. The trafficker appears to follow the traditional procedures. However, the trafficker subverts the traditional practice after
living together as a married couple, and eventually coerces his young bride into prostitution under the guise of their mutual financial
interest (HSTC Bulletin #9 2011; Castro Soto et al. 2004). The “theft of the bride” method is more complex. Kidnapping the bride and
rendering her “unreturnable” either through rape or consensual sex are the key components to this practice (Montes and Iñiguez 2010;
Kaltman et al. 2011; D’Aubeterre 2003). Then the prospective groom and bride, together with the groom’s family, go to the bride’s
family to ask forgiveness for the kidnapping and to get their blessing for marriage. Sometimes the kidnapping is a ruse used by a
consenting couple to get married, and sometimes the kidnapping is more sinister where a man would forcibly kidnap and often rape a
woman who did not want to become his bride. In these regions of Mexico the practice is often perceived as akin to elopement as
opposed to taking young women against their will (D’Aubeterre 2003; Kaltman et al. 2011; Montes and Iñiguez 2010; Castro Soto et al.
2004). Traffickers manipulate this ritual by initially appearing to follow traditional cultural procedures, and then using them as a way to
trap women into a marriage or a relationship in order to later force her into prostitution. This method is far more stigmatizing
for both gender roles: young women are victimized multiple times, while young men have several opportunities
to display superiority through force and physical violence (HSTC Bulletin #9 2011; Kaltman et al. 2011; Castro Soto et al.
2004). Generally, the “asking of the hand” method is more culturally acceptable than the “theft of the bride” method, yet both traditions
make it difficult for the young women involved to find a socially respectable way out of the relationship, even after they realize that they
are in danger (HSTC Bulletin #9 2011; Torres 2009). Many young women in Mexican society are subject to chastisement if they leave a
relationship or have sex with a man without getting married. These women often do not feel that they can return home out of fear that
they will bring shame and dishonor to their families. These cultural pressures sometimes result in women agreeing to a marriage or
staying in a relationship in order to appeal to social expectations (Kaltman et al. 2011; Castro Soto et al. 2004). Because these
techniques do not always lead to legal marriage, the trafficker can use them over and over, securing multiple women. The trafficking
situation exacerbates these cultural vulnerabilities because traffickers often utilize physical violence and
psychological manipulation in order to maintain a hold over the victim (Castro Soto et al. 2004).
Investigating the structural causes and foundations of trafficking is necessary to open up a new
framework for combating sexual violence
Hathaway ’12 (Dana, Masters in Interdisciplinary Studies at Portland State University, “Human Trafficking and Slavery:
Towards a New Framework for Prevention and Responsibility”, 2012, accessed via ProQuest, [SG])
The focus on direct perpetrators, to the exclusion of other structural causal factors, is in line with a common model of responsibility used in matters of
criminal law: the liability model.
A different conception of responsibility is needed in order account for
these other factors. Indeed, a new model of responsibility is needed to create a new framework that
correctly identifies who/what is responsible. We must assuredly prosecute criminals within a legal regime that makes it costly to commit
these crimes, and this will likely produce a positive deterrent effect and aid prevention efforts. Nevertheless, it is also important to
examine the background conditions of the crime. This is important for at least two reasons. One, it is important in the task
of assigning responsibility for the problem and this has moral implications, as responsibility suggests there are
moral obligations of some kind. Two, to the extent that a more comprehensive understanding of the problem
impacts the success of anti-trafficking efforts, a broader conception of who/what is responsible may aid
prevention efforts. This second reason focuses on the outcome or effects of anti-trafficking policy. While it might be reasonable to assume that an
anti-trafficking framework that also calls attention to (and addresses) social-structural processes that contribute to the problem would aid prevention
efforts, I do not extend my argument to make such assertions. That is, I do not make any direct empirical claims that a new framework would be more
effective than the current one, even though I think it is reasonable to expect that it would; indeed, my reason for engaging the subject in the first place is
to explore ways to reduce the prevalence of the problem. Nevertheless, in this thesis I limit my focus to the first reason, calling attention to socialstructural processes that contribute to the problem and for the purpose of assigning responsibility for the problem. This first part of this project is
somewhat empirical. I use the United States as a case study for the purpose of showing how the migrant labor regime contributes to the vulnerability of
the “unskilled” migrant worker. I do not show this through data, but rather through an examination of the laws and policies directly impacting the labor
conditions of these workers, as well as social norms that play a role in their social, political, and economic marginalization. The second part of
the project, the task of assigning responsibility, is more complex as it implies moral obligations. The notion of
“responsibility” has two senses in this discussion. One, responsibility refers to who/what is responsible for the continuation of the phenomenon—its
reproduction. Two, responsibility also refers to who/what is responsible in a moral sense for the problem. I believe the two are inexorably linked.
All
the people who participate in the reproduction of the social, political, and economic structures
that facilitate the problem of human trafficking and slavery share a moral responsibility to
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attend to these structures so that they are less likely to result in injustice. Understanding the process of
human trafficking and slavery is essential to the task of assigning responsibility in the second sense. I argue
that the current anti-trafficking framework is inadequate because it fails to correctly identify (or pay attention
to) all of the macro-social processes that contribute to the problem (responsibility in the first sense), and this has resulted in a
misconception of who/what is responsible (responsibility in the second sense). The prevention framework is myopic, focusing heavily on direct
perpetrators of the crime at the expense of recognizing other factors that contribute to the problem—failing to make responsible other actors that have a
role in these social-structural processes. In this thesis I attempt to build a new conceptual framework that calls attention
to social-structural processes and includes this understanding in assigning responsibility for the problem.
Western understanding of human trafficking posits the violence as a foreign problem and relies
on a conception of victims as “unfortunate Others.” This allows for violence to continue on an
indivisible level
Todres ’09 (Jonathan, Professor of Law at Georgia State University, “Law, Otherness, and Human Trafficking”, July 2009,
Accessed via Project MUSE, [SG])
Similarly, in Western efforts to combat trafficking, the white American man engaging in sex tourism is seen as
a deviant, while sale of children into trafficking networks in developing countries is written off as “common
practice in their culture.” And so the Western sex tourist relies on this narrative of the Other’s culture to justify his abuse of Thai or Filipina
girls (or boys); he feels he is doing a good deed by “helping” the young Thai or Filipina child, rescuing her, however briefly, from a culture that
purportedly offers her no alternatives. Significantly, otherness operates here not only at the level of the individual (that is,
the sex tourist and his conception of the Other),
but it also permeates the societal mentality in the Global North. Thus,
even anti-trafficking advocates frequently rely on the narrative of sexual exploitation of
women and children being “more acceptable over there” while cabining the actions of sex tourists as
actions of a few “sick” men whose actions are seen as outside of Western culture, rather than a reflection of the
sexism in Western cultures. This dichotomous view of what underlies certain behavior and whether it is
“cultural” is fed by, and in turn feeds, otherness. But as post-colonial legal theorists have detailed, “culture is not merely a negative or
deplorable attribute of the Other, but is an attribute of the West as much as the rest.” In other words, the actions of sex tourists or sex tour operators
from the West are no more or no less rooted in Western cultures as prostitution of certain individuals is a function of another culture. Aspects of
society enable, and even encourage, each, and I submit otherness is a key component of the foundational
societal structures that allow such abuses to persist. As otherness acts to have Americans and other
Westerners view the problem of human trafficking as “over there,” the Western conception of the
virtuous Self frequently leads to the conclusion, without examination, that “such things would never happen
here.” In fact, human trafficking occurs in the United States and other countries in the Global North, yet the
West’s “excessive focus on minority and Third World sex-subordinating cultural practices . . . diverts one’s gaze
from the sexism [and other forms of discrimination] indigenous to United States culture and politics” that might lead to
the exploitation of some. Thus, the second important way in which otherness distorts views on human
trafficking is to lead most Americans and other Westerners to overlook the extent of the problem in their own
country. Sexual exploitation of women and children takes place in the United States and other Global North countries. Domestic
trafficking networks exist in the United States to feed the demand of the commercial sex
industry and exploitative labor settings. However, the narrative in the United States on human
trafficking suggests that the problem is “over there.” First, U.S. reports typically report that 600,000 to
800,000 individuals—most of whom are women and children—are trafficked across international borders
annually. When intra-country trafficking victims are accounted for, the number of victims increases to between
two and four million annually. The fact that the international number is often cited without the intra-country number ignores the majority of
the victims of these abuses. Aside from overlooking the large numbers of domestic trafficking victims around the globe,
focusing on the international number serves to enable the U.S. public to conclude that it does not happen “over
here.”
Viewing traffic victims though a lens of otherness creates a divide between them and ourselves,
which makes it easier to exploit them. Rejecting this binary is necessary to breaking down
complicity in violence
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Todres ’09 (Jonathan, Professor of Law at Georgia State University, “Law, Otherness, and Human Trafficking”, July 2009,
Accessed via Project MUSE, [SG])
Trafficking and exploitation of individuals within the United States and other countries in the Global North
also occurs in various labor settings. The market for domestic workers is one such site. Large numbers of middle- and upper-class
individuals in Western countries employ domestic help, many of whom are from developing countries. In this setting, we observe familiar
narratives that portray the Self as virtuous while neglecting the Other’s experience. Employers describe how
they believe they are “helping” their domestic workers (some of whom may have been trafficked), based on an assessment that their
workers are better off than they had been in their countries of origin. This analysis employs an othered conception of life “over
there” and focuses on the comparative economic standing of the employee, while ignoring the role of the Self.
Representative of the disconnect is that significant numbers of employers, while seeking to help their domestic workers, oppose basic rights for them
such as the right to a minimum wage. Thus, while the magnanimous Self believes he/she is “rescuing” the Other, the
actual Self may be benefiting from the further exploitation of the Other. In other words, even when exploitation is close to
home, the narrative of otherness operates, consciously or subconsciously, to obstruct our view of the exploitation that occurs locally, including when we
partake in it. Thus, domestic workers for families in New York City or Los Angeles, for example, may be perceived
as having been exploited while in their home country, but the fact that their exploitation might be continuing in
the United States goes unseen. And the fact that domestic trafficking rings are run by Americans and exploit
Americans does not fit with our conception of the Self, and thus mention of their existence is met with disbelief.
This manifestation of otherness makes it easier for traffickers to exploit significant numbers of individuals in
the United States and other Western countries and for the rest of us to neglect their plight.
Only the affirmative’s rejection of patriarchy can open up space for a world beyond gendered
violence
Nhanenge 7 (Jytte Masters @ U South Africa, paper submitted in part fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of master of arts in the
subject Development Studies, “ECOFEMINSM: TOWARDS INTEGRATING THE CONCERNS OF WOMEN, POOR PEOPLE AND NATURE INTO
DEVELOPMENT)
When one examines the interconnected effects of the crises it becomes clear, due to the persistent domination of women, Others and nature, that there
are three fundamental and interconnected challenges, which requires transformation in the modern culture:
(Capra 1982: 10) The first is the slow but inevitable decline of patriarchy. According to Adrienne Rich, "Patriarchy is the power of the
fathers. It is a familial-social, ideological, political system in which men - by force, direct pressure, or through ritual, tradition, law, language, customs,
etiquette, education, and the division of labour - determine what part women shall or shall not play, and in which the female is everywhere subsumed
under the male". Patriarchy has had a time span of approximately 3,000 years in Western civilisation. Its full power is extremely difficult to grasp
because it is all pervasive. It has influenced the basic ideas about human nature and people's relations to the universe.
It is a system which, until recently, has never been openly challenged and whose doctrines have been
universally accepted and presented as laws of nature. However, a society where men dominate women is an unbalanced society. It is a society,
which is much less than what it otherwise might have been. The complementary contrast, which men and women give to society creates the necessary
social balance. Since
extremes always lead to disaster, patriarchy has played an essential part in promoting the
global crises. Today the disintegration of patriarchy is in sight. The feminist movement is one of the
strongest cultural current in present time and it will have a profound effect on the further cultural evolution. A
more in-dept discussion about the patriarchy and its domination will take place in chapter 4. (Capra 1982: 10-11; Capra 1989: 240; Rowe 1997: 234). The
second transition is a paradigm shift. The modern vision of reality, including its common concepts, thoughts,
perceptions, values and practices, needs to be changed. The present paradigm has dominated modern culture for several hundred
years. It has shaped Western societies and has had a strong influence in the rest of the world. It comprises some entrenched, patriarchal ideas and values
related to the Enlightenment, the Scientific Revolution and the Industrial Revolution. It includes the assumptions that the scientific
method is the only valid approach to knowledge; that the universe is a mechanical system composed of
material elements; that nature is dead; that the human body is a machine; that life in society is an individual,
competitive struggle for existence; that man can have unlimited material progress through economic growth and
technological development; and that females are subsumed under the male as a basic law of nature. These assumptions have proven to be
inadequate. The values they promote have contributed fundamentally to the present crises of poverty,
environmental destruction, human repression and a violent world . The modern vision and its values are now
challenged; they are in need of major revision. This relates to the fall of the patriarchy. When modern science is historically examined
from a feministic point of view, it becomes clear that the scientific epistemology is an ideological and aggressive
patriarchal way of perceiving the world founded on power and control. An analysis of science has therefore been helpful to understand
the current patriarchal domination of women, Others and nature. A critique of the modern meaning structure and suggestion for an alternative perception of reality, is the
main subject in chapters 4, 5 and 6. (Capra 1982: 12; Norgaard 1994: 62-66; Capra 1997: 5-6; Des Jardins 2001: 255). The third transition is the human perception of nature .
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The current paradigm and its institutions see environmental destruction as an unforeseen and unintended side
effect of development and progress. Thus, the remedies advocated are based on improving the tools by introducing better
science, appropriate technologies, improved resource management and environmental accounting etc. It is a kind of
enlightened stewardship of nature by human beings. However , reforms alone are not enough, instead the root causes must
be addressed . This has led to development of other views like those of Deep Ecology, social ecology and ecofeminism. These alternative perspectives
challenge the dominant mode of progress as being inherently wrong. They point to the cultural roots of the crisis and call for a
re-conceptualization of development based on equitable relationships between humans and humans, men and women, and humans and nature. These
visions consequently have ethical and epistemological positions that are alternatives to those of the old scientific experts. The latter have continuously
claimed a superior epistemological position, due to their objectivity, but this is part of the problem rather than a solution to natural destruction.
Sustainable development will hardly be possible without the contributions of these alternative perspectives. Together they make up a broad movement
towards pro-environmental change, which will require fundamental transformation in the modern economic and political systems. It will include
decentralisation of power and ownership of natural resources together with establishment of ecologically harmonious life-styles. It will promote
formation of new coalitions and new forms of politics. Part of the change is the decline of the fossil-fuel age. Fossil fuels include coal, oil and natural gas.
These have been humanity's principal sources of energy. However, since they run out in 2300 the era will come to an end. The effects of the decline are
already felt in scarcity of energy leading to high prices, debts, unstable economies, tense competition for resources and violence. Since the use of fossil
fuels has played a major role in perpetuating the global crises, healthy alternatives are needed. The cultural transformation would therefore include a
shift from the petroleum age to the solar age, where activities will be powered by renewable sun energy. This third transition is an integral
part of a paradigm change and the fall of patriarchy. The present paradigm, which was generated and is
maintained by patriarchy is by feminists seen as promoting inequalities, unsustainable progress and violence.
Thus, peace, equality and sustainable development have become interlinked issues in women's movements.
Peace is not only the absence of war but also a compassionate way of life . It is the creation of a certain mindset of sharing, reciprocity, love, happiness and care as the central issues in societies, in relationship with nature and in development. Few people talk
about happiness and love as a motivating force, but these are ethical values, which can change the world and its institutions and they are promoted by
women. From this, it follows that the cultural transformation will be promoted by ecological movements, women's movements and peace movements. An
ecological feminist environmental ethics, which is an alternative to the current perception of nature, will be discussed in chapter 4, while chapter 7 will
present some basic elements in its alternative epistemology. (Capra 1982: 11; Capra 1989: 253; Braidotti et al 1994: 126, 131).
This femicidal violence is a direct expression of a large project of structural violence that goes
unchecked in modern politics
Olivera ’06 (Meredes, Journalist for Sage Publications, “Violencia Femicida: Violence against Women and Mexico's Structural
Crisis”, Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 33, No. 2, Accessed via JSTORE, [SG])
Violence against women, an expression of male power, is present in various forms and degrees throughout
their lives. As a naturalized part of the culture, symbols, institutional functioning, and cultural prescriptions, it
shapes identities and internalizes subjectivities. In all societies the cultural models for being a woman assign positions to women that
subordinate them to the personal and institutionalized power of men, creating real and symbolic inequalities. These inequalities are
expressed in direct or hidden messages, discriminatory actions and excluding omissions, lack of resources,
limits on freedom and coercion, objectification, exploitation, self-depreciation, feelings of guilt and shame,
deception, and false justifications. In all these situations violence against women progressively develops from
insinuations, offensive comparisons, harassment, threats, verbal intimidation, abuse, irresponsibility,
betrayals, and abandonment to beatings, forced sex, rape, and persecution. It even appears in other realms such as
counterinsurgency and war. From this perspective, femicide and femicidal violence can be identified as
specific forms of gender violence , which is defined by the United Nations as a mechanism of domination, control, oppression, and
power over women (UN, 1979). Although gender violence does not always result in murder, it does increase the possibility of it. Gender violence is
a constant violation of the human rights of women and girls. Its presence in the home, on the street, in the community, in the
workplace, in government, church, and organizations and within couples allows tension and hatred to build up and reaffirms and reproduces gender
relations of domination/subordination.
In this article, I analyze briefly some of the structural causes of recent
violence against women in Mexico . Taken together, they demonstrate the failure of the neoliberal system to provide either
development or a model of democracy in our country.
Having defined femicide and femicidal violence as a direct
expression of the structural violence of the neoliberal social system, we could pursue its causes in the
political realm or in the ways in which individuals have been divided and battered by the violent dynamics of
social transformation. Putting the neoliberal mandates into practice through institutionalized patriarchal power, Mexico's so-called political
class and its business and financial sectors have undermined and violated both society's and individuals' rights, interests, and needs. In the case of
women, one outcome of the processes on both levels has been murder. At the same time as we consider the increase in violence against women, we must
also take into account the increase of violence within families and personal violence in general. These are the other side of the systemic violence of the
neoliberal social structure, which creates a social ecology in which men are driven to hypermasculinity, exaggerating the violent, authoritarian,
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The counterpart of these attitudes is found in the
subordinate positions of women in relation both to men and to institutionalized masculine power. In the face of
neoliberalism's increasing demands, the dysfunction and obsolescence of these stereotypes is ever more evident. The disturbances they have
always produced in personal relations are inflamed by the current social violence. Conflicts within couples and
families as masculine domination is brought into question and delegitimized steadily increase the levels of
violence and, of course, the risk of murder. These conflicts are multiplied under the pressure produced by unemployment, poverty, social
aggressive aspects of male identity in an attempt to preserve that identity.
polarization, alcoholism, and insecurity, among the many other problems that fill daily life with tension.
Patriarchy causes extinction
Warren & Cady 94 [Professors of Philosophy at Macalester College & Hamline University Karen and Duane, “Hypatia”,
Spring, 1994. Proquest]
The notion of patriarchy as a socially dysfunctional system enables feminist philosophers to show why conceptual connections are so important and how
conceptual connections are linked to the variety of other sorts of woman-nature-peace connections. In addition, the claim that patriarchy is a
dysfunctional social system locates what ecofeminists see as various "dysfunctionalities" of patriarchy-the empirical invisibility of what women do,
sexist-warist-naturist language, violence toward women, other cultures, and nature-in a historical, socioeconomic, cultural, and political context.(10)
To say that patriarchy is a dysfunctional system is to say that the fundamental beliefs, values, attitudes and assumptions
(conceptual framework) of patriarchy give rise to impaired thinking, behaviors, and institutions which are
unhealthy for humans, especially women, and the planet. The following diagram represents the features of patriarchy as a
dysfunctional social system: Patriarchy, as an Up-Down system of power-over relationships of domination of women by men, is
conceptually grounded in a faulty patriarchal belief and value system, (a), according to which (some) men are
rational and women are not rational, or at least not rational in the more highly valued way (some) men are rational; reason and mind are
more important than emotion and body; that humans are justified in using female nature simply to satisfy human
consumptive needs. The discussion above of patriarchal conceptual frameworks describes the characteristics of this faulty belief system.
Patriarchal conceptual frameworks sanction, maintain, and perpetuate impaired thinking, (b): For example, that
men can control women's inner lives, that it is men's role to determine women's choices, that human superiority over nature justifies
human exploitation of nature, that women are closer to nature than men because they are less rational, more emotional, and respond in more
instinctual ways than (dominant) men. The discussions above at (4) and (5), are examples of the linguistic and psychological forms
such impaired thinking can take. Operationalized, the evidence of patriarchy as a dysfunctional system is found in the behaviors to
which it gives rise, (c), and the unmanageability, (d), which results. For example, in the United States, current estimates are that one out of every
three or four women will be raped by someone she knows; globally, rape, sexual harassment, spouse-beating, and sado-masochistic
pornography are examples of behaviors practiced, sanctioned, or tolerated within patriarchy. In the realm of
environmentally destructive behaviors, strip-mining, factory farming, and pollution of the air, water, and soil are instances of
behaviors maintained and sanctioned within patriarchy. They, too, rest on the faulty beliefs that it is okay to "rape the earth,"
that it is "man's God-given right" to have dominion (that is, domination) over the earth, that nature has only instrumental value, that environmental
destruction is the acceptable price we pay for "progress." And the
presumption of warism, that war is a natural, righteous, and ordinary
way to impose dominion on a people or nation, goes hand in hand with patriarchy and leads to dysfunctional behaviors of nations and
ultimately to international unmanageability. Much of the current "unmanageability" of contemporary life in patriarchal societies, (d), is then viewed as a
consequence of a patriarchal preoccupation with activities, events, and experiences that reflect historically male-gender-identified beliefs, values,
attitudes, and assumptions. Included among these real-life consequences
are precisely those concerns with nuclear proliferation,
war, environmental destruction, and violence toward women, which many feminists see as the logical outgrowth of
patriarchal thinking. In fact, it is often only through observing these dysfunctional behaviors--the symptoms of dysfunctionality--that
one can truly see that and how patriarchy serves to maintain and perpetuate them. When patriarchy is understood as a
dysfunctional system, this "unmanageability" can be seen for what it is--as a predictable and thus logical consequence of patriarchy.(11) The theme that
global environmental crises, war, and violence generally are predictable and logical consequences of sexism and
patriarchal culture is pervasive in ecofeminist literature (see Russell 1989, 2). Ecofeminist Charlene Spretnak, for instance, argues that "a militarism and
warfare are continual features of a patriarchal society because they reflect and instill patriarchal values and fulfill needs of such a system.
Acknowledging the context of patriarchal conceptualizations that feed militarism is a first step toward reducing
their impact and preserving life on Earth" (Spretnak 1989, 54). Stated in terms of the foregoing model of patriarchy as a dysfunctional social
system, the claims by Spretnak and other feminists take on a clearer meaning: Patriarchal conceptual frameworks legitimate
impaired thinking (about women, national and regional conflict, the environment) which is manifested in behaviors which,
if continued, will make life on earth difficult, if not impossible. It is a stark message, but it is plausible. Its plausibility lies in
understanding the conceptual roots of various woman-nature-peace connections in regional, national, and global contexts.
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Try or die—all violence, all conflict, and all war is rooted in gendered politics.
Hudson et al. 8 [Valerie M. Hudson, Professor of Political Science at Brigham Young University, Mary Caprioli is Professor of Political
Science at the University of Minnesota–Duluth. Bonnie Ballif-Spanvill is Professor of Psychology and Director of the Womyn’s Research Institute at
Brigham Young University. Rose McDermott is Professor of Political Science at Brown University. Chad F. Emmett is Professor of Geography at Brigham
Young University, “The Heart of the Matter: The Security of Womyn and the Security of States,” International Security Volume 33, Number 3, Winter
2008/08, Muse.]
Theories of political sociology underscore the view of evolutionary theorists that the legacy of violent patriarchy comes to permeate all
levels of social intercourse. The primal character of violent patriarchy ensures that it becomes a template for broad classes of social
behavior—specifically, those that concern social difference.
Because human males, generally speaking, code the primal
difference between male and female as a hierarchy in which the naturally selected goal is control and
domination of the subordinate female, all those coded as “different” will be treated in accordance with
that template of control and domination: out-group males, out-group females, and even in certain
circumstances in-group males. Thus, the ultimate causes posited by evolutionary theory are
supplemented by more proximate causal mechanisms in the diffusion of these
templates of domination and control.¶ Theories of social diffusion are not alien to
security studies. Scholars in the field have investigated the relationship between the spread of new forms of social relations, such as democracy, and resulting
observable differences in state security and behavior.35 Interestingly, several theorists believe that the rise of democracy is rooted in the
amelioration of violent patriarchy. For example, some have posited that the social imposition of monogamy and later marriage for womyn
(leading to a lessening of gender inequality) were necessary, though not sufficient, conditions for the rise of democracy and capitalism in the West.36 Breaking key elements of
male dominance hierarchies—polygamy, [End Page 18] patrilocality, early to mid-teen marriage for females—may have been the first, critical steps to eventually breaking the
political power of such hierarchies. Although in the initial stages the rise of democracy did not facilitate womyn’s political power, without an adjustment in the fundamental
And as norms of
democracy arose, the stage was set for womyn to achieve political power. If these
theorists are correct, then levels of violence against womyn should be more predictive
of state security and peacefulness than levels of procedural democracy. In other words, in
states where democracy arose from within through the amelioration of gender
inequality, we should find greater state security; but where democracy was imposed or
veneered over systems where male-female relations did not undergo fundamental
transformation, we should not find as significant differences in state security and
peacefulness.¶ Just as a proclivity toward international peace in democratic societies is based, in part, “on tolerance and a respect for the rights of opponents,”37
character of male-female relations, these scholars assert that democracy may never have been a historical possibility for humans.
so scholars might also contemplate that norms of gender-based violence have an inflammatory impact on domestic and international behavior. For example, studies have
if domestic violence is normal in family conflict ¶ resolution in a society, then that
society is more likely to rely on violent conflict resolution and to be involved in
militarism and war than are societies with lower levels of family violence.38 A vicious
circle may result, where such state violence may in turn lead to higher levels of gender
violence.39 Indeed, lower [End Page 19] levels of gender inequality hinder the ability of societies to mobilize for aggression through demoralizing womyn.40¶ Johan
shown that
Galtung, a political scientist specializing in political sociology, offers two concepts that help explain how a generalized ideological justification for violence is formed and
diffuses throughout society: structural violence and cultural violence.41 Galtung’s conceptualization of structural violence paints a picture of pervasive and systematic
exploitation that makes open violence in the public sphere unnecessary—“The amateur who wants to dominate uses guns, the professional uses social structure.”42 According
structural violence has at least four manifestations: exploitation based on a
division of labor wherein benefits are asymmetrically distributed; control by the exploiters over the
consciousness of the exploited, resulting in the acquiescence of the oppressed; fragmentation, meaning that the
exploited are separated from each other; and marginalization, with the exploiters as a
privileged class with their own rules and form of interaction.43¶ The concordance between this list and the
means by which gender inequality is typically maintained in human societies is clear. Gender roles lead to highly differential
possibilities for personal security, development, and prosperity, even in today’s world.
An example of this kind of exploitation occurs when womyn “naturally” receive less pay
to Galtung,
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than men for equal work, or when domestic violence is considered “normal.” The second
component, manipulation of consciousness to ensure acquiescence, is maintained through socialization, gender stereotyping, and a constant threat of domestic violence—all of
which insidiously identify womyn as inferior. The perpetrators of female infanticide, for example, are virtually all female. The third component, fragmentation, is easily
effected from womyn’s circumstances of patrilocality and greater family responsibilities (and in some cases, the practice of physical purdah), thus minimizing social access that
, marginalization serves to clearly distinguish men
and womyn, with no doubt as to the relative status of each sex.¶ Galtung posits that structural
violence arises from cultural violence, that is, [End Page 20] the day-to-day use of overt or implicit force to obtain one’s ends in social
relations. Thus, while structural violence may obviate the need for open violence in the public
sphere, it is based on open or implicit violence in the private sphere of the home. Norms of
cultural violence diffuse within religion, ideology, language, and art, among other aspects of culture. “ Cultural violence makes direct and
structural violence look, even feel, right—or at least not wrong,” writes Galtung.44 Violent
patriarchy is the primary basis of cultural violence in human collectives: although womyn have become
could otherwise be used to build networks with other womyn. And finally
active agents with notable success in the struggle for equality in many states, violence remains an enduring component of relations between men and womyn in the private
Gendered hierarchies also help explain the
violence associated with nationalism, for the hierarchized difference between men and
womyn that is at the root of structural inequality and violence diffuses to become an
integral aspect of nationalism. Evolutionary theory tells us that clan or national identity is almost exclusively male-defined, for in the
evolutionary landscape, it was males who defined who was a member of the in-group, and who belonged to out-groups, based on male reproductive concerns. “Gender
relations are a crucial, not peripheral, dimension of the dynamics of group identities
and intergroup conflicts,” writes Spike Peterson,46 thus helping to explain the inherent
nationalist antipathy toward feminist goals. Given this linkage between violent patriarchy and nationalism, any reforms of the
sphere the world over, providing a natural wellspring for social diffusion.45¶
cultural distribution of power between men and womyn will be viewed as a threat to nationalist efforts to protect or unify the community.47 Legitimized by gendered
structural and cultural violence, patriarchal nationalism provides justification for advancing state interests through the use of force. In that light, we would expect that
neither [End Page 21] a meaningful decrease in societal violence nor a sustainable peace
among nations is possible in human society without a decrease in gender inequality.48 But
is that possible?
Patriarchy has infiltrated modern politics- only a rejection of patriarchy can open up space
beyond hegemonic masculinity
Tickner ’92 (J. Ann, Professor of International Studies at American University, “Gender in International Relations: Feminist
Perspectives on Achieving Global Security, Engendered Insecurities”, Columbia University Press 1992,
http://www.ciaonet.org/book/tickner/tickner12.html [SG])
the marginalization
of women in the arena of foreign policy-making through the kind of gender stereotyping that I have described
suggests that international politics has always been a gendered activity in the modern state system. Since foreign
While the purpose of this book is to introduce gender as a category of analysis into the discipline of international relations,
and military policy-making has been largely conducted by men, the discipline that analyzes these activities is bound to be primarily about men and
masculinity. We seldom realize we think in these terms, however; in most fields of knowledge we have become
accustomed to equating what is human with what is masculine. Nowhere is this more true than in international relations, a
discipline that, while it has for the most part resisted the introduction of gender into its discourse, bases its assumptions and explanations almost
entirely on the activities and experiences of men. Any attempt to introduce a more explicitly gendered analysis into the field
must therefore begin with a discussion of masculinity. Masculinity and politics have a long and close
association . Characteristics associated with "manliness," such as toughness, courage, power, independence, and even physical strength, have,
throughout history, been those most valued in the conduct of politics, particularly international politics. Frequently, manliness has also been associated
with violence and the use of force, a type of behavior that, when conducted in the international arena, has been valorized and applauded in the name of
defending one's country. This celebration of male power, particularly the glorification of the male warrior, produces
more of a gender dichotomy than exists in reality for, as R. W. Connell points out, this stereotypical image of
masculinity does not fit most men. Connell suggests that what he calls "hegemonic masculinity," a type of culturally dominant masculinity
that he distinguishes from other subordinated masculinities, is a socially constructed cultural ideal that, while it does not correspond to the actual
personality of the majority of men, sustains patriarchal authority and legitimizes a patriarchal political and social order.
Hegemonic
masculinity is sustained through its opposition to various subordinated and devalued
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masculinities , such as homosexuality, and, more important, through its relation to various devalued
femininities. Socially constructed gender differences are based on socially sanctioned, unequal relationships
between men and women that reinforce compliance with men's stated superiority. Nowhere in the public realm are these
stereotypical gender images more apparent than in the realm of international politics, where the characteristics associated with hegemonic masculinity
are projected onto the behavior of states whose success as international actors is measured in terms of their power capabilities and capacity for self-help
and autonomy.
Reality is socially constructed, voting affirmative through a lens of critical constructivism is
necessary to disrupt the cultural norms that perpetuate violent gender relations
Lobasz ’12 (Jennifer, Professor of International Relations at the University of Minnesota, “Victims, Villains, and the Virtuous
Constructing the Problems of ‘Human Trafficking’”, June 2012,
http://conservancy.umn.edu/bitstream/131822/1/Lobasz_umn_0130E_12756.pdf, pgs. 76-80, [SG])
Contrary to Kyle and Koslowski’s finding that “both governments and activists socially construct ‘the problem’
in different ways depending on what or for whom they are advocating action,” the aforementioned
scholars have largely failed to appreciate the significance of the social construction of human
trafficking . Within the discipline of international relations, norms- and network-based analyses of human
trafficking make the same error despite being situated within the constructivist tradition. In this section I lay out the
details of my proposed remedy: a critical constructivist perspective. I present the methodology and research design for this dissertation, and show how
genealogical methods such as discourse analysis reveal the productive power inextricably
woven into the very fabric of anti-trafficking and the conceptual indeterminacy of “human
trafficking” as an object of knowledge and governance. As an approach to world politics, Ann Towns
describes critical constructivism as consisting of “post-structuralisms.” Jutta Weldes identifies three analytical commitments
that undergird this perspective: (1) What we understand as “reality” is socially constructed and hence
contestable, (2) constructions of reality both enact and reify relations of power, and (3) an expressly critical
constructivism requires that dominant constructions be denaturalized. As one might expect, the position that reality is socially
constructed is shared by constructivists of all stripes. At the same time, although liberal constructivist trafficking scholars do
refer to human trafficking as socially constructed, their analyses frequently neglect to address the multiple
ways in which power operates in and through the production of sociopolitical “problems.” Power, rather than
resting in one particular location or acting as a tangible good that one can possess, inheres in all social
relations. Analyses of productive power— “the constitution of all social subjects with various social powers through systems of knowledge and
discursive practices of broad and general social scope” —depart from traditional conceptualizations of power in political science and international
relations. While productive power is typically contrasted to compulsory power (e.g. “power over”) or to material power (e.g., military and economic
strength), one can also distinguish between analyses of transnational advocacy networks and social movements as enmeshed within relations of power
and those that represent such movements as separable from power, or “speaking to truth to power.” Liberal constructivists, for example,
too often portray the state as the sphere of power and transnational civil society as the sphere of values,
presenting, as Michel Foucault put it, “opposition between a power-wielding state that exercises its supremacy
over a civil society deprived of such processes of power.” Critical constructivists and others working in a
Foucauldian vein suggest an alternative way to understand how power functions in these circumstances. A
critical constructivist approach conceives of power as much more pervasive. Specifically, it highlights the fact that
policymaking is already imbued with power relations long before agendas are set or overt conflicts of interest erupt because all representational practices
Discourses bring with them the power to constitute worlds.
In analyzing the constitution of worlds, this approach treats neither the state, nor transnational civil society,
nor human trafficking as pre-given, natural or extrapolitical kinds, but focuses instead on how each is produced
through discursive practices. Political problems, if they are seen as objective and measurable, can be managed through bureaucratic expertise
already entail—that is, enact and reify—power relations.
without being mediated by politics—this is the “instrumental rationality” of Weber, the “technical reason” of Marcuse, and the “means-end rationality” of
Habermas. Yet as Joel Quirk puts it, “human trafficking is not so much a singular issue, as a powerful lodestone for a
wide range of interests, orientations, and agendas.” This is not a criticism of antitrafficking efforts—
from a critical constructivist perspective, the situation could hardly be otherwise . Indeed, one could
hardly dismiss the potential strategic benefits of claiming the “moral high ground,” representing the anti-trafficking cause as a universal concern, and
pursuing solutions in the technocratic realms of governmental bureaucracies and international law. To accept the utility of such strategies,
however, is not to say they must be taken at face value. When self-described principled or moral actors depict themselves as beyond
or untainted by power, they effectively place themselves beyond critique and contestation, i.e. beyond politics
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.
Interrogating the gendered assumptions surrounding current policy making exposes
androcentric assumption that allow formulation of better actions
Peterson and Runyan ‘99 (V. Spike and Anne professor of political science at the University of Arizona and professor of
women’s studies at Wright State University, “Global Gender Issues”, 2nd edition, p. 14-15, accessed via JSTORE, [SG])
Gender issues surface now because new questions have been raised that cannot be addressed within traditional
frameworks. The amassing of global data reveals the extent and pattern of gender inequality: Women everywhere have less access to political power
and economic resources and less control over processes that reproduce this systemic inequality. Moreover, our knowledge of the world of men and the
politics they create is biased and incomplete in the absence of knowledge about how men's activities, including their politics, are related to, even
dependent upon, what women are doing--and why. Additionally,
recognizing the power of gender as a lens forces us to
reevaluate traditional explanations, to ask how they are biased and hence render inadequate accounts. As
in other disciplines, the study of world politics is enriched by acknowledging and systematically examining how
gender shapes categories and frameworks that we take for granted. This is necessary for answering the new questions raised and
for generating fresh insights--about the world as we currently "know" it and how it might be otherwise. Finally, gender-sensitive studies
improve our understanding of global crises, their interactions, and the possibilities of moving beyond
them. These include crises of political legitimacy and security as states are increasingly unable to protect
their citizens against economic, epidemic, nuclear, or ecological threats;
crises of maldevelopment as the
dynamics of our global economic system enrich a few and impoverish most; and crises of environmental degradation as the exploitation of natural
resources continues in unsustainable fashion. These global crises cannot be understood or addressed without
acknowledging the structural inequalities of the current world system, inequalities that extend well beyond gender issues: They
are embodied in interacting hierarchies of race, class, ethnicity, nationality, sexual orientation, physical ability, age, and religious identification. In this
text, we focus on how the structural inequalities of gender work in the world: how the hierarchical dichotomy of masculinity-femininity is
institutionalized, legitimated, and re- produced, and how these processes differentially affect men's and women's lives. We also begin to see how gender
hierarchy interacts with other structural inequalities. The dichotomy of masculinity and femininity is not separate from racism, classism, ageism,
nationalism, and so on. Rather, gender both structures and is structured by these hierarchies to render complex social identities, locations,
responsibilities, and social practices. Gender shapes, and is shaped by, all of us. We daily reproduce its dynamics--and suffer its costs--in multiple ways.
By learning how gender works, we learn a great deal about intersecting structures of inequality and how they
are intentionally and unintentionally reproduced. We can then use this knowledge in our struggles to transform
global gender inequality by also transforming other oppressive hierarchies at work in the world .
Vote affirmative to endorse a feminist standpoint epistemology
Pandey 6 (Anupam, thesis submitted to faculty of graduate studies and research in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the
degree of doctorate of philosophy department of political science Carleton university, forgin bonds with womyn, nature and the third
world: an ecofeminist critique of international relations, proquest] <140-143>)
The most significant contribution of ecofeminism lies in its ability to plumb to the very depths the
entire process of ‘othering’ and explore the reasons for its very origins. Secondly, it shows the interconnections
between all kinds of oppressions. Ecofeminism focuses on the links and patterns among the treatment
of oppressed, exploited, or undervalued beings and entities (Cuomo, 1998: 7). It clarifies exactly who is “othered” by the multiple
exclusions of reason; this would include not just nature but all races, colonies and women who have been reduced to
mere background in the selthood of the elite white male. Thus, the point being made is that instrumentalization is not just subject to nature but to all subordinated groups that
As opposed to a universalistic, abstract and
deontological ethics, that is characteristic of IR, ecofeminism proposes an ethics that is contextual and
relational. A fundamental argument that I have sought to make through this research (as shall be borne out through the case-study) is that it is highly
unrealistic to have universalistic codes of ethics that are not quite determined by those who are
supposed to be the ethical agents! actors. For the ‘universal’ to be feasible and realizable, it has to be constituted
by, and derived from the ‘particular’. In continuation with the feminist ethics of care perspective, ecofeminism
also suggests the need to derive ethics from ties, bonds, attachments and relationships that grow out of the moral agent’s
relationships to others around herself; it is an ethic born out of deep moral attachments, connections and commitments to human and nonhuman others. An ecofeminist ethics bases itself in the recognition of the fact that human beings are both social
and natural beings and therefore, situates human beings within a specific context of relationships within society and nature.
are regarded as nature (Mellor; Plumwood 1993; Shiva 1989, 1993; Warren 1990, 1993; Cuomo 1998).
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, our dependencies on, and relationships with nature, and our physical needs and predispositions, shape and
what ethics can be, or what ethics can mean, in any given context (Cuomo, 1995: 46). A critique of the masculine
notion of an atomistic, liberal, egoistic, autonomous individual who denies dependency and relationships is
abundant in feminist, ecofeminist and ecological accounts (Robinson 1999, Gilligan 1982; Chodorow 1985; Nancy Hartsock 1985; Plumwood
While they do not determine our ethics
limit
1980, 1993; Warren 1990). Ecofeminist ethics are based on practices, real lives, mores of people and not abstract principles. The principles themselves are derived from the
specific contexts and needs of the people. Cuomo suggests the need to develop a dialogue between theory and practice as evidenced in the work of Dewey’s Quest for Certainty
(1929). She quotes Dewey to say that “theory separated from concrete doing and making is empty and futile” (Cuomo, 1998: 145). Ethical theory enables us to live better lives
only when it informs and is informed by the decisions real people make in their lives. Ecofeminist ethics is born out of the difficulty of solving real, complex, ethical problems,
as well as the frustration with the inadequacies of traditional ethical theories... (Cuomo, 1998: 146). Ecofeminism is characterized by an ethics of diversity as evidenced in the
work of Shiva who argues for the preservation of a diversity of livelihoods, social roles and species and equality in diversity (1989, 1993). The origins of the need to preserve
diversity can be seen clearly in the clear recognition of the interconnections of the complex biotic web and interdependencies amongst all species. Ecofeminism is based on an
analysis of how nature is systematically backgrounded and reduced to an instrument in the liberal discourse especially with respect to the market economy where it is taken for
granted backdrop to market activities, as absorber of wastes and provider of limitless resources, noticed only when it threatens to fail to perform as required (Plumwood, 1993:
Ecofeminist ethics condemns such an instrumental attitude towards nature and all that qualifies as
nature. What is visible is a Kantian principle at work here which involves valuing beings for their intrinsic worth but a closer examination reveals that an
ecofeminist ethics eschews the hyper separated rationality or motivation of obligation that propels
the agent to do his ‘duty’ and in that process distance himself from the ‘object’ of our attention;
instead this is a recognition of common interests and bonds that are already in place - they only need
to be given due cognizance. The distanciation between the subject and the ‘object’ of care is an artificial
153).
divide based on a negation of bonds of emotional and physical dependence that are very real. In fulfilling our moral responsibility towards the caree, we are only recognizing
all that makes us human i.e. our relationships with others within a complex web of society and ecology, that make us what we are. It is through these bonds that we formulate
principles of ethics in the first place. In realizing our ethical responsibilities towards the interests of human and ‘non-human’ others, we are securing our own material and
emotional needs. Once again, it needs to be stressed that this coincidence of interests does not spell an instrumental attitude but takes the caree as an agent in its own right
who is entirely deserving of care but at the same time, involves a recognition of the bonds between the carer and the caree. Ecofeminist ethics are regarded as situated at the
crossroads of communitarianism, ecologism and feminism (Cuomo, 1998: 98). Yet, there is a need to avoid the pitfalls associated with any of these approaches. Thus,
ecofeminism highlights the need to take on a critical perspective towards oppressive practices and
structures within communities that cause harm to the moral agent by denying her agency and reduce her caring role to subservience and servility (Friedman 1993, Cuomo
Ecofeminist ethics, in this regard, is a critical and radical ethics that questions all structures of
exploitation and oppression. Simultaneously, it shows the error in Green critiques of the exploitation of nature, by stressing
1998, Robinson 1999).
that it is not anthropocentric practices but practices stemming from certain humans that are the cause of environmental degradation.
Chris Cuomo names corporate greed, militarism, nationalism, ethnocentrism to be some such questionable practices. Issues of social
justice cannot be separated from ecological issues. The question is to identify who are these humans who have the power and motive to
cause large-scale environmental degradation and force others to such grinding poverty that may be compelled to become unwilling and
unwitting partners in crime, eroding the very basis of their own survival.
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1ac solvency
As debaters, we have an obligation to place trafficking at the center of our discussions. This is
key to understanding the development of policy necessary to solve
Dragiewicz ’08 (Molly, Professor of Feminist Studies at the University of Illinois, “Teaching about Trafficking: Opportunities
and Challenges for Critical Engagement”, University of Illinois Press, Feminist Teach vol. 18 no. 3, pgs. 2-3, accessed via JSTORE, [SG])
Teachers and students must consider the complicated and interrelated factors that contribute to the problem in
order to understand it. Trafficking makes visible the intersectional nature of structural and
ideological contributions to exploitation, oppression, and violence . It also confounds traditional
liberal/conservative political divisions. Feminist scholars have a responsibility to teach about this issue because
of what we can contribute to understanding the phenomenon of trafficking, the nature of interest in the
problem, and the implications of policy development for women. In short, feminism's analyses of power in
general and the social construction of sexuality, sex, and gender in particular have something special and
essential to contribute to the conversation. Like any other social issue, the research and writing on trafficking
originates from implicit or explicit theories about the nature, causes, and implications of the problem.
Naturally these lead to different ideas about the best way to address it. Since trafficking touches on so many
symbolically loaded issues, it is not surprising that these debates are especially contentious. Trafficking
includes many forms of work such as farm work, construction, cleaning, and apparel production in addition to
sex work. However, debates about what it means to sell sexualized services for money are central
to the history of pol- icy development around trafficking. Without going into explicit detail about the
long history of internecine feminist and anti- feminist debates about what is variously termed sex work,
prostitution, or commercial sexual exploitation, recognition and understanding of this debate are essential to
decoding the literature on trafficking. For those who are new to this area of inquiry, I will provide a very
simplified overview of the major divides as I see them.
Only engaging trafficking through a discursive lens can effectively transform the social
conditions that create the possibility for violence
Lobasz ’12 (Jennifer, Professor of International Relations at the University of Minnesota, “Victims, Villains, and the Virtuous
Constructing the Problems of ‘Human Trafficking’”, June 2012,
http://conservancy.umn.edu/bitstream/131822/1/Lobasz_umn_0130E_12756.pdf, pgs. 80-82, [SG])
In this dissertation, I carry out a genealogical discourse analysis. Genealogy in the tradition of Michel Foucault and Friedrich
Nietzsche calls into question “ready-made syntheses” of the supposedly real, concrete, or self-evident, revealing that which is taken as to be contingent
and contentious. In short, genealogy “seeks to defamiliarize—to literally make strange—commonsense
understandings and so to make their constructedness apparent.” A genealogical approach transforms
how social scientific questions are asked. In contrast to scholars who start from the assumption that
human trafficking is a rapidly growing problem, for example, I ask how anti-trafficking discourses in the
United States “set the term s of intelligibility of thought, speech, and action,” establishing the conditions of
possibility for what can be meaningfully said or done in any given set of circumstances. Genealogy lies in contrast to
positivist approaches to policy analysis that, according to Dvora Yanow, share the presumption that the nature of the problem is real and concrete: that
problems exist in the world as unambiguous facts, and that the purpose of policy and implementation analysis is to mirror that reality as closely as
possible. In this view, we can take action to correct the problem when we are able to capture its definition
appropriately and correctly…If we cannot narrow the ‘gap’ between policy intentions and outcomes, we simply
have not grasped ‘the nature’ of the problem, seen it in the right light, or hit on the correct solution to it. A
genealogical approach to trafficking, for example, moves beyond critiques of policy
implementation and rejects the position that a “trafficking victim” is a natural kind that investigators must
simply “look harder” to find, or “do more” to help. Instead, a “trafficking victim” is seen as a person who occupies a particular subject
position in domestic and international moral and political orders, and in trafficking discourses is distinguished from prostitutes and undocumented
migrants among others. Along these lines, I hold that the challenges associated with establishing definitional parameters for “victims of trafficking” are
interesting not because there should be greater precision and consistency, or because this is possible, but because actors’ difficulties in doing so provides
a clearer glimpse into the discursive work and particular constellations of power necessary to produce the category in the first place. I use discourse
analysis as a tool of genealogical investigation that works to highlight the productive power of anti-trafficking
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discourses. Discourse refers to far more than simply what is said or written. In Laura Shepherd’s words, discourses are “systems of
meaning-production rather than simply statements or language, systems that ‘fix’ meaning, however
temporarily, and enable us to make sense of the world.” Social construction is a discursive process
through which power relations are produced, reproduced, and contested . In short, “discourses are
productive. They produce subjects, objects, and the relations among them.” An effective genealogy requires
thorough empirical investigation as much, if not more so, as it requires theoretical probing. Analysis of a
discursive field is necessarily analysis of discourse in action, tracing its deployment by and production of
specific actors in specific contexts. For Foucault: Discourse must not be referred to the distant presence of the
origin, but treated as and when it occurs… we must grasp the statement in the exact specificity of its
occurrence; determine its conditions of existence, fix at least its limits, establish its correlations with other
statements that may be connected with it, and show what other forms of statements it excludes. My primary concern
in choosing texts was to ensure coverage of dominant discourses—in this case, those associated with feminist and religious abolitionism. Immersion in
abolitionist literature, news media reports, speeches, congressional hearings, and web sites allowed me to identify key texts—those frequently crossreferenced or cited, or given particular emphasis by the actors themselves—that serve as the backbones of the following three chapters. Multiple readings
of these texts, seen in concert with one another, are required to account for the principle of intertextuality, or the notion that statements and actions are
always within a broader text that give them intersubjective meaning, and this single text itself is in meaning-giving and meaning-taking relationships
with other texts. Determination of texts as key is an inductive, recursive, and reflexive process; key texts were not
chosen before the study but discovered as part of it through a process of reading that is ongoing, repeated, and
subject to feedback and revision. I judged coverage to have been reached once key texts and basic discourses
began to reappear without major changes or additions.
We ought to use the debate space as a site to formulate counter-hegemonic strategies of
knowledge production- violence has manifested itself in scholarship, and combatting that is a
necessary precondition to breaking it down in reality
Jones ’99 (Richard, Professor International Politics @ Aberystwyth University, “Security, Strategy, and Critical Theory, p. 155-162,
[SG])
The central political task of the intellectuals is to aid in the construction of a counterhegemony and thus
undermine the prevailing patterns of discourse and interaction that make up the currently dominant
hegemony This task is accomplished through educational activity because,
every relationship of
‘hegemony’ is necessarily a pedagogic relationship” (Gramsci 1971: 350). Discussing the relationship of the “philosophy of praxis” to
.
,
as Gramsci argues, “
political practice, Gramsci claims: It [the theory] does not tend to leave the “simple” in their primitive philosophy of common sense, but rather to lead
them to a higher conception of life. If it affirms the need for contact between intellectuals and “simple” it is not in order to restrict scientific activity and
preserve unity at the low level of the masses, but precisely in order to construct an intellectual-moral bloc which can make politically possible the
intellectual progress of the mass and not only of small intellectual groups. (Gramsci 1971: 332-333). According to Gramsci, this attempt to construct an
alternative “intellectual-moral bloc” should take place under the auspices of the Communist Party – a body he described as the “modern prince.” Just as
Niccolo Machiavelli hoped to see a prince unite Italy, rid the country of foreign barbarians, and create a virtu-ous state, Gramsci believed that the
modern price could lead the working class on its journey toward its revolutionary destiny of an emancipated society (Gramsci 1971: 125-205). Gramsci’s
relative optimism about the possibility of progressive theorists playing a constructive role in emancipatory political practice was predicated on his belief
in the existence of a universal class (a class whose emancipation would inevitably presage the emancipation of humanity itself) with revolutionary
potential. It was a gradual loss of faith in this axiom that led Horkheimer and Adorno to their extremely pessimistic prognosis about the possibilities of
progressive social change. But does a loss of faith in the revolutionary vocation of the proletariat necessarily lead to the kind of quietism ultimately
embraced by the first generation of the Frankfurt School? The conflict that erupted in the 1960s between them and their more radical students suggests
not. Indeed, contemporary critical theorists claim that the deprivileging of the role of the proletariat in the struggle for emancipation is actually a positive
move. Class remains a very important axis of domination in society, but it is not the only such axis (Fraser 1995). Nor is it valid to reduce all other forms
of domination – for example, in the case of gender – to class relations, as orthodox Marxists tend to do. To recognize these points is not only a first step
toward the development of an analysis of forms of exploitation and exclusion within society that is more attuned to social reality; it is also a realization
that there are other forms of emancipatory politics than those associated with class conflict.1 This in turn suggests new possibilities and problems for
emancipatory theory. Furthermore, the abandonment of faith in revolutionary parties is also a positive development. The history of the European left
during the twentieth century provides myriad examples of the ways in which the fetishization of party organizations has led to bureaucratic immobility
and the confusion of means with ends (see, for example, Salvadori 1990). The failure of the Bolshevik experiment illustrates how disciplined, vanguard
parties are an ideal vehicle for totalitarian domination (Serge 1984). Faith in the “infallible party” has obviously been the source of strength and comfort
to many in this period and, as the experience of the southern Wales coalfield demonstrates, has inspired brave and progressive behavior (see, for
example, the account of support for the Spanish Republic in Francis 1984). But such parties have so often been the enemies of emancipation that they
should be treated with the utmost caution. Parties are necessary, but their fetishization is potentially disastrous. History furnishes examples of
progressive developments that have been positively influenced by organic intellectuals operating outside the
bounds of a particular party structure (G. Williams 1984) Some of these developments have occurred in the
particularly intractable realm of security These examples may be considered as “resources of hope” for critical
security studies (R. Williams 1989). They illustrate ideas are important or, more correctly, that change is the product of the
dialectical interaction of ideas and material reality One clear security-related example of the role of critical thinking and critical
thinkers in aiding and abetting progressive social change is the experience of the peace movement of the 1980s At that time the ideas of
.
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that
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dissident defense intellectuals the “alternative defense” school) encouraged and drew strength from peace activism
Together they had an effect not only on short-term policy but on the dominant discourses of strategy and
security, a far more important result in the long run. The synergy between critical security intellectuals and critical social
movements and the potential influence of both working in tandem can be witnessed particularly clearly in the fate of common
security As Thomas Risse-Kappen points out, the term “common security” originated in the contribution of peace researchers to the German security
(
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.
debate of the 1970s (Risse-Kappen 1994: 186ff.); it was subsequently popularized by the Palme Commission report (Independent Commission on
Disarmament and Security Issues 1982). Initially, mainstream defense intellectuals dismissed the concept as hopelessly
idealistic; it certainly had no place in their allegedly hardheaded and realist view of the world However, notions of common security were
taken up by a number of different intellectuals communities including the liberal arms control community in the United States,
.
,
Western European peace researchers, security specialists in the center-left political parties of Western Europe, and Soviet “institutchiks” – members of
the influential policy institutes in the Soviet Union such as the United States of America and Canada Institute (Landau 1996: 52-54; Risse-Kappen 1994:
196-200; Kaldor 1995; Spencer 1995). These communities were subsequently able to take advantage of public pressure exerted
through social movements in order to gain broader acceptance for common security. In Germany, for example, “in
response to social movement pressure, German social organizations such as churches and trade unions quickly supported the ideas promoted by peace
researchers and the SPD” (Risse-Kappen 1994: 207). Similar pressures even had an effect on the Reagan administration. As
Risse-Kappen notes: When the Reagan administration brought hard-liners into power, the US arms control community was removed from policy
influence. It was the American peace movement and what became known as the “freeze campaign” that revived the
arms control process together with pressure from the European allies. (Risse-Kappen 1994: 205; also Cortright 1993: 90-110). Although it would
be difficult to sustain a claim that the combination of critical movements and intellectuals persuaded the Reagan government to adopt the rhetoric and
substance of common security in its entirety, it is clear that it did at least have a substantial impact on ameliorating U.S. behavior.
The most dramatic and certainly the most unexpected impact of alternative defense ideas was felt in the Soviet Union Through
various East-West links, which included arms control institutions, Pugwash conferences, interparty contacts, and even direct personal links, a coterie
of Soviet policy analysts and advisers were drawn toward common security and such attendant notions as “nonoffensive
.
defense” (these links are detailed in Evangelista 1995; Kaldor 1995; Checkel 1993; Risse-Kappen 1994; Landau 1996 and Spencer 1995 concentrate on the
role of the Pugwash conferences). This group, including Palme Commission member Georgii Arbatov, Pugwash attendee Andrei Kokoshin , and
Sergei Karaganov, a senior adviser who was in regular contact with the Western peace researchers Anders Boserup and Lutz Unterseher (Risse-Kappen
1994: 203), then influenced Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev. Gorbachev’s subsequent championing of common security may be attributed to
several factors. It is clear, for example, that new
Soviet leadership had a strong interest in alleviating tensions in East-West
relations in order to facilitate much-needed domestic reforms (“the interaction of ideas and material reality”). But what is
significant is that the Soviets’ commitment to common security led to significant changes in force sizes and
postures. These in turn aided in the winding down of the Cold War, the end of Soviet domination over Eastern
Europe, and even the collapse of Russian control over much of the territory of the former Soviet Union . At the
present time, in marked contrast to the situation in the early 1980s, common security is part of the common sense of security discourse. As MccGwire
points out, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) (a common defense pact) is using the rhetoric of common security in order to justify its
expansion into Eastern Europe (MccGwire 1997). This points to an interesting and potentially important aspect of the impact
of ideas on politics. As concepts such as common security, and collective security before it (Claude 1984: 223-260), are adopted by
governments and military services, they inevitably become somewhat debased. The hope is that enough of the
residual meaning can survive to shift the parameters of the debate in a potentially progressive direction .
Moreover, the adoption of the concept of common security by official circles provides critics with a useful tool for (immanently) critiquing aspects of
security policy (as MccGwire 1997 demonsrates in relation to NATO expansion). The example of common security is highly instructive. First, it indicates
that critical intellectuals can be politically engaged and play a role – a significant one at that – in making the world a
better and safer place
it points to potential future addressees for critical international theory in general, and
critical security studies in particular it also underlines the role of ideas in the evolution in society CRITICAL
. Second,
. Third,
.
SECURITY STUDIES AND THE THEORY-PRACTICE NEXUS Although most proponents of critical security studies reject aspects of Gramsci’s theory of
organic intellectuals, in particular his exclusive concentration on class and his emphasis on the guiding role of the party, the desire for engagement and
relevance must remain at the heart of their project. The example of the peace movement suggests that critical theorists can still play the role of organic
intellectuals and that this organic relationship need not confine itself to a single class; it can involve alignment with different coalitions of social
movements that campaign on an issue or a series of issues pertinent to the struggle for emancipation (Shaw 1994b; R. Walker 1994). Edward Said
captures this broader orientation when he suggests that critical intellectuals “are always tied to and ought to
remain an organic part of an ongoing experience in society: the poor, the disadvantaged, the voiceless, the unrepresented, the
powerless” (Said 1994: 84). In the specific case of critical security studies, this means placing the experience of those men and
women and communities for whom the present world order is a cause of insecurity rather than security at the
center of the agenda and making suffering humanity rather than raison d’etat the prism through which
problems are viewed. Here the project stands full-square within the critical theory tradition. If “all theory is for someone and for
some purpose,” then critical security studies is for “the voiceless, the unrepresented, the powerless,” and its
purpose is their emancipation theoretical implications of this orientation have already been discussed in the previous chapters.
They involve a fundamental reconceptualization of security with a shift in referent object and a broadening of the
range of issues considered as a legitimate part of the discourse. They also involve a reconceptualization of strategy within this expanded notion
of
. The
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of security. But the question remains at the conceptual level of how these alternative types of theorizing – even if they are
self-consciously aligned to the practices of critical or new social movements, such as peace activism, the struggle for human rights, and the survival of
minority cultures – can become “a force for the direction of action.” Again, Gramsci’s work is insightful. In the Prison Notebooks,
Gramsci advances a sophisticated analysis of how dominant discourses play a vital role in upholding particular political and economic orders, or, in
Gramsci’s terminology, “historic blocs” (Gramsci 1971: 323-377). Gramsci adopted Machiavelli’s view of power as a centaur, ahlf man, half beast: a
mixture of consent and coercion. Consent is produced and reproduced by a ruling hegemony that holds sway through civil society and takes on the status
of common sense; it becomes subconsciously accepted and even regarded as beyond question. Obviously, for Gramsci, there is nothing immutable about
the values that permeate society; they can and do change. In the social realm, ideas and institutions that were once seen as natural and beyond question
(i.e., commonsensical) in the West, such as feudalism and slavery, are now seen as anachronistic, unjust, and unacceptable. In Marx’s well-worn phrase,
“All that is solid melts into the air.” Gramsci’s intention is to harness this potential for change and ensure that it moves in the direction of emancipation.
To do this he suggests a strategy of a “war of position” (Gramsci 1971: 229-239). Gramsci argues that in states with developed civil societies, such as those
in Western liberal democracies, any successful attempt at progressive social change requires a slow, incremental, even molecular,
struggle to break down the prevailing hegemony and construct an alternative counterhegemony to take its place.
Organic intellectuals have a crucial role to play in this process by helping to undermine the “natural,” “commonsense,” internalized nature of the status
quo. This in turn helps create political space within which alternative conceptions of politics can be developed and new historic blocs created. I contend
that Gramsci’s strategy of a war of position suggests an appropriate model for proponents of critical security studies to adopt in relating their theorizing
to political practice. THE TASKS OF CRITICAL SECURITY STUDIES If the project of critical security studies is conceived in terms
of war of position, then the main task of those intellectuals who align themselves with the enterprise is to
attempt to undermine the prevailing hegemonic security discourse. This may be accomplished by utilizing
specialist information and expertise to engage in an immanent critique of the prevailing security regimes,
comparing the justifications of those regimes with actual outcomes. When this is attempted in the security
field, the prevailing structures and regimes are found to fail grievously on their own terms. Such an approach
also involves challenging the pronouncements of those intellectuals, traditional or organic, whose views serve to
legitimate, and hence reproduce, the prevailing world order This challenge entails teasing out the often
subconscious and certainly unexamined assumptions that underlie their arguments while drawing attention to
the normative viewpoints that are smuggled into mainstream thinking about security behind its positivist
façade.
proponents of critical security studies approximate to Foucault’s notion of “specific intellectuals”
who use their expert knowledge to challenge the prevailing “regime of truth” (Foucault 1980: 132). However, critical
that is,
.
In this sense,
theorists might wish to reformulate this sentiment along more familiar Quaker lines of “speaking truth to power” (this sentiment is also central to Said
1994) or even along the eisteddfod lines of speaking “truth against the world.” Of course, traditional strategists can, and indeed do, sometimes claim a
similar role. Colin S. Gray, for example, states that “strategists must be prepared to ‘speak truth to power’” (Gray 1982a: 193). But the difference between
Gray and proponents of critical security studies is that, whereas the former seeks to influence policymakers in particular directions without questioning
the basis of their power, the latter aim at a thoroughgoing critique of all that traditional security studies has taken for granted. Furthermore, critical
theorists base their critique on the presupposition, elegantly stated by Adorno, that “the need to lend suffering
a voice is the precondition of all truth” cited in Jameson 1990: 66). The aim of critical security studies in attempting to undermine the
(
prevailing orthodoxy is ultimately educational. As Gramsci notes, “every relationship of ‘hegemony’ is necessarily a pedagogic relationship” (Gramsci
1971: 350; see also the discussion of critical pedagogy in Neufeld 1995: 116-121). Thus, by criticizing the hegemonic discourse and
advancing alternative conceptions of security based on different understandings of human potentialities, the approach is
simultaneously playing apart in eroding the legitimacy of the ruling historic bloc and contributing to the
development of a counterhegemonic position There are a number of avenues of avenues open to critical security specialists in pursuing
this educational strategy. As teachers, they can try to foster and encourage skepticism toward accepted wisdom and
open minds to other possibilities. They can also take advantage of the seemingly unquenchable thirst of the
media for instant pundistry to forward alternative views onto a broader stage. Nancy Fraser argues: “As teachers,
we try to foster an emergent pedagogical counterculture As critical public intellectuals we try to inject our
perspectives into whatever cultural or political public spheres we have access to” (Fraser 1989: 11). Perhaps significantly,
support for this type of emancipatory strategy can even be found in the work of the ultrapessimistic Adorno who argues: In the history of
civilization there have been not a few instances when delusions were healed not by focused propaganda, but , in
the final analysis, because scholars, with their unobtrusive yet insistent work habits, studied what lay at the root of
the delusion. (cited in Kellner 1992: vii) Such “unobtrusive yet insistent work” does not in itself create the social change to which Adorno alludes
The conceptual and the practical dangers of collapsing practice into theory must be guarded against Rather,
through their educational activities, proponent of critical security studies should aim to provide support for
those social movements that promote emancipatory social change By providing a critique of the prevailing
order and legitimating alternative views, critical theorists can perform a valuable role in supporting the
struggles of social movements. That said, the role of theorists is not to direct and instruct those movements with which they are aligned;
.
….
,
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instead, the relationship is reciprocal. The experience of the European, North American, and Antipodean peace movements of the 1980s shows how
influential social movements can become when their efforts are harnessed to the intellectual and educational activity of critical thinkers. For example, in
his account of New Zealand’s antinuclear stance in the 1980s, Michael C. Pugh cites the importance of the visits of critical
intellectuals such as Caldicott and Richard Falk in changing the country’s political climate and encouraging the
growth of the antinuclear movement Pugh 1989: 108; see also Cortright 1993: 5-13). In the 1980s peace movements and critical
Helen
(
intellectuals interested in issues of security and strategy drew strength and succor from each other’s efforts. If such critical social movements do not
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exist, then this creates obvious difficulties for the critical theorist. But even under these circumstances, the theorist need not abandon all hope of an
eventual orientation toward practice. Once again, the peace movement of the 1980s provides evidence of the possibilities. At that time, the movement
benefited from the intellectual work undertaken in the lean years of the peace movement in the late 1970s. Some of the theories and concepts developed
then, such as common security and nonoffensive defense, were eventually taken up even in the Kremlin and played a significant role in defusing the
second Cold War. Those ideas developed in the 1970s can be seen in Adornian terms of the a “message in a bottle,” but in this case, contra Adorno’s
expectations, they were picked up and used to support a program of emancipatory political practice. Obviously, one would be naïve to understate the
difficulties facing those attempting to develop alternative critical approaches within academia. Some of these problems have been alluded to already and
involve the structural constraints of academic life itself. Said argues that many problems are caused by what he describes as the growing
“41mphasized41ng41ation” of academic life (Said 1994: 49-62). Academics are now so constrained by the requirements of job
security and marketability that they are extremely risk-averse. It pays – in all senses – to stick with the crowd and
avoid the exposed limb by following the prevalent disciplinary preoccupations, publish in certain prescribed journals, and
so on The result is the navel gazing so prevalent in the study of international relations and the seeming inability
of security specialists to deal with the changes brought about by the end of the Cold War Kristensen 1997
highlights the search of U.S. nuclear planners for “new targets for old weapons”). And, of course, the pressures for
conformism are heightened in the field of security studies when governments have a very real interest in
marginalizing dissent. Nevertheless, opportunities for critical thinking do exist, and this thinking can connect with
the practices of social movements and become a “force for the direction of action. The experience of the 1980s, when, in
.
(
”
the depths of the second Cold War, critical thinkers risked demonization and in some countries far worse in order to challenge received wisdom, thus
arguably playing a crucial role in the very survival of the human race, should act as both an inspiration and a challenge to critical security studies.
Using this space as a pedagogical site of resistance against dominant forms of knowledge
production is necessary to break down the way patriarchy has infiltrated the academy
Kumaravadivelu ’99 (B., Professor of Linguistics at San Jose State University, “Critical Classroom Discourse Analysis”,
TESOL Quarterly Vol. 33 no. 3, pgs. 15-16, Accessed via JSTORE, [SG]
critical pedagogists work under
the assumption that academic institutions are not simply instructional sites; they are, in fact, "cultural arenas
where heterogeneous ideological, discursive, and social forms collide in an unremitting struggle for
dominance" (McLaren, 1995, p. 30). Classroom reality is socially constructed, politically motivated, and
Combining Foucault's sociological theories and Brazilian educator Paulo Freire's educational philosophy,
historically determined. Therefore, critical pedagogy has to empower classroom participants "to
critically appropriate forms of knowledge outside of their immediate experience , to envisage
versions of a world which is 'not yet' in order to alter the grounds on which life is lived" (Simon, 1988, p. 2). Such a
pedagogy would take seriously the sociopolitical, historical conditions that create the cultural forms and interested knowledge that give meaning to the
lives of teachers and learners. "In one sense, this points to the need to develop theories, forms of knowledge, and social
practices that work with the experiences that people bring to the pedagogical setting" (Giroux, 1988, p. 134).
Asserting along Foucauldian lines that discourse empowers and disempowers, privileges and marginalizes,
critical pedagogists call for an "empowering education" that relates "personal growth to public life by
developing strong skills, academic knowledge, habits of inquiry, and critical curiosity about society, power,
inequality, and change" (Shor, 1992, p. 15) and helps students explore the subject matter in its sociopolitical, historical contexts with critical
themes integrated into student language and experience. They consider contemporary language education "as somewhat bizarre in that it legitimates and
limits language issues as technical and developmental" and believe that language education must be "viewed as a form of learning that not only instructs
students into ways of 'naming' the world but also introduces them to particular social relations" (Giroux & Simon, 1988, p. 131). Similar thoughts are
beginning to inform the debate about power and inequality in ESL education as well (see Tollefson, 1995). Arguing that reading the world is
not confined to reading race and class but involves reading gender as well, feminist pedagogists such as Lather
(1991), Luke (1992), and Ellsworth (1992) attempt to " deconstruct the master narratives of patriarchy and
thereby move gender onto the critical agenda even if, in many discourses, it remains institutionally
contained at the margins" (Luke, 1992, p. 45). They agree with critical pedagogists that the classroom is one of the
powerful ideological sites within which counterhegemonic discourses and practices can be organized. They
contend, however, that discourse analysis should be concerned with the deconstruction of the political, social, psychological, and historical formations of
gendered discourse because all discourse production is gendered.
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Policy Advantages
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1ac aids
Two internal links—
First, organ trafficking—
It’s increasing in the status quo—causes AIDS
Samadi 2012 – Vice Chairman of the Department of Urology and Chief of Robotics and Minimally Invasive
Surgery at the Mount Sinai School of Medicine (David, May 30, 2012, “Consequences of the rise in illegal organ
trafficking,” Fox News, http://www.foxnews.com/health/2012/05/30/consequences-rise-in-illegal-organtrafficking/, Hensel)
Earlier this week, the World Health Organization (WHO) released a report demonstrating a rise in the number of human
organs being sold on the black market. According to the paper, in 2010 over 10,000 organs were sold, translating to
more than one organ sold every hour. Organ transplantation is a necessary treatment for many individuals whose organs have failed and
has been in practice in the United States since the 1950s. In the U.S. organ donations are regulated by an independent non-for-profit organization,
United Network for Organ Sharing (UNOS). Organs are given to those whose need is the greatest, regardless of wealth or position. Unfortunately,
the need for organs greatly outweighs the current supply. As of March 2012 over 113,115 patients are currently waiting for an organ
to become available. An illegal market has capitalized on these individuals’ desperation, and the prospects of large
profits are creating unfortunate incentives, with patients willing to pay up to $200,000 for a kidney. According to
the WHO report, 76 percent of organs sold were kidneys, reflecting the growing demand secondary to complications of high blood pressure and diabetes.
There are many ethical and health concerns surrounding the trafficking of human organs. In the majority of
situations, those selling their organs represent members of vulnerable populations . In countries like Pakistan,
China or India, a person can sell a kidney for $5,000, while those handling the transaction make a substantial
profit. Prior reports have also demonstrated that the recipients of illegal organs tend to fair worse than those who
have received one legally. A recent meta-analysis involving 39 original publications revealed that those obtaining organs abroad
are at a higher risk of contracting transmissible diseases, such as hepatitis B or HIV. Furthermore the patient and
organ survival rates abroad are significantly lower. These statistics might even underestimate the risk as the data is
vulnerable to survivor bias; those who do not survive the procedure and return home are often not included in
studies. Additionally, given the duplicitous nature of illegal organ trade, there are many scams. In 2010, a former
psychiatrist was sentenced to more than 15 years in prison for offering false promises of organ transplants in the Philippines, while taking over $400,000
dollars from patients. Over five patients actually travelled to the Philippines only to find out that there was no organ awaiting them. One of these patients
died in the Philippines. Regretfully, the number of individuals needing organs continues to grow while the number of
donors remains stable. In the U.S., we have an opt-in policy where individuals have the option to become a donor but must take steps in order to
do so. For those who are ambivalent about donations, this could be enough of a deterrent. Additionally, many do not know how to become a donor. One
study, for instance, found that despite 90 percent of Americans supporting organ donation, only 30 percent knew the essential steps to becoming a
donor.
Second is prostitution—
Mexican sex trafficking provides the U.S. with prostitutes
Aguilera, 5/28 (Elizabeth Aguilera, immigration expert for The San Diego Union-Tribune, 5/28/13, “Sex
trafficking in U.S. linked to Mexico”, http://www.utsandiego.com/news/2013/may/28/sex-trafficking-mexicotlaxcala-fugitive-atlanta/all/?print)//EM
The men are all from the Mexican state of Tlaxcala, which is within a couple hours drive of Mexico City. It is there, in a town called
Tenancingo, that the majority of Mexico’s sex traffickers originate. They are known as romeo traffickers, who lure young
women with promises of love, marriage and a better life in the U.S. and then force them into prostitution. Sex
rings across the U.S., including in San Diego County, have been linked to these tiny towns in Mexico's interior. Many
that go on to trade women and girls in other cities across the country traveled by car or foot across the
southwest border or through ports of entry in San Diego.
Sex trafficking is the primary impetus for the global AIDS epidemic—it spreads exponentially
and mutates
Kloer, 10 Program associate of the American Bar Association’s AIDS Coordination Project (Amanda Kloer,
Spring 2010, “Sex Trafficking and HIV/AIDS: A Deadly Junction for Women”,
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http://www.americanbar.org/publications/human_rights_magazine_home/human_rights_vol37_2010/sprin
g2010/sex_trafficking_and_hiv_aids_a_deadly_junction_for_women_and_girls.html)//EM
The nexus of the global epidemics of sex trafficking and HIV/AIDS primarily manifests in the lives of women and
girls. This intersection exists in sex trafficking victims’ increased vulnerability to HIV infection, the proliferation
of HIV infection through sex trafficking, and the perceived and actual clashes between HIV and sex trafficking prevention efforts.
Holistically addressing these intersecting issues entails framing the elimination of sex trafficking as a tool to reduce
HIV transmission. This article explores this deadly junction for women and girls and proposes tools to address it. The direct and
individual impact of sex trafficking and HIV on girls and women is illustrated by the experience of “Gita” (not her
real name). Gita grew up in India, and was sold into sexual slavery by a family member when she was twelve years old. When she arrived at the brothel in
Mumbai, she was locked in a room, raped, tortured, and abused until she was deemed sufficiently obedient. When the brothel owners began selling Gita,
she was threatened with death if she refused to have sex with a customer. Most days she was forced to have sex with ten to twenty
men. The brothel did not provide condoms, and she was not able to control which of her customers chose to
practice safer sex. During her early teens, Gita contracted HIV from a customer. However, she was not allowed to
seek testing or treatment and was forced to continue having unprotected sex with several men per day for
several more years. Finally, Gita managed to escape to a local anti-trafficking organization and is now living in a shelter and receiving HIV
treatment and counseling. Gita contracted HIV as a direct result of her status as a victim of sex trafficking. She also, unknowingly
and unintentionally, may have spread HIV to customers who bought her after she became infected . If Gita were never
trafficked, she may not have ever become infected with HIV and, in turn, transmitted it to the men who bought her and their future sex partners.
Preventing this multiplier effect of HIV transmission catalyzed by sex trafficking involves fighting two global phenomena—a
deadly disease and a highly complex and lucrative criminal industry, both of which disproportionately affect girls and women around the
world. Sex Trafficking Victims’ Increased Vulnerability According to U.S. law, sex trafficking is a form of modern-day slavery in which a commercial sex
act is induced by force, fraud, or coercion, or in which the person induced to perform such an act is under eighteen years of age. Precise statistics for the
number of women and girls trafficked in the commercial sex industry are difficult to obtain. However, the U.S. Department of State estimates that up to
900,000 people are trafficked across international borders each year, the majority of whom are women and girls forced into commercial sex industries.
See U.S. Department of State Trafficking in Persons Report (June 2003). International Labor Organization data indicates that 1.39 million girls and
women are victims of sex trafficking at any given time. See U.S. Department of State Trafficking in Person Report (June 2009). Sex trafficking is a global
epidemic, and cases of forced prostitution and sex trafficking have been identified in almost every country in the world. The United Nations Children’s
Fund estimates that in the past thirty years, more than 30 million women and children in Asia have been victimized in the commercial sex industry. See
United Nations Children’s Fund press release (2006). In Latin America, the International Organization for Migration estimates that the sex trafficking of
women and girls is a $16 million-a-year business. See Association for Women’s Rights in Development, “Sex Trafficking Now a $16 Billion Business in
Latin America” (2008). The scourge of sex trafficking also plagues Europe, Africa, and Australia. Even in the United States, the National Center for
Missing and Exploited Children estimates that up to 100,000 American children are at risk for sex trafficking each year, and 83 percent of the 1,200
human trafficking allegations made to the U.S. Department of Justice in 2007 were sex trafficking cases. See The Human Trafficking Data Collection and
Reporting Project (2010). It is important to note, however, that women and girls also are trafficked into industries other than the commercial sex
industry, including agricultural work, factory work, domestic servitude, and the service industry. They may be at increased risk of HIV transmission as
well, because trafficked women in all industries become more vulnerable to sexual assault and rape and may not be able to access testing and treatment
for HIV during their enslavement. Sex trafficking victims, however, are at significantly increased risk for contracting HIV
for a number of reasons directly related to the nature of their forced servitude. Sex trafficking victims are modern-day
slaves, and thus are unable to make choices about or control some aspects of their lives, including their sexual activity. They are forced to sell sex acts on
the street, in hotels, through escort agencies, at brothels, and many other places where they don’t have access to safer sex tools. Even when
trafficking victims are held in brothels or other places where condoms are made available, they may not be able to
enforce condom usage and other safer sex practices. Women and girls enslaved in commercial sex also are forced to endure sex with
multiple partners, many of whom may also have had unprotected sex with multiple partners, which increases victims’
risk of contracting HIV. They further must endure the riskiest types of unprotected sex, such as anal sex, injurious
sadomasochism, and violently abusive sex, which increases their risk of transmission. Often injuries inflicted during violent sex are not allowed to heal
properly, as traffickers force victims to continue to serve men without seeking medical attention. As a result, trafficked women may have high-risk,
unprotected sex with multiple partners despite having open genital cuts and abrasions. It is difficult to determine how many sexual partners an “average”
trafficking victim might have over the course of her captivity. Reports from nongovernmental organizations vary greatly, with some reporting only a
handful of customers per day, others up to forty or fifty per day. However, between five and ten customers per day is often
considered a conservative figure. If a victim is forced to have sex with only five customers per day, six days per
week for one year, she will have had sexual contact with 1,560 men that year. Without the ability to enforce safer sex
practices or screen potential partners for STDs, this much sexual contact clearly puts the victim at a heightened risk for contracting HIV. Another
risk factor for trafficked females is their age. According to the U.S. Department of Justice, the average age of entry into
prostitution is twelve to fourteen years old, and every child under eighteen in prostitution in the United States and many other countries
is considered by law a sex trafficking victim. Children and young teens sold into prostitution are at a greater risk for
contracting HIV because their smaller, still-developing bodies are more susceptible to the genital tearing that
often leads to HIV transmission during sexual intercourse. Because trafficked children in prostitution are even less likely to be in
control of choices than adults, they may have less opportunity to insist on safer sex practices. Worse still, some men seek ever younger children for sex,
based on the warped belief that there is less risk of HIV transmission with a younger partner. In turn, younger children are being recruited into
prostitution, which provides a longer period during which they can become HIV-infected. Sex Trafficking as a Facilitator of Global HIV Transmission
While trafficked women and girls are individually at an increased risk for contracting HIV, sex trafficking as an international
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phenomenon is also a catalyst and facilitator of large-scale HIV transmission. According to AIDS prevention organization
AVERT, in some parts of the world, such as West Africa, the AIDS epidemic appears to be driven in part by the commercial sex
industry, including the abuse of those trafficked into it. AVERT found that 27.1 percent of people in the commercial sex industry in Dakar, Senegal,
were infected with HIV in 2005. See AVERT, “Aids and Prostitution” (2010). Other studies have found commercial sex to be a significant factor in the
AIDS epidemics in Ghana, Togo, and Burkina Faso. Id. Similarly, a 2008 study out of the Harvard School of Public Health found that 38 percent of
women trafficked from Nepal to India for sex were returned to Nepal HIV-positive. See Harvard Public Heath Review, Trafficked (2007). In the United
States, there are both high rates of sexual exploitation of African American teen girls within the commercial sex industry and by family members and
high rates of HIV infection among African American females. In addition to the sexual risk factors, high rates of injection drug use within the commercial
sex industry also increase the risk of infection and transmission on a global scale. Human trafficking within the commercial sex
industry, however, greatly exacerbates the spread of HIV infections. Traffickers frequently transport victims
between cities or countries to both disorient the victims and provide “fresh faces” for the men who buy sexual services from
them. For example, “Corina” was trafficked in her home country of Moldova, where she likely contracted HIV. Her trafficker then sold her in London,
Prague, New York, and Miami for a month each to have sex with ten to twenty men per night. As a trafficking victim, Corina was unable to seek testing or
treatment for her HIV, and may have unknowingly and unwillingly spread the disease. Corina also began using drugs to mask the pain of sexual slavery.
Women and girls trafficked for sex may turn to drugs and alcohol, including injection drugs, thus increasing their risk of infection and widespread
transmission. Another example of how sex trafficking can spread HIV is the cultural belief in some parts of the world that sex
with a virgin can cure HIV or AIDS. HIV-positive men who believe this myth will seek out traffickers to procure a virgin for them, often a
child. They then have unprotected sex with that virgin, and in the process will sometimes transmit the disease. However, the transmission factor of this
encounter is multiplied exponentially, because after this sexual contact, the man, thinking himself cured, may have unprotected sex with other partners.
The child he used, now possibly infected, will often continue to be trafficked for sex. In these cases, HIV transmission is not merely a byproduct of sex
with a trafficking victim, but is the impetus for the trafficking and the sexual contact. It is also an action that can spread the disease exponentially.
Human trafficking has also been implicated as a possible catalyst for the mutation of HIV into multiple subtypes. Dr. Chris Beyer of Johns
Hopkins University has linked sex trafficking to both the spread and mutation of HIV, stating that the
commercial sex industry in general, and sex
trafficking in particular, are facilitating the global dispersion of
various (and possibly drug-resistant) HIV subtypes . Another factor in the creation of mutations is inconsistent treatment
for people infected with HIV. Even those few trafficking victims who are able to seek testing and treatment for their HIV may suffer repeated
interruptions in care because of lack of access, lack of education, or re-trafficking.
The role of sex trafficking in the mutation
of HIV is extremely dangerous and must be recognized in the global fight against AIDS.
AIDS causes extinction
Spignesi 4 New York Times bestselling author and university professor who writes about historical biography,
American and world history (Stephen, “Catastrophe! The 100 Greatest Disasters of All Time”, p. 12)
Regardless of the means of transmission of the HIV virus or the societal groups most affected, the reality is that AIDS is one of
the worst pandemics ever to strike mankind. If the virus happens to mutate and become airborne contagious,
AIDS could very easily wipe out life on earth. The need for a vaccine and a cure is paramount, since we
cannot be sure that AIDS will burn itself out, as did the Black Death and influenza.
It spreads rapidly and infects the globe
Ehrlich and Ehrlich 90, Professors of Population studies at Stanford University, (Paul and Anne, 1990, “THE POPULATION EXPLOSION”,
p. 147-8)
Whether or not AIDS can be contained will depend primarily on how rapidly the spread of HIV can be slowed
through public education and other measures, on when and if the medical community can find satisfactory preventatives or treatments, and to a large
extent on luck. The virus has already shown itself to be highly mutable, and laboratory strains resistant to the one drug, AZT, that
A virus that infects many millions of novel hosts, in this case
people, might evolve new transmission characteristics. To do so, however, would almost certainly involve
changes in its lethality. If, for instance, the virus became more common in the blood (permitting insects to transmit it readily), the very
process would almost certainly make it more lethal. Unlike the current version of AIDS, which can take ten years or more to
kill its victims, the new strain might cause death in days or weeks. Infected individuals then would have less time to spread
seems to slow its lethal course have already been reported."
the virus to others, and there would be strong selection in favor of less lethal strains (as happened in the case of myxopatomis). What this would mean
epidemiologically is not clear, but it could temporarily increase the transmission rate and reduce life expectancy of infected persons until the system once
again equilibrated. If the ability of the AIDS virus to grow in the cells of the skin or the membranes of the mouth,
the lungs, or the intestines were increased, the virus might be spread by casual contact or through eating
contaminated food. But it is likely, as Temin points out, that acquiring those abilities would so change the virus that it no longer efficiently
infected the kinds of cells it now does and so would no longer cause AIDS. In effect it would produce an entirely different disease. We hope Temin is
correct but another Nobel laureate, Joshua Lederberg, is worried that a relatively minor mutation could lead to the virus infecting
a type of white blood cell commonly present in the lungs. If so, it might be transmissible through coughs.
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HIV threatens to crush the military and fracture CMR
Elbe, 5 Lecturer in International Relations in the Department of Government at the University of Essex
(Stefan Elbe, 2005 “HIV/AIDS: The International Security Dimensions”,
stefanelbe.com/resources/ElkeBook.doc)//EM
3. HIV/AIDS and National Security In those countries currently experiencing very high HIV prevalence rates, HIV/AIDS
is also beginning to have ramifications that will be of interest to scholars and analysts working within the more conventional
national security framework. Within a state-centric security perspective the impact of HIV/AIDS on the armed forces and
on the political stability of the worst affected countries are particular causes for concern. The armed forces, for one, are
not a marginal group within the global AIDS pandemic, but occupy a central position within it. Prevalence rates of sexually transmitted
diseases among military populations in peacetime is widely believed to exceed those of the comparative civilian
population. Although data currently remains inadequate and patchy, intelligence assessments indicate that in many African militaries this also holds
true in the case of HIV. There are a variety of factors that can expose military populations to higher levels of HIV prevalence, including that soldiers
are of a sexually active age, that they are mobile and stationed away from home for long periods of time, that they
often valorize violent and risky behavior, that they have opportunities for casual sexual relations, that they seek to relieve
themselves from the stress of combat, and because other sexually transmitted diseases increase the chance of HIV transmission during
unprotected sexual intercourse. As a result of these factors several defense ministries in sub-Saharan Africa are now documenting HIV prevalence rates
among the armed forces between ten and twenty percent. This is only the average figure, however, with some countries where the AIDS virus has been
present for more than ten years, reaching rates as high as fifty to sixty percent. The U.S. National Intelligence Council believes HIV prevalence in selected
military populations in sub-Saharan Africa to be: Angola 40-60 percent, Congo-Brazzaville 10-25 percent, Côte d’Ivoire 10-20 percent, Democratic
Republic of Congo 40-60 percent, Eritrea 10 percent, Nigeria 10-20 percent, and Tanzania 15-30 percent. These figures are compatible with a recent
defense intelligence assessment carried out by South Africa, which provided the following figures: Angola 50 percent, Botswana 33 percent, Democratic
Republic of Congo 50 percent, Lesotho 40 percent, Malawi 50 percent, Namibia 16 percent, South Africa 15-20 percent, Swaziland 48 percent, Zambia
60 percent, and Zimbabwe 55 percent. Nor is the impact of these prevalence rates only of marginal relevance for the armed forces in question. According
to Maj. Gen. Matshwenyego Fisher, chief of staff of the Botswana defense force, “AIDS in the military as well as in the national environment, is no longer
an academic issue; it is a reality that has to be tackled with all the vigor and effort that is commensurate with its ramifications.” Indeed, these prevalence
rates are having an impact in at least four areas that are important to the efficient operation of the armed forces. First, they are generating a
need for additional resources to train and recruit new soldiers to replace sick ones, ones who have died, or ones
who are expected to die in the near future. More resources will also be needed for looking after those members of the armed forces who
are ill or in the process of dying. Second, these high prevalence rates are also affecting staffing issues in the armed forces. High HIV prevalence
rates eventually lead to a decrease in the available civilian conscription pool to draw upon for new recruits, lead
to deaths among the more senior and experienced officers at higher levels of the chain of command, and can lead to a loss of highly specialized and
technically trained staff that can be replaced neither easily nor quickly. Third, although persons living with HIV can usually carry out normal duties,
AIDS has implications for the ability of daily military tasks to be carried out efficiently by leading to an increased absenteeism and to lower levels of
morale as healthy soldiers have to deal with increased work loads until sick ones are replaced, and have to watch fellow soldiers die a painful death. Fears
of attending to injured soldiers in light of the possibility of becoming infected with the lethal illness, and the question of how to secure the blood supply
during military operations, are similarly becoming concerns for the efficient execution of deployments. Finally, HIV/AIDS generates new
political and legal challenges for civil-military relations in terms of how to deal with the issue of HIV/AIDS in
the ranks and how to treat persons living with HIV. The Namibian armed forces, for example, recently lost a lengthy court case as to
whether its decision to exclude HIV-positive persons from joining the armed forces is constitutional.
CMR collapse causes global nuclear war
Cohen, 2k — Professor at the Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies and the director of the
Strategic Studies department at Johns Hopkins, worked for the Department of Defense, taught at the U.S.
Naval War College (Eliot A., “Why the Gap Matters - Gap Between Military and Civilian World”, National
Interest, Fall 2000,
http://www.24hourscholar.com/p/articles/mi_m2751/is_2000_Fall/ai_65576871/pg_4?pi=scl)
At the same time, the military exercises control, to a remarkable degree, of force structure and weapons acquisition. To be sure, Congress adds or trims
requests at the margin, and periodically the administration will cancel a large program, such as the navy's projected replacement of the A-6 bomber. But
by and large, the services have successfully protected programs that reflect ways of doing business going back for decades. One cannot explain otherwise
current plans for large purchases of short-range fighter aircraft for the air force, supercarriers and traditional surface warships for the navy, and heavy
artillery pieces for the army. Civilian control has meant, in practice, a general oversight of acquisition and some degree of control by veto of purchases,
but nothing on the scale of earlier decisions to, for example, terminate the draft, re-deploy fleets, or develop counterinsurgency forces. The result is a
force that looks very much like a shrunken version of the Cold War military of fifteen years ago- -which, indeed, was the initial post-Cold War design
known as the "base force." The strength of the military voice and the weakness of civilian control, together with sheer
inertia, has meant that the United States has failed to reevaluate its strategy and force structure after the Cold War.
Despite a plethora of "bottom-up reviews" by official and semiofficial commissions, the force structure remains that of the Cold War, upgraded a bit and
reduced in size by 40 percent. So What? WHAT WILL be the long-term consequences of these trends? To some extent, they have become visible already:
the growing politicization of the officer corps; a submerged but real recruitment and retention crisis; a collapse of junior officers' confidence in their own
leaders; [7] the odd antipathy between military and civilian cultures even as the two, in some respects, increasingly overlap; deadlock in the conduct of
active military operations; and stagnation in the development of military forces for a geopolitical era radically different from the past one. To be sure,
such phenomena have their precedents in American history. But such dysfunction occurred in a different context--one in which the American military
did not have the task of maintaining global peace or a predominance of power across continents, and in which the armed forces consumed barely
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noticeable fractions of economic resources and decisionmakers' time.
Today, the stakes are infinitely larger . For the moment, the United
is doubtful that such predominance will long go
States dominates the globe militarily, as it does economically and culturally. It
unchallenged; were that to be the case it would reflect a change in the human condition that goes beyond all human experience of international
politics over the millennia. Already, some of the signs of those challenges have begun to appear: increased tension with the rising
power of China, including threats of force from that country against the United States and its allies; the development of modes of warfare--from
terrorism through the spread of weapons of mass destruction--designed to play on American weaknesses; the appearance of problems (peacemaking,
broadly defined) that will resist conventional solutions. None of these poses a mortal threat to the Republic, or is likely to do so anytime soon. Yet
cumulatively, the consequences have been unfortunate enough; the inept conclusion to the Gulf War, the
Somalia fiasco, and dithering over American policy in Yugoslavia may all partially be attributed to the poor state
of American c ivil- m ilitary r elations. So too may the subtle erosion of morale in the American military and the defense reform deadlock, which has
preserved, to far too great a degree, outdated structures and mentalities. For now, to be sure, the United States is wealthy and powerful enough to afford
such pratfalls and inefficiencies. But the full
consequences will not be felt for some years, and not until a major military crisis --a
challenge as severe in its way as the Korean or Vietnam War-- arises . Such an eventuality; difficult as it may be to imagine today, could occur in any of a
number of venues: in
South America, or
a conflict with China over Taiwan, in a desperate attempt to shore up collapsing states in Central or
in a renewed outbreak of violence--this time with weapons of mass destruction thrown into the
mix-in Southwest Asia. THE PARADOX of increased social and institutional vulnerability on the one hand and increased military influence on narrow
sectors of policymaking on the other is the essence of the contemporary civil-military problem. Its roots lie not in the machinations of power hungry
generals; they have had influence thrust upon them. Nor do they lie in the fecklessness of civilian leaders determined to remake the military in the image
of civil society; all militaries must, in greater or lesser degree, share some of the mores and attitudes of the broader civilization from which they have
emerged. The problem reflects, rather, deeper and more enduring changes in politics, society and technology.
US primacy prevents global conflict – diminishing power creates a vacuum that causes
transition wars in multiple places
Brooks et al 13 [Stephen G. Brooks is Associate Professor of Government at Dartmouth College.G.
John Ikenberry is the Albert G. Milbank Professor of Politics and International Affairs at Princeton University
in the Department of Politics and the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs. He is also a
Global Eminence Scholar at Kyung Hee University.William C. Wohlforth is the Daniel Webster Professor in the
Department of Government at Dartmouth College. “Don't Come Home, America: The Case against
Retrenchment”, Winter 2013, Vol. 37, No. 3, Pages 751,http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/abs/10.1162/ISEC_a_00107, GDI File]
A core premise of deep engagement is that it prevents the emergence of a far more dangerous global security
environment. For one thing, as noted above, the United States’ overseas presence gives it the leverage to restrain
partners from taking provocative action. Perhaps more important, its core alliance commitments also deter states with aspirations to
regional hegemony from contemplating expansion and make its partners more secure, reducing their incentive to adopt solutions to their security
problems that threaten others and thus stoke security dilemmas. The contention that engaged U.S. power dampens the baleful effects of anarchy is
consistent with influential variants of realist theory. Indeed, arguably the scariest portrayal of the war-prone world that would emerge absent the
“American Pacifier” is provided in the works of John Mearsheimer, who forecasts dangerous multipolar regions replete with security competition, arms
races, nuclear proliferation and associated preventive wartemptations, regional rivalries, and even runs at regional hegemony and full-scale great power
war. 72 How do retrenchment advocates, the bulk of whom are realists, discount this benefit? Their arguments are complicated, but two capture most of
the variation: (1) U.S. security guarantees are not necessary to prevent dangerous rivalries and conflict in Eurasia; or (2) prevention of rivalry and
conflict in Eurasia is not a U.S. interest. Each response is connected to a different theory or set of theories, which makes sense given that the whole
debate hinges on a complex future counterfactual (what would happen to Eurasia’s security setting if the United States truly disengaged?). Although a
certain answer is impossible, each of these responses is nonetheless a weaker argument for retrenchment than advocates acknowledge. The first response
flows from defensive realism as well as other international relations theories that discount the conflict-generating potential of anarchy under
contemporary conditions. 73 Defensive realists maintain that the high expected costs of territorial conquest, defense dominance, and an array of policies
and practices that can be used credibly to signal benign intent, mean that Eurasia’s major states could manage regional multipolarity peacefully without
theAmerican pacifier. Retrenchment would be a bet on this scholarship, particularly in regions where the kinds of stabilizers that nonrealist theories
point to—such as democratic governance or dense institutional linkages—are either absent or weakly present. There are three other major bodies of
scholarship, however, that might give decisionmakers pause before making this bet. First is regional expertise. Needless to say, there is no consensus on
the net security effects of U.S. withdrawal. Regarding each region, there are optimists and pessimists. Few experts expect a return of intense great power
competition in a post-American Europe, but many doubt European governments will pay the political costs of increased EU defense cooperation and the
budgetary costs of increasing military outlays. 74 The result might be a Europe that is incapable of securing itself from
various threats that could be destabilizing within the region and beyond (e.g., a regional conflict akin to the 1990s Balkan
wars), lacks capacity for global security missions in which U.S. leaders might want European participation, and is vulnerable to the influence of outside
rising powers. What about the other parts of Eurasia where the United States has a substantial military
presence? Regarding the Middle East, the balance begins toswing toward pessimists concerned that states
currently backed by Washington— notably Israel, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia—might take actions upon U.S.
retrenchment that would intensify security dilemmas. And concerning East Asia, pessimismregarding the
region’s prospects without the American pacifier is pronounced. Arguably the principal concern expressed by area experts is
that Japan and South Korea are likely to obtain a nuclear capacity and increase their military commitments,
which could stoke a destabilizing reaction from China . It is notable that during the Cold War, both South Korea and Taiwan
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moved to obtain a nuclear weapons capacity and were only constrained from doing so by astill-engaged United States. 75 The second body of scholarship
casting doubt on the bet on defensive realism’s sanguine portrayal is all of the research that undermines its conception of state preferences. Defensive
realism’s optimism about what would happen if the United States retrenched is very much dependent on itsparticular—and highly restrictive—
assumption about state preferences; once we relax this assumption, then much of its basis for optimism vanishes. Specifically, the prediction of postAmerican tranquility throughout Eurasia rests on the assumption that security is the only relevant state preference, with security defined narrowly in
terms of protection from violent external attacks on the homeland. Under that assumption, the security problem is largely solved as soon as offense and
defense are clearly distinguishable, and offense is extremely expensive relative to defense. Burgeoning research across the social and
other sciences, however,undermines that core assumption: states have preferences not only for security but also
for prestige, status, and other aims, and theyengage in trade-offs among the various objectives. 76 In addition, they define
security not just in terms of territorial protection but in view of many and varied milieu goals. It follows that even states that
are relatively secure may nevertheless engage in highly competitive behavior. Empirical studies show that this is
indeed sometimes the case. 77 In sum, a bet on a benign postretrenchment Eurasia is a bet that leaders of major countries will never allow these
nonsecurity preferences to influence their strategic choices. To the degree that these bodies of scholarly knowledge have predictive leverage, U.S.
retrenchment would result in a significant deterioration in the security environment in at least some of
the world’s key regions. We have already mentioned the third, even more alarming body of scholarship. Offensive realism predicts thatthe
withdrawal of the American pacifier will yield either a competitive regional multipolarity complete with
associated insecurity, arms racing, crisis instability, nuclear proliferation, and the like, or bids for regional hegemony,
which may be beyond the capacity of local great powers to contain (and which in any case would generate intensely
competitive behavior, possibly including regional great power war).
And, AIDS spreads globally and causes failed states
Elbe, 5 Lecturer in International Relations in the Department of Government at the University of Essex
(Stefan Elbe, 2005 “HIV/AIDS: The International Security Dimensions”,
stefanelbe.com/resources/ElkeBook.doc)//EM
Beyond this direct impact on the armed forces of countries in which prevalence rates are highest, the growing AIDS pandemic also has security implications in terms of
political stability within these states. This link is more difficult to assess, but there are already four countries in sub-Saharan Africa where HIV prevalence is estimated to
exceed thirty percent: Botswana (38.8%), Lesotho (31%), Swaziland (33.4%) and Zimbabwe (33.7%), raising important questions about the longer term impact of such
prevalence rates on their political stability. When states become unstable or fail, it is often because the central monopoly on the use of armed force is disputed, and because the
government’s popular legitimacy has been severely eroded. Such processes
of state collapse do not necessarily occur instantaneously but can, as William
likened to ‘a long-term degenerative disease’ --a bitterly ironic designation when applied to
the question of HIV/AIDS. Moreover, state collapse is normally a multi-faceted phenomenon involving at least three interrelated processes: the transformation
Zartmann has argued, be
or destruction of the economy; the weakening or dissolution of political institutions at local and national levels; and the damaging of a wide array of social institutions such as
the family, the education system, and the health care sector. Although HIV/AIDS is unlikely to generate state collapse independently of other factors, high
rates of
HIV/AIDS nevertheless contribute to all three of these processes, thus giving rise to significant concern about
the long-term impact of HIV/AIDS on the worst affected states if life-saving medicines are not made widely available.. HIV/AIDS contributes
to the first trajectory involved in processes of state collapse in that it exacerbates the resource burden faced by
countries and can thus contribute to an intensification of resource competition between different social groups .
The armed forces, for example, are likely to attempt to secure a greater share of public expenditure in order to offset some of their emerging resource demands. In southern
Africa, the Namibian Deputy Minister of Defense Victor Simunja has already expressed serious concern about the resource burden that HIV/AIDS poses for the Namibian
military, arguing that ‘[n]ot only is the readiness of soldiers for deployment and active duty likely to be severely impaired, but the cost of health and social care of the military
personnel affected and infected with the HIV/AIDS related diseases is likely to increase significantly in the coming years.’ The civilian
sector will simultaneously be
facing a similar increase in resource demands, thus fuelling resource competition between these two groups.
According to one study, in 1997 more than two percent of GDP was already being used for public health spending towards HIV/AIDS in seven of sixteen African countries
sampled. These are countries where traditionally total health spending accounts for around three to five percent of GDP. In the mid 1990s it was estimated that ‘66 per cent of
Rwanda’s health budget and over a quarter of the health budget of Zimbabwe were spent on treatment for people with HIV.’ In Malawi, the public health system is already
inundated by the pandemic with up to 70 percent of hospital bed occupancy taken up by patients suffering from AIDS-related illnesses. Such
competition over
scarce resources between the military and civilian sector will be exacerbated further still because even though the most
severe impact is probably going to occur at the level of individual households and particular industries, AIDS is predicted to have a long-term
macroeconomic impact in those states worst affected by the illness, although the extent of this impact is still a matter of considerable
debate amongst economists. According to a report published by the National Intelligence Council (NIC) the worst affected countries
will suffer from a reduction in economic growth of up to one percent of GDP per annum due to AIDS, and the latter could consume
more than half of the health budgets of those countries. A report by the Secretary-General of the United Nations, in turn, finds that in the
next twenty years the worst affected countries could well lose up to a quarter of their projected
economic growth . In a sub-Saharan African country with a prevalence rate of around twenty percent, the annual growth of GDP would be 2.6 percent lower. A
recent WHO report conservatively estimates that AIDS will account for 17 percent of the lost earning potential of sub-Saharan Africa’s total 1999 gross domestic product.
While these kinds of losses could be absorbed for a year or two, they pose larger problems when they become
cumulative, occurring year after year as they are likely to do. Given that HIV/AIDS does affect the economically most productive
demographic group, that HIV/AIDS undermines the belief in the long-term sustainability of the economy, that it could
discourage private as well as foreign investment, and given that AIDS affects the middle management of many companies as well as their highly
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trained workers that are in smaller supply, these figures could well be indicative of broad trends. In
future, both military and civilian sectors will
thus have to compete with each other in order to try to secure a higher proportion of public resources to meet
their higher costs, and they may well have to do so at the same time that overall public revenue is declining. HIV/AIDS also contributes to the
second trajectory usually involved in processes of state collapse by generating at least four additional
challenges to the political sphere in countries where prevalence rates are very high. First, HIV/AIDS could further undermine the ability
of state officials to govern effectively in the long run. Crucial resources are already being reportedly diverted from running
state services to treating people with HIV/AIDS. Basic government services will thus become more difficult to
deliver as mortality rates amongst those working for the state increase. In many countries with high prevalence rates the effectiveness of the police forces, too, is coming
under increasing pressure from the illness. The police forces of the fourteen SADC countries are now taking HIV/AIDS very seriously, and are trying to find ways to cope with
the reduction in personnel as well as bracing themselves for things to become much worse in the years to come. In Kenya, AIDS was believed to be the cause of 75 percent of
deaths in the police force between 1999-2000, and the Zambian police force is similarly reported to have felt the severe impact of HIV/AIDS. The judicial system, too, is
affected, with staff serving in justice institutions, such as judges, prosecutors, court clerks and lawyers facing similar levels of mortality as other sectors of society. All other
things held equal, this means that in future it will become more difficult to fight crime and fewer arrests will probably be made. It will also become more difficult to handle
internal rebels or domestic challenges to power. Secondly,
HIV/AIDS could also facilitate political tensions over decisions about
who will have access to life-saving medicines. Diseases have ravaged many countries for decades without necessarily fuelling political instability. Yet,
unlike other diseases that are strongly linked with poverty, HIV/AIDS additionally afflicts the educated and moderately wealthy middle classes. Given the current availability
of anti-retroviral treatments for HIV/AIDS, many elites
with access to resources will be able to substantially relieve their
predicament by purchasing expensive medicines. The plight of other social groups, however, is less certain. If
the elites are not seen to be working in their interests and securing the availability of medications for them as
well, this could contribute to further social polarization. Randy Cheek argues that the ‘[u]neven distribution of essential HIV treatment based
on social, ethnic, or political criteria could well put unmanageable pressures on social and political structures, threatening the stability of regimes throughout Southern Africa.’
Indeed, those living with HIV might become increasingly susceptible to populist leaders promising radical solutions, rather than relying on more democratic ones. According
to an opinion poll carried out by the Institute for Democracy in South Africa in October 2000, one of the primary reasons for Mbeki’s decline in popularity was his stance on
HIV, and has already provoking friction in the governing coalition in 2003. HIV/AIDS also contributes to the third trajectory frequently involved in processes of state collapse,
namely the undermining of a wide array of social institutions such as the family, the education system, and the health care sector. These dimensions were already outlined
when considering the human security implications of HIV/AIDS, and include not only the decrease in average life expectancy, but also the potential generation of up to 40
million orphans in the years to come. Many of these children will be exposed to the stigma of the illness and will be more vulnerable to malnutrition, illness, abuse and sexual
exploitation. Often children are also left to exchange sexual services in return for other vital goods, such as shelter, food, physical protection and money. This development is
not only of concern for human security theorists. Martin Schönteich, of the Institute for Security Studies in South Africa, links this rise in the number of orphans due to
HIV/AIDS with an exponentially increasing crime rate for the next five to twenty years. He argues that these orphans will be susceptible to exploitation and radicalization, and
might well turn towards crime and militias in order to maintain their existence as they receive inadequate support from their families and communities. Crime bands and
militias, after all, not only have the potential to address the material needs of youths; they can also perform important psychological functions such as providing them with
surrogate father figures and role models. In these ways,
HIV/AIDS can potentially exacerbate a variety of economic,
political, and social tensions within the worst affected countries . In so doing HIV/AIDS also contributes to
all three trajectories usually associated with processes of political instability and state collapse and it is
currently pushing developments further in this direction. Beyond seriously affecting the armed forces, therefore, in the worst affected countries
AIDS also generates longer term concerns about social stability, both for those countries directly affected as well as for those with interests in these regions. The significance of
this dimension is likely to grow considerably in the years to come as mortality rates increase further. If, moreover, high
prevalence rates also emerge in
China, India, and Russia in the years ahead, this could have wider security implications beyond the African
continent. All of these countries are still in the early phase of their epidemics, and are important international security actors who
have yet to respond adequate to the challenge posed by HIV/AIDS. At the same time, there is also an important source of hope with regards to the question of the long-term
political stability of the worst affected states. Given the relatively long cycle of the progression from HIV to AIDS, there is still a window of opportunity for concerted efforts to
make medicines available to people living with HIV/AIDS. Indeed, there is an important difference between prevalence rates and morality rates. In the case of HIV/AIDS,
staggering prevalence rates of 30 percent or more of the adult population translate into a significantly smaller annual mortality rate, given the long cycle of the illness.
Mortality rates in any given year will not amount to thirty percent or more, but rather to a lower figure, especially when measured as percentage of the total population, rather
than just the adult population. In South Africa, for example, the combined number of projected adult AIDS cases and deaths to occur each year over the next decade is between
1.5 percent and 4 percent of the adult population. These figures are clearly very serious and represent an immense humanitarian tragedy, especially because they will occur
year after year. Yet they also point to a crisis that is potentially still manageable with sufficient local, national, and international will. The most prudent strategy, therefore, in
terms of addressing these emerging national security dimensions of the pandemic would be to act in the present before mortality rates increase even further. Such efforts,
moreover, would also help to address the international security dimensions of the global AIDS pandemic as well.
Failed states cause nuclear war
African Studies Centre, et al, 3 (The African Studies Centre, the Transnational Institute, the Center of
Social Studies at Coimbra University, and the Peace Research Center of Madrid, “FAILED AND COLLAPSED
STATES IN THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM”, December 2003,
http://www.tni.org/archives/reports/failedstates.pdf, Deech)
In the malign scenario of global developments the number of collapsed states would grow significantly. This would mean that several more
countries in the world could not be held to account for respecting international agreements in various fields, be it commercial
transactions, debt repayment , the possession and proliferation of w eapons of m ass d estruction and the use of the national territory
for criminal or terrorist activities. The increase in failed states would immediately lead to an increase in international migration,
which could have a knock-on effect, first in neighbouring countries which, having similar politico-economic structures, could suffer
increased destabilization and collapse as well. Developments in West Africa during the last decade may serve as an example. Increased
international migration would, secondly, have serious implications for the Western world. In Europe it would put social relations between
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the population and immigrant communities under
further pressure, polarizing politics. An increase in collapsed states
would also endanger the security of Western states and societies. Health conditions could deteriorate as contagious
diseases like Ebola or Sars would spread because of a lack of measures taken in collapsed areas. W eapons of m ass d estruction could
come into the hands of various sorts of political entities, be they terrorist groups , political factions in control of part of a
collapsed state or an aggressive political elite still in control of a national territory and intent on expansion. Not only North Korea springs to mind; one
could very well imagine such states in (North) Africa. Since the multilateral system of control of such weapons would have ended in part because of the
decision of the United States to try and check their spread through unilateral action - a system that would inherently be more unstable than a
multilateral, negotiated regime - one
could be faced with an arms race that would sooner or later result in the
actual use of these weapons . In the malign scenario, relations between the US and Europe would also further
deteriorate, in questions of a military nature as well as trade relations, thus undercutting any possible consensus on stemming the growth of
collapsed states and the introduction of stable multilateral regimes towards matters like terrorism, nuclear weapons and international migration.
Disagreement is already rife on a host of issues in these fields. At worst, even the Western members of the Westphalian system - especially those
bordering on countries in the former Third World, i.e. the European states - could be faced with direct attacks on their national
security.
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1ac leadership
U.S. anti-trafficking framework is unilateral in the status quo, but it will fail and collapse
international law—redirecting to bilateralism through the plan is critical
Chuang, 6 Practitioner-in-Residence, American University Washington College ol' Law. J .D., Harvard Law
School; BA., Yale University (Janie A. Chuang, Winter 2006 , “The United States as Global Sheriff: Using
Unilateral Sanctions to Combat Human Trafficking”, Michigan Journal of International Law, Vol. 27, No. 2,
http://papers.ssrn.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=990098&download=yes)//EM
Just weeks before the UN General Assembly adopted the Palermo Protocol, however, the United States promulgated
its own comprehensive domestic anti-trafficking legislation-the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000 (TVPA).' The TVPA is
one of the most comprehensive pieces of domestic anti-trafficking legislation in the world. Identifying trafficking as "an evil requiring concerted and
vigorous action by coun- tries of origin, transit, or destination,"• the TVPA reaches beyond U.S. borders to affect anti-trafficking
policy abroad. Specifically, it estab- lishes a sanctions regime authorizing the President to withdraw U.S. (and certain multilateral) non-trade-
related, non-humanitarian financial assistance from countries deemed not sufficiently compliant with the U.S. govemment's "minimum standards for the
elimination of traflick- ing."•5 In
assuming such extraterritorial reach , the United States has pro- claimed itself
global sheriff on trafficking. This raises grave concems both as a matter of international law and as a
matter of global anti- trafficking strategy. A powerful but blunt weapon for influencing the be- havior of other
states, unilateral sanctions have long been criticized as inconsistent with international law and ineffective in
practice. The TVPA sanctions regime invites more of the same criticism. By injecting U.S. norms into the international arena, the sanctions regime
risks undermin- ing the fragile international cooperation framework created by the Palermo Protocol. The sanctions threat arguably elevates U.S. norms
over international norms by giving the former the teeth the latter so often lack. In doing so, the sanctions regime presents a ready opportunity for the
United States to impose-by the threat of sanctions-its own anti- trafficking paradigm on other states. In practice, the sanctions regime has inspired many
governments to develop domestic laws and policies to combat trafficking. But whether these actions contribute positively to the global tight against
trafficking should not be assumed. The "minimum standards" by which the United States evaluates country performance are
poorly articulated and inconsis- tently applied. Moreover, the legal norms the United States encourages other governments to adopt
employ selective (and sometimes misleading) references to the Palermo Protocol norms, inviting the oft-repeated criticism of U.S.
unilateralism for exporting U.S. domestic standards under the guise of universally applicable intemational
norms. With many con- troversial issues still being actively debated, and much yet to be understood about this complex problem, efforts to
assess and guide global anti-trafficking practices through the single lens of U.S. experience risk misfire.
These unilateral trafficking policies risk the collapse of American soft power
Chuang, 6 Practitioner-in-Residence, American University Washington College ol' Law. J .D., Harvard Law
School; BA., Yale University (Janie A. Chuang, Winter 2006 , “The United States as Global Sheriff: Using
Unilateral Sanctions to Combat Human Trafficking”, Michigan Journal of International Law, Vol. 27, No. 2,
http://papers.ssrn.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=990098&download=yes)//EM
The use of unilateral economic sanctions has become a common foreign policy tool to alter state behavior, providing
"a middle road response between diplomacy and military action."•Â°' By far the most ac- tive sanctions proponent in the world,"• the United States
has used unilateral sanctions to promote its foreign policy objectives, including combating nuclear proliferation, fighting trafficking in drugs and weapons, promoting democracy and human rights, and punishing territorial aggression."• U.S. unilateral sanctions have taken the form of statutes
conditioning foreign assistance on a country's compliance with human rights and labor standards, targeting specific countries deemed to be rights
abusers and, in the case of Cuba, punishing third parties that do business with the target state." Commentators criticize U.S. economic
unilateralism as the hypo- critical, "hegemonic actions of a "˜hyperpowerf "•Â°' especially when wielded in the
name of promoting intemational human rights standards. Human rights advocates criticize U.S. unilateralism
for employing what Peter Danchin terms a "new realist"• approach to enforcing international norms-invoking
international human rights norms to justify the use of sanctions against target states, but using entirely domestic
norms and predominantly unilateral means to promote and protect those standards.°° Insofar as the United States seeks to
enforce international norms, critics argue, it does so selectively, subject to the changing priorities of U.S. domestic politics rather than a genuine respect
for those norms."• Resort to unilateral sanctions is also problematic because it under- mines multilateral definition and enforcement of intemational
human rights law."• As Danchin explains, persistent resort to unilateral sanctions instead of existing (though underdeveloped) multilateral enforcement
mechanisms creates a self-perpetuating cycle that ultimately undermines progressive development of multilateral alternativesf" "A multilateral regime
based on law cannot function effectively if one or more of its members choose to act outside of or even alongside that regime while at the same time
refusing to submit to those same rules."•'°° Finally, critics argue that unilateral sanctions are, in practice, inef- fective.'°' As the Center for
Strategic and Intemational Studies concluded in its study of U.S. unilateralism, "[n]early all unilateral sanctions fail nearly
all of the time," • and their use by the United States has "generally worked against U.S. foreign policy
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objectives." •'°2 When used to promote human rights and democratization objectives, U.S. sanctions have re- sulted in the populations of the
target countries, rather than their governments, suffering the consequent economic pain.'°' Indeed, in some countries, sanctions have diminished or
eliminated private sector en- gagement in political and economic change'°"˜ as target govemments use U.S. sanctions to good propaganda effect,
successfully blaming the United States for what, in effect, were actually intemal econon1ic policy failures.
U.S. trafficking credibility low now—leading by example through the aff increases soft power
and causes global modeling
Geraghty, 10 (Sarah Geraghty, French foreign ministry officer and member of the European Institute, May
2010, “Human Trafficking: U.S. Applies Global Pressure Alongside EU’s Own Drive”,
http://www.europeaninstitute.org/May-2010/human-trafficking-us-applies-global-pressure-along-eus-driveto-curb-these-flows-in-europe.html)//EM
That now seems to have changed. “Human trafficking is not an issue in which we can implement policies of American
exceptionalism,” says CdeBaca, “so this year we will rank and analyze the United States based on the same minimum standards that we do other
countries; it will not only help us at home, but leverage what we feel is a key source of American power
– the power to lead by example.” According to CdeBaca, there is a particular problem with guest-worker
programs in the U.S. because trafficking in these cases operates within legal channels. When migrants are
coerced into taking on debts, they often become trapped in a web of debt bondage by unscrupulous recruiters,
labor brokers, and employers. The complicating aspect of this situation is that these debts are legal and often are dealt with by U.S.
authorities as only administrative violations. Indeed, U.S. law enforcement has problems sometimes dealing with organized
trafficking because in America most policing is localized.
Soft power creates cooperation and checks great power conflict
Nye, 96 (Joseph, Washington Quarterly, Winter 1996, lexis)
While generally less threatening to U.S. interests than global or regional balance of power conflicts, communal conflicts are the most likely
kind of post-cold war conflict and have thus far proved the most frequent. Less than 10 percent of the 170 states in today's
world are ethnically homogenous. Only half have one ethnic group that accounts for as much as 75 percent of their population. Africa, in particular, is a
continent of a thousand ethnic and linguistic groups squeezed into some 50-odd states, many of them with borders determined by colonial powers in the
last century with little regard to traditional ethnic boundaries. The former Yugoslavia was a country with five nationalities, four languages, three
religions, and two alphabets. As a result of such disjunctions between borders and peoples, there
have been some 30 communal conflicts
since the end of the Cold War, many of them still ongoing. Communal conflicts, particularly those involving wars of secession, are
very difficult to manage through the UN and other institutions built to address interstate conflicts. The UN, regional organizations, alliances, and
individual states cannot provide a universal answer to the dilemma of self-determination versus the inviolability of established borders, particularly
when so many states face potential communal conflicts of their own. In a world of identity crises on many levels of analysis, it is not clear which selves
deserve sovereignty: nationalities, ethnic groups, linguistic groups, or religious groups. Similarly, uses of force for deterrence, compellence, and
reassurance are much harder to carry out when both those using force and those on the receiving end are disparate coalitions of international
organizations, states, and subnational groups. Moreover, although few communal conflicts by themselves threaten security beyond their regions, some
impose risks of "horizontal" escalation, or the spread to other states within their respective regions. This can happen through the involvement of
affiliated ethnic groups that spread across borders, the sudden flood of refugees into neighboring states, or the use of neighboring territories to ship
weapons to combatants. The use of ethnic propaganda also raises the risk of "vertical" escalation to more intense violence, more sophisticated and
destructive weapons, and harsher attacks on civilian populations as well as military personnel. There is also the danger that communal conflicts could
become more numerous if the UN and regional security organizations lose the credibility, willingness, and capabilities necessary to deal with such
conflicts. Preventing and Addressing Conflicts: The Pivotal U.S. Role Leadership by the United States, as the world's leading economy, its
most powerful military force, and a leading democracy, is
a key factor in limiting the frequency and destructiveness of great
power , regional, and communal conflicts . The paradox of the post-cold war role of the United States is that it is the most powerful
state in terms of both "hard" power resources (its economy and military forces) and " soft " ones (the appeal of its political system and culture),
yet it is not so powerful that it can achieve all its international goals by acting alone. The United States lacks both the international
and domestic prerequisites to resolve every conflict, and in each case its role must be proportionate to its interests at stake and the costs of pursuing
them. Yet the United States can continue to enable and mobilize international coalitions to pursue shared security interests, whether or not the United
States itself supplies large military forces. The U.S. role will thus not be that of a lone global policeman; rather, the United States can frequently serve
as the sheriff of the posse, leading shifting coalitions of friends and allies to address shared security concerns within the
legitimizing framework of international organizations. This requires sustained attention to the infrastructure and institutional mechanisms that make
U.S. leadership effective and joint action possible: forward stationing and preventive deployments of U.S. and allied forces, prepositioning of U.S. and
allied equipment, advance planning and joint training to ensure interoperability with allied forces, and steady improvement in the conflict resolution
abilities of an interlocking set of bilateral alliances, regional security organizations and alliances, and global institutions.
International law solves extinction
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Damrosch and Mullerson, 95 — Professor of Law, Columbia, AND, Professor of International Law, King’s
(Beyond Confrontation, International Law for the Post Cold War Era, 1995, p. 2-3)
I. Pressures on International Law: Demands Placed on It and Obstacles to Its Effectiveness The contemporary world has an ever
increasing need for an international legal system that can respond to the demands of our time. Of the many reasons
for this fact, we will survey only a few of the most salient. First and foremost is the increasing interdependence of all peoples. Even as the world is riven
with many contradictions and conflicts, it is also becoming more integrated with a greater need for orderly, predictable conduct. Events, and especially
natural and social disasters, even when they occur within a single country, have more noticeable effects on conditions in the world at large. The
Chernobyl accident, the earthquake in Armenia, and even internal political processes underway in the territories of the former Soviet Union and Eastern
Europe—these and many other events occurring within separate countries or regions have a global significance affecting the destiny of all peoples. The
intertwining of the economic life of diverse countries today is even greater than was the interdependence of different regions within the same state only
half a century ago. Order and predictability of the behavior of actors on the international scene can be achieved first of all with the aid of social norms,
among which international law occupies an important place. A second reason for the growth of the role of international law is inextricably connected
The threat of a thermonuclear catastrophe, universal ecological crisis, and acute
economic problems in developing countries are of global concern and endanger the very existence of humanity.
Resolution of these problems demands coordinated efforts of all states and peoples, which would be impossible to
achieve without the aid of international norms, procedures, and institutions. A third reason is the breathtaking political
with the first.
transformations of recent years. The changes that began in 1985 in the former Soviet Union and were unleashed in Eastern Europe have radically
transformed the map of the world. Although it is impossible to give a final evaluation of the character and significance of these changes at the present
time, it is possible to conclude that the fundamental global contradiction of the Cold War era—the contradiction between socialism and capitalism, which
to a great extent determined not only the general climate in the world but also the role and significance of international law in it—has been overcome. In
the Charter of Paris for a New Europe, 32 countries of Europe, together with the United States and Canada, affirmed that “the era of confrontation and
division in Europe has ended.” The end has come not only for division in Europe, but also in the world at large. But this fact can hardly lead
automatically to a non-contradictory, stable, world order. The acuteness of conflicts that are not connected with the so-called “fundamental
contradiction of the epoch” can even intensify,
as the unleashing of savage interethnic conflict in the former Yugoslavia and
the former Soviet Union amply demonstrates. Nonetheless, it is precisely the cooperation between former ideological and
political adversaries that can serve as the prerequisite and condition for the resolution of many of problems
and conflicts. A vivid example may be found in the reaction of world society to the aggression of Iraq against Kuwait and the reining in of the
aggressor with the aid of U.N. mechanisms in accordance with the U.N. Charter and other norms of international law.
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1ac organized crime
Human trafficking props up the drug cartels—often brings the majority of their revenue
Brice, 8 (Arthur Brice, CNN, 2008, “Human trafficking second only to drugs in
Mexico”, http://www.thehrf.org/news/documents/082710_CNN_Humanttrafficking.pdf)//EM
Mario Santos likely never made it to the United States. The 18-year-old set out 10 years ago from his nativ e El Salvador in search of opportunity and a
better way of life. But he had to travel north through Mexico first. A short while after leaving, he called his parents to tell them he had been beaten and
robbed in Mexic o, left penniless and without shoes or clothes. It was the last they hear d from him. While it's not certain that Santos is dead, he prob
ably suffered the same fate as 72 migrants from Cen tral and South America whose bodies were found this week in a ranch in nor thern Mexico, just 90
miles from the U.S. border. O fficials are investigating whether they were the victims of huma n traffickers or drug cartels that prey on migrants . It's a
fate that officials say befalls thousands of Central and South Americans every year. "It's brutal," says Peter Hakim, president emeritus of the InterAmerican Dialogue, a non-partisan Was hington policy institute. "This
is very big business. It's very brutal." It is indeed big
business. Human trafficking is one of the most lucrative forms of crime worldwide aft er drug and arms
trafficking, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime said in April. In Mexico, it is a $15 billion- to $20 billion-a-ye ar endeavor, second only to drug
trafficking, said Samuel Logan, founding director of Southern Pulse, an online information n etwork focused on Latin America. "And that may be a
conservative estimate," Logan sa id. That money, which used to go mostly to smugglers, n ow also flows into the hands of drug cartel members . The
Center for Strategic and International Studies, a bipartisan, nonprofit policy institute based in Washington,
noted in an August report that human smuggling and other illega l activities are playing an increasingly important role as
narcotraffickers diversify their activities. "The drug cartels have not confined themselves to selling narcotics," the
report said. "They engage in kidnapping for ransom, extortion, human smuggling and other crimes to augment
their incomes." Some cartels have come to rely more in recent years on human smuggling. "For the Zetas, it's been one of their
main revenue streams for years," Logan said about the vicious c artel, which operates mostly in northeastern Mexico. Cartel
involvement has increased the risk for migra nts crossing through Mexico to get to the United St ates, said Mexico's National Commission for Human
Rights. An investigat ion by the commission showed that 9,758 migrants we re abducted from September 2008 to February 2009, or about 1,600 per
month. No one knows exactly how many people try to make th e passage every year. The human rights organization Amnesty International estimates it as
tens of thousands. More than 90 pe rcent of them are Central Americans, mostly from El Salvador, Guatema la, Honduras and Nicaragua, Amnesty
International s aid in a report this year. And the vast majority of these migrants, the rights group said, are headed for the United States.
Human trafficking has permeated organized crime – catalyst for other criminal efforts
Keefer 6 United States Army Colonel (Sandra L., "Human Trafficking and the Impact on National Security for the United States,"
http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?Location=U2&doc=GetTRDoc.pdf&AD=ADA448573)
There is no doubt that profits made from human trafficking are enormous. Slave¶ traffickers around the world
have rediscovered how profitable it is to buy and sell people. The¶ United Nations believes that the trafficking of human
beings is now the third largest source of¶ money for organized crime, after arms and drugs.9¶ It has become the
world’s fastest growing¶ criminal enterprise, an estimated $9.5 billion per year. The commodities involved in this illicit¶ trade are men,
women, and children and the trafficker’s goal is to maximize profits. The sale¶ and distribution of trafficked humans in
the U.S. is a global, regional, and national problem.10¶ Attracted by huge profits made at minimal risks to the trafficker, criminal
organizations at¶ all levels are now involved with this heinous crime. The fall of communism, coupled with¶ deteriorating third
world economies, has fueled the dramatic rise of this form of commerce.11¶ An ounce of cocaine wholesale is $1200 but you can
only sell it once, a woman or child $50-¶ $1000 but you can sell them each day over and over and over again (30
to 40 customers a¶ day), and the markup is unbelievable.12 Trafficking humans – especially
children…enables¶ these international mobsters to play in the wider field…of trafficking
drugs, weapons , arms,¶ chemicals, toxic waste, and even piracy on the high seas. Research substantiates indisputable¶ links
between human trafficking and organized criminal syndicates the world over.13
Spills over to broader Latin American instability
Pease, 11 master of arts in international security and former intelligence analyst (Shadd A. Pease, June 2011,
“Instability in the South: The Implications of Mexican State Failure on U.S. National Security”, Proquest)//EM
A possible failed state in the country of Mexico would accelerate instability in the surrounding region. The countries
that surround the state of Mexico would be affected 55 by a sharp decrease in stability and security within the Mexican
state. Mexican citizens will begin to move to other areas of their own country, as well as, other states in order to escape violence and
disorder in their own towns and villages. Mexican internally displaced persons already exist primarily as the result of fighting in the state of Chiapas
located in the extreme south of the country; however, movement resulting from land disputes, narcotics trafficking and religious intolerance has led to
involuntary movement.84 According to the Geneva-based Internal Displacement Monitoring Center (IDMC) an estimated “115, 000 people have
been forcibly displaced by Mexico‟s drug violence…”85 Additional movements will inevitably cause instability
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both economic and security related not only to the United States, but to other Latin American states. This problem is elevated as
the South American region is already ranked the “third most unstable region in the world in the post-war era.”86
That causes nuclear war and a laundry list of other impacts
Manwaring, 4 [Max. Latin America Expert @ CSIS, PhD in Poli Sci from UChicago. Shadows of the Past and
Images of the Future 2004, Pg 36-8]
State failure is an evolutionary process, not an outcome. This state of affairs is often brought on by
poor, irresponsible, and insensitive governance, and leads to at least one other very fundamental reason why states fail.
That is, state failure can be a process that is exacerbated by nonstate (insurgent) groups that, for whatever reason, want to take down or exercise illicit
control over a given government. In Latin America, Colombia is, Peru has been, and both continue to be good examples of this. The narco-
insurgent/terrorist [is a] threat to the authority of the central governments. Through murder, kidnapping,
corruption, intimidation, destruction of infrastructure, and other means of coercion and persuasion, these violent, internal, nonstate actors compromise
the exercise of state authority. The government and its institutions become progressively less and less
capable of performing the tasks of governance, including exercising their fundamental personal security functions to protect
citizens. As a result, the narco-insurgents become increasingly wealthy and powerful , and affected countries
deteriorate further and further toward failed state status. Peru’s Sendero Luminoso calls violent and destructive activities that facilitate the processes of
state failure armed propaganda. Drug cartels operating in that country and throughout the Andean Ridge of South America and elsewhere call these
activities business incentives. Thus, in addition to helping to provide wider latitude to further their specific
objectives, Sendero’s and other violent nonstate actors’ armed propaganda and business incentives are
aimed at lessening a regime’s credibility and capability in terms of its ability and willingness to govern and develop its national
territory and society. This debilitating and destabilizing activity generates the most dangerous longterm security challenge facing the global community today. More specifically, failing or failed states in
Latin America, Africa, the Middle-East, and Asia are breeding grounds for instability, insurgency,
and terrorism. A breakdown in institutional governance can breed or exacerbate humanitarian
disasters and major refugee flows. Such states can host networks of all kinds, including criminal
business enterprises and/or some form of ideological, religious, or populist crusade. They also
spawn a variety of pernicious and lethal activities and outcomes, including torture and murder;
poverty, starvation, and disease; the recruitment and use of child soldiers; trafficking in women and human
organs for transplants; trafficking and proliferation of conventional weapons systems and weapons of
mass destruction; genocide, ethnic cleansing, warlordism; and criminal anarchy and insurgency. At the
same time, these networks and activities normally are unconfined and spill over into regional
syndromes of destabilization and conflict. Additionally, failing and failed states simply do not go away . Ample evidence
demonstrates that failing and failed states become dysfunctional states, rogue states, criminal states, narcostates, or new people’s democracies. Moreover, failing and failed states tend not to (1) buy U.S. and other
exporting nations’ products, (2) be interested in developing democratic and free market institutions and human
rights, or (3) cooperate on shared problems such as illegal drugs, illicit arms flows, debilitating refugee flows, and potentially
dangerous environmental problems. In short, the longer they persist, the more they and their associated problems
endanger global security, peace, and prosperity .
Allows Iran to gain leverage in the region which prevents the success of nuclear talks
Pease, 11 master of arts in international security and former intelligence analyst (Shadd A. Pease, June 2011,
“Instability in the South: The Implications of Mexican State Failure on U.S. National Security”, Proquest)//EM
The ability of foreign states to conduct operations inside the country of Mexico may be a concern if the Mexican
government is no longer able to secure and promote stability throughout the Mexican state. Foreign states such as Iran and
China have recently put more emphasis into the Latin American region. These states, particularly Iran, are unfriendly to the
United States. Consequently, Iran has begun to deepen its ties to countries in Latin America; this deepening in relationship is to a certain extent based on
shared aggression towards the United States.89 Although the government of Iran seeks to enjoy regional hegemony in the Middle East, there is the
possibility of members of the Iranian government actively seeking influence in a Mexican state that is unable to
secure its borders or effectively govern the entire country. This
type of action by Iran would elevate its authority in the
Latin American region therefore providing better leverage between itself and the United States: this deed would be
particularly important due to the ongoing nuclear talks that are extremely contentious between Iran and many Western states. This
thesis will explore the possibility of foreign states such as Iran, China, and Russia actively exploiting the situation in Mexico in order to gain greater
influence in the Latin American region in the subsequent sections.
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The terminal impact is a nuclear exchange
Edelman, 11 — Distinguished Fellow at the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, former U.S.
Undersecretary of Defense for Policy (Eric, “The Dangers of a Nuclear Iran: The Limits of Containment”,
Foreign Affairs, 2011, proquest)
FROM ISLAMABAD TO RIYADH The reports of the Congressional Commission on the Strategic Posture of the United States and the Commission on the
Prevention ofWeapons of Mass Destruction Proliferation and Terrorism, as well as other analyses, have highlighted the risk that a nuclear-armed
Iran could trigger additional nuclear proliferation in the Middle East, even if Israel does not declare its own nuclear arsenal.Notably,
Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia,Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates- all signatories to the
Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (npt)-have recently announced or initiated nuclear energy programs. Although some of these states
have legitimate economic rationales for pursuing nuclear power and although the low-enriched fuel used for power reactors cannot be used in nuclear
weapons, these moves have been widely interpreted as hedges against a nuclear-armed Iran. The npt does not bar states from
developing the sensitive technology required to produce nuclear fuel on their own, that is, the capability to enrich natural uranium and separate plutonium from spent nuclear fuel.Yet enrichment and
reprocessing can also be used to accumulate weapons-grade enriched uranium and plutonium-the very loophole that Iran has apparently exploited in pursuing a nuclear weapons capability. Developing
nuclear weapons remains a slow, expensive, and difficult process, even for states with considerable economic resources, and especially if other nations try to constrain aspiring nuclear states' access to
critical materials and technology.Without external support, it is unlikely that any of these aspirants could develop a nuclear weapons capability within a decade. There is, however, at least one state that
could receive significant outside support: Saudi Arabia. And if it did, proliferation could accelerate throughout the region. Iran and Saudi Arabia have long been geopolitical and ideological rivals. Riyadh
would face tremendous pressure to respond in some form to a nuclear-armed Iran, not only to deter Iranian coercion and subversion but also to preserve its sense that Saudi Arabia is the leading nation in
the Muslim world. The Saudi government is already pursuing a nuclear power capability, which could be the first step along a slow road to nuclear weapons development. And concerns persist that it might
be able to accelerate its progress by exploiting its close ties to Pakistan. During the 1980s, in response to the use of missiles during the Iran-Iraq War and their growing proliferation throughout the region,
Saudi Arabia acquired several dozen css-2 intermediate-range ballistic missiles from China. The Pakistani government reportedly brokered the deal, and it may have also offered to sell Saudi Arabia
nuclear warheads for the css-2s, which are not accurate enough to deliver conventional warheads effectively. There are still rumors that Riyadh and Islamabad have had discussions involving nuclear
Pakistan could sell operational nuclear
weapons and delivery systems to Saudi Arabia, or it could provide the Saudis with the infrastructure, material, and technical support they need to produce nuclear
weapons, nuclear technology, or security guarantees. This "Islamabad option" could develop in one of several different ways .
weapons themselves within a matter of years, as opposed to a decade or longer.Not only has Pakistan provided such support in the past, but it is currently building two more heavy-water reactors for
plutonium production and a second chemical reprocessing facility to extract plutonium from spent nuclear fuel. In other words, it might accumulate more fissile material than it needs to maintain even a
substantially expanded arsenal of its own. Alternatively, Pakistan might offer an extended deterrent guarantee to Saudi Arabia and deploy nuclear weapons, delivery systems, and troops on Saudi territory,
a practice that the United States has employed for decades with its allies. This arrangement could be particularly appealing to both Saudi Arabia and Pakistan. It would allow the Saudis to argue that they
are not violating the npt since they would not be acquiring their own nuclear weapons. And an extended deterrent from Pakistan might be preferable to one from the United States because stationing
foreign Muslim forces on Saudi territory would not trigger the kind of popular opposition that would accompany the deployment of U.S. troops. Pakistan, for its part, would gain financial benefits and
international clout by deploying nuclear weapons in Saudi Arabia, as well as strategic depth against its chief rival, India. The Islamabad option raises a host of difficult issues, perhaps the most worrisome
being how India would respond. Would it target Pakistan's weapons in Saudi Arabia with its own conventional or nuclear weapons? How would this expanded nuclear competition influence stability during
a crisis in either the Middle East or South Asia? Regardless of India's reaction, any decision by the Saudi government to seek out nuclear weapons, by whatever means, would be highly destabilizing. It
would increase the incentives of other nations in the Middle East to pursue nuclear weapons of their own. And it could increase their ability to do so by eroding the remaining barriers to nuclear
proliferation: each additional state that acquires nuclear weapons weakens the nonproliferation regime, even if its particular method of acquisition only circumvents, rather than violates, the npt. NPLAYER COMPETITION Were Saudi Arabia to acquire nuclear weapons, the Middle East would count three nuclear-armed states, and perhaps more before long. It is unclear how such an n-player
competition would unfold because most analyses of nuclear deterrence are based on the U.S.- Soviet rivalry during the Cold War. It seems likely, however, that
the interaction among three
or more nuclear-armed powers would be more prone to miscalculation and escalation than a bipolar competition. During the Cold War,
the United States and the Soviet Union only needed to concern themselves with an attack from the other.Multipolar systems are generally considered to
be less stable than bipolar systems because coalitions can shift quickly, upsetting the balance of power and creating incentives for an attack. More
important, emerging
nuclear powers in the Middle East might not take the costly steps necessary to preserve regional
stability and avoid a nuclear exchange . For nuclear-armed states, the bedrock of deterrence is the knowledge that each side has a secure
second-strike capability, so that no state can launch an attack with the expectation that it can wipe out its opponents' forces and avoid a devastating
retaliation. However, emerging nuclear powers might not invest in expensive but survivable capabilities such as hardened
missile silos or submarinebased nuclear forces. Given this likely vulnerability, the close proximity of states in the Middle East, and the
very short flight times of ballistic missiles in the region, any new nuclear powers might be compelled to "launch on warning " of
an attack or even, during a crisis, to use their nuclear forces preemptively. Their governments might also delegate launch authority to
lower-level commanders, heightening the possibility of miscalculation and escalation. Moreover, if early warning systems were not
integrated into robust command-and-control systems, the risk of an unauthorized or accidental launch would increase further still. And without
sophisticated early warning systems, a nuclear attack might be unattributable or attributed incorrectly. That is,
assuming that the leadership of a targeted state survived a first strike, it might not be able to accurately determine which nation was responsible. And
this uncertainty, when combined with the pressure to respond quickly, would
create a significant risk that it would
retaliate against the wrong party, potentially triggering a regional nuclear war . Most existing nuclear powers have taken steps to
protect their nuclear weapons from unauthorized use: from closely screening key personnel to developing technical safety measures, such as permissive
action links, which require special codes before the weapons can be armed. Yet there is no guarantee that emerging nuclear powers would be willing or
able to implement these measures, creating a significant risk that their governments might lose control over the weapons or nuclear material and that
nonstate actors could gain access to these items. Some states might seek to mitigate threats to their nuclear arsenals; for instance, they might hide their
weapons. In that case, however, a single intelligence compromise could leave their weapons vulnerable to attack or theft.
Human trafficking networks increase the risk of terrorism – ease of entry to the US
Keefer 6 United States Army Colonel (Sandra L., "Human Trafficking and the Impact on National Security for the United States,"
http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?Location=U2&doc=GetTRDoc.pdf&AD=ADA448573)
The national and international enforcement environment changed significantly after the¶ September 11, 2001 attacks. Today
the conditions
could be right for terrorist and human¶ smugglers to join forces. Emphasis is now being placed on targeting alien smuggling¶
organizations that present threats to our national security. This emphasis recognizes that¶ terrorists and their associates are likely to
align themselves with specific alien smuggling¶ networks to obtain undetected entry into the United States.
Three factors have created an¶ environment in which terrorists and smuggling enterprises may combine their
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criminal efforts to¶ pose a significant national and international threat. These factors include the fact that the¶ criminal
organizations involved are growing in volume and sophistication; and those same¶ organizations’ developing the ability to exploit
public corruption; and lax immigration controls in¶ source and transit countries.16¶ The thread of trafficking runs through Al Qaeda’s
tapestry of terror. Since the start of the¶ war in Afghanistan, reports have indicated that the Taliban engaged in open abduction of¶
women and girls, taking them as war booty. There are numerous accounts of forced marriages,¶ rapes, women and girls forced to act as
concubines, and numerous killings. Many of those girls¶ who were not used as concubines were sold as sexual slaves to wealthy Arabs through¶ contacts
arranged by the Al Qaeda terrorist network. Proceeds from these sales allegedly¶ helped keep the cash-strapped Taliban
afloat.17 In the National Security Strategy of the United¶ States of America, September 2002, President Bush wrote that “the United States will
continue¶ to work with our allies to disrupt the financing of terrorism. We will identify and block the¶ sources of funding for terrorism.¶ John P.
Torres, deputy assistant director for smuggling and public safety at the United¶ States Bureau of Immigration
and Customs Enforcement (ICE), told the House Judiciary¶ subcommittee on immigration, border security and claims that
human smuggling and trafficking¶ into the United States constituted a “significant risk to national security and
public safety.”19 He¶ further stated that well-established smuggling and trafficking pipelines serve as a way for illegal¶ aliens
and criminals seeking entry into this country, many of whom easily could have been¶ exploited by terrorist and extremist organizations
looking to carry out violent acts. The United¶ States is a primary target destination for smugglers and traffickers, which means that literally¶
tens of thousands of men, women and children are entering this nation illegally each year –¶ undocumented, undetected and unprotected. Untraced
profits feed organized-crime activities,¶ undermine government action and the rule of law, while allowing
criminal networks to grow¶ stronger, more resilient and more dangerous.20
Extinction
Corsi ‘5 [Jerome. PhD in Poli Sci from Harvard, Expert in Politically-Motivated Violence. Atomic Iran, Pg 1768//JVOSS]
The combination of horror and outrage that will surge upon the nation will demand that the
president retaliate for the incomprehensible damage done by the attack. The problem will be
that the president will not immediately know how to respond or against whom. The perpetrators will have
been incinerated by the explosion that destroyed New York City. Unlike 9-11, there will have been no interval during the attack when those hijacked could
make phone calls to loved ones telling them before they died that the hijackers were radical Islamic extremists. There will be no such phone calls when
the attack will not have been anticipated until the instant the terrorists detonate their improvised nuclear device inside the truck parked on a curb at the
Empire State Building. Nor will there be any possibility of finding any clues, which either were
vaporized instantly or are now lying physically inaccessible under tons of radioactive rubble.
Still, the president, members of Congress, the military, and the public at large will suspect another attack by
our known enemy –Islamic terrorists. The first impulse will be to launch a nuclear strike on
Mecca, to destroy the whole religion of Islam. Medina could possibly be added to the target list just to make the point with
crystal clarity. Yet what would we gain? The moment Mecca and Medina were wiped off the map, the Islamic world – more than 1 billion
human beings in countless different nations – would feel attacked. Nothing would emerge intact after a war
between the United States and Islam. The apocalypse would be upon us. [CONTINUES} Or the president
might decide simply to launch a limited nuclear strike on Tehran itself. This might be the most rational option in the attempt to retaliate but still
communicate restraint. The problem is that a strike on Tehran would add more nuclear devastation to the world calculation. Muslims around
the world would still see the retaliation as an attack on Islam, especially when the United States
had no positive proof that the destruction of New York City had been triggered by radical Islamic
extremists with assistance from Iran. But for the president not to retaliate might be unacceptable to the American people. So
weakened by the loss of New York, Americans would feel vulnerable in every city in the nation. "Who is going to be next?" would be the question on
everyone's mind. For this there would be no effective answer. That the president might think politically at this instant
seems almost petty, yet every president is by nature a politician. The political party in power at
the time of the attack would be destroyed unless the president retaliated with a nuclear strike
against somebody. The American people would feel a price had to be paid while the country was
still capable of exacting revenge.
Drug cartels strengthen the Russian mafia—provide a substantial profit
Seper, 1 Washington Times (Jerry Seper, 5/28/1, “Mexicans, Russian mob new partners in crime”,
http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/drugs/mexicans-russians.htm)//EM
The recent seizure of 20 tons of cocaine from two "fishing boats" manned by Russian and Ukrainian crewmen
has raised concerns that Mexican drug smugglers are doing business with the Russian mafia. U.S. intelligence
sources believe drug cartels in Mexico, considered among the world´s most ruthless, have followed the lead of Colombian cocaine
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smugglers to form alliances with the Russian mob and other Eastern European crime organizations . Led by the ArellanoFelix cartel in Tijuana, the sources said those alliances have been firmly established and involve the shipment of both cocaine and heroin. Colombian
drug cartels discovered the Russian mafia as early as 1992. The Russians, who operated from New York, Florida and Puerto Rico, moved quickly to help
the Colombians import drugs into Europe through Italy. The Russian mobsters, many of them former KGB agents, controlled numerous
banks in Moscow and established others in Panama and the Caribbean to launder hundreds of millions of dollars
in illicit drug profits
-- for themselves and the Colombians. The partnership gave the Colombians a new market for their cocaine and
heroin, nearly all of which previously had been destined for the United States, and opened
up for Russian organized crime what one
U.S. intelligence official described as a "a bank vault."
Russian organized crime causes accidental launch and loose nukes that end up in the hands of
rogue states and terrorists
Durch, 99 senior associate at the Henry L. Stimson Center in Washington, D.C., where he co-directs the
project on Reducing Nuclear Dangers and Building Co-operative Security (William J. Durch, “Searching for
National Security: Threat and Response in the Age of Vulnerability”, The Henry L. Stimson Institution,
http://www.stimson.org/images/uploads/research-pdfs/SearchingforNationalSecurity.pdf)//EM
Frustration, crime, and corruption all afflict Russia, which thus far enjoys neither the prosperity of the West, nor its freedom from armed
transborder threats, nor its internal stability or look-ahead optimism. Coming across Russian borders is Afghanistan’s revenge, a rising tide of narcotics transported in part by
corrupt or criminal elements within the Russian military. The Russian military has lost its ideological bearings, more than half of its end strength, its position in society, and
the war in Chechnya. It has neither housing for its troops nor enough money to pay them but does control billions of dollars worth of weaponry, ammunition, technology, and
information. If recent analyses are even roughly accurate, then significant
elements of the Russian government and military are at
steadily cumulating risk of coming under organized criminal influence, which could directly affect American
security by increasing the danger of nuclear , chemical , or biological weapons-related materials or
technologies reaching the international black market; and by halting or constraining international cooperation
needed to secure Russian nuclear forces and reinforce military command and control. Public Opinion and National Strategy
In a democracy, public opinion shapes public policy by indicating how people may eventually vote, but on any given issue it may take several forms. For example, while more
than 80 percent of the public agreed, when asked in 1998, that terrorism is a “critical threat” to the United States, less than a third worry much about terrorist acts occurring in
this country, and only 8–12 percent volunteer terrorism as one of the top three international problems facing the United States. Public opinion leaders are even less vocal in
volunteering terrorism as an important problem. These volunteered views have not changed (within sampling error) for over a decade, even as public policy has wheeled to
face the perceived terrorist challenge at home. Other views, however, have changed substantially. When the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations polled the public in 1986 on
the most important problem facing the United States, 31 percent volunteered “war” or “the arms race with the Soviet Union.” In response to the same question in late 1998, 21
percent (the largest block) said “don’t know.” Common perceptions on the part of US and European publics and opinion leaders are important to crafting and sustaining
collaborative threat management. Polls suggests a future competitive-cooperative relationship, with each side tending to its economic interests but with grounds for joint
endeavors against weapons of mass destruction (WMD), terrorism, drug trafficking, and organized crime. (The prospects for joint US-European efforts to secure energy
Executive Summary ix supplies — an important priority for US leaders and the public — are not measurable from European Union polling.) Official US threat perceptions have
evolved in ten years from a close focus on the Soviet threat, nuclear deterrence, and Soviet-inspired instabilities abroad, to an emphasis on threats from regional powers,
proliferation of WMD, and the risk of terrorists acquiring such weapons. Deterrence has become a generic capacity to dissuade, and nuclear forces “serve as a hedge against an
uncertain future.” In other words, the United States retains its most powerful weapons to confront the unknown. Preparations for major theater war (MTW) with
conventionally-armed forces continue to absorb the greatest share of security-related federal spending but spending is down by one quarter compared with ten years ago.
Nuclear-related spending is down by two thirds in the same period and no longer overshadows other non-MTW security spending; indeed, the fight against illicit drugs now
captures almost as many federal resources as do nuclear programs. Spending on “lesser military contingencies” like peacekeeping in Bosnia and actions with other members of
the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) against Yugoslavia is likely to equal or exceed the cost of the fight against drugs in fiscal 1999, if all relevant support costs are
allocated, reflecting the increased preoccupation of US forces with operations of this type. NATO’s collective action comports with the US public’s invariably strong preference
for multilateral over unilateral military action. While one suspects that the public may simply want to pay less for overseas engagement rather than do more of them, its
preference points toward allied or coalition action as the way ahead for conventional military engagements of large size or long duration. The very high fraction of security
dollars devoted to MTW may otherwise be misspent, as public support for sustained, unilateral engagement of those forces could be difficult to generate. While the US
National Security Strategy separates interests and values in the timehonored fashion of realpolitik, the most vital US interest lies in maintaining the country not just as a chunk
of populated land but as an entity with a particular configuration of political power (representative democracy), economic relations (open markets), legal structures, and
personal rights, that is, a particular configuration of values. That the global “spread of modernity” in politics, economics, and human rights supports America’s vital interests is
clear if one takes but a moment to appreciate that states with weak, corrupt governments and destitute, repressed x Searching for National Security: Threat and Response in
the Age of Vulnerability populations become sources and transit points for, among other things, international narcotics. Nature may abhor a vacuum but the drug trade loves it.
Fear of the unknown or uncontrollable threat appears to be hard-wired into our psyches. It abets worst-case planning and helps to account for the swelling emphasis on
domestic counterterrorism and critical infrastructure protection, programs designed to cope with potentially highcost events of unknown probability. Just as uncertainty about
post-Soviet interstate threats plagued defense planners in the early 1990s, uncertainty about transnational threats seems to be making vulnerability the pacing factor of US
policy as the decade closes. The worry behind the policy is that Americans have built for themselves an ultimately undefendable way of life. The object of new policy is to
reduce that worry but, without a realistic measure of true threat, there is a risk of creating a vulnerability-response cascade that may pose its own challenge to the open society.
Measuring Threat and Response There is a widely recognized need for better approaches to threat assessment in the new national security environment. Important
dimensions of security threats include their damage potential, how much warning we may have of their
occurrence, and a sense of their overall probability or “strategic likelihood,” not the likelihood of any particular action but a
measure of predisposition to act. To compare disparate threats — interstate, transnational, and ecological — ten-point scales were devised for
warning time and four separate dimensions of damage potential (depth, breadth, ripple effect, and recovery time). Averaged scores on
these five scales produce simple index of threat. Sample indices for historical and hypothetical events appear in the table below. (Likelihood estimates are not factored into
these numbers but may be found in the main text.) Of the sample threats evaluated, political-military
decay in Russian sufficient to weaken its
nuclear command and control system, increase the probability of an accidental launch of some fraction of its
remaining nuclear forces, or increase the probability of WMD falling into terrorist hands, could have the
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most devastating consequences
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for the United States. While attacks such as that by the Bin Laden group against US embassies in 1998 were deadly,
and serious, their damage potential to the United States is less than that posed by economic collapse in Mexico, or information attacks that succeeded in disabling some
significant element of US infrastructure.
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1ac relations
Cooperating on human trafficking solves US-Latin American relations
Cary 10 Council on Hemispheric Affairs research associate; COHA is a nonprofit, tax-exempt independent research and information organization
(Kelsey, 7/27/10, "Combating Human Trafficking in the Western Hemisphere: The Need for Increased NGO Involvement,"
http://www.coha.org/combating-human-trafficking-in-the-western-hemisphere-the-need-for-increased-ngo-involvement/)//AM
He went on to clarify that “the heart of human trafficking lies in exploitation; it’s not always about migration. Forty percent of trafficking victims in the
U.S. come from Latin America. It is every bit as much for labor as for sexual exploitation.” A Congressional Research Report highlights the case of
Mexico because it accounted for twenty-three percent of recognized human trafficking victims in the U.S. in 2008
alone. Thus, increased collaboration between the U.S. and Mexico regarding immigration and trafficking
legislation will only yield positive outcomes. By examining the case of Mexico it is evident that a deepening of relations
between the U.S. and Latin American countries could be facilitated by engaging in dialogue regarding human
rights, especially trafficking.
Latin American relations solve extinction
Zedillo, et al 08 --- Commission Co-Chair for the Brookings Institute Report on the Partnership for the
Americas and former President of Mexico [Ernesto Zedillo, Thomas R. Pickering, etc, Rethinking U.S.–Latin
American Relations A Hemispheric Partnership for a Turbulent World. Report of the Partnership for the
Americas Commission, The Brookings Institution, November 2008,
http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/Research/Files/Reports/2008/11/24%20latin%20america%20partnersh
ip/1124_latin_america_partnership.PDF, ENDI File]
The Need for a Hemispheric Partnership Historically, the United States and Latin America have rarely
developed a genuine and sustained partnership to address regional—let alone global—challenges. Mutual distrust
is partly to blame. Also, the LAC countries were often not ready to make stable commitments. The United States had other
preoccupations and did not make hemispheric partnership a priority. Problems and solutions were seen from
Washington as country-specific and were managed mostly on a country-bycountry basis through bilateral channels. Meanwhile, multilateral
forums—such as the Organization of American States and the summits of hemispheric leaders—ran out of steam, became mired in
confrontation, or remained underresourced. If a hemispheric partnership remains elusive, the costs to the
United States and its neighbors will be high, in terms of both growing risks and missed
opportunities. Without a partnership, the risk that criminal networks pose to the region’s
people and institutions will continue to grow. Peaceful nuclear technology may be adopted
more widely, but without proper safeguards, the risks of nuclear proliferation will increase .
Adaptation to climate change will take place through isolated, improvised measures by individual
countries, rather than through more effective efforts based on mutual learning and coordination.
Illegal immigration to the United States will continue unabated and unregulated, adding to an ever-larger underclass
that lives and works at the margins of the law. Finally, the countries around the hemisphere, including the United States, will
lose valuable opportunities to tap new markets, make new investments, and access valuable
resources. It is important to note at the outset that the term “partnership” as used in this report does not mean equal responsibility for all. The
asymmetries between the United States and its neighbors are large and will remain so for the foreseeable future. Partnership here means
a type of international cooperation whereby a group of countries identifies common interests,
objectives, and solutions, and then each partner country undertakes responsibilities according to its own economic and political
capacities to generate shared benefits. Today, four changes in the region have made a hemispheric partnership both
possible and necessary . First, the key challenges faced by the United States and the hemisphere’s other countries—
such as securing sustainable energy supplies, combating and adapting to climate change, and
combating organized crime and drug trafficking—have become so complex and deeply
transnational that they cannot be managed or overcome by any single country. Washington
needs partners in the LAC region with a shared sense of responsibility and a common stake in the future. For example, drug
trafficking and its associated criminal networks have now spread so widely across the hemisphere that
they can no longer be regarded as a “U.S. problem,” a “Colombian problem,” or a “Mexican problem.” The threat
posed by these networks can only be countered through coordinated efforts across producing, consuming,
and transshipment countries, all of which have a shared interest in controlling the flow of arms, money, vehicles, and drugs. The
process of combating and adapting to climate change also exemplifies the need for a
hemispheric partnership. All carbon-emitting societies contribute to the problem to different degrees, and
all will experience its consequences. The solutions—ranging from developing alternative fuels to
adapting to ecological shocks—all require sustained cooperation among the hemisphere’s
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countries. The second change is that the LAC countries are diversifying their international
economic relations. Their range of trading and investment partners is expanding, with China in
particular playing a prominent role in the region. Chinese imports from the LAC countries increased twentyfold between 1990 and 2005, while Chinese
exports to the region grew even faster, from $620 million in 1990 to $37 billion in 2005. Latin America is also attracting significant foreign investment
from nontraditional sources. Between just 2003 and 2005, the stock of Chinese foreign direct investment in the LAC region increased by 40 percent.
China has become a key buyer of commodities, driving up prices and reversing the long-term decline in the region’s terms of trade. Meanwhile, the
Caribbean countries have recently signed an Economic Partnership Agreement with the European Union, immediately opening all European markets
and gradually opening Caribbean ones. With more valuable exports and less expensive manufactured imports, living standards in the LAC region have
improved significantly. At the same time, many LAC countries have moved beyond their traditional reliance on resources from the International
Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the Inter-American Development Bank. Chile, Mexico, Peru, and Brazil now enjoy investment-grade status from
credit-rating agencies and in recent years have been able to raise capital readily in international markets. The same is true of several other countries,
including Colombia, El Salvador, Panama, and Uruguay, which until the recent financial crisis enjoyed ready access to private international capital.
Regionally owned institutions, such as the Andean Development Corporation and the Central American Bank for Economic Integration, have also
reduced the region’s dependence on traditional sources of capital. Some Latin American countries are investing abroad
on an unprecedented scale. In 2006, for example, Brazil invested more abroad ($28 billion) than it received in foreign direct investment
($19 billion). In Chile, private pension funds and the government have become active international investors. Surpluses have allowed Venezuela to inject
billions of dollars into other countries, particularly through subsidized oil exports. Many Latin American multinationals—such as Brazil’s Vale, Gerdau,
and Odebrecht; and Mexico’s CEMEX, America Movil, and Grupo FEMSA—have become global corporate giants. The current crisis may no doubt affect
the relative magnitude of these investments, but economic relationships in the hemisphere will continue to diversify as the world economy recovers.
The third change is that the LAC countries are diversifying their political and diplomatic
relations. The most notable example is Brazil, which has opened thirty-two new embassies in
the past five years. Together with Venezuela, Brazil is playing a more active political role in the region through the Union of South American
Nations, which is already active at the presidential level and is expected to become a key forum for the discussion of defense issues. Mexico and
Brazil are also playing prominent roles in international forums and organizations, including the
finance ministers’ Group of Twenty and the trade ministers’ Group of Twenty. Brazil has announced its intention to join the Organization of the
Petroleum-Exporting Countries and the Paris Club. Chile and Brazil are expected to become members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD) in the not-too-distant future. Mexico, Peru, and Chile are active members of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum. In
sum, this diversification of political and economic relations reflects many LAC countries’ new confidence in their capacity to chart their own course in the
world. Their enhanced confidence and autonomy will make many LAC countries much less
responsive to U.S. policies that are perceived as patronizing, intrusive, or prescriptive, and they
will be more responsive to policies that engage them as partners on issues of mutual concern.
Also, the LAC countries’ diversification of economic and political relations means that Washington will have to compete with
governments both outside and within the region for regional influence. In particular, Brasília and Caracas are
both vying for leadership in South America; and though they may have different visions for regional integration and different ways to approach other
governments, they agree that Washington should play a more limited role in their part of the world. The fourth change is that, today, the LAC
countries are better positioned to act as reliable partners. Despite remaining governance challenges, the vast
majority of these countries are stable democracies for which competitive elections and peaceful
transitions of power are the norm, not the exception. Throughout these countries, civil society groups now participate
extensively in the policymaking process, and there is much less tolerance of violence as a means of political expression. Economic progress
has also made the LAC countries more reliable partners. Leaders, including some on the left, are committed to fiscal
responsibility. Most central banks are now independent bodies focused on inflation control. Exchange rates largely reflect market forces. As a result,
many LAC countries can now look beyond their borders and commit to sustained partnerships and responsibilities on regional and global issues. In
sum, the countries of the LAC region have made significant strides in economic and social development and
will continue to prosper even if U.S. leaders remain disengaged. Washington must decide
whether it wants to actively reengage and benefit from the region’s dynamism and resources or
be sidelined as other economic and political actors fill the void left by its absence .
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Inherency
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2ac generic trafficking increasing
Trafficking of all types and of various peoples is increasing in the status quo
ABA, 9 (American Bar Association, March 2009, “HUMAN TRAFFICKING A SSESSMENT TOOL REPORT
FOR MEXICO”, http://apps.americanbar.org/rol/publications/mexico_2009_htat_en.pdf)//EM
The scope of human trafficking in Mexico is difficu lt to ascertain. Sources of information include media reports, a limited number of academic studies
and international estimates, experiences of non-governmental organizations [hereinafter NGOs] a nd international organizations that have identified
and assisted trafficking victims, and go vernment agencies that have investigated or prosecuted trafficking or related cases. Estimates vary from
between 20,000 to 500,000 victims in Mexico at any given time, depending on how the i ssue of sexual exploitation of adults is
perceived, but no official statistics are available . NGOs and international organizations interviewed fo r this report had assisted over 300 trafficking
victims, including Mexican and foreign women and children in prostitution; Chinese women and men in forced
labor in a maquila factory; 2 Guatemalan men, women, and children in forced labor in the agricultural sector;
Mexican and foreign men in forced labor in the construction sector; and Mexican and foreign women in
domestic work. The Na tional Migration Institute [hereinafter NMI], an agency of the Ministry of the Interior [hereinaf ter MOI], reports having
assisted 22 trafficking victims with migration documentation between Januar y 2000 and March 2008. The Office on Organized Crime of the Office of
the Attorney Gener al [hereinafter OAG] has prosecuted three trafficking-related cases, all of which involve wom en in commercial sexual exploitation,
and the newly created Specialized Prosecutorial Unit for Wo men Victims of Violence and Trafficking in Persons [hereinafter FEVIMTRA] has
investigated 24 cases. In October 2008, FEVIMTRA issued its first formal indictment using the Law to Preven t and Sanction Trafficking in Persons (
adopted Nov. 27, 2007, Official Journal of the Federation ( D.O.)) [hereinafter F EDERAL A NTI -T RAFFICKING L AW ], in the case of forced labor in
Sonora. At the s tate level, various cases related to trafficking in persons are in the process of being investigated . However, the assessment team received
information on only one state-level case in which i ndictments under the specific charge of trafficking in persons were made. This case is bei ng
prosecuted in Michoacan.
Trafficking is increasing – drug cartels
Brice 10 CNN reporter (Arthur, "Human trafficking second only to drugs in Mexico, 10/15/2010,
http://www.thehrf.org/news/documents/082710_CNN_Humanttrafficking.pdf)//AM
It is indeed big business. Human
trafficking is one of the most lucrative forms of crime worldwide after drug and arms¶
United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime said in April.¶ In Mexico, it is a $15 billion- to $20 billiona-year endeavor, second only to drug trafficking, said Samuel Logan, founding¶ director of Southern Pulse, an online information network focused
on Latin America.¶ "And that may be a conservative estimate," Logan said.¶ That money, which used to go mostly to smugglers, now also
flows into the hands of drug cartel members.¶ The Center for Strategic and International Studies, a bipartisan, nonprofit policy
institute based in Washington, noted in an¶ August report that human smuggling and other illegal activities are playing an
increasingly important role as narcotraffickers¶ diversify their activities.¶ "The drug cartels have not confined themselves
to selling narcotics," the report said. "They engage in kidnapping for ransom,¶ extortion, human smuggling and other
crimes to augment their incomes."¶ Some cartels have come to rely more in recent years on human smuggling.
trafficking, the
Trafficking is growing – poverty, cartels and increased organized crime
The Washington Post 11 ("Mexican cartels move into human trafficking," 7/27/11, http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2011-0727/world/35267252_1_sexual-exploitation-marisela-morales-cartels)//AM
As organized crime and globalization have increased, Mexico has become a major destination for sex traffic, as
well as a transit point and supplier of victims to the United States. Drug cartels are moving into the trade,
preying on immigrant women, sometimes with the complicity of corrupt regional officials, according to diplomats and
activists.¶ “If narcotics traffickers are caught, they go to high-security prisons, but with the trafficking of women, they have found absolute impunity,”
said Rosi Orozco, a congresswoman in Mexico and sponsor of a proposed law against human trafficking.¶ In
Mexico, thousands of women
and children are forced into sex traffic every year, Orozco said, most of it involving lucrative prostitution rings.¶ “It is growing
because of poverty, because the cartels have gotten involved and because no one tells them no,” said Teresa Ulloa, the regional
director of the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women and Girls in Latin America and the Caribbean. “We are fighting so that their lives
and their bodies are not merchandise.”
Mexico’s currently shifting to decrease trafficking but it’s not enough
The Washington Post 11 ("Mexican cartels move into human trafficking," 7/27/11, http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2011-0727/world/35267252_1_sexual-exploitation-marisela-morales-cartels)//AM
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Authorities said federal police mounted a massive raid against human trafficking in bars and hotels in Ciudad Juarez last
weekend, arresting hundreds of suspects and recovering a missing 15-year-old girl and four other minors who were being used for sexual exploitation.
But convictions are still rare, making the attention seem like empty political rhetoric or a response to international
pressure, said Saul Arellano, an analyst at the CEIDAS think tank. He viewed the proposed law as a much-needed
step in the right direction, but he said it would have to be matched by a stronger effort to arrest and convict
traffickers.
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2ac trafficking underreported
Trafficking victims are underreported
McGaha and Evans, 11 (Johnny E. McGaha, Ph.D. Professor of Justice Studies & Director, Esperanza AntiTrafficking Project AND Amanda Evans, Ed.D. MSW, Assistant Professor of Social Work & Program Evaluator ,
10/4/11, “Where are the Victims?”, http://bebopper76.wordpress.com/2011/08/30/sex-trafficking-researchessay-papers/)//EM
III. The Hidden Crime: Reasons for Potential Underreporting As we heard often during this symposium, by the very nature of the crime, human
trafficking is largely hidden and accurate data on the extent and nature of human trafficking is hard to calculate. Trafficking victims are often in
dangerous positions and may be unable, or unwilling, to jeopardize their lives to report to or seek help from relevant authorities. Victims may
live
daily with emotional and physical abuse, inhumane treatment, and threats to their families back home. They
may fear authority figures and are often told that if discovered, they would be imprisoned, deported or tortured.
Visas and other identify documents, if any exist, are often taken by their traffickers as an addition method of detaining the victims. Fostering fear
of authority in victims is a common contributor to poor detection of human trafficking victims. Douglas Blackmon [9]
compares the current issue of human trafficking to the past history of post-abolition slave treatment in theU.S. in the late 1800’s. According to
Blackmon, for decades after emancipation, thousands of African Americans were forced into labor after charges were made against them through the
criminal justice system. To pay off these so-called debts they worked for landowners without, or at best minimal, compensation. If they resisted, new
charges were filed against them, thus their debt increased. This method of control is similar to many founded cases of human trafficking today. This form
of slavery very much resembles the stories of human trafficking today. Because of these reasons, many professionals feel that human
trafficking is an underreported crime, not unlike domestic violence or rape where victims have to put their trust in police, prosecutors
and victims services professionals to face their accusers in court. The fact that human trafficking victims are often from other
countries and cultures that do not value women as well as being unfamiliar with the language or culture here,
magnifies their distrust of authority and unwillingness to come forward. [10] Another contributing factor is some victim’s fear
of access to justice because of their own immigration status. Victims who entered this country without proper documentation have a limited
understanding of their legal rights [11]. According toLogan, Walker, and Hunt, human trafficking perpetrators often use victims for criminal activity and
victims fear that they will be perceived as criminals as well if they attempt to seek help.
Trafficking victims are afraid to speak out
Garza, 11 (Rocio Garza, Harvard graduate, candidate for Juris Doctor, 11/1/11, Addressing Human Trafficking
Along the United States-Mexico Border: the Need for a Bilateral Partnership,
http://www.cjicl.com/uploads/2/9/5/9/2959791/cjicl_19.2_garza_note.pdf)//EM
Human trafficking is a crime that traumatizes victims and intimidates them into silence . 218 Because
human traffickers are usually linked to larger criminal organization, victims may be hesitant and afraid to press
charges after being released or escaping the grip of traffickers.219 It is less likely that victims will come forward with
charges even when they are able to if they have to admit wrongdoing that can be interpreted as consent to the crime
perpetrated against them. Under Mexican legislation, “the victims themselves must bring charges against the offenders in order for the crime to be
considered human trafficking.”220 Requiring the traumatized victim to bring charges against the offender and to prove that he or she did not consent to
the crime perpetrated against him or her places an almost insurmountable burden on that victim. Victims of such heinous crimes should not have to
prove their lack of consent as a prerequisite to getting justice. To do so is to violate the Mexican Anti-Trafficking Law’s core purpose to provide protection
to victims of human trafficking.22
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2ac labor trafficking increasing
Labor trafficking is rampant and leads to the worse forms of individual violence
FEINGOLD 2005 (David, Director, Ophidian Research Institute; International Coordinator, HIV/AIDS and
Trafficking Projects, UNESCO Bangkok, August 30, 2005, “Think Again: Human Trafficking,” Foreign Policy,
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2005/08/30/think_again_human_trafficking?page=full, Hensel)
"Most Victims Are Trafficked into the Sex Industry" No. Trafficking of women and children (and, more rarely, young men) for prostitution is a vile and
heinous violation of human rights, but labor trafficking is probably more widespread. Evidence can be found in field studies of trafficking
victims across the world and in the simple fact that the worldwide market for labor is far greater than that for sex. Statistics on the "end use" of trafficked
people are often unreliable because they tend to overrepresent the sex trade. For example, men are excluded from the trafficking statistics gathered in
Thailand because, according to its national law, men cannot qualify as trafficking victims. However, a detailed 2005 study by the International Labour
Organization (ILO) found that, of the estimated 9.5 million victims of forced labor in Asia, less than 10 percent are trafficked for commercial sexual
exploitation. Worldwide, less than half of all trafficking victims are part of the sex trade, according to the same report. Labor trafficking, however,
is hardly benign. A study of Burmese domestic workers in Thailand by Mahidol University's Institute for Population and Social
Research found beatings, sexual assault, forced labor without pay, sleep deprivation, and rape to be common.
Another study by the German Agency for Technical Cooperation (GTZ) looked at East African girls trafficked to the Middle
East and found that most were bound for oppressive domestic work, and often raped and beaten along the way.
Boys from Cambodia and Burma are also frequently trafficked onto deep-sea commercial fishing boats, some of which stay at sea for up to two years.
Preliminary research suggests 10 percent of these young crews never return, and boys that become ill are frequently thrown overboard.
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2ac child trafficking increasing
Trafficking of child laborers is increasing
ABA, 9 (American Bar Association, March 2009, “HUMAN TRAFFICKING A SSESSMENT TOOL REPORT
FOR MEXICO”, http://apps.americanbar.org/rol/publications/mexico_2009_htat_en.pdf)//EM
Trafficking of children in Mexico occurs in all of the sectors affected by trafficking in adults. The three principal sectors
that were mentioned in all of the states visited by the assessment team were agricultural work, domestic work, and commerci al sexual exploitation. The
Ministry of Education estimates that there are approximately 350,000 children who serve as temporary
agricultural workers each year within Mex ico, less than 10% of whom are in school, and 42% of whom suffer from malnutrition. According
to federal labor laws, children under 14 may not work, but neither the companies that contract the families as
workers nor the federal inspectors intervene on a regular basis. Whether o r not some of these children are trafficking victims is
unknown. In terms of domestic work, a recent study presented by the National Network for Defense of Children in Mexico shows that
1 in 10 girls between 12 and 17 years old is forced to work as a domestic employee in Mexico, sometimes only receivi ng
room and board as payment, or compensation well below the minimum wage. Mexico: Indigenous Girls are the Most Vulnerable to Child Domestic Work
, L A J ORNADA , April 8, 2008. In some situations, these girls m ay be mistreated, not allowed to go to school, and forced to
work long hours with no pay. Domestic workers are vulnerable to physical and sexual abuse by employees. They are often
confined to the homes, and unable to seek assistance. In addit ion, employers often retain their pay so that they cannot leave. In some
states it is common for parents to send their children from rural areas to larger cities to work as domestic workers in exc hange for room and board.
Available information on children in commercial sex ual exploitation shows that the phenomenon is both extensive and pervasive on the national lev el.
The most widely cited figure from the 2000 United Nations Children’s Fund [hereinafter UNICEF] report is 16,000, but many NGOs
that work with children believe the number is much higher. I n its special report on the topic in Mexico City, the Mexico City Human Rights
Commission describes v arious ways in which children are trafficked. For example, young women who arrive in bus stations are sought out by people
who offer them jobs, food, and places to live. Recruit ers also go to poor towns in southern Mexico and Central America to offer jobs to young women,
often with the consent of their parents. Once the traffickers have the girls captive, they tell them that they have to work as
prostitutes to pay off the debt. Lastly, young women who come to Mexico from Latin America to work as models are forced into prostitution
upon arrival. See generally F EDERAL D ISTRICT H UMAN R IGHTS C OMMISSION , S PECIAL R EPORT ON THE C OMMERCIAL S EXUAL E
XPLOITATION OF C HILDREN IN M EXICO C ITY (2006); E LENA A ZAOLA , UNICEF-DFS, B OY AND G IRL V ICTIMS OF S EXUAL E
XPLOITATION IN M EXICO (2000); and E RICK G OMEZ -T AGLE , C OMMERCIAL S EXUAL E XPLOITATION OF G IRLS , B OYS AND A
DOLESCENTS : A S OCIOLOGICAL A PPROXIMATION (National Institute for Criminal Sciences 2005).
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2ac at: sq solves
Status quo doesn’t solve
Martins, 13 (Elisa Martins, 10/5/13 “Human trafficking challenges Mexico and Central America”,
http://infosurhoy.com/cocoon/saii/xhtml/en_GB/features/saii/features/main/2013/05/10/feature-01)//EM
“Mexico and Central America have moved forward and have given more visibility to the fight against human trafficking,” de La Torre said. “UNODC
worked with prosecutors for six years to train their police forces, propose law reforms and promote meetings between officials for an exchange between
Mexico and Central America on this issue.” The international campaign for the prevention of human trafficking “Coração Azul”
(Blue Heart) was
taken by UNODC in 2010 to Mexico, where it was welcomed by then-President Felipe Calderón. “It
was a success in mobilizing public opinion and encouraging legislative reform to spread the idea that human
beings are not for sale,” de La Torre said. In 2012, the General Law on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Crimes against Trafficking
in Persons was enacted, in accordance with the Palermo Protocols, which were created by the United Nations to govern fighting this crime. “It is an
important law because it determines the assistance and protection for victims,” París Pombo said. “It does not require victims to speak as soon as they
are discovered. It directs the focus first to psychological support and shelter care.” The Attorney General’s Special Prosecutor’s Office for Violence
Against Women and Trafficking in Persons (FEVIMTRA), created in 2007, included the construction of a shelter near
Mexico City to accommodate victims. However, the structure is still insufficient for a country with
4,300 kilometer of borders, according to experts. At the state level, attention is even more precarious, as victims often rely
on religious shelters or accommodations offered by civil organizations.
Status quo solutions are coming too slow
Tiano et al, 5 (Susan Tiano, Professor of Sociology, and Director of the Latin American and Iberian Institute
at the University of New Mexico (USA). AND Billy Ulibarri, doctoral student at the University of New Mexico
AND Carolina Ramos, Juris Doctorate Candidate at the University of New Mexico School of Law & an MA
Candidate in Latin American Studies, University of New Mexico, cites another article published in 2005,
“Human Trafficking on the US-Mexico Border”,
http://www.freedomfromfearmagazine.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=92:humantrafficking-on-the-us-mexico-border&catid=37:issue-1&Itemid=159)//EM
The U.S.-Mexico border presents a distinctive set of challenges for combating human trafficking. The involuntary transport of human
beings in order to exploit their labour or sexuality is nothing new. Yet conditions in the current era of
globalization—growing economic inequalities within and among nations, increasing flows of labour and
products across national borders, and the growth of informal economies and organized criminal networks, to
name a few—are causing it to proliferate on a global scale (Farr, 2005). Many of these conditions are
magnified along the U.S.-Mexico border; yet the policy responses necessary to counteract the human trade
have been slow to emerge. Even a few appraisals of existing policies have suggested that they could do more harm than good. Misdirected
policy efforts run the risk of creating a migratory space that heightens exploitation of trafficking victims and increases the dangers for all unauthorized
migrants. Irregular migration - population movements outside the scope of governments’ efforts to manage population flows within their territories takes various forms. Entrepreneurial irregular migration occurs when individuals, on their own behalf, enter or remain in a country without
authorization. Migrant smuggling occurs when migrants purchase or secure the help of others to facilitate their movements. Both types are voluntary,
and though they may be risky, if not fatal, they do not impinge upon migrants’ human rights. Human trafficking, by contrast, involves coercion, abuse of
power, and human rights violations, as vulnerable victims are transported, harbored, and enslaved. As states attempt to gain better control of their
borders by enacting more restrictive immigration policies, migrants’ resulting vulnerability often forces them into the hands of smugglers and traffickers
(Aronowitz, 2004). This is happening along the U.S.-Mexico border, where human trafficking is flourishing despite, and according to several experts
because of increasingly stringent attempts of the U.S. government to police and control the nation’s borders (Pizarro, 2002; Pecoud and Guchetenier,
2006). The United States and Mexico share a long history of economic integration mediated by cross-border population flows (Ruiz and Tiano, 1987).
The U.S. economy has always relied on Mexican labor in its fields and factories, though the level of U.S. labor demand has oscillated along with periodic
fluctuations of the economy. When economic boom or war-related labor shortages have increased the need for migrant labor, immigration policies have
softened to attract foreign labor; when economic downturns have led to excess labor supply, immigration policies have become more restrictive
(Fernandez, 1977). Public sentiment toward immigrants has shifted in tandem with these economic cycles, as politicians and the media have alternatively
praised them for helping the nation meet its labor needs and maligned them for lowering wage levels or taking scarce jobs from native workers. To
promote this flexibility, immigration law has often served a symbolic function, allowing the public to bask in the belief that their borders are secure while
at the same time allowing for a steady supply of migrant labor to flow to those economic sectors most in need of their labor (Tichenor, 2002). In turn the
Mexican economy, chronically unable to provide enough jobs for its growing population, has traditionally depended on wages earned in the United States
and transmitted via cyclical migration, remittances, or other flows of people or money across the porous border. In the post-9/11 era, however, this
synergism between the two nations has changed, as economic downturns and emerging forms of nationalism have given birth
to restrictive immigration policies and heightened enforcement efforts aimed at securing the border. The increasing
apprehensions of entrepreneurial indocumentados and small-time coyotes that smuggle unauthorized border crossers suggest that the growing
militarization of the border is achieving its intended effect. Yet if anything, the human pressures on the border are increasing, as the
declining
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fortunes of the Mexican economy in the post-NAFTA era—and the country’s growing reliance on remittances
from migrants’ foreign earnings—make it all the more important for Mexican labour to seek employment al
norte (Goldring, 2004). At the same time, despite rising unemployment in the United States, jobless Americans are generally unsuited or
unwilling to meet the demand for low-wage labour in agriculture, food processing, personal services, and other highly competitive sectors, where the
work force is being eroded by the workplace raids and resulting deportations of the undocumented migrants
who have traditionally been the mainstay of these industries. Labour trafficking flourishes in these conditions. When
the dwindling economic fortunes of Mexican (and Central American) men and women lead to desperate
attempts to cross the border at any cost, and when punitive policies make it more difficult for them to cross on
their own, migrants become more vulnerable to traffickers posing as smugglers. When border patrol agents’ success in
apprehending small-time smugglers clears the playing field for better-organized trafficking networks working hand in glove with corrupt local officials,
their networks flourish and expand into new territories. When businesses have a hard time attracting low-wage workers to replace those apprehended
and deported by immigration agents, they may turn a blind eye to the illicit methods of traffickers posing as labour recruiters. The unintended
consequences of restricted immigration policies can frequently go unnoticed, and it could be argued, can contribute to labour trafficking along the U.S.Mexico border.
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2ac at: growth solves trafficking
Economic development alone doesn’t solve trafficking
DANAILOVA-TRAINOR AND LACZKO 2010 (Gergana, US GAO; and Frank, International Organization for Migration, International
Migration 48:4, Wiley Online Library)
In sum, human
trafficking and development are multifaceted concepts and the relationship between them is
therefore complex and multidimensional. While poverty is often argued to be a root cause of trafficking,
trafficking does not necessarily occur from the poorest countries or the poorest regions within the countries.
Moreover, the poorest people in the countries of origin may not be those most likely to migrate and thus most
vulnerable to trafficking. Development strategies, on the other hand, often aim at poverty alleviation in the
world’s poorest countries or target social groups at the bottom of the income distribution within those
countries as the programme beneficiaries. Moreover, factors, such as governance, gender discrimination,
access to markets and information, also play an important role within the trafficking-development nexus.
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Solvency Mechanisms
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General
Trafficking networks can be eliminated – plan solves
Bozzer 11 Lieutenant Colonel, USAF (Nancy M., "Merida Initiative: The Answer for Mexico?" U.S. Army War College Master of Strategic Studies
degree final paper, 2011, http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA543653)//AM¶
*** “In this SRP, the term “terrorist” refers both to narcotic traffickers and other groups¶ who aim to overturn the governing bodies and principals in
their own country” – beginning of the article
However, these terrorists are very resilient and very adaptable to changing ¶ environments. So these disruptions will cause only
temporary setbacks. But continuous ¶ disruptions create pressure by forcing networks to increase their
spending on operating ¶ and set-up costs at different locations. Disruption also complicates communication ¶ within
the network, which in turn causes turmoil within. Continual pressure on the ¶ networks is disruptive. These
pressures could cause the organization to implode, ¶ thereby increasing security within the United States and abroad.
This card could serve a variety of purposes so I kept the returns—solvency advocate describing
mechanism, a2: sq solves,
Shahani, 6/14 (Arjan Shahani, member of the—an international non-profit organization dedicated to the
promotion of non-violent conflict resolution, 6/14/13, “Human Trafficking in Mexico”,
http://www.americasquarterly.org/content/human-trafficking-mexico)//EM
Human trafficking is not new to Mexico, but it was not until 2004 that the first anti-trafficking in persons law was passed, making this activity a crime
punishable by up to 18 years of incarceration. In 2008, the Attorney General’s office created the Fiscalía Especial para los Delitos de Violencia Contra
Las Mujeres y Trata de Personas (FEVIMTRA), a special prosecutor’s team designated to work on crimes against women and human trafficking and
whose members have received training from international outfits specializing in these matters. And last year, then-President Felipe Calderón
passed a new law making femicide a crime punishable by up to 60 years in jail. Some radio ad campaigns have been
launched at a national level to focus on prevention.
These are important steps toward addressing the TIP problem, but clearly more needs to be done to put a
dent in this very lucrative business of human exploitation. According to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation
and Development (OECD), human trafficking is a $32 billion a year business.
According to the U.S. State Department’s TIP Office, there are three “p’s”
protection, prevention and prosecution.
to tackle to effectively combat human trafficking:
Protection
The legal framework for
protection is more or less in place in Mexico, and the aforementioned laws protect victims. However,
putting the laws in place is only the first step, and local institutions treating victims are a long way from
providing proper care to address the problem effectively. The 2012 U.S. State Department’s TIP report notes that Mexico has relied
heavily on NGOs, international organizations, and foreign governments “to operate or fund the bulk of specialized assistance and services for trafficking
victims.” The message is clear: Mexican authorities need to invest more in building local capacity instead of depending on non-sustainable foreign aid.
There is also a huge amount of work to be done to properly habilitate shelters and migrant houses and to train
staff how to properly identify and treat victims. According to the State Department report, victim services are
often inadequate and some shelters for migrants and domestic abuse victims are reluctant to house trafficking
victims “due to fear of retribution from organized crime.” Anonymous anecdotal testimonies of people working in some of these
shelters also tell the story of migrant houses actually hosting traffickers who pose as victims.
Prevention
On the prevention track, educational campaigns need to hit home through better and more effective channels
than a few superficial TV and radio spots. Unfortunately, the Mexican government’s budget allocation has
shown other priorities: in 2011, the government reduced the anti-trafficking budget from $4.2 million to
$313,000.
Prevention is not just about making sure people understand the crime of trafficking, but also about addressing its causes.
In this regard, immigration reform in the United States is crucial. Robust temporary worker programs that disincentive illegal work would allow the U.S.
to meet its demand for certain types of labor and protect those who are willing to fulfill it. Addressing the TIP problem in Mexico
without strengthening bilateral cooperation with the U.S.—which draws migrants to their dangerous journey—
would be futile.
Prosecution
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Prosecution against human trafficking has made some progress in Mexico, but still falls drastically short. In 2011,
14 sex traffickers were convicted, a massive difference from the one conviction achieved the previous year. But effective prosecution is impeded by a lack
of law enforcement and embedded corruption.
Effective prosecution also has a long way to go with regards to training public attorneys on the differences between
trafficking, prostitution and other related crimes. There
is not enough transparency to provide effective statistics on
convictions vs. dropped cases in Mexico, but in a conversation with a former employee of the American Bar Association working on antiTIP projects in Latin America, I learned that most traffickers who are caught go free because of procedural errors during prosecution.
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PROTECT
The PROTECT program was cancelled in 2009, but now is the critical time to restart funding—
bilateral engagement between the U.S. and Mexico is the only solution to the trafficking
problem.
Garza, 11 (Rocio Garza, Harvard graduate, candidate for Juris Doctor, 11/1/11, Addressing Human Trafficking
Along the United States-Mexico Border: the Need for a Bilateral Partnership,
http://www.cjicl.com/uploads/2/9/5/9/2959791/cjicl_19.2_garza_note.pdf)//EM
**Note: Proteja is the Spanish word for protect. The two refer to the same program.
C. Bilateral Partnership between United States and Mexico FEVIMTRA could offer these strategies to the Inter-Secretarial Commission, which could in
turn evaluate them and determine if they can be used to shape the National Anti-Trafficking Program. Victims on both sides of the United States-Mexico
border would greatly benefit from improvements to both countries’ laws and their implementation. Regardless, the United States and Mexico
can accomplish much more if they join efforts and collaborate in a formal bilateral partnership that takes into
account the internal and external factors that make human trafficking possible. A bilateral partnership would ensure that
both countries’ interests are represented in any solution to eradicate human trafficking. It could be beneficial in
prosecuting traffickers, protecting victims, and putting preventative measures in place. 239 1. Prosecution of Traffickers
A formal bilateral partnership could allow the United States and Mexico to share information about traffickers,
which could lead to more prosecutions. Currently, if in the course of an investigation, a U.S. prosecutor believes that a trafficker returned
to Mexico, the prosecutor may either petition for extradition or submit a request for the Mexican government to prosecute the accused in Mexico.244
Generally, Mexican President Calderon cooperates with the United States in extraditing criminals.245 Several traffickers have been extradited to the
United States in connection to high profile cases, such as the Carreto-Valencia brothers who were charged with human trafficking for running a forced
prostitution ring in New York. 246 After several family members were charged in 2004, another participant was extradited in 2007 and sentenced in
2008.247 Another case involved defendants who illegally transported Mexican individuals to Florida and forced them to work in fruit harvesting fields
by threatening them with violence.248 If the strategies used to prosecute these traffickers were maintained by a bilateral
partnership, both the United States and Mexico could expedite their investigatory processes instead of acting
unilaterally and only responding to each other’s requests for extradition and punishment . More efficient
prosecutions would leave more resources and time to address the needs of victims. 2. Protection of Victims A bilateral
partnership could be formed between U.S. Customs and Border Protection agents and Mexican customs officials in order to create
better strategies to identify human trafficking victims at the shared border. Although most immigrants agree to be smuggled,
others are abducted and taken against their will. 249 When these immigrants are intercepted at the border, they are often
confused with smugglers and the people they are smuggling and not recognized as victims.250 Having a bilateral
partnership could ensure that these issues come to light and that proper training is provided to U.S. Customs and
Border Protection agents in order to prevent them from simply deporting victims or sending them back to their traffickers. Even if immigrants have
consented to being smuggled, U.S. agents may be able to identify the signs of human trafficking if information is shared across the border. Suspected
victims of human trafficking could be turned over to Mexican customs officials for further investigation and possible legal aid and protection. In a
bilateral partnership with representatives from both countries, the United States and Mexico would be able to
come up with strategies that keep traffickers and smugglers out of the United States while protecting the victims.
For example, if a partnership were in place, the members of the partnership could designate specific steps for U.S. Customs and
Border Protection agents to take when they suspect the people they have detained are victims of human trafficking. These steps could include, for
example, sending victims directly to predetermined and state-approved Mexican shelters equipped to handle their needs as victims of human trafficking.
Another specific step that a partnership may be able to put in place is that U.S. Customs and Border Protection agents could separate people they
intercept at the border and ask them specific questions to determine if they are victims. Some victims of human trafficking report that if they had not
been near their traffickers at the time they were stopped at the border and if they had been asked more direct questions, they would have revealed that
they were being taken against their will and been rescued despite their fear of retaliation from traffickers. 252 3. Prevention of Human Trafficking
Prevention tends to be a goal that is cast aside in favor of prosecution of traffickers and protection of victims
because it is intangible. One can count the number of prosecutions and victims helped but cannot ascertain how many are saved with
preventative measures. In the 2009 TIP Report, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton acknowledged that much remains to be done in identifying and
tackling the root causes of human trafficking.253 Clinton urged all governments to leverage their resources and offered U.S. partnership to strengthen
anti-trafficking efforts.254 One of the ways in which the United States can leverage its resources is by partnering with
Mexico in order to continue raising awareness about the dangers of human trafficking and how smuggling can
easily lead to trafficking. In addition, a partnership would send a message to both countries about the
seriousness of the crime and the urgent need to address it together . In a partnership between U.S.
and Mexican representatives, they would be able to strategize to develop viable alternatives to prevent illegal
immigration, given that most victims are vulnerable due to a lack of economic alternatives. Furthermore, through a partnership, the
United States and Mexico could develop joint and more informed awareness campaigns to warn their citizens about the dangers and criminal
consequences of engaging in human trafficking. 4. Challenges One obstacle that would be faced in creating a bilateral partnership is the amount of work
and resources necessary for its organization and implementation. However, a model of a partnership already exists and could be
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altered to accommodate a number of anti-trafficking efforts. The U.S. government, pursuant to the TVPA, established the
“President’s Initiative to Combat Trafficking in Persons” and allocated fifty million dollars to fund coordinated efforts with eight
countries. 255 Mexico was one of the eight countries selected for the program and the United States designated $8.2 million
dollars towards anti-trafficking efforts with Mexico.256 The funds were distributed among the “U.S. Agency for
International Development (USAID); the Department of Justice (DOJ); the Department of Homeland Security (DHS); the Department of Labor
(DOL); the Department of State’s Office of Population, Refugees and Migration (DOS/PRM); and the Department of Health and Human Services
(HHS).”257 These entities, along with the U.S. Embassy in Mexico, joined efforts with the Mexican government and civil society to (1) raise
public awareness; (2) pursue anti-trafficking legislation; (3) strengthen local shelters; and (4) develop and provide
technical assistance to anti-trafficking networks.258 The three-year program was named PROTECT – Project to
Support Shelters for Victims of Trafficking in Mexico (PROTEJA – Proyecto de Apoyo a Refugios para Victimas de Trata de Personas en Mexico) and
was in existence from May 2006 to March 2009.259 PROTECT was very effective and its efforts informed the
enactment of the Mexican Anti-Trafficking Law. 260 If the United States and Mexico wanted to create a bilateral
partnership, they could begin by following the PROTECT model. Although the program ended in March 2009, a website with a
record of all the efforts will remain available for the public until March and will be accessible beyond that date. The United States and Mexico
could minimize start-up costs and resources by utilizing this model. V. CONCLUSION Human trafficking is the
slavery of the 21st century262 and as such, it is incredibly challenging to eradicate it. Human trafficking is
especially sinister because it takes advantage of people’s basic instinct—their desire to improve their living
conditions. The promise of a better job, better pay, and a better life, is what traffickers use every day as bait to exploit their victims. 263 Antitrafficking efforts have greatly improved since the United Nations convened to draft the Palermo Convention denouncing the abuse and exploitation of
people across the world.264 Many governments around the globe have joined the efforts to eliminate these vile crimes. However, much remains to
be done. A number of countries have enacted anti-trafficking legislation while others have made improvements to legislation. Countries’ individual
efforts are especially necessary in times of economic downturn when people become more desperate to improve their living conditions, and are more
susceptible to traffickers.266 Although anti-trafficking efforts of individual countries will continue to be important,
coalitions and partnerships are the next frontier in the fight against human trafficking .267 In over a decade, since 2000,
of evaluating and reporting about human trafficking via Trafficking in Persons Reports, the world has come to learn that human trafficking is a
transnational crime that touches every corner of the world. A solution to this problem must take into consideration the
individual factors that allow traffickers to exploit people with impunity and that make those people targets for exploitation. The
United States and Mexico have a unique opportunity to collaborate to address human trafficking along their
shared border. As they continue their separate anti-trafficking efforts, they should consider expanding upon the model they
developed with the three-year program PROTECT. 268 The desire to improve their economic conditions and be reunited with family
members will always seem to be a risk worth taking to people in desperate situations. However, by working together, in a bilateral partnership,
the United States and Mexico can create viable alternatives that do not include people risking their lives, and
becoming prey to traffickers, in their attempts to build a better life.
Describes the PROTEJA/PROTECT program
MSI, 9 (Management Systems International, 2009,“Fighting Human Trafficking and Aiding Victims in
Mexico”, http://www.msiworldwide.com/project/fighting-human-trafficking-and-aiding-victims-inmexico/)//EM
**Note: Proteja is the Spanish word for protect. The two refer to the same program.
For three years, MSI helped to implement the Mexico Trafficking in Persons Shelter Project or PROTEJA. The USAID-funded project was
part of the President’s Initiative to Combat Trafficking in Persons (TIP). PROTEJA helped in the successful approval of federal
anti-trafficking legislation and laws in seven states. In 2007, the Mexican National Congress approved the federal Law to Prevent and
Punish Trafficking in Persons. PROTEJA finalized and published a Legislative and Comparative Analyses that serve as vital instruments for identifying
states most in need of immediate reform, and organizations or groups pursuing comprehensive anti-trafficking legislation. The project also
increased public understanding of trafficking and was able to usher policy changes through a variety of means,
including training of government officials and the public, holding educational forums for the public, using
media to highlight the issue, developing an interactive website, and producing educational materials like pamphlets
and a short film to reach broader audiences. More than 14,000 government officials and members of the public were trained in combating human
trafficking. PROTEJA worked with five local shelters to increase the impact and sustainability of intervention models for trafficking victims
and survivors. The projects
experts updated their models to address trafficking victims’ needs, including the
provision of financial and technical aid through coordinated meetings, formal training and one-on-one consultations. The project also
held workshops at each shelter on basic trafficking concepts, applying international instruments to prosecute and penalize traffickers, the national- and
state-level judicial frameworks to prosecute, and the tools available to provide assistance and protection to victims. PROTEJA’s experts also assisted with
the launch of criminal prosecutions for violations on behalf of the shelters and offered legal advice to help trafficking victims. The project’s officials
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worked with the shelters at an administrative level. Almost 65,000 victims received some sort of assistance. The
PROJETA project
concluded in 2009.
More description of PROTEJA/PROTECT
**Note: Proteja is the Spanish word for protect. The two refer to the same program.
AED and PROTEJA, 12 (Academy for Educational Development and PROTEJA, last modified 3/29/12,
“PROTEJA – TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS (TIP) SHELTER PROJECT”,
http://ccsg.fhi360.org/Factsheets/CAP_Mexico.pdf)//EM
Project Overview: Funded by USAID/Mexico under the President’s Initiative to Combat Trafficking in Persons, CAP Mexico (2006-2009, $3
million), the CAP Mexico TIP Shelter Project (PROTEJA) is improving legal protection and access to and quality of services
available to victims of trafficking. The project promotes a holistic approach encompassing medical, legal,
psychosocial and vocational services. From May 2006 to September 2008 , PROTEJA: • Assisted Mexico’s federal
government in enacting national anti-TIP legislation; • Assisted five of Mexico’s nine state legislatures in enacting
anti-TIP reforms, and the rest now are considering reforms; • Empowered shelters to work together to bring specialized
care to TIP victims; • Educated vulnerable populations on trafficking and how to detect predators by using materials
that have already been adopted by national institutions; and • Formed numerous networks and task forces at local, state and
natio nal levels that either work to prevent TIP, detect TIP or assist its victims.
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MERIDA
Expanding the Mérida Initiative solves human trafficking
Tena, 10 (Maria, Trans-Border Institute, University of San Diego, September 30, 2010, “Modern Day Slavery
in U.S.–Mexican Territory: Human Trafficking at the Border,” Border Brief, Trans-Border Institute, University
of San Diego, http://catcher.sandiego.edu/items/peacestudies/Border_Brief_FINAL_BW_oct4_10.pdf,
Hensel)
As neighboring countries that share a highly volatile border with high rates of human trafficking , smuggling, and
drug trafficking, Mexico and the U.S. have also acknowledged that transnational cooperation between them is
essential. For this reason, in 2005 the United States and Mexico launched the OASISS bi-national program (Operation against Smugglers Initiative
on Safety and Security), which has successfully aided in the prosecution of traffickers and in the dismantling of smuggling and trafficking networks
(Department of Homeland Security, 2005). In 2007, the
Mérida Initiative was also established to assist Mexico
and Central
America in battling organized crime, including their human trafficking operations (U.S. Department of State, 2009; Arizona
Attorney General, 2009). Additionally, state-level initiatives along the U.S.-Mexico border continue to play a critical role in effectively tackling the
complex issue of human trafficking. However, the United States and Mexico still have a long way to go in the fight against
human trafficking, as both countries uncover the hidden nature and wide scope of the crime and strengthen
their cooperation mechanisms so as to increase the number of prosecutions and rescued victims.
Merida solves for a soft power approach that increases cooperation and successful
prosecutions and reforms
Bozzer 11 Lieutenant Colonel, USAF (Nancy M., "Merida Initiative: The Answer for Mexico?" U.S. Army War College Master of Strategic Studies
degree final paper, 2011, http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA543653)//AM¶
With the
Mérida Initiative in its infancy, it is premature to determine if the plan is ¶ working. However, there have been some indicators that this
putting Mexico ¶ on the right path. Increased cooperation between United States and Mexico has led to
¶ arrests of major cartel players; to increased training and education of Mexico’s Federal ¶ Police force; to reforming its judicial and
security institutions; and to purchasing and ¶ delivery of critical equipment to include Bell 412 helicopters and UH-60M Black Hawks ¶
initiative is
helicopters.19¶ From the US perspective, joining in the Mérida Initiative has forced the United ¶ States to take a closer look at its own contribution to the
problem. As of March 2009, US ¶ Customs and Border Patrol (CBP) officers began searches of South-bound vehicles—a ¶ new initiative. During these
inspections, the CBP has seized over $50 million in illicit ¶ currency and hundreds of illegal firearms.20 Since “over $10 billion in bulk cash [is] ¶ crossing
the border illegally,” and with weapons from “over 12,000 gun shops between ¶ Mexico, Arizona and Texas, coming from the United States and feeding
into organized ¶ crime,”¶ 21 the United States appears to be a significant part of the problem. Over 90 ¶ percent of the homicide weapons in Mexico can
be linked back to the United States.22¶ After taking this hard look, the United States has developed the National Southwest ¶ Border Counternarcotics
Strategy which outlines in further detail how the National ¶ Security Strategy will be executed. This document focuses on six areas that ¶ complement the
Mérida Initiative: ¶ The President’s National Drug Control Strategy seeks to disrupt the illicit ¶ drug industry as close to the source as possible. This
Strategy aims to improve Federal counterdrug efforts on the Southwest Border in the ¶ following areas: intelligence collection and information sharing, ¶
interdiction at and between ports of entry, aerial surveillance and ¶ interdiction of smuggling aircraft, investigations and prosecutions, ¶ countering
financial crime, and cooperation with Mexico.23¶ Because of the perception that this initiative has stalled, based on allegations of ¶ human rights
violations and the “slow rolling” of money from the State Department, in ¶ May 2010, the Obama administration reframed the Mérida Initiative and
dubbed the new ¶ initiative “Beyond Mérida” or “Mérida 2.0.” This new approach refocuses efforts on ¶ “institution building”
more than technology sharing. US efforts to support Mexico with a ¶ “soft power” approach assures the Mexican
government that the United States ¶ understands the complexity of the problem and is just as committed to a
solution. It ¶ provides a partnership environment and eases the perception of a superpower bailing ¶ out a failing
state.¶
The Merida Initiative solves – strengthens law enforcement – key to stop crime gangs that are
cropping up
Kirschke 9 foreign affairs analyst who has written for World Press Review and The Associated Press, among other outlets (Joseph, "Human
Smuggling Rings Drive Mexico Violence," 3/30/09, http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/3525/human-smuggling-rings-drive-mexicoviolence)//AM
The $700 million program, which falls under the auspices of the Merida Initiative, is aimed at strengthening Mexican law
enforcement and judicial capacity in a number of key ways. Its immediate goal is to assist Mexican officials in
stemming the flow of drugs, guns and people across the border -- by training officials in the rule of law and
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human rights; enhanced technology and hardware, as well as Department of Defense training of Mexican
counternarcotics forces. From the U.S. side of the border, each of the main federal law enforcement agencies will also coordinate to provide
support. These include the DHS, which will increase the number of its intelligence analysts and work more closely with Mexican border officials; the
Drug Enforcement Agency, which will be increasing its staff; the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms which is also bolstering its presence, along
with the FBI which is creating an intelligence task force and increasing its focus on kidnappings and corruption in areas near the Southwest border. The
Justice Dept.'s Organized Drug Enforcement Task Forces Program, meanwhile, is adding personnel to its strike force along the Southwest border. The
fact that organized gangs have all but taken over illegal immigrant smuggling corridors to the U.S. is nothing new.
However, their role in the current violence in Mexico is far less acknowledged. The addition of border patrol agents coupled with other obstacles has
pushed immigration routes further inland in recent years, deep into the desert areas of New Mexico, Arizona and Texas. Consequently, the journey
has grown more treacherous for the immigrants themselves, and more difficult to navigate for the traditional "mom and pop"
coyotes that in the past have accompanied and often exploited them. Into the breach have quickly appeared well-organized
criminal gangs with greater resources and more ruthless methods to move their human cargo over the more
dangerous route. "With thousands of additional border guards, it has been more difficult to cross the border," said Jennifer Johnson, a senior
associate at the Latin American Working Group. "And now that the traffic has moved to some of the remote stretches, it's become more lucrative,"
attracting criminal gangs. The very number of crossings made over the U.S.-Mexico border -- 250 million annually, by some estimates -- makes such
unintended consequences more likely in the event of a major law enforcement action on either side of the border, such as the increased deployment of
U.S. border guards. "When you crack down on a crime," noted Peter Hakim, director of the Inter-American Dialogue, "clearly you very often have a
whole new kind of crime." Officials on both sides of the border are well aware of this. Unfortunately, just as U.S. and Mexican law enforcement officials
are increasing their cooperation, "a growing nexus" is forming between Mexican drug cartels, illegal-alien smuggling
rings and U.S.-based gangs, according to interviews conducted by staff of the U.S. House Committee on the Judiciary's immigration
subcommittee with federal law enforcement in McAllen, Texas.
Increasing funding for and expanding the Merida Initiative solves
Seelke 12 29 specialist in Latin American Affairs at CRS, covers Brazil, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Mexico, as well as issues such as gangs and
trafficking in persons. Holds a Master of Public Affairs and Master of Arts in Latin American Studies (Clare Ribando, "Trafficking in Persons in Latin
America and the Caribbean," 1/23/12, http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL33200.pdf)//AM
Activity on combating TIP has continued into the 112th Congress, particularly related to efforts to ¶ reauthorize the TVPA and
oversee TIP programs and operations, including
U.S.-funded programs ¶ in Latin America. Congress may also consider
increasing funding for anti-TIP programs in the ¶ region, possibly through the Mérida Initiative for Mexico, the
Central America Regional Security ¶ Initiative (CARSI) or through other assistance programs. Congress is likely to monitor new trends ¶
in human trafficking in the region, such as the increasing involvement of Mexican drug ¶ trafficking
organizations in TIP and the problem of child trafficking in Haiti, which has worsened ¶ since that country experienced a devastating earthquake
on January 12, 2010. For more general ¶ information on human trafficking and a discussion of TIP-related legislation in the 112th¶ Congress, see CRS
Report RL34317, Trafficking in Persons: U.S. Policy and Issues for Congress, ¶ by Alison Siskin and Liana Sun Wyler.
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PRSP
DANAILOVA-TRAINOR AND LACZKO 2010 (Gergana, US GAO; and Frank, International Organization for Migration, International
Migration 48:4, Wiley Online Library)
The link between migration and development is now on the agendas of many actors in the field of international
development. However, the coherent and comprehensive integration of migration in development agendas or
strategic development policy frameworks, such as Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs), Country and
Regional strategy papers or Common Country Assessments (CCA) and the UN Development Assistance
Framework (UNDAF) is still lacking (IOM, 2005).
It has been frequently argued in recent years that migration is not sufficiently integrated into national
development plans and PRSPs, and when migration is mentioned, it is more often cited as a factor hindering
rather than contributing to development (Black, 2005; Martin, 2008). One review of 48 PRSPs found that 21
made no mention of migration and nine saw it as a cause of “brain drain” (HC, 2004). However, government
interest in linking migration to PRSPs seems to be growing and during the period 2008–2009, with 15
countries having submitted PRSPS which include references to migration (GFMD, 2009).
PRSPs are important for several reasons (WB, 2007):
1 They provide a framework for countries to articulate key development issues and policy objectives;
2 They are a tool to establish policy priorities;
3 They encourage the coordination of donor efforts and allocation of resources to meet development
objectives;
4 As PRSPs should be monitored and evaluated, they should provide a benchmark for development
outcomes.
Development funding is allocated to poverty reduction priorities identified by partner governments. If
trafficking is not included in PRSPs, there is less scope for discussion between donors and partner governments
about a human development-oriented approach to tackling trafficking. The visibility of trafficking in PRSPs
and similar documents is therefore very important.
There are four main challenges linked to mainstreaming migration/trafficking into PRPS and national
development plans (GFMD, 2009). First, governments may not identify migration as an issue because of
competing priorities. Second, governments may lack the capacity and resources needed to integrate migration
into PRSPs. Third, responsibility for migration policy measures may be linked to the work of several different
government departments and a fragmented approach to addressing migration. Fourth, and of most concern for
our discussion is that many countries lack the data and evaluation tools and indicators to be able to adequately
assess the impact of migration/trafficking on development. How to address this last point specifically in
relation to trafficking is the main focus of this last section of our paper.
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Consent
GARZA 2011 (Rocio, Candidate for Juris Doctor, Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law, May 2011; A.B. (2005) Harvard University, CARDOZO J. OF INT’L & COMP.
LAW, March, www.cjicl.com/uploads/2/9/5/9/2959791/cjicl_19.2_garza_note.pdf)
The UN Protocol provides that the consent of victims of human trafficking is irrelevant where coercive means
are used to obtain that consent.
46 In other words, traffickers cannot claim that the victim’s initial consent to work or provide services means
that they also consented to their own exploitation.47 A claim like the one above as a defense would not exempt
traffickers from punishment under the UN Protocol because such a defense would require consent at all stages
leading up to the victim’s exploitation as well as consent to the exploitation itself.48 Many countries including
the United States and Mexico have used elements of the UN Protocol definition as a foundation for their own
laws criminalizing human trafficking.49 However, neither the United States nor Mexico mirror the consent
provision of the UN Protocol in their anti-trafficking laws50 because the UN Protocol does not require that
anti-trafficking legislation follow its language precisely.51 In practice, factoring in victim’s consent in antitrafficking legislation, instead of making consent irrelevant like the UN Protocol does, results in traffickers
claiming that the victim’s consent exempts the traffickers from punishment.52 In a trial, the defendant’s
counsel may raise the victim’s consent as an affirmative defense while the prosecutor, representing the human
trafficking victim, offers proof that improper means used by the trafficker nullified that consent.53 A court
would be left to assess the conflicting claims,54 which results in prosecutors being less effective in prosecuting
traffickers.
55 The exclusion of a consent provision in anti-trafficking legislation is especially problematic in a border
region such as the United States-Mexico boundary where undocumented immigration is rampant.56 Victims of
human trafficking may not be recognized as victims, but rather criminals, if they are confused with
undocumented immigrants who consented to being smuggled.57 Hence, it is essential to understand the
distinction between human trafficking and smuggling58 and to ensure that the distinction is represented in
anti-trafficking legislation and taken into consideration in its implementation. For this reason, a bilateral
partnership is necessary in which both the United States and Mexico can commit to distinguishing between
human trafficking and smuggling by making irrelevant a victim’s consent to being trafficked. This would more
often lead to protection of victims and prosecution of traffickers as established under the UN Protocol.
GARZA 2011 (Rocio, Candidate for Juris Doctor, Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law, May 2011; A.B. (2005) Harvard University, CARDOZO J. OF INT’L & COMP.
LAW, March, www.cjicl.com/uploads/2/9/5/9/2959791/cjicl_19.2_garza_note.pdf)
One of the main differences between the definitions of trafficking and smuggling is consent.66 As described
above, smuggling involves a person who consents to illegally enter a country, while trafficking involves a person
who either never consented to enter a country or whose consent is invalidated due to the trafficker’s use of
coercion, deception, or fraud.67
Hence, undocumented immigrants who consent to being smuggled are treated as criminals because they
violate the laws of the country they enter illegally
68 while people who are trafficked are or should be treated as victims.69 Consent is a complicated issue
because people generally consent to being smuggled but not to being trafficked and what starts out as
smuggling can sometimes turn into human trafficking.70 Therefore, varying degrees of consent are reflected in
human trafficking situations because victims may have consented to the initial phase—when they were
smuggled—but may not have consented to the conditions to which they were subsequently subjected.71 Often,
victims of human trafficking believe that they are being smuggled and have consented to that, while in fact they
are being trafficked because the people illegally transporting them into another country are planning to exploit
them.72
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Along the United States-Mexico border, it is important to investigate people apprehended in the process of
entering the United States illegally because some of them may have been coerced or tricked and may be
deserving of protection instead of deportation. Through more bilateral cooperation, trafficking victims could be
identified at the time they attempt to enter the United States instead of being sent back into the hands of
traffickers for further exploitation.
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Solvency
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2ac u.s. key
Despite efforts, the U.S. lacks the means to grapple with Human Trafficking. New legislation is
key to solve effectively (This card also makes a responsibility argument for U.S. complicity in
trafficking)
Chacon ’06 (Jennifer, Professor of Law at the University of California Irvine, “Misery and Mypoia: Understanding the Failures of
U.S. Efforts to Stop Human Trafficking”, Fordham Law Review Volume 74 Issue 6,
http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=4173&context=flr [SG])
In an increasingly interdependent world, human migration is just another element of the global marketplace.
While much migration occurs through legal channels and as an exercise of free will on the part of the migrant, not all migration is
undertaken by choice. Various forms of irregular migration have been spurred by social conflict, civil war, and
the global consolidation of economic power centers. The United States has never developed an immigration
strategy that effectively grapples with the global forces that drive migration. Ad hoc efforts to respond to
certain effects of global migration have consistently failed to deal realistically with the
problems and blessings of migration. In this regard, the passage and enforcement of the Victims of Trafficking and
Violence Protection Act of 2000 ("Trafficking Act," "TVPA," or "Act") is paradigmatic. The Trafficking Act is intended to offer
statutory protection to the victims of severe forms of human trafficking, to increase criminal penalties for persons who commit such acts of trafficking,
and to foster international cooperation in efforts to combat human trafficking. The Trafficking Act has inspired a great deal of scholarly comment and
criticism. Unfortunately, there is almost universal consensus that the Trafficking Act, while well-intentioned, has
thus far failed to make sufficient strides in addressing the problem of human trafficking, either internationally
or domestically. The most recent diagnoses of the domestic failure are tending to converge: Commentators note that
the Act particularly as it has been implemented-emphasizes the law enforcement components of anti-trafficking initiatives in a way that undercuts the
Act's humanitarian goals of assisting trafficking victims. Much of the literature diagnosing the domestic shortcomings of the TVPA focuses upon the legal
barriers to relief that are encountered by trafficking victims in the United States. The proposed solutions focus on improving the identification and
assistance of trafficking victims in the United States.
But the United States is not a passive recipient of trafficked
human beings. Efforts to deal more effectively and humanely with the domestic manifestations
of global human trafficking must take account of the role that the United States plays in
generating a viable market for trafficking. This requires express recognition that specific elements of
U.S. law and policy actually facilitate the trafficking of human beings into and within the United States. When
the issue is framed in this way, it quickly becomes evident that the shortcomings of the Trafficking Act are
neither new nor unique failures; they are simply the most recent examples of the wider failure of U.S. law to
successfully assess and grapple with the global and domestic forces that drive migration.
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2ac mexico key
Mexico is the largest trafficking hotspot, but they aren’t doing much about it
Gozdziak and Collett, 5 Institute for the Study of International Migration at Georgetown University
(Elzbieta M. Gozdziak and Elizabeth A. Collett, 2005, “Research on Human Trafficking in North America: A
Review of Literature”
http://publications.iom.int/bookstore/free/data_res_human%5B1%5D.pdf#page=100)//EM
Although Mexico is often described as source , transit , and destination country for persons trafficked for
sexual exploitation and labour , information about the Mexican Governmentí s involvement in anti-trafficking
activities is scarce . According to the Trafficking in Persons (TIP) report, the Government of Mexico does not fully comply
with the minimum standards for the elimination of traf- ficking. At the moment, Mexico lacks national-level
commitment to fight trafficking and a national anti-trafficking law . The country did sign the Mexican-Guatemalan March 2004
Memorandum of Understanding on traffick- ing. In addition, Mexico participated in recent conferences on trafficking in persons, including a conference
organized by the US Department of Labor as part of ongoing cooperative activities between the Governments of Canada, Mexico, and the United S tates
under the North American Agreement of Labour Cooperation (NAALC), and a conference on Strategies for Combating Human Trafficking within the
United States, Canada, and Mexico, organized by the Chicago-Kent College of Law , and sponsored by the Canadian Department of Foreign Af fairs and
International T rade and the Mexican Consulate in Chicago. The dif ferent level of involvement by North American countries in anti-traf ficking activities
is related to the differences in defining the problem. Or is it the other way around?
AGUILERA 2012 (Elizabeth, “An Inhumane Trade: human trafficking,” U-T San Diego, Sep 22, http://www.utsandiego.com/news/2012/Sep/22/inhumanetrade/2/?#article-copy)
Human trafficking is a lucrative affair, ranking as one of the top three most profitable criminal enterprises
(behind the arms trade and drug trafficking), according to the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime, Interpol and
the U.S. State Department.
It is estimated to be a $32 billion-a-year business that ensnares 21 million to 27 million victims worldwide, said
the International Labour Organization and Kevin Bales, cofounder of Free the Slaves and author of “Disposable
People: New Slavery in the Global Economy.”
San Diego County plays a significant role in human trafficking because it has the busiest land port in the world,
miles of border territory, an international airport and easy access to interstate highways. Those factors make it
one of the top 10 U.S. cities for child pornography and trafficking, said Joe Garcia, special agent in charge of
Department of Homeland Security investigations in San Diego.
The State Department estimates that 15,000 to 18,000 foreign trafficking victims are brought to the U.S. each
year. Many of them come from Mexico or cross through Mexico into America from distant countries.
Human trafficking in Mexico is particularly unregulated – key starting point to solve
Graham 10 Council on Hemispheric Affairs Research Associate (Melissa, "Mexico's New War: Sex Trafficking," 10/13/2010,
http://www.coha.org/mexico%E2%80%99s-new-war-sex-trafficking/)//AM
Mexico’s drug cartels have been at least a step ahead of the Mexican government since Calderón launched his campaign against them. Although some of
the top drug lords have been captured and jailed, they can be—and often are—effectively replaced. The capture of several drug lords by military forces
has not actually benefitted Calderón’s efforts. In fact, the removal of various cartel leaders has actually led, on some occasions, to the creation of new
cartels- the Beltran Leyva Cartel being but one example. As Calderón has been distracted with drug control he has inadvertently allowed
for the growth of human trafficking, a lucrative business left largely unregulated by Mexican law. ¶ Human
trafficking accounts for 6.6 billion USD a year in Mexico alone,1 a figure that is growing as human trafficking
continues its rise in profitability. The vast expansion of human trafficking from Mexico to the United States is
notable in its absence from the media; instead, a wealth of analysis of drug related problems continually takes the spotlight.
Conservative estimates conclude that over 100,000 women, a number predicted to increase by the end of 2010,
are trafficked out of Latin America annually for the purpose of prostitution.2¶ Human trafficking has been
attacked on a global scale with countries across the world focusing more of an effort on their own problems and using reports like the
Trafficking in Persons Report (TIP) to publicize their efforts. Mexico however, remains an anomaly. The reason that the mainstream
media does not focus much attention on human trafficking coming out of Mexico is not because it is not newsworthy; it is instead because drug violence
dominates the headlines. Thousands of women and children are subjected to a modern-day form of slavery, with many
raped and subjected to unimaginable conditions. Brothels hold women across the country, in places as far away from
the border as New York City, where the conditions of living are so severe as to cause one U.S. physician to claim “the first
time I went to the camps I didn’t vomit only because I didn’t have anything in my stomach.”3
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The status quo leaves women in Mexico open to structural violence. Lack of coordination makes
current policy ineffective
CEDOW ’12 (Committee on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women, UN committee consisting of 23
experts on women’s rights from around the world, “Femicide and Impunity in Mexico: A context of structural and genearlized violence”,
July 17, 2012, accessed via ProQuest, [SG])
The growing violence across the country, aggravated by the economic crisis, has had a direct impact on violence
against women, which has alarmingly increased during recent years. Despite that, comprehensive measures to eradicate gender
violence have not been implemented in the country, both at a Federal and local level. On the contrary, the widespread failure
by the authorities at the different levels of government seems to prefer its invisibility and not
to face its causes . Some important actions aimed at addressing violence against women have been taken,
both at the Federal level and at some local entities, but the lack of inter-institutional coordination and some
policy gaps have prevented their successful implementation. On 2007 Congress adopted a new legal framework to ensure the right
of women to live free from violence and discrimination enshrined in the General Law of Access for Women to a Life Free of Violence (GLAWLFV).
Among other things, it sought to address the alarming situation of violence against women in Mexico, expressed in its extreme form of femicide.
However, more than five years after the GLAWLFV took effect, its implementation and the protective mechanisms enshrined on it are currently not
guaranteeing the protection of the life and integrity of women in Mexico. Mexico is ranked in the 16th place in the incidence of
homicides against women globally. According to a report produced by UN-Women, cases of femicide in the country have seen a steady
increase since the year 2007, which had recorded the lowest number of femicides since 1985, but by 2009 the number had already exceeded those
recorded on 1985 by about 25%.
There is a systematic pattern of impunity in Mexico, a reflection of the
lack of access to justice for women. Frequently, victims are battered and discriminated when trying to
access the justice system. Mexico lacks a comprehensive institutionalized policy for granting access to justice
for women and presents severe failures throughout all stages of criminal proceedings. A large majority of cases involving
violence against women continue to go without a formal investigation, judgment and sanctions by the justice system, both at the Federal and local level.
Moreover, the lack of statistical data and reliable systems of information impede an adequate assessment on the severity of the problem, as the
institutions do not generate sufficient data and statistical information. Also, the absence of reliable records of victims impedes to
know the real magnitude of the situation. The GLAWLFV establishes as well the State’s duty to guarantee the security and integrity of
victims through two main mechanisms for their protection. In the first place, protection orders to grant immediate police and judicial intervention in
cases of family violence and/or rape. The other mechanism is known as Declaration of Gender Violence, which is a set of government emergency actions
aimed at addressing and eradicating femicides in a given territory, whether exercised by individuals or by the community. Protection orders are defined
as acts of protection and urgent application for a better protection of the victim, which are mainly precautionary and protective measures. However,
the progress made by states to make these orders effective has been rather slow. To date, only 26 states have included to
their local legislation the three types of protection orders established by the GLAWLFV; in 25 states, regulatory frameworks indicate that the protection
orders must be requested before a “competent authority”, but does not clarify the coordination among them; in 20 states the application of measures
have a maximum duration of 72 hours for its implementation, a time frame so extended that puts the lives of women who seek protection orders at risk.
Status quo efforts to stop trafficking focuses on prosecution as a primary solution- this fails
because of lack of coordination
d’Estree ’09 (Claude, Professor of Geography at the Josef Korbel School of International Studies in Denver, “HUMAN RIGHTS &HUMAN
WELFARE”, 2009, http://www.du.edu/korbel/hrhw/researchdigest/trafficking/Trafficking.pdf, pgs. 1-2 [SG])
Much like the first iteration of this Topical Digest on human trafficking and modern slavery, with an “Introduction” by Dr. Kevin Bales, this second
iteration covers a wide range of subjects, moving from country specific and regional to broad subjects and issues of international jurisprudence. This
survey of literature on human trafficking is of critical importance, especially in a young, emerging, and
controversial field. In the last decade, the field of human trafficking has changed from an almost unknown and
largely unreported phenomenon to a cause celebre motivated by sensational and disturbing stories reported in
the media daily. This is for good reason: government statistics show that the illicit funds generated by human trafficking are second only to the
illegal sale of drugs worldwide and, as noted by Dr. Bales, there are more slaves now than at any other time in history. In response,
government agencies, international organizations, non-governmental organizations, faith-based
organizations, and the private sector are reallocating and mobilizing some of their resources to
combat this ancient scourge made modern. In the United States, the Departments of State, Justice and
Health and Human Services offer substantial financial grants to fight human trafficking (albeit pennies to the dollar in
comparison to the “war on drugs”). And herein actually lies the problem. The vast majority of anti-human
trafficking money is being offered to organizations involved in rescue and rehabilitation work.
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While this is commendable, it also potentially puts the cart before the horse . The funding for research,
data collection and analysis is rare and very hard to find either for short-term or longitudinal studies. The result is that governments and
international organizations are being forced to make important policy decisions based on very few substantial
analysis of the problem. A review of the literature on human trafficking, county by country, region by region, and topic by topic, is the critical
first step to understanding the scope of the problem, but also, perhaps more importantly, to finding the gaps in the knowledge base so that coordinated
research can be directed to those areas. Without research and attendant analyses, policymakers are making decisions in
the dark and are wasting precious and limited resources.
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2ac traffickers come to u.s.
U.S. is the top destination for trafficking victims from Mexico
Hepburn and Simon, 10 writer and professor at the School of Public Affairs at Washington College of Law,
(Stephanie Hepburn and Rita J. Simon, 5/15/10,“Hidden in Plain Sight: Human Trafficking in the United
States”,Ebsco)//EM
The US is one of the top 10 destinations for human trafficking—with tens of thousands of people trafficked into
the country each year. There have been reports of trafficking in over 90 US cities. In fact, the US is the most frequent
destination for victims trafficked from Latin America and the Caribbean, and one of the top three destinations for persons
trafficked from Asia (other than other Asian nations). Persons are trafficked from Mexico, Central America, East Asia, South Asia, Africa, and Europe for
the purposes of forced labor and commercial sexual exploitation [39, 51].
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2ac u.s.-mexico coop key
Bilateral partnership with Mexico is key
Garza, 11 (Rocio Garza, Harvard graduate, candidate for Juris Doctor, 11/1/11, Addressing Human Trafficking
Along the United States-Mexico Border: the Need for a Bilateral Partnership,
http://www.cjicl.com/uploads/2/9/5/9/2959791/cjicl_19.2_garza_note.pdf)//EM
Mexico is a source country for trafficking Mexican immigrants who fall victim at the hands of traffickers and
are transported primarily to the United States and, to a lesser degree, Canada and Western Europe.98 In addition, Mexico is also a transit country because
immigrants from Central and South America usually travel through Mexico en route to the United States and then enter the United States via its shared border with Mexico.99
Mexico is also a destination country for many Central and South American immigrants who fail to enter the United States 100 and are exploited in Mexico. “The vast majority
of foreign victims trafficked into [Mexico] for commercial sexual exploitation are from Central America, particularly Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador.”101 Internal
human trafficking within Mexico is also an issue particularly with “Mexican men and boys [who] are trafficked from southern to northern Mexico for forced labor.”102 Due
to the large numbers of peoples that migrate through Mexico by entering its southern border, or leave Mexico
by crossing its northern border with the United States, the human trafficking problem is particularly acute because
Mexico serves as a source, transit point, and destination for human trafficking. For this reason, a bilateral
partnership between the United States and Mexico, or even a multilateral partnership with other nations is necessary to eradicate
human trafficking.
Bilateral partnership with Mexico is crucial
Garza, 11 (Rocio Garza, Harvard graduate, candidate for Juris Doctor, 11/1/11, Addressing Human Trafficking
Along the United States-Mexico Border: the Need for a Bilateral Partnership,
http://www.cjicl.com/uploads/2/9/5/9/2959791/cjicl_19.2_garza_note.pdf)//EM
This Note proposes that Mexico amend the Mexican Anti Trafficking Law and makes recommendations for its implementation. However, the Note
acknowledges that even if the laws are improved, the solution may not be complete. The Note argues that a more concrete bilateral
partnership between the United States and Mexico is necessary in order to prevent human trafficking,
prosecute traffickers, and protect victims of human trafficking. Part II presents background information including the definition
of human trafficking pursuant to international instruments, the distinguishing factors between human trafficking and smuggling that can blur the line
between criminals and victims, and an overview of the circumstances that further complicate anti trafficking efforts along the extensive shared bor der.
Part III r e views the various interrelated legal frameworks that have been established to combat human trafficking: at the international level by the
United Nations, in the United States, and in Mexico. The section di s cussing the international legal framework includes a summary of the UN
Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime, which opened for signature by Member States at a High level Political Conference convened in
Palermo, Italy, and the subsequently adopted UN Protocol that addresses hu man trafficking. The U.S. legal framework section discusses its intersection
with the international legal framework and a d dresses the TVPA along with its most recent reauthorization. The Mexican legal framework section
includes the preexisting laws relat ed to human trafficking, the Mexican Anti Trafficking Law, and the form a tion of the Special Prosecution Unit for
Crimes against Women and Human Trafficking, (FEVIMTRA). 36 Part IV recommends amending the Mexican Anti Trafficking Law and makes
suggestions regarding its implementation. It also proposes a bilateral partnership between the United States and Mexico and considers and
responds to challenges against the recommendations and the proposal.
U.S.-Mexico cooperation key to the unique circumstances in the region
Garza, 11 (Rocio Garza, Harvard graduate, candidate for Juris Doctor, 11/1/11, Addressing Human Trafficking
Along the United States-Mexico Border: the Need for a Bilateral Partnership,
http://www.cjicl.com/uploads/2/9/5/9/2959791/cjicl_19.2_garza_note.pdf)//EM
The UN Protocol offers an excellent infrastructure for countries to use as a foundation for their own anti-trafficking laws
and strategies. However, the strategies must be put into context within each country’s unique circumstances. In the
cases of the United States and Mexico, their anti-trafficking efforts must take into consideration their shared
history and geographic border.
The plan reinvigorates cooperation efforts – that’s key to solve
Ryf 2 JD magna cum laude Case Western Reserve University Law School, 2002 (Kara, The First Modern Anti-Slavery Law: The Trafficking Victims
Protection Act of 2000, Case W. Res. J. Int'l L.)
Human trafficking touches almost all nations of the world. As a result, this serious human rights problem can
only be eliminated
through international cooperation. Because trafficking presents social, health, economic, and crime problems
for every nation, each nation of origin, transit and destination has an incentive to work with the United
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States to control trafficking. To facilitate international participation, the Act contains numerous provisions that
encourage nations to cooperatein eliminating trafficking, prosecuting traffickers, and protecting victims. The Act first requires the U.S. State
Department to assess a foreign government's participation, facilitation or condoning of trafficking along with that government's efforts to cooperate in
international investigations.The Secretary of State will also head a committee that works to encourage cooperation among
origin, transit, and destination countries. A
recent arrest of thirty-eight smugglers with 3,500 immigrants from twenty-five
different countries is a "testament to the necessity and the effectiveness of international cooperation." Known as
Operation Forerunner, the arrests were a coordinated effort between the United States, Belize, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, and Panama.
Cracking this major smuggling operation involved working simultaneously with all governments and sharing intelligence information to pinpoint times,
routes, and the transportation methods traffickers were using. Due to the success of Operation Forerunner, other countries have begun to cooperate as
well. China proposed an initiative to work with Europe to combat transnational crime, and Turkey suggested that "technical and operational cooperation
and communication offices be set up between the countries, [because] the expenses of the burden of the struggle should be shared by all countries." It is
important that many nations have recognized solidarity as the foundation to eliminating trafficking. Success, however,
will not be achieved without trust among nations. Because
government corruption facilitates much of the
trafficking industry, many countries have been unwilling to share intelligence, fearing the information will wind up in the
traffickers' hands. To reduce this fear, the Act provides that the U.S. State Department prepare a report evaluating
government authorities participation, facilitation, and condoning of trafficking activities. Furthermore, nations are required to
investigate and prosecute government authorities involved in trafficking in order to meet the Act's minimum standards criteria.
However, as long as trafficking remains a highly profitable enterprise it is unlikely that participation in traffickign by government authorities will end. As
a result, the goal must be to deter trafficking by making it a high risk, low profit activity. Because many
countries do not prohibit trafficking and punish the victims more harshly than the traffickers, the risk in the past has been very low. The
Act, however, changes this by requiring all nations of origin, transit, and destination to enact anti-trafficking
laws with penalties appropriate for the heinous level of the crime in order to meet the minimum standards criteria. Independent of the Act, each nation
must recognize the importance of educating local law enforcement officials, prosecutors, and judges to strictly follow the trafficking laws. Without
harsh penal deterrence, traffickers will continue to prosper in nations where trafficking laws are not enforced or do not exist.
Bilateral cooperation is key to solve
Garza 11 Candidate for Juris Doctor, Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law, AB from Harvard (Rocio, 11/1/11, "Addressing Human Trafficking Along
the United States-Mexico Border: The Need for a Bilateral Partnership,"
http://www.cjicl.com/uploads/2/9/5/9/2959791/cjicl_19.2_garza_note.pdf)//AM
The porous United States-Mexico border continues to be a ¶ significant point of entry for human trafficking victims34 that are ¶ beyond the reach of the
Mexican Anti-Trafficking Law and ¶ unlikely to benefit from the TVPA. Along the approximately ¶ 2,000-mile division, the
challenges of eradicating human trafficking ¶ are manifold.35¶ One of these challenges is determining whose ¶ responsibility it is to
remedy the human trafficking situation. ¶ Should the United States expend more resources saving victims ¶ and
incarcerating traffickers within its borders? Is it Mexico’s ¶ responsibility to warn its citizens and keep them safe from ¶
traffickers? Should it matter that what makes victims vulnerable ¶ to traffickers is their basic human instinct to do better for themselves and their
progeny by seeking better economic ¶ opportunities? Human trafficking transcends boundaries and so ¶ must its solution.
The
United States and Mexico are both deeply ¶ affected and inextricably linked by human trafficking due to their ¶
history and extensive shared geographic border. Hence, a solution ¶ for addressing human trafficking must take
into consideration both ¶ countries’ interests through a bilateral partnership.
Unilateral approaches fail—partnership is critical
Cicero-Domínguez, 5 (Salvador A. Cicero-Domínguez, graduate of the Matías Romero Institute for
Diplomatic Studies in Mexico City and holds a Juris Doctor from The Ohio State University Moritz College of
Law. He currently serves as Director of the American Bar Association/ American Bar Foundation’s Project to
Combat Trafficking in Persons in Ecuador, Winter 2005 “Assessing the U.S.-Mexico Fight Against Human
Trafficking and Smuggling: Unintended Results of U.S. Immigration Policy” Northwestern Journal of
International Human Rights,
http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1036&context=njihr)//EM
Despite this overwhelming data showing the defects of United States and Mexican governmental responses to the
dangerous environment of the border and the expansion of trafficking rings operating all the way from Central and South
America through Mexican territory, no concrete proposal on cooperation has been put forward by either government. ¶84
The issue of criminal deportees, as a contributing factor of important consequences in the smuggling and trafficking of people from Mexico to the
U.S., remains largely ignored in policy planning efforts. The Mexican government must design policies to assist these deportees to
integrate into Mexican society and find jobs. Otherwise it will continue to suffer the consequences of having unemployable, U.S. - trained delinquents,
participating in the growing hum an trafficking and smuggling operations at the northern and southern borders of Mexico. ¶85 Although some positive
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developments have occurred over the last year, 127
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it is essential that the U.S. and Mexican governments hold a
bilateral conference to discuss the issue, not only from a law enforcement perspective, but also including
the health, education and social service authorities (such as SEP, DIF, IMSS, etc., and their U.S. counterparts) as well as civil
society at large. A bi-national task force, which includes civil society and academics, could study the best
means of cooperation.
Lack of cooperation only makes the problem worse
Cicero-Domínguez, 5 (Salvador A. Cicero-Domínguez, graduate of the Matías Romero Institute for
Diplomatic Studies in Mexico City and holds a Juris Doctor from The Ohio State University Moritz College of
Law. He currently serves as Director of the American Bar Association/ American Bar Foundation’s Project to
Combat Trafficking in Persons in Ecuador, Winter 2005 “Assessing the U.S.-Mexico Fight Against Human
Trafficking and Smuggling: Unintended Results of U.S. Immigration Policy” Northwestern Journal of
International Human Rights,
http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1036&context=njihr)//EM
While some remain skeptical that such an approach will lead to a successful accord, without such an agreement, or absent new legislative efforts to correct
the migratory situation of millions of people living illegally and traveling underground to the United States, it is likely that the current
environment fostering smuggling and trafficking of people, not to mention firearms and drugs, will continue to prosper. This
would only spur the traffickers and smugglers to attempt even riskier avenues of entry into the U.S.VIII. C
ONCLUSION ¶94 The United States and Mexico must approach the issue of trafficking in human beings and associated phenomena,
like smuggling of migrants, with an honest dialogue between both nations. It is clear that the phenomena herein discussed is affected
by many external factors like globalization, economic growth, social development, education, historical
migration patterns and organized crime, among others. It is obvious that a law enforcement - only approach
may ameliorate the situation, but will not resolve it at its root. ¶95 The impact of each country’s policies on its
neighbor must be taken into account, if any effort is to be successful. One of the comparative advantages that organized crime
has historically had over national governments is that it coordinates its actions irrespective of national boundaries to accomplish its
mission. While acknowledging that every country has a duty to protect its territorial integrity and borders, in doing so each country must decide how much authority to
make decisions it is wil ling to share with its neighbors in order to accomplish joint regional security. Without this kind of open dialogue, cooperation efforts are likely to have
little success.
GARZA 2011 (Rocio, Candidate for Juris Doctor, Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law, May 2011; A.B. (2005) Harvard University, CARDOZO J. OF INT’L & COMP.
LAW, March, www.cjicl.com/uploads/2/9/5/9/2959791/cjicl_19.2_garza_note.pdf)
Victims on both sides of the United States-Mexico border would greatly benefit from improvements to both
countries’ laws and their implementation. Regardless, the United States and Mexico can accomplish much
more if they join efforts and collaborate in a formal bilateral partnership that takes into account the internal
and external factors243 that make human trafficking possible. A bilateral partnership would ensure that both
countries’ interests are represented in any solution to eradicate human trafficking. It could be beneficial in
prosecuting traffickers, protecting victims, and putting preventative measures in place.
1. Prosecution of Traffickers
A formal bilateral partnership could allow the United States and Mexico to share information about traffickers,
which could lead to more prosecutions. Currently, if in the course of an investigation, a U.S. prosecutor believes
that a trafficker returned to Mexico, the prosecutor may either petition for extradition or submit a request for
the Mexican government to prosecute the accused in Mexico.244 Generally, Mexican President Calderon
cooperates with the United States in extraditing criminals.245
Several traffickers have been extradited to the United States in connection to high profile cases, such as the
Carreto-Valencia brothers who were charged with human trafficking for running a forced prostitution ring in
New York.
246 After several family members were charged in 2004, another participant was extradited in 2007 and
sentenced in 2008.247 Another case involved defendants who illegally transported Mexican individuals to
Florida and forced them to work in fruit harvesting fields by threatening them with violence.248
2. Protection of Victims If the strategies used to prosecute these traffickers were maintained by a bilateral
partnership, both the United States and Mexico could expedite their investigatory processes instead of acting
unilaterally and only responding to each other’s requests for extradition and punishment. More efficient
prosecutions would leave more resources and time to address the needs of victims.
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A bilateral partnership could be formed between U.S. Customs and Border Protection agents and Mexican
customs officials in order to create better strategies to identify human trafficking victims at the shared border.
Although most immigrants agree to be smuggled, others are abducted and taken against their will.
249 When these immigrants are intercepted at the border, they are often confused with smugglers and the
people they are smuggling and not recognized as victims.250 Having a bilateral partnership could ensure that
these issues come to light and that proper training is provided to U.S. Customs and Border Protection agents in
order to prevent them from simply deporting victims or sending them back to their traffickers. Even if
immigrants have consented to being smuggled, U.S. agents may be able to identify the signs of human
trafficking if information is shared across the border. Suspected victims of human trafficking could be turned
over to Mexican customs officials for further investigation and possible legal aid and protection. In a bilateral
partnership with representatives from both countries, the United States and Mexico would be able to come up
with strategies that keep traffickers and smugglers out of the United States while protecting the victims. For
example, if a partnership were in place, the members of the partnership could designate specific steps for U.S.
Customs and Border Protection agents to take when they suspect the people they have detained are victims of
human trafficking. These steps could include, for example, sending victims directly to predetermined and stateapproved Mexican shelters equipped to handle their needs as victims of human trafficking.251 Another specific
step that a partnership may be able to put in place is that U.S. Customs and Border Protection agents could
separate people they intercept at the border and ask them specific questions to determine if they are victims.
Some victims of human trafficking report that if they had not been near their traffickers at the time they were
stopped at the border and if they had been asked more direct questions, they would have revealed that they
were being taken against their will and been rescued despite their fear of retaliation from traffickers.
252
3. Prevention of Human Trafficking
Prevention tends to be a goal that is cast aside in favor of prosecution of traffickers and protection of victims
because it is intangible. One can count the number of prosecutions and victims helped but cannot ascertain
how many are saved with preventative measures. In the 2009 TIP Report, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton
acknowledged that much remains to be done in identifying and tackling the root causes of human
trafficking.253 Clinton urged all governments to leverage their resources and offered U.S. partnership to
strengthen anti-trafficking efforts.254
One of the ways in which the United States can leverage its resources is by partnering with Mexico in order to
continue raising awareness about the dangers of human trafficking and how smuggling can easily lead to
trafficking. In addition, a partnership would send a message to both countries about the seriousness of the
crime and the urgent need to address it together. In a partnership between U.S. and Mexican representatives,
they would be able to strategize to develop viable alternatives to prevent illegal immigration, given that most
victims are vulnerable due to a lack of economic alternatives. Furthermore, through a partnership, the United
States and Mexico could develop joint and more informed awareness campaigns to warn their citizens about
the dangers and criminal consequences of engaging in human trafficking.
GARZA 2011 (Rocio, Candidate for Juris Doctor, Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law, May 2011; A.B. (2005) Harvard University, CARDOZO J. OF INT’L & COMP.
LAW, March, www.cjicl.com/uploads/2/9/5/9/2959791/cjicl_19.2_garza_note.pdf)
A number of countries have enacted anti-trafficking legislation while others have made improvements to
legislation.265 Countries’ individual efforts are especially necessary in times of economic downturn when
people become more desperate to improve their living conditions, and are more susceptible to traffickers.266
Although anti-trafficking efforts of individual countries will continue to be important, coalitions and
partnerships are the next frontier in the fight against human trafficking.267 In over a decade, since 2000, of
evaluating and reporting about human trafficking via Trafficking in Persons Reports, the world has come to
learn that human trafficking is a transnational crime that touches every corner of the world. A solution to this
problem must take into consideration the individual factors that allow traffickers to exploit people with
impunity and that make those people targets for exploitation.
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The United States and Mexico have a unique opportunity to collaborate to address human trafficking along
their shared border. As they continue their separate anti-trafficking efforts, they should consider expanding
upon the model they developed with the three-year program PROTECT.268 The desire to improve their
economic conditions and be reunited with family members will always seem to be a risk worth taking to people
in desperate situations. However, by working together, in a bilateral partnership, the United States and Mexico
can create viable alternatives that do not include people risking their lives, and becoming prey to traffickers, in
their attempts to build a better life.
GARZA 2011 (Rocio, Candidate for Juris Doctor, Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law, May 2011; A.B. (2005) Harvard University, CARDOZO J. OF INT’L & COMP.
LAW, March, www.cjicl.com/uploads/2/9/5/9/2959791/cjicl_19.2_garza_note.pdf)
Mexico is a source country for trafficking Mexican immigrants who fall victim at the hands of traffickers and
are transported primarily to the United States and, to a lesser degree, Canada and Western Europe.98 In
addition, Mexico is also a transit country because immigrants from Central and South America usually travel
through Mexico en route to the United States and then enter the United States via its shared border with
Mexico.99
Mexico is also a destination country for many Central and South American immigrants who fail to enter the
United States
100 and are exploited in Mexico. “The vast majority of foreign victims trafficked into [Mexico] for commercial
sexual exploitation are from Central America, particularly Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador.”101 Internal
human trafficking within Mexico is also an issue particularly with “Mexican men and boys [who] are trafficked
from southern to northern Mexico for forced labor.”102
Due to the large numbers of peoples that migrate through Mexico by entering its southern border, or leave
Mexico by crossing its northern border with the United States, the human trafficking problem is particularly
acute because Mexico serves as a source, transit point, and destination for human trafficking. For this reason, a
bilateral partnership between the United States and Mexico, or even a multilateral partnership with other
nations is necessary to eradicate human trafficking.
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2ac modelling
U.S. human trafficking policies are modeled globally
Chuang, 6 Practitioner-in-Residence, American University Washington College ol' Law. J .D., Harvard Law
School; BA., Yale University (Janie A. Chuang, Winter 2006 , “The United States as Global Sheriff: Using
Unilateral Sanctions to Combat Human Trafficking”, Michigan Journal of International Law, Vol. 27, No. 2,
http://papers.ssrn.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=990098&download=yes)//EM
Once an issue relegated to the margins of international human rights discourse, human trafficking has rapidly become a mainstream political
concern, both internationally and domestically. Defined roughly as the recruitment or movement of persons by means of coercion or deception into exploitative labor
or slavery-like practices, trafficking is an interna- tional crime and human rights violation. According to the international Labour Organization, approximately 2.5 million people are
trafficked within and across borders at any point in time, generating an estimated $32 billion in profits for organized crime.' As
the global economy impels more and more people to migrate under circumstances rendering them vulnerable
to traffickers, governments worldwide have hastened to pass laws and initiatives to combat the problem. In the midst of this rapidly changing legal
environment, the United States has emerged as a domi- nant force, with the political and financial
wherewithal to influence how other countries respond to the problem of human trafficking.
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2ac law/state key key
Legislation is the only way to actualize change—laundry list
ILO, 5 (International Labour Organization, 4/1/5, “Human Trafficking and Forced Labour Exploit at ion:
Guidance for Legislation and Law Enforcement”,
http://digitalcommons.ilr.cornell.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1021&context=forcedlabor)//EM
The act of ratification constitutes a commitment by the State to take action that will lead to the goal of eradicating trafficking, which is the second main
role of legislative bod- ies. Legislation is the basis for such action as it: • Translates the aims and principles of
international standards into national law. • Sets the principles, objectives and priorities for national action to
combat traf- ficking and other forced labour outcomes of migration. • Creates the machinery for carrying out that action. •
Creates specific rights and responsibilities. • Places the authority of the State behind the protection of victims of
traffick- ing/migrant workers. • Creates a common understanding among all actors involved. • Provides a basis and
procedure for complaints and investigations. • Provides legal redress for victims. • Provides sanctions for
offenders. A number of questions arise from these points, for instance: do criminal laws prohibit all forms of forced labour and trafficking? Do they
include provisions to prosecute all the per- petrators involved? Do the laws provide adequate protection for victims, regardless of whether they agree to
file a complaint against the perpetrators of trafficking and forced labour upon identification? Legislative bodies must make sure that
their country’s legislation effectively prohibits all forms of exploitation as defined by the Protocol and the relevant ILO
Conventions, as well as providing appropriate protection and assistance for victims.
Government is key – the perm solves best
UNODC, 07 (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, May 2007, “The Global Initiative to Fight Human
Trafficking,” http://www.unodc.org/pdf/gift%20brochure.pdf, Hensel)
A Team Effort Teamwork is vital if we want to take the fight against human trafficking to new levels. Dedicated
individuals and groups around the world are already doing what they can. UN.GIFT aims to harness and combine this enormous goodwill, providing a
framework for coherent action. At the international level, a number of UN agencies and regional programs already deal with many
aspects of human trafficking. These institutions have been working together in the Initiative's preparatory phase through a steering committee.
They are: UNODC as the guardian of the UN Protocol against trafficking in persons UNICEF, promoting the protection of children from violence, abuse
and exploitation ILO, promoting protection against forced labour and preventing child labour IOM, promoting the protection of migrant workers
OHCHR as the custodian of the anti-slavery legal instruments OSCE, fighting human trafficking in its region. Furthermore, since 2006 a broad range of
activities and partners has been coordinated through the Inter-Agency Cooperation Group against Trafficking in Persons (ICAT).
Governments
must be involved , both to steer the process and to strengthen their capacity to fight human trafficking. At the
grass roots level where the problem is most acute, non-governmental organizations and other civil society groups protect
victims and raise awareness among vulnerable groups. These groups are the eyes and ears of the global community, the front line of
the anti-trafficking movement. A number of private individuals—either through foundations, the media or on their own initiative—are
champions of the anti-trafficking cause. Their work, either to raise global awareness or to tackle local problems, is an inspiration to us all.
Government is the only actor who can provide funding
ILO, 5 (International Labour Organization, 4/1/5, “Human Trafficking and Forced Labour Exploit at ion:
Guidance for Legislation and Law Enforcement”,
http://digitalcommons.ilr.cornell.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1021&context=forcedlabor)//EM
However, a programme aimed at combating trafficking and forced labour, as well as its implementation and the
monitoring and evaluation of the implementation, cannot be carried out without adequate financial
and human resources . Funding comes primarily from government. An adequately funded central unit for the
development and monitoring of the programme is advisable, to avoid duplication of activities among departments. Such a
programme requires the investment of resources in areas such as law enforcement, education, public health and social services. A large part of these
funds should be devoted to the training of personnel, for example, lawyers, law enforcement personnel, administrators, social workers and statisticians.
The government has to act
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Gulati, 10 – PhD, Associate Professor of Political Science at Bentley University, Member of the Regional
Working Group on Modern-Day Slavery and Human Trafficking, Carr Center for Human Rights, Kennedy
School of Government, Harvard University (Girish J. Gulati, July 1, 2010, “Media Representation of Human
Trafficking in the United States, Great Britain, and Canada,” Bentley University, pdf, Hensel)
This more comprehensive view of the problem requires solutions that go beyond empowering law enforcement
with more resources and authority. While there is support for assisting foreign governments with their enforcement and services (Shauer
and Wheaten 2006), there is concern about the value of this approach in countries where government officials and law enforcement personnel have been
involved in trafficking enterprises or place a very low priority on addressing problems experienced by marginalized people. More emphasis is
placed on empowering women (Agustin 2005; Friman and Reich 2007) and assistance for economic development more
generally (Skeldon 2000) and penalizing corporations who hire trafficking victims (Gill 2007; Salt and Stein 1997). Scholars
from the human rights perspective also echo the concern of the policy community that more should be done to
assist victims (Gallagher 2006; Haynes 2004), to inform the public (Kligman and Limoncelli 2004), and to place pressure on
governments that fail to address trafficking, regardless of their strategic position or value in the war against
international terrorism (Friman and Reich 2007; Kapstein 2006). There also are suggestions to extend protections to sex
workers and allow U.S. assistance to go to organizations that do not take a firm anti-prohibitionist stand on
prostitution (Nieuwenhuys and Pécoud 2007; Platt 2001; Shauer and Wheaten 2006; Singh and Hart 2007).
A robust government response is key
Maloney, 12 – U.S. Representative, NY 12th Congressional District (Carolyn, October 8, 2012, “Rep. Carolyn
Maloney: We Insist on Your Dignity,” Politics Daily, LexisNexis, Hensel)
One hundred fifty years ago, Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation, declaring that "all persons held as slaves... shall be free." Last
week President Obama reminded us that the vision of the Great Emancipator is not yet fulfilled. Addressing business, philanthropic, and political
leaders gathered for the Clinton Global Initiative, he announced
the Administration's focus on combating human trafficking,
renewing America's promise that "our people... are not for sale." Under a new Presidential Executive Order "Strengthening
Protections Against Trafficking in Persons in Federal Contracts" contractors, subcontractors, and their employees working for the US government, are
"expressly prohibited" from "the procurement of commercial sex acts." This announcement ensures that American tax dollars in no way support human
trafficking. In a dramatically personal address referencing his daughters, faith traditions, and the moral obligations of us all, the President
described global human trafficking, including the crisis in our own country: It ought to concern every person,
because it's a debasement of our common humanity . It ought to concern every community, because it tears at
the social fabric ... I'm talking about the injustice, the outrage, of human trafficking, which must be called by its
true name -- modern slavery. In 1864, the Thirteenth Amendment declared that no one can be owned by another, yet today there are thousands
held in modern day slavery. In the US, a majority of trafficking victims are women or girls who are forced into prostitution. On giveaway newspapers
pages and bright computer screens, the ads are there. In crowded bars or elegant hotel lobbies, the transactions are made. Women and girls are
bought for sex in the dark corners of our society protected by our willful ignorance. Runaways are special targets. Taken in
by predatory pimps and lured by the promise of a substitute for family, life in the shadows becomes their means of survival. In the
United States, the average age a girl enters prostitution is 13. By federal definition, all minors -- even those not under the control of a pimp -- are
trafficking victims. Let's be straight. The idea that girls really choose prostitution as a career instead of accounting, medicine, or full-time parenting is a
myth. The overwhelming majority of women trapped in that life say they would leave if only they thought they
could. Research data are grim: A prostituted woman is 200 times more likely to be murdered. When the trafficking of
women and girls is tolerated, where the buying and selling of people is allowed to flourish , the social costs rise
and the risks to the innocent increase. Disease is spread . Girls become commodities . And what lesson does it teach our
young men? Our daughters? Accepting the trafficking of women and girls as a norm coarsens our culture . In his address,
our President said, "as a nation, we've long rejected such cruelty." Yet sadly, with each purchase of another human, we become that much more callous to
the casual cruelty of trafficking. Fortunately change is possible. Prosecuting traffickers is one answer. But pimps bring in more than
$200,000 from each person they control, so they can afford top-notch lawyers. Cases that take months, even years to build are often lost in court. But
surprisingly, buyers say they would stop if they thought they would be arrested. And they are breaking the law almost
everywhere in the US. Effectively
abolishing demand by enforcing the law in this way however, will take retraining
police forces, who now pick up eight women for every one buyer. Meanwhile, we need a robust and comprehensive approach to
supporting survivors. Many have children they're determined to support but not the means. They need education, housing, and
jobs, but also encouragement, counseling -- and community. That's where each of us comes in. It will take us all to fulfill
these proclamations. At the President's speech we stood near three women recognized for the price they paid in "the life." Now we stand proudly with
President Obama, repeating to them his words: "We hear you. We see you. We insist on your dignity."
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Legislation is key (this card is about ethiopia…..)
Africa News, 12 (Africa News, May 8, 2012, “Human Trafficking - Country Gets a Little Wake-Up Call,”
LexisNexis, Hensel)
¶ It's always been something that happens elsewhere, like North Africa, the Middle East or Asia. But we've always had our own unique
problems, which has driven the need for legislation like the Prevention and Combating of Trafficking in Persons Bill which has
languished in Parliament for the last five years. But last week something happened that might speed things up a little.¶ ¶ Human
trafficking doesn't often make the headlines in South Africa, but this week was an exception because the Limpopo police made a massive bust during
which 47 Ethiopians were saved after being kidnapped for ransom from the Musina refugee centre in Limpopo.¶ ¶ South African Police Services
spokesman Brigadier Hangwani Mulaudzi tells Daily Maverick that the police were first alerted to the situation when a relative of those held reported
that 10 family members were being held and that R2,000 was being demanded for each. Mulaudzi says that if the ransom for those held wasn't paid, the
plan was to sell the Ethiopian nationals into slavery.¶ ¶ "These people come in as asylum seekers, but there was money involved in this case and that is
how we managed to grab the kidnappers." Six alleged kidnappers were apprehended. Five of them were Ethiopians.¶ ¶ Mulaudzi said police weren't sure
of the nationality of the other person, but thought he could be Indian.¶ ¶ "Taking into consideration the number of people getting
into our country, one would think that there is a lot of trafficking happening.¶ ¶ This case gave us a wake-up call.
We need to take this matter very seriously now," says Mulaudzi.¶ ¶ South Africa should have had a comprehensive
law to protect human rights in terms of human trafficking, but the Prevention and Combating of Trafficking in Persons Bill that is
sitting with the justice portfolio committee in Parliament has yet to be passed. The law was supposed to come into effect in April, but the latest indication
from committee chairman Luwellyn Landers is that it will be signed into law in May.¶ ¶ The bill, which has been in Parliament for the past five years, is
specifically aimed at stopping or at least preventing human trafficking through the imposition of harsh sentences, the prosecution of people involved in
the chain of human trafficking, and more importantly seeks to aid and protect those people who are kidnapped.¶ ¶ Mulaudzi says he doesn't have
statistics for how often human trafficking happens in Limpopo, but says people are brought in and forced into hard labour. "Most of these people come
from Pakistan or Somalia and are made to work in spaza shops."¶ ¶ The 47 Ethiopians who were rescued were all mature and are being taken back to the
Musina refugee camp for processing, after questioning by police. Mulaudzi says the people appear to have been held without being properly fed, and
were weak and malnourished when police freed them.¶ ¶ "When we got them they were not in a good condition. We had to make sure at the police station
that they got the nourishment they needed. I would hope that by now they will have gotten a couple of decent meals. They were only being fed bread and
water by the kidnappers," says Limpopo's police spokesperson.¶ ¶ The kidnappers have appeared in court, were refused bail and will appear again on 14
May. Mulaudzi says it's the first time a case like this has occurred in the area, but DA Limpopo spokesman Langa Bodlani says information he has on
hand shows that the "selling of people for slavery purposes is rife in Limpopo because of the proximity to the border".¶ ¶ "We will be asking our
colleagues in the National Assembly to establish a national task team between home affairs, foreign affairs and defence to determine if we have officials
colluding with international crime syndicates. The people arrested are mostly foreign and the people who were kidnapped were Ethiopian, which means
this is likely the work of an international syndicate," says Bodlani. "Someone is bringing these people in."¶ ¶ Bodlani said it was disturbing that such a
gross human rights violation was happening in South Africa in this day and age. "It is an affront to the people of Limpopo who are known to be
hospitable and who value the inherent dignity of human beings. If it goes unabated it may affect our image as a tourist destination." ¶ ¶ The DA intends
picketing the courts to protest that human rights should be afforded to all, including foreign nationals. "We want to express our condemnation against
slavery, which is against our Constitution and declared a crime against humanity by the international community. It goes against what we are trying to
achieve as a country," he said.¶ ¶ Human trafficking is rife across Africa. Anti-Slavery International says thousands of young girls in Niger are sold for
between R3,000 and R6,000 in Nigeria and are forced into unpaid labour and made to wear heavy brass rings around their ankles to signify that they are
owned -- that they are slaves. Women are frequently forced to have sex without their consent once they near puberty.¶ ¶ Estimating accurate statistics for
the global human trafficking is problematic, but the UN's Global Initiative to Fight Human Trafficking estimates profits to be in the region of $31.6billion, with about 5% or $1.6-billion of this coming from sub-Saharan Africa.¶ ¶ The organisation says about 2.5 million people are trafficked into forced
labour at any given time, and that 5.2% of forced labour (including sexual exploitation) happens in sub-Saharan countries and 9.2% occurs in the Middle
East and North Africa.¶ ¶ People who are kidnapped or lured into human trafficking are usually between the ages of 18 and 24 years of age. The UN
estimates that about 1.2 million children are trafficked annually. More than 90% of people who are caught up in the global human trafficking web, like
Talak, experience physical or sexual violence.¶ ¶ "My master was very mean and hit me," the 60-year-old woman told Sarah Mathewson of Anti-Slavery
International. "I still remember the beatings he gave me. He beat me until I bled and I still bear the marks."¶ ¶ "I was very young, maybe 10 years old
when I was sold. I was never allowed to go out and play. I was responsible for all the domestic work: drawing water from the well, gathering firewood,
washing up, washing clothes, cleaning, caring for the children, pounding grain and cooking." ¶ ¶ "He showed me no mercy. He considered me to have no
soul. He would have sex with me without my consent. He would use me while hatred was burning in my heart."¶ ¶ Talak finally fled and was able to
escape across the border to a small village called Zongon Ablo, which is home to hundreds of runaway slaves.¶ ¶ Most don't know where they were born
because they were taken and sold into slavery at an extremely young age.¶ ¶ "Most of the women, men, old people and young people are like me," Talak
said. "No one mocks anyone else because everyone has had a tragic past."¶ ¶ In the latest issue of 'Global Eye on Human Trafficking' published by the
International Organisation for Migration, Chris Horwood writes about "The grim reality of smuggling economics and migrant abuse." ¶ ¶ Horwood says
that as people look to escape conflict, drought, floods, political oppression, endemic poverty or simply make a living for themselves, the supply of
smuggling networks surges and the demand to move across international borders soars.¶ ¶ Ethiopia has been hard hit, resulting in hundreds of
thousands of people leaving their homes. Those who don't seek asylum in Kenya make their way down to South Africa.¶ ¶ Tens of thousands of refugees
move south annually towards South Africa, Horwood says, adding that refugees and irregular migrants moving with the "aid" of smugglers report grim
tales of "rough handling, abandonment, lack of food and water or medical support, confinement, beatings, drowning, sexual attacks, extortion, detention,
robbery, kidnapping and death."¶ ¶ Horwood adds: "The perpetrators of these abuses are mainly the smugglers themselves, closely followed by corrupt
State officials (police, prison officers, border guards, immigration officials and soldiers), along with bandits and members of the communities through
which the migrants pass."¶ ¶ Shockingly, Horwood states that the degree of complicity and collusion of corrupt State officials as "the prime lubricant -oxygen, even -- of the smuggling business is staggering." Without these corrupt officials smugglers would find it impossible to operate.¶ ¶ With media
reports filled with tales of the notorious 'Guma Guma' gang that rape, rob and assault would-be asylum seekers, and reports of organised smuggling
syndicates operating in Musina, questions need to be asked about the complicity of local officials.¶ ¶ Then there's the matter that the fence that is
supposed to run along our northern border is in a state of complete disrepair.¶ ¶ While the Prevention and Combating of Trafficking in Persons Bill waits
in parliament nothing much, if anything, is being done to create the strong judicial system and law enforcement required to stop human trafficking.¶ ¶
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Perhaps the shocking news of 47 Ethiopians being held captive as 'slaves' in Limpopo will be the wake-up call needed to get the
bill passed and mobilise government to take definitive action against human trafficking.
Legislation is key
Knepper, 07 – PhD, Professor of Criminology, School of Law, University of Sheffield (Paul, January 2007,
“British Jews and the Racialisation of Crime in the Age of Empire,” Br J Criminol (January 2007) 47 (1): 61-79,
Hensel)
From the beginning, the leaders of Anglo-Jewry responsible for the JAPGW committed themselves to a strategy for
tackling Jewish trafficking that involved mobilising both Jews and non-Jews. In 1890, the gentlemen’s committee involved themselves in the
prosecution of three men who had robbed and taken advantage of a young woman from Rosaline House. Moro doubted that the solicitor
secured by the prosecution was competent, and although committee members appeared in court on behalf of
the prosecution, they failed to establish the burden of proof under existing law. This experience convinced them
of the need for legislation to deal with the complexities of ‘a crime which is usually initiated in one country and
consummated in another’ (JAPGW 1898: 24). Their strategy for mobilising the necessary political resources hinged
on the ‘ awakening of public feeling against the traffic’ and efforts for bringing MPs ‘into sympathy with the
cause’
(JAPGW 1898: 23).
Police and labor inspectors are key
ILO, 5 (International Labour Organization, 4/1/5, “Human Trafficking and Forced Labour Exploit at ion:
Guidance for Legislation and Law Enforcement”,
http://digitalcommons.ilr.cornell.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1021&context=forcedlabor)//EM
Legislation is meaningless without enforcement. As such, the machinery for enforcement should also be reviewed. Labour inspectors and
police play important roles. Indeed, they are the ones who monitor workplaces and thus have the ability to
identify victims as well as perpetrators of trafficking, and to take corrective measures. Increased monitoring is likely to result in a
decrease in forced labour in the workplace. In its Constitution the ILO requires all member States to set up a system of labour inspec- tion. ILO
instruments provide that labour inspection is a public function, a responsibility of government, best organized within the wider context of a State system
to administer social and labour policy and to supervise compliance with all national legislation, regulations and standards that give effect to it. The
principal ILO instrument in the area of labour inspection is its Labour Inspection Convention, 1947 (No.81), which covers industry and commerce. It is
supplemented by Recommendations Nos. 81 and 82, and a Protocol adopted in 1995 that allows its exten- sion to the services sector. Other ILO
Conventions on labour inspection exist for other sec- tors, such as agriculture, mining and transport. Convention No.81 defines the functions and
organization of the labour inspectors. They have the power to enter freely in a work- place liable to inspection, to carry
out inquiries freely and in particular to interrogate per- sons alone, to examine documents and take samples;
and the powers to make orders with a view to remedying defects and to decide whether it is appropriate to give warnings and advice or to institute or
recommend proceedings. In return, inspectors are required to respect certain obligations: they are prohibited from having any direct or indirect inter- est
in the undertakings under their supervision and shall not reveal manufacturing or commercial secrets of the workplaces they inspect, or the source of any
complaint. The main functions of labour inspection lie in the areas of general working conditions, occupational safety and health, employment (legal or
illegal) and industrial relations. Some countries have also included social security as part of the labour inspectors’ respon- sibilities. Among other duties,
inspectors should supply information and advice to employ- ers on how to comply with existing laws. They should also alert the competent authorities to
any defects or abuses not covered by existing legal provisions (Art. 3.1).
Legal solutions are key
Ryf, 2 JD magna cum laude Case Western Reserve University Law School (Kara Ryf, 1/2/2, “The First Modern
Anti-Slavery Law: The Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000”, Ebsco)//EM
Almost all nations of the world, including the United States, are burdened with increased economic, public health, and domestic and transnational crime problems as a result
of trafficking in humans.'76 A
lack of laws and enforcement resources addressing trafficking, as well as a failure by
govemments to acknowledge the severity of the issue. contribute to the spread of trafficking. Thus, the enactment of` the
Trafficking and Victims Protections Act of 20()0 is a crucial step in eradicating this world phenomenon. As evidence of the problem`s severity, the United States has agreed to
spend $95 million dollars over the next two years in both the United States and abroad to combat trafficking.m This money will be appropriated to various govemment
agencies to implement the new lawns in an effort to increase international cooperation, decrease govemmental corruption, aggressively punish traffickers, and protect the
victims who are coerced into participation in the trafficking industry. Unfortunately, it is doubtful whether the Act will significantly reduce world trafficking. To deter potential
migrants from tuming to traffickers, the Act seeks to reduce poverty in countries of origin and alter the social causes that lead migrants to turn to traffickers for assistance in
traveling abroad. While it is essential to stop trafficking by eliminating these causes, this goal is lofty and unattainable within the near future. Indeed, controlling poverty in all
nations of the world is likely beyond the power of the United States or even several countries working together. Furthermore, altering belief systems and the role of women in
society cannot be accomplished in such a short time period.
USFG action is necessary for cooperation that is critical to preventing trafficking
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Ryf, 2 JD magna cum laude Case Western Reserve University Law School (Kara Ryf, 1/2/2, “The First Modern
Anti-Slavery Law: The Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000”, Ebsco)//EM
First, increasing cooperation among nations is essential to eliminating world trafficking. Because almost all countries are
nations of either origin, transit or destination of trafficking victims,"• it is important to work together to ensure traffickers are
captured, prosecuted, and punished. To be successful, the United States must form close working relationships with the
enforcement agents in foreign countries and share intelligence information in order to follow traffickers, learn
their routes and pattems, and eventually apprehend them. Such cooperation is significantly impeded by sanctions that destroy all
efforts to establish an international force to fight the transnational traliicking problem."•
The efforts of nations are critical
Ryf, 2 JD magna cum laude Case Western Reserve University Law School (Kara Ryf, 1/2/2, “The First Modern
Anti-Slavery Law: The Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000”, Ebsco)//EM
As stressed throughout this Article, the key to reducing trafficking is intemational cooperation. How responsive and
active countries are to working together to fight this problem will have a strong impact on the success of
reducing this worldwide problem. Any country that chooses not to take this issue seriously, however, will quickly become a center for
trafficking activity. While the sanction provision of the Act will also have some effect on international cooperation, the degree of the effect will depend on
how and if it is implemented by the United States govemment.
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Framing
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2ac – 1% logic bad
1% risk is dumb and paralyzes action on real issues
Meskill, 9 (David Meskill, 12/9/9, “The "One Percent Doctrine" and Environmental Faith”,
http://davidmeskill.blogspot.com/2009/12/one-percent-doctrine-and-environmental.html)//EM
Tom Friedman's piece today in the Times on the environment (http://www.nytimes.com/2009/12/09/opinion/09friedman.html?_r=1) is one of the
flimsiest pieces by a major columnist that I can remember ever reading. He applies Cheney's "one percent doctrine" (which is similar to the
environmentalists' "precautionary principle") to the risk of environmental armageddon. But this doctrine is
both intellectually incoherent
and practically irrelevant. It is intellectually incoherent because it cannot be applied consistently in a world
with many potential disaster scenarios. In addition to the global-warming risk, there's also the asteroid-hittingthe-earth risk, the terrorists-with-nuclear-weapons risk (Cheney's original scenario), the super-duper-pandemic risk,
etc. Since each of these risks, on the "one percent doctrine," would deserve all of our attention, we cannot
address all of them simultaneously. That is, even within the one-percent mentality, we'd have to begin prioritizing, making choices and
trade-offs. But why then should we only make these trade-offs between responses to disaster scenarios? Why not also
choose between them and other, much more cotidien, things we value? Why treat the unlikely but cataclysmic event as
somehow fundamentally different, something that cannot be integrated into all the other calculations we make? And in fact, this is how we behave all the
time. We get into our cars in order to buy a cup of coffee, even though there's some chance we will be killed on the way to the coffee shop. We are
constantly risking death, if slightly, in order to pursue the things we value. Any creature that adopted the "precautionary principle"
would sit at home - no, not even there, since there is some chance the building might collapse. That creature
would neither be able to act, nor not act, since it would nowhere discover perfect safety. Friedman's approach reminds
me somehow of Pascal's wager - quasi-religious faith masquerading as rational deliberation (as Hans Albert has pointed out,
Pascal's wager itself doesn't add up: there may be a God, in fact, but it may turn out that He dislikes, and even damns, people who believe in him because
they've calculated it's in their best interest to do so). As my friend James points out, it's striking how descriptions of the environmental risk always
describe the situation as if it were five to midnight. It must be near midnight, since otherwise there would be no need to act. But it can never be five
*past* midnight, since then acting would be pointless and we might as well party like it was 2099. Many religious movements - for example the early
Jesus movement - have exhibited precisely this combination of traits: the looming apocalypse, with the time (just barely) to take action. None of this is to
deny - at least this is my current sense - that human action is contributing to global warming. But what our response to this news should be is another
matter entirely.
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No War
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2ac no war—laundry list
No war – international institutions and societal shifts
Contreras, 12 – Fellow, Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University (Dominic,
citing Steven Pinker, Harvard College Professor and Johnstone Family Professor in the Department of
Psychology at Harvard University, citing Joshua A. Goldstein, Professor Emeritus, School of International
Service, American University, February 1, 2012, “Winning the War on War?”, Belfer Center for Science and
International Affairs, Harvard University,
http://belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/publication/21707/winning_the_war_on_war.html?breadcrumb=%2Fpr
oject%2F52%2Fintrastate_conflict_program, Hensel)
In a jointly authored December 2011 op-ed in the New York Times, Pinker and Goldstein wrote that “the departure of the last American troops from Iraq
brings relief to a nation that has endured its most painful war since Vietnam. But the event is momentous for another reason. The invasion of
Iraq was the most recent example of an all-out war between two national armies. And it could very well be the last one .” Speaking at the
forum, both echoed their assessment that war
is less and less
often being
used as a tool for societies and states to resolve
conflicts, but they differed in their views of what brought about this change. Speaking to the main argument of his book “Winning the War on War:
the Decline of Armed Conflict Worldwide,” Goldstein, professor emeritus of international relations at American University, largely credited
international institutions for the pacification of the international community, stating that “After World War II
we did something new…we founded the United Nations…and we’ve developed this tool, peacekeeping…that has successively,
progressively, over a number of years, made it possible to resolve more conflicts without violence , to reduce violence
when it has already occurred, and to sustain peace when you’re able to negotiate a peace agreement.” “The
international community is not an oxymoron,” Goldstein said, “it actually works .” Pinker, the Johnstone family professor of
psychology at Harvard and author of the much heralded book “The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined,” concurred with
Goldstein’s assessment of a new peace taking hold. But he went a step further, arguing that in addition to the international community
promoting peace,
interpersonal norms and the development of social restraints
have fostered
a shift away from
violence . Pinker cited “ psychological changes through cosmopolitanism and literacy … [and the] expansion
of
empathy
and the consideration of others,” as
driving forces in the societal tilt away from war. He also pointed to changing
attitudes towards violence as explaining this shift. “Violence is seen as something to be solved and something we can throw
and Goldstein both declared that they are not optimists and
had approached trends in warfare as pessimists, only reaching their conclusions through rigorous scholarly analysis. Toft and
our wits against… society sees it as a problem, not a solution,” Pinker said. Pinker
Walt, however, were not so easily convinced that the data bear out the hopeful view. Toft, an associate professor of public policy at the Kennedy School
and director of the Belfer Center’s Initiative on Religion in International Affairs, praised both authors and their books, but pointed to what she perceived
as a Eurocentric tilt in their data pools. She also cited changing global power dynamics, and wondered if the trend would hold. Responding to Pinker’s
argument that societies have become more civilized Walt, the Robert and Renee Belfer professor of international affairs and faculty chair of the Belfer
Center’s International Security Program, said, “It’s not obvious to me that the civilizing instinct at the interpersonal level translates to more civilized
behavior between states or between states and other people.” Walt pointed to Bosnia and Iraq as examples of cases in which boundary conditions change
and violence quickly emerges from seemingly peaceful societies. Devoid of a strong central state, both Yugoslavia after the fall of Tito, and Iraq after the
toppling of Saddam both descended into civil war as competing groups vied for control and power. Furthermore, Walt pointed to the post-Cold War U.S.
that has gone to war four times through democratic processes and has choosen warfare as a rational and preferred option. The panel largely agreed that
global war on the scale of World War I and II is unlikely to occur again, because, according to Goldstein, “trade is now basis of prosperity [whereas]
conquering land used to be.” However, they agreed, modern exceptions abound; in some cases the United Nations, which is charged with upholding
peace, can sanction war, and in others, states can decide that war is in their interest. Whether or not war is on the way out in the long-
term is up for debate, but according to Pinker, “you can’t miss the trend line .”
No war – statistics, withdrawals, warfare is changing, the brutality is decreasing, multipolarity
solves, and no one would attack the US
Goldstein, 11 – Professor Emeritus, International Relations, American University (Joshua S.,
September/October 2011, “Think Again: War,” Foreign Policy,
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/08/15/think_again_war, Hensel)
¶ "The World Is a More Violent Place Than It Used to Be."¶ No way. The early 21st century seems awash in wars: the conflicts in
Afghanistan and Iraq, street battles in Somalia, Islamist insurgencies in Pakistan, massacres in the Congo, genocidal campaigns in Sudan. All in all,
regular fighting is taking place in 18 wars around the globe today. Public opinion reflects this sense of an ever more dangerous world: One survey a few
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years ago found that 60 percent of Americans considered a third world war likely. Expectations for the new century were bleak even before the attacks of
Sept. 11, 2001, and their bloody aftermath: Political scientist James G. Blight and former U.S. Defense Secretary Robert McNamara suggested earlier that
year that we could look forward to an average of 3 million war deaths per year worldwide in the 21st century. ¶ So far they haven't even been close. In fact,
the last decade has seen fewer war deaths than any decade in the past 100 years, based on data compiled by
researchers Bethany Lacina and Nils Petter Gleditsch of the Peace Research Institute Oslo. Worldwide, deaths caused directly by war-related violence in
the new century have averaged about 55,000 per year, just over half of what they were in the 1990s (100,000 a year), a third of what they were during the
Cold War (180,000 a year from 1950 to 1989), and a hundredth of what they were in World War II. If you factor in the growing global population, which
has nearly quadrupled in the last century, the decrease is even sharper. Far from being an age of killer anarchy, the 20 years since the Cold
War ended have been an era of rapid progress toward peace .¶ Armed conflict has declined in large part because
armed conflict has fundamentally changed . Wars between big national armies all but disappeared along
with the Cold War, taking with them the most horrific kinds of mass destruction. Today's asymmetrical
guerrilla wars may be intractable and nasty, but they will never produce anything like the siege of Leningrad. The last
conflict between two great powers, the Korean War, effectively ended nearly 60 years ago. The last sustained territorial
war between two regular armies, Ethiopia and Eritrea, ended a decade ago. Even civil wars, though a persistent evil, are less
common than in the past; there were about a quarter fewer in 2007 than in 1990.¶ If the world feels like a more violent place
than it actually is, that's because there's more information about wars -- not more wars themselves .
Once-remote battles and war crimes now regularly make it onto our TV and computer screens, and in more or less real time. Cell-phone cameras have
turned citizens into reporters in many war zones. Societal norms about what to make of this information have also changed. As Harvard University
psychologist Steven Pinker has noted, "The
decline of violent behavior has been paralleled by a decline in attitudes
that tolerate or glorify violence," so that we see today's atrocities -- though mild by historical standards -- as "signs of how
low our behavior can sink, not of how high our standards have risen."¶ "America Is Fighting More Wars Than
Ever."¶ Yes and no. Clearly, the United States has been on a war footing ever since 9/11, with a still-ongoing war in Afghanistan that has surpassed
the Vietnam War as the longest conflict in American history and a pre-emptive war in Iraq that proved to be longer, bloodier, and more expensive than
anyone expected. Add the current NATO intervention in Libya and drone campaigns in Pakistan, Somalia, and Yemen, and it's no wonder that U.S.
military spending has grown more than 80 percent in real terms over the last decade. At $675 billion this year, it's now 30 percent higher than what it
was at the end of the Cold War.¶ But though the conflicts of the post-9/11 era may be longer than those of past
generations, they are also far smaller and less lethal . America's decade of war since 2001 has killed about 6,000 U.S. service
members, compared with 58,000 in Vietnam and 300,000 in World War II. Every life lost to war is one too many, but these deaths have to be
seen in context: Last year more Americans died from falling out of bed than in all U.S. wars
combined .¶ And the fighting in Iraq and Afghanistan has taken place against a backdrop of base closures
and personnel drawdowns elsewhere in the world. The temporary rise in U.S. troop numbers in South Asia
and the Middle East, from 18,000 to 212,000 since 2000, contrasts with the permanent withdrawal of almost 40,000
troops from Europe, 34,000 from Japan and South Korea, and 10,000 from Latin America in that period.
When U.S. forces come home from the current wars -- and they will in large numbers in the near future, starting with 40,000 troops
from Iraq and 33,000 from Afghanistan by 2012 -- there will be fewer U.S. troops deployed around the world than at any
time since the 1930s. President Barack Obama was telling the truth in June when he said, "The tide of war is
receding."¶ "War Has Gotten More Brutal for Civilians."¶ Hardly. In February 2010, a NATO airstrike hit a house in
Afghanistan's Marja district, killing at least nine civilians inside. The tragedy drew condemnation and made the news, leading the top NATO
commander in the country to apologize to Afghan President Hamid Karzai. The response underscored just how much has
changed in war. During World War II, Allied bombers killed hundreds of thousands of civilians in Dresden and Tokyo
not by accident, but as a matter of tactics; Germany, of course, murdered civilians by the millions. And when today's civilians do
end up in harm's way, more people are looking out for them . The humanitarian dollars spent per
displaced person rose in real terms from $150 in the early 1990s to $300 in 2006. Total international humanitarian
assistance has grown from $2 billion in 1990 to $6 billion in 2000 and (according to donor countries' claims) $18 billion in 2008. For those caught in the
crossfire, war has actually gotten more humane.¶ Yet many people insist that the situation is otherwise. For example,
authoritative works on peacekeeping in civil wars (Roland Paris's award-winning At War's End and Michael Doyle and Nicholas
Sambanis's Making War and Building Peace), as well as gold-standard reports on conflict from the World Bank and the
Carnegie Commission on Preventing Deadly Conflict, tell us that 90 percent of today's war deaths are civilian
while just 10 percent are military -- the reverse of a century ago and "a grim indicator of the transformation of armed conflict" in the late
20th century, as political scientist Kalevi Holsti put it.¶ Grim indeed -- but, fortunately, untrue. The myth originates with the 1994
U.N. Human Development Report, which misread work that Swedish researcher Christer Ahlström had done in 1991 and
accidentally conflated war fatalities in the early 20th century with the much larger number of dead, wounded,
and displaced people in the late 20th century. A more careful analysis done in 1989 by peace researcher William
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Eckhardt shows that the ratio of military to civilian war deaths remains about 50-50, as it has for centuries (though it
varies considerably from one war to the next). If you are unlucky enough to be a civilian in a war zone, of course, these
statistics are little comfort. But on a worldwide scale, we are making progress in helping civilians afflicted
by war.¶ "Wars Will Get Worse in the Future."¶ Probably not. Anything is possible, of course: A full-blown war between India and
Pakistan, for instance, could potentially kill millions of people. But so could an asteroid or -- perhaps the safest bet -- massive storms triggered by climate
change. The big forces that push civilization in the direction of cataclysmic conflict, however, are mostly ebbing.¶
Recent technological
changes are making war less brutal, not more so. Armed drones now attack targets that in the past would have
required an invasion with thousands of heavily armed troops, displacing huge numbers of civilians and destroying
valuable property along the way. And improvements in battlefield medicine have made combat less lethal for
participants. In the U.S. Army, the chances of dying from a combat injury fell from 30 percent in World War II to 10 percent in Iraq and Afghanistan
-- though this also means the United States is now seeing a higher proportion of injured veterans who need continuing support and care.¶ Nor do
shifts in the global balance of power doom us to a future of perpetual war. While some political scientists argue
that an increasingly multipolar world is an increasingly volatile one -- that peace is best assured by the predominance of a single
hegemonic power, namely the United States -- recent geopolitical history suggests otherwise . Relative U.S. power
and worldwide conflict have waned in tandem over the past decade. The exceptions to the trend, Iraq and
Afghanistan, have been lopsided wars waged by the hegemon, not challenges by up-and-coming new powers. The best
precedent for today's emerging world order may be the 19th-century Concert of Europe, a collaboration of great powers that largely maintained the peace
for a century until its breakdown and the bloodbath of World War I.¶ What about China, the most ballyhooed rising military threat
of the current era? Beijing is indeed modernizing its armed forces, racking up double-digit rates of growth in
military spending, now about $100 billion a year. That is second only to the United States, but it is a distant second: The
Pentagon spends nearly $700 billion. Not only is China a very long way from being able to go toe-to-toe with the
United States; it's not clear why it would want to . A military conflict (particularly with its biggest customer and debtor)
would impede China's global trading posture and endanger its prosperity. Since Chairman Mao's death, China has been
hands down the most peaceful great power of its time. For all the recent concern about a newly assertive Chinese navy in disputed
international waters, China's military hasn't fired a single shot in battle in 25 years.
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2ac no war—peacekeeping
Peacekeeping solves and empirics prove – war is decreasing
Goldstein, 11 – Professor Emeritus, International Relations, American University (Joshua S.,
September/October 2011, “Think Again: War,” Foreign Policy,
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/08/15/think_again_war, Hensel)
¶ "Peacekeeping Doesn't Work."¶ ¶ It does now. The early 1990s were boom years for the blue helmets , with 15 new
U.N. peacekeeping missions launched from 1991 to 1993 -- as many as in the U.N.'s entire history up to that point. The period was also host to
peacekeeping's most spectacular failures. In Somalia, the U.N. arrived on a mission to alleviate starvation only to become embroiled in a civil war, and it
quickly pulled out after 18 American soldiers died in a 1993 raid. In Rwanda in 1994, a weak U.N. force with no support from the Security Council
completely failed to stop a genocide that killed more than half a million people. In Bosnia, the U.N. declared "safe areas" for civilians, but then stood by
when Serbian forces overran one such area, Srebrenica, and executed more than 7,000 men and boys. (There were peacekeeping successes, too, such as
in Namibia and Mozambique, but people tend to forget about them.)¶ ¶ In response, the United Nations commissioned a report in
2000, overseen by veteran diplomat Lakhdar Brahimi, examining how the organization's efforts had gone wrong.
By then the U.N. had scaled back peacekeeping personnel by 80 percent worldwide, but as it expanded again the U.N. adapted to lessons
learned. It strengthened planning and logistics capabilities and began deploying more heavily armed forces
able to wade into battle if necessary. As a result, the 15 missions and 100,000 U.N. peacekeepers deployed
worldwide today are meeting with far greater success than their predecessors.¶ ¶ Overall, the presence of
peacekeepers has been shown to significantly reduce the likelihood of a war's reigniting after a ceasefire agreement. In the 1990s, about half of all cease-fires broke down, but in the past decade the figure has dropped to 12 percent. And though the
U.N.'s status as a perennial punching bag in American politics suggests otherwise, these efforts are quite popular: In a 2007 survey, 79 percent of
Americans favored strengthening the U.N. That's not to say there isn't room for improvement -- there's plenty. But
the U.N. has done a
lot of good around the world in containing war. "Some Conflicts Will Never End."¶ ¶ Never say never. In
2005, researchers at the U.S. Institute of Peace characterized 14 wars, from Northern Ireland to Kashmir, as "intractable," in that
they "resist any kind of settlement or resolution." Six years later, however, a funny thing has happened: All but a few of these
wars (Israel-Palestine, Somalia, and Sudan) have either ended or made substantial progress toward doing so. In Sri Lanka,
military victory ended the war, though only after a brutal endgame in which both sides are widely believed to have committed war crimes.
Kashmir has a fairly stable cease-fire. In Colombia, the war sputters on, financed by drug revenue, but with little
fighting left. In the Balkans and Northern Ireland, shaky peace arrangements have become less shaky; it's hard
to imagine either sliding back into full-scale hostilities. In most of the African cases -- Burundi, Rwanda, Sierra Leone,
Uganda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and Ivory Coast (notwithstanding the violent flare-up after elections there in late 2010, now resolved) -U.N. missions have brought stability and made a return to war less likely (or, in the case of Congo and Uganda, have at least
limited the area of fighting).¶ ¶ Could
we do even better? The late peace researcher Randall Forsberg in 1997 foresaw "a world largely
without war," one in which "the vanishing risk of great-power war has opened the door to a previously
unimaginable future -- a future in which war is no longer socially-sanctioned and is rare, brief, and small in
scale." Clearly, we are not there yet. But over the decades -- and indeed, even since Forsberg wrote those words -- norms
about wars, and especially about the protection of civilians caught up in them, have evolved rapidly, far more
so than anyone would have guessed even half a century ago. Similarly rapid shifts in norms preceded the ends of
slavery and colonialism, two other scourges that were once also considered permanent features of civilization. So
don't be surprised if the end of war, too, becomes downright thinkable.
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2ac no war—public
Public opposition prevents any use of the bomb
Wittner, 9 Professor of History at the State University of New York/Albany, PhD (Lawrence S. Wittner,
7/6/9, “What Has Prevented Nuclear War?”, http://www.hnn.us/articles/97229.html)//EM
One of the great questions of the modern world is: Why has nuclear war not occurred since 1945? The conventional answer is that,
thanks to fear of mutual destruction, nuclear weapons have "deterred" nuclear war. And yet, this answer fails to account for some important
developments. Since 1945, nuclear powers have not waged nuclear war against non-nuclear powers. Furthermore, if nuclear weapons prevent nuclear
war, it is hard to understand why nuclear powers have signed disarmament agreements or have worried (and still worry) about nuclear proliferation. An
alternative explanation for nuclear restraint is that public opposition to nuclear war has caused government officials to step
back from the brink. After all, peace groups have agitated vigorously against nuclear war and opinion polls over the
years have shown that the public has viewed nuclear war with revulsion—two factors that government leaders
have viewed with alarm. In addition, there is substantial evidence that underscores the decisive role of public pressure. In 1945, U.S. President
Harry Truman had launched the atomic bombing of Japan without apparent moral qualms or influence by the public (which knew nothing of the
government's atomic bomb program). This use of nuclear weapons, Truman declared jubilantly, was "the greatest thing in history." Consequently, five
years later, when the Korean War erupted, there could well have been a repeat performance in that bloody conflict. Certainly, there
seemed good military reasons for the use of nuclear weapons. On two occasions, U.S. troops were close to military defeat at the
hands of non-nuclear powers. Also, there was no prospect of a nuclear counterattack by the Soviet Union, which was not participating directly in the war,
had only recently developed an atomic bomb, and lacked an effective delivery system for it. But, thanks to burgeoning antinuclear
sentiment, employing the atomic bomb in the war had become politically difficult. U.S. intelligence reported that, in
Britain, there existed "widespread popular alarm concerning the possible use of the A-bomb." From the State
Department's specialist on the Far East came a warning that use of the Bomb would cause a "revulsion of feeling" to "spread throughout Asia. . . . Our
efforts to win the Asiatics to our side would be cancelled and our influence in non-Communist nations of Asia would deteriorate to an almost nonexistent quantity." Paul Nitze, the chair of the State Department's policy planning staff, argued that, in military terms, the Bomb probably would be
effective. But using it would "arouse the peoples of Asia against us." Ultimately, then, political considerations
overwhelmed military considerations, and Truman chose to reject calls by U.S. military commanders, such as
General Douglas MacArthur, to win the war with nuclear weapons. The Eisenhower administration, too, began with a breezy
sense of the opportunities afforded by U.S. nuclear weapons, promising "massive retaliation" against any outbreak of
Communist aggression. But it soon came up against the limits set by popular loathing for nuclear war. According to the
record of a 1956 National Security Council (NSC) meeting, when the Joint Chiefs of Staff and other administration officials called for greater flexibility in
the employment of nuclear weapons, the President responded: "The use of nuclear weapons would raise serious political problems in view of the current
state of world opinion." The following May, countering ambitious proposals by Lewis Strauss (chair of the Atomic Energy Commission) and the Defense
Department for nuclear war-fighting, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles told another NSC meeting, according to the minutes, that "world
opinion was not yet ready to accept the general use of nuclear weapons. . . . If we resort to such a use of nuclear
weapons we will, in the eyes of the world, be cast as a ruthless military power." Dulles predicted, hopefully, "that all this
would change at some point in the future, but the time had not yet come." Although the Secretary of Defense renewed his pleas for use of nuclear
weapons, Dulles remained adamant that the United States must not "get out of step with world opinion." The Kennedy administration
also
found its options limited by the public's distaste for nuclear war. A late 1960 Defense Department report to the President-elect,
recalled one of its drafters, argued that "the political mood of the country" weighed heavily against developing a U.S. "`win' capability" for a future
nuclear war. This fear of the public response also tempered administration policy during the Cuban missile crisis, when Kennedy—as Secretary of State
Dean Rusk recalled—worried about "an adverse public reaction," including "demonstrations, peace groups marching in the streets, perhaps a divisive
public debate." In addition, even in conflicts with non-nuclear powers, U.S. policymakers felt it necessary to rule out nuclear war thanks to the stigma
attached to it by the public. A nuclear power, Rusk explained years later, "would wear the mark of Cain for generations to come if it ever attacked a nonnuclear country with nuclear weapons." The Vietnam War provided a particularly attractive opportunity for the U.S.
government's use of its nuclear might. Here, once more, U.S. military forces were engaged in a war with a non-nuclear nation—and,
furthermore, were losing that war. And yet, as Rusk recalled, the Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon administrations deliberately "lost the war rather than
'win' it with nuclear weapons." McGeorge Bundy, who served as the national security advisor to Kennedy and Johnson, maintained that the U.S.
government's decision to avoid using nuclear weapons in the Vietnam conflict did not result from fear of nuclear retaliation by the Soviet and Chinese
governments, but from the terrible public reaction that a U.S. nuclear attack would provoke in other nations. Even more significant, Bundy maintained,
was the prospect of public upheaval in the United States, for "no President could hope for understanding and support from his
own countrymen if he used the bomb." Looking back on the war, Richard Nixon complained bitterly that, had he used nuclear weapons in
Vietnam, "the resulting domestic and international uproar would have damaged our foreign policy on all fronts." And so it went in the following decades.
Even the remarkably hawkish officials of the Reagan administration came up sharply against political realities.
Entering office talking glibly of fighting and winning nuclear wars, they soon confronted a worldwide antinuclear uprising, undergirded by public
opinion. In April 1982, shortly after a Nuclear Freeze resolution began wending its way through Congress, the President began declaring publicly: "A
nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought." He added, on that first occasion: "To those who protest against nuclear war, I'm with you." Cynics
might argue that Reagan's rejection of nuclear war was no more than rhetoric. Nevertheless, rhetoric repeated often enough inhibits a policy reversal.
And, in fact, although the Reagan administration sponsored wars in numerous places, it does not appear to have factored nuclear weapons into its battle
plans. Kenneth Adelman, who directed the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency for most of the Reagan years, claimed that he "never heard anyone
broach the topic of using nuclear weapons. Ever. In any setting, in any way."
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2ac no war—stats
Trends and statistics
Mueller, 09 – PhD, Woody Hayes Chair of National Security Studies at the Mershon Center for International
Security Studies, Professor, Political Science, Ohio State University (John, Summer 2009, “War Has Almost
Ceased to Exist: An Assessment,” Political Science Quarterly, Volume 124, Issue 2, pp. 297-321, ProQuest,
Hensel)
THE PRESENT CONDITION No matter how defined, then, there has been a most notable decline in the frequency of wars
over the last years. As Table 1 suggests, between 2002 and 2008, few wars really shattered the 1,000 battle or battle—
related death threshold.37 Beyond the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, violent flare—ups have exceeded the yearly battle death
threshold during the period in Kashmir, Nepal, Colombia, Burundi, Liberia, Chechnya, Sri Lanka, Afghanistan, Chad, Somalia, Pakistan and Uganda.
Almost all of these have just barely done so. Indeed, if the yearly threshold were raised to a not—unreasonable 3,000, almost the only war of any kind
that has taken place anywhere in the world since 2001 would be the one in Iraq. Several of these intermittent armed conflicts could potentially rise above
the violence threshold in the future, though outside of Afghanistan, most of these seem to be declining in violence . Ethiopia and
Eritrea continue to glare at each other, and plenty of problems remain in the Middle East, where in 2006 and again in 2009, Israel took on a substate
group based in another country, and where the Iraq conflict could have spillover effects. And, of course, new wars could emerge in other places: concerns
about China and the Taiwan issue, for example, are certainly justified, and many in the developed world advocate the application of warfare as a last
resort to prevent the acquisition of nuclear weapons by undesirable countries.38 Moreover, there has been “intercommunal” or “substate” violence in
countries like Nigeria (and Iraq) that often certainly resembles warfare, but is removed from consideration here by the definitional requirement that
something labeled a “war” must have a government on at least one side. However, war, as conventionally, even classically, understood, has, at least for
the time being, become
a remarkably rare phenomenon . Indeed, if civil war becomes (or remains) as uncommon
as the international variety, war could be on the verge of ceasing to exist as a substantial phenomenon.
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2ac wont use nukes
No chance of miscalculation or escalation – countries will act in their best interests
Luard 88 Research Fellow at St. Antony's College, Oxford. He has been a diplomat, an academic, and a politician. He is the author of many works
on international affairs. (Evan, "Conflict and Peace in the Modern International System," 1988,
http://books.google.com/books?id=zcX9SmstEZcC&pg=PA188&lpg=PA188&dq=%22nuclear+war%22+AROUND(10)+%22improbable%22+seth&source=bl&ots=1tM21bwt_c&sig=p05KKWBl5MOVAFXFysI8AFxNrRc&hl=en&sa=X&ei=oWbUUcudN6SZyAHEnICgBA&ved=0CGQQ6AEwCTg
K#v=onepage&q=%22such%20a%20risk%20remains%22&f=false)//AM
Nuclear war by miscalculation is almost equally improbable. War of some sort by miscalculation is always a possibility. There have
no doubt been wars in history resulting from some provocative action undertaken in the expectation, or at least the hope, that no retribution was to be
expected. Such a risk remains today. Decisions for limited war may still be made. But nuclear war is a choice of policy no leader or
group of leaders is likely, even in the maximum extremity, to believe to be worth the possible advantages
to be gained. Against nuclear powers, the perils of escalation which any use of such weapons, even at the lowest
level, would involve are so universally appreciated that the likelihood that any government would risk such an
eventuality is remote. The invulnerable means of delivery now available ensure that no power can prevent a reply in kind which,
in a few hours, might effectively destroy its existence as a nation. It is virtually certain, therefore, that
were hostilities to break out between nuclear powers, the taboos against nuclear weapons
would be maintained, as were those against gas and germs before, and as those against nuclear weapons have been over
the last forty years, even in the bitter inter-ideological struggles in Korea and Vietnam, where the risk of retaliation in
kind was remote. Such self-denying ordinances are now dictated by the manifest self-interest of all.
Conventional use is more likely
Mueller ‘10 professor of political science at Ohio State University (John, Political Science Quarterly, “Think Again: Nuclear
Weapons,” http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2010/01/04/think_again_nuclear_weapons?page=0,0)//AM
No. But you might think so if you listen to world leaders right now. In his first address to the U.N. Security Council, U.S. President Barack Obama
warned apocalyptically, "Just one nuclear weapon exploded in a city -- be it New York or Moscow, Tokyo or Beijing, London or
Paris -- could kill hundreds of thousands of people. And it would badly destabilize our security, our economies, and our
very way of life." Obama has put nuclear disarmament back on the table in a way it hasn't been for decades by vowing to pursue a nuclear-free world,
and, with a handful of big treaty negotiations in the works, he seems to think 2010 has become a critical year¶ But the conversation is based
on false assumptions. Nuclear weapons certainly are the most destructive devices ever made, as Obama often reminds us, and everyone
from peaceniks to neocons seems to agree. But for more than 60 years now all they've done is gather dust while
propagandists and alarmists exaggerate their likelihood of exploding -- it was a certainty one would go off in 10 years, C.P.
Snow authoritatively proclaimed in 1960 -- and nuclear metaphysicians spin fancy theories about how they might be deployed and targeted.¶ Nuclear
weapons have had a tremendous influence on the world's agonies and obsessions, inspiring desperate rhetoric, extravagant theorizing, and frenetic
diplomatic posturing. However, they have had very limited actual impact, at least since World War II. Even the most ingenious
military thinkers have had difficulty coming up with realistic ways nukes could conceivably be applied on the
battlefield; moral considerations aside, it is rare to find a target that can't be struck just as well by conventional
weapons. Indeed, their chief "use" was to deter the Soviet Union from instituting Hitler-style military
aggression, a chimera considering that historical evidence shows the Soviets never had genuine interest in doing anything of the sort. In other words,
there was nothing to deter.¶ Instead, nukes have done nothing in particular, and have done that very well. They have,
however, succeeded in being a colossal waste of money -- an authoritative 1998 Brookings Institution study showed the United
States had spent $5.5 trillion on nukes since 1940, more than on any program other than Social Security. The expense was even more ludicrous in the
cash-starved Soviet Union.¶ And that does not include the substantial loss entailed in requiring legions of talented nuclear scientists, engineers, and
technicians to devote their careers to developing and servicing weapons that have proved to have been significantly unnecessary and essentially
irrelevant. In fact, the only useful part of the expenditure has been on devices, protocols, and policies to keep the bombs from going off, expenditures that
would, of course, not be necessary if they didn't exist.
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2ac at: rogue states
There’s zero empirical basis for this argument—Mao and Stalin were a lot more crazy, but they
didn’t even go to war
Tepperman, 9 Deputy Editor of Newsweek, Member of the Council on Foreign Relations, now Managing
Editor of Foreign Affairs, holds a B.A. in English Literature from Yale University, an M.A. in Jurisprudence
from Oxford University, and an LL.M. in International Law from New York University (Jonathan Tepperman,
8/2/8/9, “Why Obama Should Learn to Love the Bomb”,
http://www.thedailybeast.com/newsweek/2009/08/28/why-obama-should-learn-to-love-thebomb.print.html)//EM
Nuclear pessimists—and there are many—insist that even if this pattern has held in the past, it's crazy to rely on it in
the future, for several reasons. The first is that today's nuclear wannabes are so completely unhinged, you'd be mad to trust them with a bomb. Take
the sybaritic Kim Jong Il, who's never missed a chance to demonstrate his battiness, or Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who has denied the
Holocaust and promised the destruction of Israel, and who, according to some respected Middle East scholars, runs a messianic martyrdom cult that
would welcome nuclear obliteration. These regimes are the ultimate rogues, the thinking goes—and there's no deterring
rogues. But are Kim and Ahmadinejad really scarier and crazier than were Stalin and Mao? It might look that
way from Seoul or Tel Aviv, but history says otherwise. Khrushchev, remember, threatened to "bury" the
United States, and in 1957, Mao blithely declared that a nuclear war with America wouldn't be so bad because
even "if half of mankind died … the whole world would become socialist." Pyongyang and Tehran support terrorism—but so
did Moscow and Beijing. And as for seeming suicidal, Michael Desch of the University of Notre Dame points out that Stalin and Mao are the real
record holders here: both were responsible for the deaths of some 20 million of their own citizens. Yet when push
came to shove, their regimes balked at nuclear suicide, and so would today's international bogeymen. For all of
Ahmadinejad's antics, his power is limited, and the clerical regime has always proved rational and pragmatic when its life is on the line. Revolutionary
Iran has never started a war, has done deals with both Washington and Jerusalem, and sued for peace in its war with Iraq
(which Saddam started) once it realized it couldn't win. North Korea, meanwhile, is a tiny, impoverished,
family-run country with a history of being invaded; its overwhelming preoccupation is survival, and every time
it becomes more belligerent it reverses itself a few months later (witness last week, when Pyongyang told Seoul and Washington
it was ready to return to the bargaining table). These countries may be brutally oppressive, but nothing in their behavior suggests they have a death wish.
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2ac at: give to terrorists
Their authors incorrectly correlate terrorist groups with “rogue states” and they would idiots to
give their nukes away
Tepperman, 9 Deputy Editor of Newsweek, Member of the Council on Foreign Relations, now Managing
Editor of Foreign Affairs, holds a B.A. in English Literature from Yale University, an M.A. in Jurisprudence
from Oxford University, and an LL.M. in International Law from New York University (Jonathan Tepperman,
8/2/8/9, “Why Obama Should Learn to Love the Bomb”,
http://www.thedailybeast.com/newsweek/2009/08/28/why-obama-should-learn-to-love-thebomb.print.html)//EM
Still, even if Iran or North Korea are deterrable, nuclear pessimists fear they'll give or sell their deadly toys to terrorists, who
aren't—for it's hard to bomb a group with no return address. Yet look closely, and the risk of a WMD handoff starts to seem overblown. For one
thing, assuming Iran is able to actually build a nuke, Desch explains that "it doesn't make sense that they'd then give
something they regard as central to their survival to groups like Hizbullah, over which they have limited
control. As for Al Qaeda, they don't even share common interests. Why would the mullahs give Osama bin
Laden the crown jewels?" To do so would be fatal, for Washington has made it very clear that it would regard
any terrorist use of a WMD as an attack by the country that supplied it—and would respond accordingly.
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2ac at: state collapse
Fortunately, there are plenty of safeguards in place
Tepperman, 9 Deputy Editor of Newsweek, Member of the Council on Foreign Relations, now Managing
Editor of Foreign Affairs, holds a B.A. in English Literature from Yale University, an M.A. in Jurisprudence
from Oxford University, and an LL.M. in International Law from New York University (Jonathan Tepperman,
8/2/8/9, “Why Obama Should Learn to Love the Bomb”,
http://www.thedailybeast.com/newsweek/2009/08/28/why-obama-should-learn-to-love-thebomb.print.html)//EM
A much greater threat is that a nuclear North Korea or Pakistan could collapse and lose control of its weapons entirely.
Yet here again history offers some comfort. China acquired its first nuke in 1964, just two years before it
descended into the mad chaos of the Cultural Revolution, when virtually every Chinese institution was
threatened—except for its nuclear infrastructure, which remained secure. "It was nearly a coup," says Desch, "yet
with all the unrest, nobody ever thought that there might be an unauthorized nuclear use." The Soviets'
weapons were also kept largely safe (with U.S. help) during the breakup of their union in the early '90s. And in recent years
Moscow has greatly upped its defense spending (by 20 to 30 percent a year), using some of the cash to modernize and protect its arsenal. As for
Pakistan, it has taken numerous precautions to ensure that its own weapons are insulated from the country's
chaos, installing complicated firing mechanisms to prevent a launch by lone radicals, for example, and instituting
special training and screening for its nuclear personnel to ensure they're not infiltrated by extremists . Even if
the Pakistani state did collapse entirely—the nightmare scenario—the chance of a Taliban bomb would still be remote.
Desch argues that the idea that terrorists "could use these weapons radically underestimates the difficulty of actually
operating a modern nuclear arsenal. These things need constant maintenance and they're very easy to disable.
So the idea that these things could be stuffed into a gunnysack and smuggled across the Rio Grande is
preposterous."
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2ac at: accidental war
Decision making and empirics prove no accidental war
Quinlan 05- former senior fellow at the International Institute of Strategic Studies
(Sir Michael, “Thinking About Nuclear Weapons,” http://www.rusi.org/downloads/assets/WHP41_QUINLAN.pdf, first published in 1997, reedited in
2005,)//AM
There have certainly been, in over fifty years since the Second World War, many accidents involving nuclear
weapons, from transporters skidding off roads to strategic bombers crashing with or losing the weapons they carried (in past days when such carriage
was a frequent feature of readiness arrangements). A few of these accidents may have released into the nearby atmosphere highly toxic material. None
however has entailed a nuclear explosion. Some commentators suggest that this reflects remarkable good fortune amid such massive activity and
deployment over so long. A more rational deduction from the facts of this experience would however be that the
probability of any accident's triggering a nuclear explosion is extremely low. It might be further noted that
the mechanisms needed to set off such an explosion are highly complex; and that in a large number of ways the
half-century has seen extensive improvements in safety arrangements. It is undoubtedly possible to see respects in which, after
the Cold War, some of the factors bearing upon risk may be new or more adverse; but some are plainly less so. The half-century we have come
through entirely without accidental explosion included early years in which knowledge was sketchier, weapon
design less safety-oriented and precautions less developed than they later became, as well as years in which
weapon numbers were larger, deployments more widespread and alert arrangements more tense.
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2ac doesn’t cause extinction
Nuclear war doesn’t cause extinction – prefer models
Seitz 6 - former associate of the John M. Olin Institute for Strategic Studies at Harvard University’s Center for International Affairs (Russell, “The'
Nuclear Winter ' Meltdown Photoshopping the Apocalypse”, http://adamant.typepad.com/seitz/2006/12/preherein_honor.html)//AM
All that remains of Sagan's Big Chill are curves such as this , but history is full of prophets of doom who fail to deliver, not all are without honor in their
own land. The 1983 'Nuclear Winter " papers inScience were so politicized that even the eminently liberal President of The Council for a Liveable World
called "The worst example ofthe misrepesentation of science to the public in my memory." Among the authors was Stanford President Donald Kennedy.
Today he edits Science , the nation's major arbiter of climate science--and policy.¶ Below, a case illustrating the mid-range of the ~.7 to ~1.6 degree C
maximum cooling the 2006 studies suggest is superimposed in color on the Blackly Apocalyptic predictions published in Science Vol. 222, 1983 . They're
worth comparing, because the range of soot concentrations in the new models overlaps with cases assumed to have dire climatic consequences in the
widely publicized 1983 scenarios --"Apocalyptic predictions require, to be taken seriously,higher standards of evidence
than do assertions on other matters where the stakes are not as great." wrote Sagan in Foreign Affairs , Winter
1983 -84. But that "evidence" was never forthcoming.'Nuclear Winter' never existed outside of a computer
except as air-brushed animation commissioned by the a PR firm - Porter Novelli Inc. Yet Sagan predicted "the extinction of the human
species " as temperatures plummeted 35 degrees C and the world froze in the aftermath of a nuclear holocaust. Last year, Sagan's cohort tried to
reanimate the ghost in a machine anti-nuclear activists invoked in the depths of the Cold War, by re-running equally arbitrary scenarios on a modern
interactive Global Circulation Model. But the Cold War is history in more ways than one. It is a credit to post-modern
computer climate simulations that they do not reproduce the apocalyptic results of what Sagan oxymoronically
termed "a sophisticated one dimensional model." The subzero 'baseline case' has melted down into a tepid 1.3
degrees of average cooling- grey skies do not a Ragnarok make . What remains is just not the stuff that End of the World
myths are made of.¶ It is hard to exaggerate how seriously " nuclear winter "was once taken by policy analysts who ought to have known better.
Many were taken aback by the sheer force of Sagan's rhetoric Remarkably, Science's news coverage of the new results fails to graphically compare them
with the old ones Editor Kennedy and other recent executives of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, once proudly co-authored
and helped to publicize.¶ You can't say they didn't try to reproduce this Cold War icon. Once again, soot from ¶ imaginary software materializes in midair
by the megaton , flying higher than Mount Everest . This is not physics, but a crude exercise in ' garbage in, gospel out' parameter forcing designed to
maximize and extend the cooling an aeosol can generate, by sparing it from realistic attrition by rainout in the lower atmosphere. Despite decades of
progress in modeling atmospheric chemistry , there is none in this computer simulation, and ignoring photochemistry further extends its impact.
Fortunately , the history of science is as hard to erase as it is easy to ignore. Their past mastery of semantic agression cannot spare the authors of
"Nuclear Winter Lite " direct comparison of their new results and their old.¶ Dark smoke clouds in the lower atmosphere don't last
long enough to spread across the globe. Cloud droplets and rainfall remove them. rapidly washing them out of the sky
in a matter of days to weeks- not long enough to sustain a global pall. Real world weather brings down particles much as soot is scrubbed out of power
plant smoke by the water sprays in smoke stack scrubbers Robock acknowledges this- not even a single degree of cooling results when soot is released at
lower elevations in he models . The workaround is to inject the imaginary aerosol at truly Himalayan elevations - pressure altitudes of 300 millibar and
higher , where the computer model's vertical transport function modules pass it off to their even higher neighbors in the stratosphere , where it does not
rain and particles linger.. The new studies like the old suffer from the disconnect between a desire to paint the sky black and the vicissitudes of natural
history. As with many exercise in worst case models both at invoke rare phenomena as commonplace, claiming it prudent to assume the worst.
Nuclear winter can't be proven—their studies are politically biased
American Institute of Physics 3 ("Wintry Doom," August, http://www.aip.org/history/climate/Winter.htm)//AM
Atmospheric scientists were well-placed to take up the question of smoke from a nuclear war. Measurements like Crutzen's of the effects of soot
and the like had greatly advanced since the 1975 study. Richard Turco and others, working on the dinosaur extinction problem, had developed a
computer model of a haze-filled atmosphere. Meanwhile James Pollack and Brian Toon had been working with Carl Sagan on how the aerosol smoke
from volcanoes could affect climate. Joining forces, they calculated that after an exchange of hydrogen bombs, the sooty smoke from burning cities
could bring on a "nuclear
winter" — months or even years of cold so severe it would gravely endanger living creatures.(8) The scientists did
this work mainly for public consumption. When they announced their results in 1983, it was with the explicit aim
of promoting international arms control. Surely the likelihood that all-out nuclear war was literally suicidal
would persuade nations to reduce their arsenals? But the studies meanwhile advanced scientific understanding of how aerosols could
affect climate.(9) In fact the computer models were so simplified, and the data on smoke and other aerosols were
still so poor, that nothing could be said for certain. Critics, mostly people opposed to nuclear disarmament, quickly pointed
out the deficiencies. In the mid 1980s, detailed studies confirmed that it was indeed likely that a nuclear war
would temporarily alter global climate. But as Schneider and a co-author explained in a widely read article, it
would probably not bring an apocalyptic winter, but only a "nuclear fall."(10) There were so many variable
factors that nobody could say with confidence what would happen.
Nuclear war is survivable – expert consensus
Nyquist 99 defense analyst (J.R., "Is Nuclear War Survivable?" 5/20/99, http://mobile.wnd.com/1999/05/6341/)/AM
I patiently reply to these correspondents that nuclear war would not be the end of the world. I then point to studies showing that
“nuclear winter” has no scientific basis, that fallout from a nuclear war would not kill all life on earth. Surprisingly,
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few of my correspondents are convinced. They prefer apocalyptic myths created by pop scientists, movie producers and journalists.
If Dr. Carl Sagan once said “nuclear winter” would follow a nuclear war, then it must be true. If radiation wipes out mankind in a movie, then that’s what
we can expect in real life.¶ But Carl Sagan was wrong about nuclear winter. And the movie “On the Beach” misled American filmgoers about the effects of
fallout. It is time, once and for all, to lay these myths to rest. Nuclear war would not bring about the end of the world, though it would be horribly
destructive.¶ The truth is, many prominent physicists have condemned the nuclear winter hypothesis. Nobel laureate
Freeman Dyson once said of nuclear winter research, “It’s an absolutely atrocious piece of science, but I quite
despair of setting the public record straight.Ӧ Professor Michael McElroy, a Harvard physics professor, also criticized the nuclear
winter hypothesis. McElroy said that nuclear winter researchers “stacked the deck” in their study, which was titled “Nuclear
Winter: Global Consequences of Multiple Nuclear Explosions” (Science, December 1983).¶ Nuclear winter is the theory that the mass use of nuclear
weapons would create enough smoke and dust to blot out the sun, causing a catastrophic drop in global temperatures. According to Carl Sagan, in this
situation the earth would freeze. No crops could be grown. Humanity would die of cold and starvation.¶ In truth, natural disasters have
frequently produced smoke and dust far greater than those expected from a nuclear war. In 1883 Krakatoa exploded
with a blast equivalent to 10,000 one-megaton bombs, a detonation greater than the combined nuclear arsenals of planet earth. The Krakatoa
explosion had negligible weather effects. Even more disastrous, going back many thousands of years, a meteor struck Quebec
with the force of 17.5 million one-megaton bombs, creating a crater 63 kilometers in diameter. But the world did not freeze.
Life on earth was not extinguished.¶ Consider the views of Professor George Rathjens of MIT, a known antinuclear activist,
who said, “Nuclear winter is the worst example of misrepresentation of science to the public in my memory .” Also
consider Professor Russell Seitz, at Harvard University’s Center for International Affairs, who says that the nuclear winter hypothesis has been
discredited.¶ Two researchers, Starley Thompson and Stephen Schneider, debunked the nuclear winter hypothesis in the summer 1986 issue of Foreign
Affairs. Thompson and Schneider stated: “the global apocalyptic conclusions of the initial nuclear winter hypothesis can now be relegated to a
vanishingly low level of probability.”¶ OK, so nuclear winter isn’t going to happen. What about nuclear fallout? Wouldn’t the
radiation from a nuclear war contaminate the whole earth, killing everyone?¶ The short answer is: absolutely not. Nuclear fallout is a
problem, but we should not exaggerate its effects. As it happens, there are two types of fallout produced by nuclear detonations. These are: 1) delayed
fallout; and 2) short-term fallout.¶ According to researcher Peter V. Pry, “Delayed fallout will not, contrary to popular belief, gradually kill
billions of people everywhere in the world.” Of course, delayed fallout would increase the number of people dying of lymphatic cancer,
leukemia, and cancer of the thyroid. “However,” says Pry, “these deaths would probably be far fewer than deaths now resulting
from … smoking, or from automobile accidents.”¶ The real hazard in a nuclear war is the short-term fallout. This is a type of fallout
created when a nuclear weapon is detonated at ground level. This type of fallout could kill millions of people, depending on the targeting strategy of the
attacking country. But short-term fallout rapidly subsides to safe levels in 13 to 18 days. It is not permanent. People who live
outside of the affected areas will be fine. Those in affected areas can survive if they have access to underground shelters. In some areas,
staying indoors may even suffice.¶ Contrary to popular misconception, there were no documented deaths from short-term or
delayed fallout at either Hiroshima or Nagasaki. These blasts were low airbursts, which produced minimal fallout effects. Today’s
thermonuclear weapons are even “cleaner.” If used in airburst mode, these weapons would produce few (if any) fallout casualties.
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2ac at: fallout
Fallout cannot cause extinction—death rates would be relatively low even if reactors were
targeted
MARTIN 1982 physicist whose research interests include stratospheric modelling. He is a research associate in the Dept. of Mathematics,
Faculty of Science, Australian National University (Brian, “Current Affairs Bulletin,” December,
http://www.uow.edu.au/arts/sts/bmartin/pubs/82cab/index.html)//AM
Previous nuclear explosions have injected an estimated 5 tonnes of plutonium into the atmosphere.[22] No one
knows what effect this is having on human health. One of the highest estimates of the consequences is by John Gofman, who thinks 950,000 people
worldwide may die of lung cancer as a result of this plutonium, over a period of many decades.[23] A 4000Mt nuclear war could cause the
release of ten times as much plutonium, some 50 tonnes, with ten times the consequences. Large nuclear power reactors contain an
average inventory of perhaps 300 kilogrammes of plutonium. If it is assumed that all the plutonium from 20 large reactors more than one tenth of the world total - were dispersed in a 4000Mt nuclear war, this would add another six tonnes of
plutonium to the total released into the atmosphere. This would be about one tenth the amount directly released by the nuclear explosions
themselves. The cancers and genetic defects caused by global fallout from a nuclear war would only appear over a
period of many decades, and would cause only a small increase in the current rates of cancer and genetic
defects. The scientific evidence clearly shows that global fallout from even the largest nuclear war poses no
threat to the survival of the human species. Nevertheless, the fact that hundreds of thousands or millions of people who would suffer and
die from global fallout cannot be ignored. Furthermore, many more people than this would die from exposure to fallout in the immediate vicinity of
nuclear explosions.
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2ac at: ozone
Nuclear war won’t kill the ozone
MARTIN 1984 physicist whose research interests include stratospheric modelling. He is a research associate in the Dept. of Mathematics,
Faculty of Science, Australian National University (Brian, “Extinction Politics,” http://www.bmartin.cc/pubs/84sana1.html)//AM
The next effect to which beliefs in nuclear extinction were attached was ozone depletion. Beginning in the mid-1970s,
scares about stratospheric ozone developed, culminating in 1982 in the release of Jonathan Schell's book The Fate of the Earth [4]. Schell
painted a
picture of human annihilation from nuclear war based almost entirely on effects from increased ultraviolet
light at the earth's surface due to ozone reductions caused by nuclear explosions. Schell's book was greeted with adulation rarely observed in any field.
Yet by the time the book was published, the scientific basis for ozone-based nuclear extinction had almost
entirely evaporated. The ongoing switch by the military forces of the United States and the Soviet Union from
multi-megatonne nuclear weapons to larger numbers of smaller weapons means that the effect on ozone from
even the largest nuclear war is unlikely to lead to any major effect on human population levels, and extinction
from ozone reductions is virtually out of the question [3].
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Disposibility
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2ac trafficking=bad
Victims of trafficking are constantly faced with horrific violence- studies prove
Acharya ’10 (Arun, PhD in Anthropology, Professor at National Autonomous University in Mexico, “Feminization of Migration
and Trafficking of Women in Mexico”, Social Intervention vol. 30, http://www.rcis.ro/images/documente/rcis30_02.pdf, [SG])
Much of the available empirical research on trafficked women and commercial sex indicates that women
experience high levels of violence, including, but not limited to, physical and sexual assaults, verbal threats or abuse, psychological abuse
(Lowman, 2000, Raymond, 2004, Acharya, 2006). However, some researchers analyzed that violence is ubiquitous in all forms of prostitution (Barry,
1995) while others believed the incidence of violence varies enormously in different prostitution venues. Also, it may vary from one brothel owner and
trafficker to another. This new emphasis on the domination of power and suppression in trafficking of women is long
overdue. This study suggests that we need to proceed cautiously when assessing claims about the frequency and nature of the violence perpetrated by
pimps and traffickers. During the interviews and analysis, it was clearly found that the incidence of both physical and sexual
violence at the hand of traffickers and pimps is common in the life cycle of these trafficked women, which do
not have any limit. Here, I have analyzed the women who were exposed to physical and sexual violence during one week and again after one
month at the time of interview. The results show that after one week: 70% of the women were beaten with an object, 100% were abused verbally, 30%
were locked in the house without food, 15% were intended to burned by traffickers or madam, 28.3% drugged by cigarette, 38.3% were threaten to be
killed by the madam, 10% and 1.6% women reported that madam put chili powder in their eyes and vagina, whereas 21.7% were raped by clients and
traffickers and 45% were forced by the madam to have sex with more than one client at a time (see table 8). This clearly indicates the
incidence of violence against women during one week is extremely inhuman and cruel, whereas in one month
period the intensity of aggression was increased. A woman indicated during the interview: “….for us violence is common, it
is nothing new, we are habituated on this, here we do not have the right of our body, here we treated just like
an animal, it is madrina (madam) who decide all for us, when we have to work, with whom we have to work, what to do or not, when we have to eat,
sleep etc., all these depend on her, we do not have right to tell a ‘no’, if we do not follow her words she just use her power
in many ways, for her our life is nothing, in this place her dog has more respect than us….”. Thus, once the
woman obligates herself to enter into this profession she is subject to exploitation and a victim of ill health.
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2ac disposability impact/turns war
Dehumanization creates a foundation for all colonial and political violence to occur
Todres ’09 (Jonathan, Professor of Law at Georgia State University, “Law, Otherness, and Human Trafficking”, July 2009,
Accessed via Project MUSE, [SG])
Individuals are socialized to accept a
way of thinking of “other individuals either as extensions of the self, or as alien objects to be manipulated for
the advantage of the individual or social self.” This socialization process results in otherness shaping the views
and actions of even the most well- intentioned individuals at the subconscious level. Cognitive psychology research has
What has evolved from the Self/Other distinction, however, goes beyond mere survival mechanisms.
found that individuals, or at least individuals from individualist cultures, are prone to “fundamental attribution error,” whereby “an individual sees
negative actions by herself and positive actions by others as highly dependent on the situation, but sees positive actions by herself and negative actions by
others as reflective of some innate dispositional quality.” The result of this dichotomous view is a persistent othering that
creates conditions in which simultaneously the Other is devalued and the Self is propped up. The Self/Other
distinction extends beyond individuals aswell, leading to a group-level conception of the Self and the Other. Social psychologists have found group-level
attribution error exists, in that individuals are more likely to assess actions of out-group actors based on biased judgments (and conversely evidence a
more forgiving assessment of in- group individuals’ actions). The collective sense of the Self and the Self’s perceptions of the
Other are then given voice through the apparatus of the State. That is, the Self/Other distinction is adopted by
the State and serves to shape the law it promulgates, and that law, in turn, serves to further “affect social
valuations in general.” At both the individual and collective level, this Self/Other dichotomy functions to create
(1) a devalued and dehumanized Other, enabling differential treatment of the Other; (2) a conception of a virtuous Self
and corresponding assumption that the Self (or dominant group) is representative of the norm; and (3) a distancing of the Other from the Self. The
persistent othering narrative and accompanying essentialism has deep historical roots making it harder to
unearth. First, and fundamentally, othering serves to devalue and dehumanize the Other. The Other
is perceived as different from the Self, and any difference is viewed as aberrant. Thus early voyagers to the “New World”
characterized American Indians as “savages.” The subsequent colonial mandate of conquering the world in the
name of “spreading civilization” reflected European colonial powers’ view that the rest of the world was
“uncivilized” and of lesser standing. In this narrative, the dominant group depicts the Other as
barbaric, amoral, and of lesser intelligence. This dehumanization of the Other, in turn,
provides the dominant group’s rationale for treating the Other less humanely. Thus, in the U.S.
version of the othering narrative, “[f]rom this Nation’s inception, the race line was used to demarcate and
patrol the divide between those who constituted the ‘We’ in ‘We The People.’ ” The Three-Fifths Clause of the U.S.
Constitution enshrined in the very foundational document of the nation the concept that certain individuals were worth less than others and by law could
be treated as less than human, a perception that remained codified at the constitutional level for nearly one hundred years. More recently,
narratives offered during the Vietnam War and the current War on Terror, including suggestions that “they
don’t value life like we do, have been used to justify differential treatment—that is, harsher and poorer
treatment—of the Other. Second, in the Self/Other dichotomy, the Self is glorified and the behavior or
characteristics of the Self (or dominant group) are taken to be the norm by which all are judged. Thus the narrative of
the Other asserts that only the Other commits savage or barbarous acts. The humanity of the dominant group is presumed. The result is that acts by the
dominant group that do not fit with the conception of the virtuous Self are often denied or overlooked. So, for example, though the
dominant narrative of the Holocaust aptly describes the atrocities committed by the Nazis and the liberation of
the concentration camps by the Allies, it also engages in the process of othering by attributing all evil to the
Nazis and ignoring the support of the Holocaust by many Allied powers. While the United States denounced
Nazi theories of Aryan supremacy, it governed a society that subjected blacks to Jim Crow laws, interned over
110,000 Japanese-Americans following Pearl Harbor, and maintained immigration policies severely biased
against all non-whites.In other words, othering operates to block the Self from seeing any of its actions that do
not fit with the view of the Self as virtuous, humane, just, and intelligent.
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Leadership
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Solves soft power
This is made worse by massive criticism of status quo anti-trafficking policies
Potocky, 10 PhD, is professorat Florida International University (Miriam Potocky, October 2010, “The
Travesty of Human Trafficking: A Decade of Failed U.S. Policy”, EBSCO)//EM
The foregoing are but a few examples of pervasive problems with the U.S. human trafficking policy. Numerous additional critiques
have been proffered by others (for example, Women's Commission for Refugee Women and Children, 2007). Also, this commentary focuses on
immigrant victims in the United States and does not address the similarly problematic element of the policy that pertains to U.S. government rankings of
and sanctions against other countries in relation to trafficking; this
has also been widely criticized elsewhere (for example,
Malarek, 2003). The examples provided here demonstrate that current federal policy on human trafficking is fraught with
political and ideological biases; there is almost no evidence base for any of the policy provisions; there is little transparency or
accountability in policy implementation; relatively few immigrant victims have been identified, and there is
almost no evidence regarding effectiveness of victim services; and prosecution is highly problematic.
Fundamentally, because there is no rational approach to the policy implementation, public funds are wasted.
Stronger efforts are necessary
Heavey, 6/19 (Susan Heavey, Reuters, 6/19/13, “U.S. cites Russia, China among worst in human trafficking:
report”, http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/06/19/us-usa-humantraffickingidUSBRE95I1LC20130619)//EM
President Barack Obama last year pledged to step up the U.S. effort to target trafficking. Secretary of State John Kerry said
Wednesday's report would guide U.S. action but did not offer details, citing continued "diplomacy and
development efforts" as well as work with victim support groups, the private sector and others. "Every
government can do better," Kerry said in a letter accompanying the findings.
The plan solves US human rights leadership
Burrows 5 Women Studies Senior Thesis, University of Washington (Christina, "Anti-Trafficking Legislation and the Media Discourse on
Prostitution and Trafficking in Women: A Comparative Study of the United States and India,"
https://digital.lib.washington.edu/researchworks/handle/1773/2072)//AM
As a leader in human rights practices within the international community the United States has made
significant efforts to combat human trafficking. In response to growing concerns over the serious human rights
violations that result from human trafficking all over the world, the United States government, namely the
Department of State, has created the Trafficking in Persons Report, which has been produced annually since 2000, to be used as a
tool to assess the scourge of human trafficking worldwide. The Trafficking in Persons Report of 2004 by the United States
Department of State was mandated by the Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA), categorizes countries throughout the world which have been
determined to be destination, transit, or origin countries for a significant amount of people who have been victims of trafficking in its severe forms such
as sex trafficking, involuntary servitude, debt bondage, peonage, or slavery1.
yes mexico-us trafficking/k impacts, hr cred impact/a2 cp to enforce tough border laws/defense
of usa action
Graham, 10 – Research Associate, Council on Hemispheric Affairs (Melissa, October 13, 2010, “Mexico’s New
War: Sex Trafficking,” Council on Hemispheric Affairs, http://www.coha.org/mexico%E2%80%99s-new-warsex-trafficking/, Hensel)
¶ The “War on Drugs” as viewed in Mexico and the U.S. is changing . No longer are President Felipe Calderón, the police, and
Mexican military forces fighting just drug trafficking; now they must do battle against the rising trafficking of sex . Over the
past decade there has been a dramatic rise in violence linked to the drug trade within Mexico. Even though Calderón has met with some success in
reducing the amount of drugs trafficked across the border through drug seizures, his promise of a country free from cartel violence seems increasingly
unlikely. His administration’s inability to effectively control the cartels is increasingly rooted in the fact that the war Calderón thinks he is fighting has
expanded.¶ ¶ Mexico’s drug cartels have been at least a step ahead of the Mexican government since Calderón launched his campaign against them.
Although some of the top drug lords have been captured and jailed, they can be—and often are—effectively replaced. The capture of several drug lords by
military forces has not actually benefitted Calderón’s efforts. In fact, the removal of various cartel leaders has actually led, on some occasions, to the
creation of new cartels- the Beltran Leyva Cartel being but one example. As Calderón has been distracted with drug control he has
inadvertently allowed for the growth of human trafficking, a lucrative business left largely unregulated by
Mexican law.¶ ¶ Human trafficking accounts for 6.6 billion USD a year in Mexico alone,1 a figure that is growing
1
United States Department of State Trafficking in Persons Report (2004); p. 24-25; http://www.state.gov/g/tip/rls/tiprpt/2004/
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as human trafficking continues its rise in profitability. The vast expansion of human trafficking from Mexico to
the United States is notable in its absence from the media; instead, a wealth of analysis of drug related problems
continually takes the spotlight. Conservative estimates conclude that over 100,000 women, a number predicted
to increase by the end of 2010, are trafficked out of Latin America annually for the purpose of prostitution.2¶ ¶ Human
trafficking has been attacked on a global scale with countries across the world focusing more of an effort on
their own problems and using reports like the Trafficking in Persons Report (TIP) to publicize their efforts. Mexico
however, remains an anomaly. The reason that the mainstream media does not focus much attention on human
trafficking coming out of Mexico is not because it is not newsworthy; it is instead because drug violence dominates the headlines.
Thousands of women and children are subjected to a modern-day form of slavery , with many raped and
subjected to unimaginable conditions . Brothels hold women across the country, in places as far away from the border as
New York City, where the conditions of living are so severe as to cause one U.S. physician to claim “the first time I went to the camps I
didn’t vomit only because I didn’t have anything in my stomach.”3¶ ¶ In one example, the police in Plainfield, New Jersey reported a raid upon a sex slave
house described as a “19th-Century slave ship, with rancid, doorless bathrooms; bare, putrid mattresses; and a stash of penicillin, morning-after pills,
and misoprostol, an antiulcer medication that can induce abortion.”4 Women are placed into such brothels on both sides of the border and subjected to
multiple sexual acts a day, living in fear that if they do not comply with their captor’s demands they, or their family, will be killed. Women and girls
trafficked into the United States are thus dispersed across the country, making this an issue that is much more
than just a border problem .¶ ¶ The position of women in Mexican society has contributed to the growth of
human trafficking rings, leaving them extremely vulnerable to the abuse of cartels and trafficking coyotes. The
nature of sex and remaining ‘pure’ is negated as a very important ideal for woman in the largely Catholic
country. Without the support from their government less than one percent of rape cases lead to any sort of
conviction,5 with women who become the victims of sexual violence often choose to remain silent . Providing
economic support for their families has become increasingly challenging in Mexico for these women as well. As
the nation becomes more entrenched in drug-related violence, many Mexican women find themselves with little money and
become desperate for ways out, especially because legitimate opportunities to make a decent wage remain scarce in
their own country. Male laborers often leave Mexico to come into the United States to work, and they send a large portion of their wages back
home to their families. The women they leave behind often find themselves in an unfortunate position. The desperate
need to make money often leaves women susceptible to coyotes’ tempting offers that promise them money in
exchange for “running” their drugs across the border, luring them into a life of trafficking. This is happening in the most
troubled border muncipality, Ciudad Juárez, where women go missing daily and are never heard from again. Young women who go to Juárez
lack the rights and protections of men because they are seen as replaceable laborers , so if one girl goes missing
from the maquiladoras there is little effort spent to find out why, especially since the border towns between Mexico and
the United States are increasingly occupied with drug violence.¶ ¶ It is the dispensability of these women that make
them a target for drug and human traffickers. Often, young women, mostly under the age of eighteen, are placed
unwillingly into a system of trafficking, and their families receive ransoms demanding money. Usually, the family
is too poor to afford to pay the demand. This common occurrence creates a climate of terror . According to an
interview by CNN, Claudia, who was fifteen at the time of her placement into a prostitution ring in the United States, stated that the cartels threatened to
kill her family if she tried to escape.6 The women who end up in these prostitution rings are often moved from one brothel to another and subjected to
high levels of sexual abuse. Claudia reported that she was forced to have sex with twenty men on her first day in the brothel. Her horrific encounter is just
one example of what thousands of women experience each year, as they are forced into these prostitution rings.¶ ¶ The recent conflict over
immigration has become another factor in the growth of human trafficking rings, as their levels of strength
increase exponentially. Since 11 September 2001, the issue of border security has generated an overzealous reaction
on the U.S public’s part, galvanized by politicians hungry for an issue, to keep “others” out. As a result, the U.S.Mexico border became almost impenetrable. However, heightened border security backfired on the U.S.
government as it forced many Mexicans into the areas of illegal trafficking groups in hopes that they will give
them a better chance of getting across the border. As the debate over immigration continues, stringent U.S. laws will surely
play an important role in the growing reliance of Mexicans on illegal trafficking groups. Recent laws like Arizona’s
SB 1070, which critics argue encompass racial profiling, are causing increasing harm to many victims of human
trafficking. Amanda Kloer of change.org explains that the law will “up the chances that undocumented trafficking victims will end up detained or
deported and documented traffickers walk free.” Kloer reasons that victimizing those who have been subjected to trafficking, via laws like SB 1070, is
likely to keep many from coming forward to law enforcement officials out of fear that they will simply be deported back to Mexico. Any change in the
classification of “illegal immigrants” has to take into account that not all of those criminalized by existing U.S. laws are there by choice.¶ ¶ Unfortunately,
Calderón’s attack on drug cartels has left few resources to combat human trafficking. Mexico has tried to address
the issue through legal changes to combat trafficking as recently as 2007, when “federal legislation to prohibit all
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forms of drug trafficking”7 was passed. Nonetheless, according to the U.S. Department of State’s Trafficking of Persons Report 2010,
“some local officials tolerate and are sometimes complicit in trafficking, impeding the implementation of antitrafficking statutes.”8 This limits the law and at times makes it completely ineffective in combating the issue. Last
year, according to the same government report, the federal government in Mexico investigated only 48 cases of human trafficking. Only one trafficking
ring was apprehended and the leader still remains at large. Obviously, the laws are not doing nearly enough to stop what is happening by passing laws
that, in reality, do very little.¶ ¶ The problem with human and sex trafficking is that it has become a side business for
many cartels to supplement their lost income in the “war on drugs.” Kloer again explains it best: “When a drug cartel traffics a
pound of cocaine into the U.S., they can only sell it once. When they traffic a young woman into the U.S., they can sell her again and again.”9 Calderón
has unwittingly allowed the cartels to become involved in other illicit business, such as human trafficking, and his administration has done little to
address this issue. As human trafficking becomes a growing problem shared by Mexico and the U.S., it becomes the
responsibility of both governments to properly address the issue. Due to both countries’ stance on immigration policy, the
current violence taking over the country, and the insubordination of women’s status in Mexico, female trafficking has become the
loophole in cartel’s moneymaking abilities and is an issue that can be stopped if given the right attention and
awareness. Calderón, as well as other leaders in Latin America, must start attacking the cartels’ human trafficking
activities to help combat the growth of this industry. The United States also has a responsibility to help those
that become labeled as “victims” of human trafficking. In situations like this, the United States needs to assert their
role as a guiding light in the Western hemisphere and aid victims who are not being helped by their own
government.
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Organized Crime
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Mexico
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aff solves
Trafficking is integral to the continuation of organized crime
Lehti and Aromaa, 6 (Martti Lehti, researcher in the National Research Institute of Legal Policy in Helsinki,
Finland, AND Kauko Aromaa, director of the European Institute for Crime Prevention and Control affiliated
with the United Nations, 2006, “Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation”,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/650306)//EM
Prostitution and related trafficking have historically been closely linked to organized crime. Both are lucrative
enterprises with relatively high profits and low risks. Many criminal activities, for example, drug trafficking and human smuggling, are easy to combine
with them. For
international drug trafficking networks, pandering is an alluring side business, in which profits
equal those from the wholesale trade in mild drugs, but the risks are almost nonexistent. Trafficking, pandering, and retail
sale of drugs complement one another well. Drug distribution can be concentrated on the premises where prostitutes work, and prostitutes can be used
as dealers and couriers. At the same time prostitutes can effectively be brought under the control of pimps as accomplices and through drug abuse. All
kinds of smuggling enterprises can easily be combined with trafficking in prostitutes (NCIS 2002, pp. 35, 38–39; see also Junninen 2005). The link
between prostitution, trafficking, and organized crime exists also in the prostitution debate today and is used as a rationale for both more liberal
prostitution policies and tighter control measures. Advocates of liberal policies see decriminalization and licensing as a way to cut the links. If
prostitution is given a legal status equal to that of other legitimate businesses, prostitutes’ needs for services and protection provided by organized crime
will disappear as will the potential of criminal groups to control and exploit prostitutes. Those pursuing more prohibitive policies see the links as
justification for total abolition. Prostitution is seen as integral to activities and financing of organized crime
and as corrupting society and creating a favorable ground for the spread of all forms of vice and criminality and for general social disintegration. In
Europe, during the last decade, the debate has especially concerned the growth of eastern European migrant prostitution in western Europe and its role
in the infiltration of eastern European criminal groups into western markets. The real and alleged connections between these phenomena have been used
by the authorities and community action groups to justify more prohibitive policies and legislation (e.g., in the United Kingdom and the Nordic
countries).
Human trafficking is linked to drug trafficking, money laundering and terrorism
Keefer 6 United States Army Colonel (Sandra L., "Human Trafficking and the Impact on National Security for the United States,"
http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?Location=U2&doc=GetTRDoc.pdf&AD=ADA448573)
Over the past decade, trafficking in human beings has reached¶ epidemic proportions.
No country is immune,
including the United States. Traffickers operate in¶ our own country, stalking our own citizens, especially our children. “The U. S. State¶
Department’s 2005 Report on Human Trafficking estimates that between 600,000 to 800,000¶ people are trafficked across international borders every
year and almost 20,000 are trafficked¶ across U.S. borders alone.”2¶ What is more disturbing than that number is that half of all¶
trafficking victims are children under the age of eighteen. United States law enforcement has¶ documented cases of Latvian girls
trafficked into sexual slavery in Chicago, or Ukrainian girls¶ trafficked in Los Angeles, and Maryland, or Thai, Korean, Malaysian and Vietnamese girls ¶
trafficked in Georgia, or Mexican girls trafficked in California, New Jersey and Florida. Like ¶ slave owners of the past, modern traffickers use violence,
threats, intimidation, and physical¶ restraint to keep slaves at their tasks. Yet modern human trafficking seems even more harmful¶
than slavery of the past, in part because it is part of transnational organized crime. “Human¶ trafficking is
considered to be the third-largest source of criminal income worldwide, generating¶ an estimated $9.5 billion
per year. It is also closely linked with “money laundering, document¶ forgery, drug trafficking and international
terrorism.”3
Trafficking causes organized crime, terrorism and instability
Bozzer 11 Lieutenant Colonel, USAF (Nancy M., "Merida Initiative: The Answer for Mexico?" U.S. Army War College Master of Strategic Studies
degree final paper, 2011, http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA543653)//AM¶
Cooperation with Mexico will be a key factor to stability and security for the ¶ United States. Mexico, just like Canada,
has very strategic importance to the United ¶ States in both commerce and national security due to proximity. The border shared by ¶ Mexico and United
States extends over 3,000 miles. In Mexico, transnational criminal ¶ threats and threats to governance continue to grow
at a rampant rate; this disruption ¶ spills over onto sovereign US territory. These national security challenges
undermine ¶ stability, delegitimize government institutions, and cause fear amongst the population. ¶ As transnational
criminal organizations accrue enormous wealth through drugs, ¶ weapons, and human trafficking, they are
infiltrating and corrupting the US way of life, ¶ liberty, and pursuit of happiness and imposing crime and disorder among the
United ¶ States, neighboring countries, and partners abroad. In addition, terrorists use criminal ¶ networking for their logistical
requirements, so they undermine the international financial ¶ system and cost consumers billions of dollars
annually by compromising US security ¶ measures.
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Human trafficking has become a catalyst for organized crime – key to groups’ revenue in light
of recent drug crackdowns
Corcoran 11 analyst for InSight Crime who specializes in Mexican security, formerly based in northern Mexico, has written extensively about
Mexican politics and security, publishing pieces in outlets like World Politics Review, Harvard International Review, and Foreign Policy in Focus.
Patrick is presently pursuing an MA at the Johns Hopkins School for Advanced International Studies, with a concentration in Latin American studies
and emerging markets
(Patrick, InSight Crime, 9/12/11,"Human Trafficking Scourge Draws Attention of Mexico Government," http://www.insightcrime.org/newsanalysis/human-trafficking-scourge-draws-attention-from-mexico-government)//AM
Traditionally, human trafficking in Mexico has been controlled by small, independent networks like that of the Rugeiro Saucedo family.
However, as with many criminal activities in the country, the industry has
increasingly come under the influence of organized
crime groups in recent years. A report from the Washington Post named the Zetas as a group that is particularly involved in
human trafficking, which fits with its reputation as one of the gangs with the most diverse set of revenue streams.¶ This industry shift has
also been aided by the drug gangs' greater control over the smuggling of illegal migrants seeking passage into
the U.S., an activity that has a great deal of overlap with human trafficking. Because of Mexico’s long border
with the U.S., its location between migrant-producing nations of Central America, and its own migratory
pressure, the human smuggling network has exploded over the previous decade. According to the UN, the revenues of the
Mexican "polleros," as the illegal migrant guides are euphemistically known, are worth $6.6 billion annually.¶
Furthermore, greater enforcement efforts in the U.S. have also required greater sophistication from the smuggling
gangs than in the past, when polleros were largely independent operators. This has also encouraged the incursion of
organized crime groups, whose transnational networks and ability to co-opt government officials in Mexico
gives them a significant competitive advantage over independent operators.¶ For the organized crime groups,
bringing an existing pollero network under its umbrella allows them to increase revenues and expand their
territorial control without redirecting an enormous amount of resources. Alternative sources of income are increasingly
important as crackdowns from the Colombian and the Mexican governments have threatened the viability of many existing
drug trafficking networks.
Human trafficking is rising and key to organized crime
Cabrera 12 producer for KPBS News Midday Edition. Marissa has worked as a multimedia journalist at various news stations in San Diego and
Monterey (Marissa, 1/16/12, "Human Trafficking Along U.S.-Mexico Border Is Rising," http://www.fronterasdesk.org/news/2012/jan/16/humantrafficking-us-mexico-border-rising/)//AM
SAN DIEGO -- Nearly every official who attended the second annual bi-national forum to address human trafficking in Chula Vista agreed: Human
trafficking along the U.S.-Mexico border is on the rise.¶ Government figures show about 18,000 people are trafficked into the U.S.
every year. But officials also acknowledge there are many more victims hidden in communities who are sold for prostitution, labor or other services.
Often times the illegal practice goes unreported.¶ The goal of Thursday's forum was to improve collaboration between agencies on both
sides of the border to help crackdown on human trafficking and child prostitution.¶ Recently, the state of Baja California implemented a new law
designed to deter human trafficking. It classifies the activity as a "grave crime" and comes with a punishment of up to 22 years in prison.¶ Christopher
Tenorio, an assistant U.S Attorney for the Southern District of California, applauds the new law.¶ "It's going to be very helpful for us," Tenorio said.
"What this establishes is that Mexico won't be a haven for sex traffickers who will go back to Mexico to try to avoid capture." ¶ Baja officials say the new
law has led to the investigation of more than two dozen cases.¶ North of the border, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) in San Diego said it
hired a full-time victim witness coordinator last year who is helping train officers on how to handle cases involving human trafficking victims.¶
Officials also say human trafficking has become an integral part of organized crime over the last several years.
According to Tenorio, collaboration
with Mexico is critical since the San Diego-Tijuana border serves as a gateway for
human trafficking.¶ "We have a unique community of vulnerable victims because of our immigrant community," Tenorio said. "We have a lot of
people who are here illegally and don't speak English. So with those vulnerabilities, they can be exploited."
Human trafficking is the largest criminal industry
McAdams 9 research associate at Council on Hemispheric Affairs, a nonprofit, tax-exempt independent research and information organization
dedicated to the Americas (Megan, "Modern Day Slavery in Mexico and the United States," 12/28/09,
http://www.thecuttingedgenews.com/index.php?article=11866)//AM
Human trafficking is the fastest growing illegal industry in the world and, by 2010, it is
predicted to surpass the
illicit drug trade, which will make it the world’s largest criminal activity. The United Nations defines human trafficking as “the
recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of
fraud, of deception, […] for the purpose of exploitation.” A common misconception is that an individual must cross international borders to be
considered a victim of human trafficking; however, as evidenced by the United Nations’ definition, this is not always the case.
Crime rings starved for funds have been forced to turn to human trafficking – plan removes
their main source of income
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McAdams 9 research associate at Council on Hemispheric Affairs, a nonprofit, tax-exempt independent research and information organization
dedicated to the Americas (Megan, "Modern Day Slavery in Mexico and the United States," 12/28/09,
http://www.thecuttingedgenews.com/index.php?article=11866)//AM
The U.S.-Mexico border is an especially conflicted area where transnational crime is rampant. Mexican President
Felipe Calderon explained the relationship between criminal activity in Mexico and the U.S. saying, “the more secure Mexico is, the more secure the
United States will be.” As Mexico and the U.S. are connected physically and through criminal links, issues the
Mexican government deals with will subsequently impact the U.S. Many of the Mexican criminal networks
notable for narcotrafficking are also involved in human trafficking. According to the Inter Press Service, “at least 20 networks
are involved in the trafficking of persons, with links to organized crime rings involved in other activities like drug smuggling.” Rampant corruption
plagues the U.S.-Mexico border, where high-ranking Mexican officials have been accused of taking bribes from drug rings. According to Gary Hale, DEA
intelligence chief for Houston, the U.S. effort to end the drug war has forced these criminal networks to seek “other
crime activities to generate their income.” Hale reports that, due to the U.S. government’s crackdown on drug trafficking, crime rings
income has decreased significantly. As a result, many of the criminal networks have searched for other
activities, like human trafficking, to supplement their income.¶ Ambassador C. de Baca believes that focusing on
eradicating human trafficking could improve U.S.-Mexican efforts to combat other forms of transnational
crime. According to C. de Baca, human trafficking “appears to be an area where the [Mexican government] is prepared to cooperate with [the U.S.].”
C. de Baca and others are hopeful that the exchange of information on human trafficking cases will build
relationships between Mexican and U.S. officials that might help further combat the drug war. .
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spillover to u.s.
Mexican instability spills over to the U.S.
Beittel, 4/15 Analyst in Latin American Affairs for Congressional Research Service (June S. Beittel, 4/15/13,
“Mexico’s Drug Trafficking Organizations: Source and Scope of the Violence”,
http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R41576.pdf)//EM
Mexico’s stability is of critical importance to the U nited S tates and the nature and the intensity of the violence has been of
particular concern to the U.S. Congress. Mexico shares a nearly 2,000- mile border with the United States and has close trade
and demographic ties. In addition to U.S. concern about this strategic partner and close neighbor, policy makers have been concerned that the
violence in Mexico could “ spill over” into U.S. border states (or further inland) despite beefed up
security measures. According to the 2011 National Drug Threat Assessment prepared by the U.S. Department of Justice, the potential harm of
Mexico’s criminal groups is formidable. Mexican DTOs and their affiliates “dominate the supply and wholesale distribution of most illicit drugs in the
United States” and are present in more than 1,000 U.S. cities. 23
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laundry list
Trafficking causes organized crime, corruption, and human rights abuses
Ryf, 2 JD magna cum laude Case Western Reserve University Law School (Kara Ryf, 1/2/2, “The First Modern
Anti-Slavery Law: The Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000”, Ebsco)//EM
Human trafficking is associated with many social problems such as organized crime, document fraud, and
cormption.2 Furthermore, trafficking perpetuates various human rights violations including involuntary servitude,
forced prostitution, and the buying and selling of human beings."• Yet many turn to traffickers to escape poverty, war, ethnic
cleansing or political persecution."• The traffickers promise attractive jobs in prosperous countries, luring immigrants into virtual slavery." Traffickers
also abduct victims off the streets to sell them for commercial purposes."• Other victims, mostly young girls, are forced into the industry after a family
member sells them to a trafficker for desperately needed cash33
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democracy
Key to Mexican democracy
Bailey, 11 Department of Government and School of Foreign Service Director, Mexico Project (John Bailey,
7/21/11“COMBATING ORGANIZED CRIME AND DRUG TRAFFICKING IN MEXICO: WHAT ARE MEXICAN
AND U.S. STRATEGIES? ARE THEY WORKING?”,
http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/Chapter%2011Combating%20Organized%20Crime%20and%20Drug%20Trafficking%20in%20Mexico,%20What%20are%20
Mexican%20and%20US%20Strategies.pdf)//EM
Mexico confronts the greatest threat to its democratic governance from internal violence since the Cristero Revolt of the
latter stages of the Revolution of 1910–29. In this case, the threat is posed by criminal groups, especially by politically savvy,
hyper-violent drug-trafficking organizations (DTOs), currently inflicting spectacular damage in several regions
and sowing insecurity throughout the country. But the DTOs are only the most pressing symptom of a growing mix of forms of
organized crime (OC) rooted in a robust informal economy and a civic culture marked by comparatively little confidence in the police-justice system and
low compliance with the state’s law.1 The threat is further exacerbated by a crisis of political legitimacy and state capacity. Neo-liberal policies since the
mid 1980s have not generated a new social contract to replace the populist consensus of the “golden age” of growth with stability (1950s–1970s), and the
Mexican state lacks an effective police-justice-regulatory system capable of enforcing its laws with respect to public security. Elements of the
OC/DTO threat have been present since at least the mid 1980s. What brings it to a level to threaten democratic
governance is its rapid recent growth and aggressiveness. This is due to the confluence of large supplies of
violent entrepreneurs and weapons, financed by domestic and foreign markets for illegal drugs, all in the
context of slow or even negative economic growth. What in the past had been a chronic but tolerable problem of
public security has passed the tipping point to become a genuine threat to national security and democratic
governance.2
That is a critical global model of democracy --- only bolstering it prevents backsliding
Sondrol 1 (Paul C., Associate Professor of Political Science – University of Colorado, Colorado Springs,
“BOOK DEPARTMENT: International Relations and Politics: Brooker, Paul. 2000. Non-Democratic Regimes.
Pp. viii, 288”, 578 Annals 174, November, Lexis, Deech)
[*174] Despite advances in governance, the world remains characterized by a host and variety of tyrannical and oppressive
regimes. Today the concepts of authoritarian and totalitarian are routinely and indiscriminately employed by commentators interested in all-inclusive
generic labels to various autocracies, despotism, dictatorships, satraps, or tyrannies. Paul Brooker's book provides a current and thoughtful examination
of modern non-democratic regimes that in their various forms, dominated the twentieth century and continue to thrive in the twenty-first century. Two
opening chapters effectively draw the reader in, examining how classic and leading theorists have sought to explain and categorize nondemocracies.
Brooker's careful and thorough literature review illustrates how totalitarianism emerged as an analytic concept during the World War II as a generation
of social scientists attempted to understand the distinctive characteristics of the Hitler, Stalin, and (to a lesser extent) Mussolini regimes. Examining the
works of Hannah Arendt, Carl J. Friedrich, Michael Curtis, Juan Linz, Amos Perlmutter, Leonard Shapiro, and others, Brooker shows how and why
various systems of classification help scholars think clearly about important differences between totalitarianism and authoritarianism. Elements
common to most taxonomies include the role of the supreme leader, the nature and ideology (if any) of the official party (if such a party exists), the
degree of political terror, social mobilization, and societal penetration. The core of the book adopts a thematic approach analyzing the most common
form of dictatorships in modern times: military and party dictatorships. Brooker's careful schema brings out the novel aspects of modern
nondemocracies relating to political control and social organization and expertly clarifies these concepts by comparative cross-national analysis.
Included in this are case studies of Chile's General Pinochet, Paraguay's Alfredo Stroessner, and Iraq's Saddam Hussein, who transformed theirs into
personalist dictatorships; also considered is how dictatorships make and implement policies and whether they are effective in promoting economic
growth. Penultimate chapters examine the challenge of democratization and how some modern semidemocracies/semidictatorships (such as Mexico's
PRI/Presidentialist regime, or Peru's Albert Fujimori) have
sought to disguise themselves as democratic regimes. Brooker's
current, conventional wisdom that democratization is inevitable everywhere and that
dictatorships are headed for the historical scrap heap. Democratically disguised, bureaucratic semidictatorships of Mexico's or Peru's
ilk, rather than blatant military [*175] regimes, are probably the future models .
concluding chapter cautions
Extinction
Diamond, 95 — Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution (Larry, “Promoting Democracy in the 1990s”,
December 1995, http://wwics.si.edu/subsites/ccpdc/pubs/di/1.htm)
OTHER THREATS This hardly exhausts the lists of threats to our security and well-being in the coming years and decades. In the former Yugoslavia
nationalist aggression tears at the stability of Europe and could easily spread. The flow of illegal drugs intensifies through increasingly powerful
international crime syndicates that have made common cause with authoritarian regimes and have utterly corrupted the institutions of tenuous,
democratic ones. Nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons continue to proliferate.
The very source of life on Earth, the global
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ecosystem, appears increasingly endangered. Most of these new and unconventional threats to security are associated with
of democracy, with its provisions for legality, accountability , popular sovereignty,
and openness . LESSONS OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY The experience of this century offers important lessons. Countries that
govern themselves in a truly democratic fashion do not go to war with one another. They do not aggress against their
or aggravated by the weakness or absence
neighbors to aggrandize themselves or glorify their leaders. Democratic governments do not ethnically "cleanse" their own populations, and they are
much less likely to face ethnic insurgency. Democracies do not sponsor terrorism against one another. They
do not build w eapons of m ass
d estruction to use on or to threaten one another. Democratic countries form more reliable, open, and enduring trading partnerships. In
more environmentally responsible because they must
answer to their own citizens, who organize to protest the destruction of their environments. They are better bets to honor international treaties
the long run they offer better and more stable climates for investment. They are
since they value legal obligations and because their openness makes it much more difficult to breach agreements in secret. Precisely because, within their
own borders, they respect competition, civil liberties, property rights, and the rule of law, democracies are the only reliable foundation on which a new
world order of international security and prosperity can be built.
Mexican democracy is on the brink now
O'Neil, 11 Senior Fellow for Latin America Studies and Council on Foreign Relations (Shannon K. O'Neil, ,
February 2011, “Mexico: Development and Democracy at a Crossroads A Markets and Democracy Brief”,
http://www.cfr.org/mexico/mexico-development-democracy-crossroads/p24089)//EM
Making Democracy Work In 2000, Mexicans and the international community hailed the victory of opposition candidate Vicente Fox from the National
Action Party (PAN) as president. His election and inauguration were the culmination of Mexico's slow transition to democracy, ending seventy years of
one-party rule. Today Mexico's three main parties—the PAN, the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), and the Party of the Democratic Revolution
(PRD)—compete in reasonably clean and transparent elections, by all accounts fulfilling the requisite of electoral democracy. Yet many worry
about the true depth of change within Mexico's political system. Mexico's formal and informal rules still limit
transparency and accountability from the political class. The blanket prohibition of reelection—whether for president or
local town council—leaves few incentives for politicians to fulfill their campaign promises. Instead, as they seek higher office,
they must have the support of unelected party leaders. Informally, some of the most powerful ministries in Mexico, as well as the increasingly influential
state governments within the federal system, have begun to push back against broader transparency and accountability. Denied or ignored requests
under Mexico's freedom of information act are increasing, particularly in the realm of security. Continued weak democratic governance
and a lack of accountability is perpetuating corruption, and persistent impunity erodes the credibility of
institutions. Public opinion is showing increasing disillusionment with democracy. Last year's Latinobarómetro survey of attitudes toward
democracy in eighteen Latin American countries showed Mexico with the lowest level of support in the region. Only 62 percent of Mexicans agreed that
“democracy was the best form of government,” compared to an average of 76 percent across the region.10 The possible resurgence of the old ruling
party— the PRI—in recent state-level elections and within the national congress has many worried about a return to the past. Today, by most accounts,
the 2012 presidential election is the PRI's to lose. A PRI win might signal a further entrenchment of corporatist-clientelist governance beholden to
oligarchic interests. But as the economic side has its silver lining, so too does Mexico's political system. After ten years of democracy, Mexico's politics
have indeed been transformed. The days of Mexico's “imperial presidency” are gone. Government institutions— from the Federal Electoral Institute (IFE)
to the Federal Institute for Access to Information (IFAI)—have gained ground, opening up the workings of elections and government to a vibrant and
independent media and to Mexico's citizens more broadly. Congress and the Supreme Court now matter for policymaking. In fact, the lack of significant
reform in Mexico bemoaned by many reflects a common democratic occurrence—legislative gridlock. And even there, Mexico's political parties are slowly
learning to work together. President Calderón has cobbled together legislative majorities to reform pensions, taxes, and the oil sector, as well as the
judicial system and electoral laws. Mexico has also seen a burgeoning of civil society. Years of co-optation, and at times repression, by
the authoritarian PRI government decimated the ranks of independent non-governmental organizations. Today, although still weak in comparison to the
rest of the region, the number, plurality, and vibrancy of civil society organizations, networks, and alliances is unprecedented. Their focus has also
expanded, from social development to grassroots democracy, human rights, and, more recently, security.11 Their work has broken new ground with the
passage of the country's federal freedom of information act in 2002, which represents a milestone in a campaign for transparent and accountable
government begun in the 1970s, and with the 2008 judicial reforms, which, once implemented, will fundamentally transform Mexico's judicial system.
Last year's July state-level elections show evidence for optimism. With elections for twelve governorships up for grabs during a difficult election year,
half of them changed party hands. Among these were three that had been ruled continuously by the PRI for over eighty years—representing the more
authoritarian tendencies of the past. Voters in each of these states galvanized to “throw the scoundrels out,” hoping to bring in a more open and inclusive
future government. In the other three, voters unhappy with the previous administration kicked out the incumbents, also a common occurrence in
flourishing democracies. The fight against drug trafficking, however, is exacting a political toll. Drug trafficking
organizations are increasingly gaining influence over the state by alternatively funding or threatening (mostly
local) political campaigns, and by infiltrating law enforcement and court systems. In the lead-up to last July's elections drug
traffickers played their most visible role yet in trying to subvert the democratic process. Several campaign offices were bombed, candidates were
threatened and killed, and dead bodies were hung from bridges on the morning of the polling. However, in spite of the violence, Mexico's voters turned
out in large numbers to elect new governors, mayors, and state representatives. In fact, they rejected candidates with perceived links to traffickers.
Despite the escalating violence, Mexico's democracy, flawed as it may be, endures. It is unrealistic to expect a country to turn instantly from a closed
corporatist economic system to an open competitive market, or from an authoritarian one-party state to a truly open, competitive, and inclusive
democracy. At the same time, Mexico has now been on these paths for over two decades, and in a global world, time may be running out. Mexico's
relatively slow economic growth and marginalization in the global economic and democratic subgroups (the BRICs and the BASIC countries, among
others) has at least in part to do with its inability to get past its own legacies. Mexico today is at a crossroads—the question is which
path it will take.
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european democracy
Key to Mexican democracy
Bailey, 11 Department of Government and School of Foreign Service Director, Mexico Project (John Bailey,
7/21/11“COMBATING ORGANIZED CRIME AND DRUG TRAFFICKING IN MEXICO: WHAT ARE MEXICAN
AND U.S. STRATEGIES? ARE THEY WORKING?”,
http://www.wilsoncenter.org/sites/default/files/Chapter%2011Combating%20Organized%20Crime%20and%20Drug%20Trafficking%20in%20Mexico,%20What%20are%20
Mexican%20and%20US%20Strategies.pdf)//EM
Mexico confronts the greatest threat to its democratic governance from internal violence since the Cristero Revolt of the
latter stages of the Revolution of 1910–29. In this case, the threat is posed by criminal groups, especially by politically savvy,
hyper-violent drug-trafficking organizations (DTOs), currently inflicting spectacular damage in several regions
and sowing insecurity throughout the country. But the DTOs are only the most pressing symptom of a growing mix of forms of
organized crime (OC) rooted in a robust informal economy and a civic culture marked by comparatively little confidence in the police-justice system and
low compliance with the state’s law.1 The threat is further exacerbated by a crisis of political legitimacy and state capacity. Neo-liberal policies since the
mid 1980s have not generated a new social contract to replace the populist consensus of the “golden age” of growth with stability (1950s–1970s), and the
Mexican state lacks an effective police-justice-regulatory system capable of enforcing its laws with respect to public security. Elements of the
OC/DTO threat have been present since at least the mid 1980s. What brings it to a level to threaten democratic
governance is its rapid recent growth and aggressiveness. This is due to the confluence of large supplies of
violent entrepreneurs and weapons, financed by domestic and foreign markets for illegal drugs, all in the
context of slow or even negative economic growth. What in the past had been a chronic but tolerable problem of
public security has passed the tipping point to become a genuine threat to national security and democratic
governance.2
That causes EU modeling
De Marte, 13 Government Officer at European Union (Raffaella De Marte, 2/12/13, “Mexico and the
European Union: global challenges, democratic solutions”, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/thepresident/en/press/press_release_speeches/speeches/sp-2013/sp-2013-february/html/mexico-and-theeuropean-union-global-challenges-democratic-solutions)//EM
In my view, the European Union and its transnational model of democracy are facing two challenges. We are
currently in the grip of an economic crisis the like of which we have not seen since the 1930s.More than 26 million
people in Europe are unemployed. A few days ago I was in Spain,where 55% of young people are out of work.During a conversation with a group of young
people, I was asked‘You are bailing out the banks with taxpayers’ money, but what are you actually doing for us?’ Gertrude Stein, the great Paris
intellectual of the 1920s, called the young people that had survived the First World War ‘a lost generation’. In Europe today we are once again running
the risk of losing a whole generation. Yesterday I had the opportunity to speak with students at the National Autonomous University of Mexico.Young
people here, too, are very committed. They are keen to make their voices heard and to secure better representation for their interests.We have a duty to
do more to address the concerns and anxieties of our generation of young people. The second major challenge – and this is not only a matter of concern
for Europeans – concerns our democratic model. In the face of the international financial crisis, we are currently
seeing how, all over the world and under pressure from the markets, decisions are being taken swiftly and, if
possible, without parliamentary involvement. The right thing to do, however, is precisely the opposite: democracy and
parliamentarianism need time. And if we do not take that time we will have a democracy that is at the mercy of market principles, rather than a market
that complies with democracy. Ladies and Gentlemen, The European Union has overcome many setbacks and crises in its 60-year history, and today we
are once again showing how good we are at crisis management.I am sure that we will emerge from this crisis even stronger. Ladies and Gentlemen, The
links between the European Union and Mexico are stronger today than they have ever been.Mexico is a
‘privileged partner’ of the European Union. It is the only Latin American country that has both an association
agreement and a strategic partnership with the European Union.
Democratic instability causes EU political instability
Hughes, 12 (Kirsty Hughes, 1/16/12, “EU democracy in crisis: mired in a perfect storm or rebounding?”,
http://www.opendemocracy.net/kirsty-hughes/eu-democracy-in-crisis-mired-in-perfect-storm-or-rebounding)
As forecasters and media focus on how or whether the euro will survive in the year ahead, European democratic politics is also in deep
crisis. A lethal mixture of EU weaknesses are coming home to roost: the failure over the years to effectively tackle the
European Union's democratic deficit is now in a perilous interaction with the political and economic
inadequacies built into the very design of the euro. With the euro crisis taking off in the wake of the 2007 global economic and financial
crisis, and with EU governments, dominated by the right, still under the sway of neoliberal ideology and the financial markets, European politics and
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society are being more profoundly challenged than for many decades. The mismanagement, both political and economic, of the euro crisis over the
last two years is
undermining both EU and national democratic legitimacy and vitality and exacerbating pre-existing
weaknesses. And at this moment of intense political and economic crisis, few EU leaders have, or at least are communicating, a political vision or
strategy for the EU as a vibrant, dynamic, contemporary political project, relevant at home and in the wider world. Short-term management of national
politics rather than a strategic grasp of the likely interaction of European and domestic interests in the years ahead is the order of the day. Even as an
elite-driven project the EU is losing political direction, while the EU's sui generis mixture of confederal and federal political structures is also letting it
down on both sides. The intergovernmental – confederal – side is increasingly dominated by Germany and France, and so is out of kilter with its more
typical broad, relatively consensual approach of coalitions across smaller and larger member states. Yet the legitimacy and role of the more transnational
European Commission – and to a lesser extent the European Parliament – has come under stronger challenge in this crisis than ever before. As trust
and confidence in the EU and in national politics and politicians fall across Europe and anger, disaffection and cynicism
grow, many warn of the already visible risk of growing nationalism and populism. Giving more power to
technocrats – whether in the European Commission or in national unity governments in Italy and Greece – to impose neoliberal austerity
programmes throughout the eurozone is very far from being a persuasive route either to rebuilding trust or legitimacy, or to a real
democratic and political debate that tackles the political and economic crisis[1]. The EU is mired in a perfect storm that mixes longer and shorter term
political weaknesses, tired economic ideologies, inadequate political leaders, elitist and narrow political discourse at both national and EU level, with
publics disaffected by recession, social decline and the posturing of politicians. Can Europe come through this perfect storm or will the neglect of the
politics of European democracy reinforce the narrow neoliberal economic solutions being imposed and so intensify the crisis even more? Some have
argued that the heart of the crisis rests in the fact that while the economic solutions to the euro crisis require more Europe – a federal, fiscal union –
European politics and publics do not in this period support such a move, meaning any solution to the economic crisis worsens the democratic crisis or
vice versa. But this may be mistaken both in the economics and the politics. If the heart of the crisis lies in the politics – including in the politics of the
economic policy choices being made – then solutions may lie in the practice, and the dynamism, of democratic European politics, and not in solutions
around yet more EU institutional changes and the creation of an austerity union. What is clear is that there is no perfect solution to the perfect storm.
The EU's shaky democratic legitimacy In its more than fifty years of existence, the European Union has defined itself as promoting
peace, prosperity and democracy across its member states and aspiring members. Fully meeting democratic criteria has
been and remains a central condition for new members. Yet the EU itself has in many ways always been an elite project constructed, in theory at least, for
but not by the people. And so it has often been suggested that the EU does not meet the very democratic criteria it demands of its member states. The
failure to build an adequate democratic EU politics has been increasingly problematic as the EU has acquired ever more powers over social, economic
and political life of member states. But the EU's democratic weaknesses have never been more powerfully exposed nor more dangerous in their impact,
than through the mismanagement of the euro crisis in the last two years. There has been much ink spilled over many years in discussing the EU's
'democratic deficit' and many political steps taken to address it. The European Parliament is now much more powerful than two or three decades ago; the
European Commission is more accountable to the European Parliament. Ministers from EU member states meeting in the Council of Ministers, now,
though very belatedly, agree laws in public not in private – though much of the technical, and some of the political, discussion before passing laws is still
behind closed doors. A large media pack sits in Brussels following and reporting on EU politics, including in the last two years on every last shift and turn
in the euro crisis. And the EU's 27 member states are functioning democracies. So is there any reason to say the EU faces a democratic crisis – beyond
the immediate one linked to the emergency measures and the rushed, centralised decision-making engendered by the euro crisis ? The answer is yes: it is
these longer-term problems of weak EU democratic process and legitimacy that have helped to ensure that a deep economic crisis such as the Union now
faces is also a deep political crisis. The European Union has developed as the most integrated regional body in the world, while stopping some way short
of becoming a fully federal United States of Europe. It is part confederation – a UN-like, intergovernmental body – and part, federation, in some ways as
integrated or more so than the US. It is this compromise mixture of confederal and federal that both makes the EU unique, complex to understand and,
crucially, that makes it in many ways a democratic compromise. In the end, especially in the absence of really talented, effective politicians, this
compromise leads to a fatal democratic weakness. Both sides of the democratic compromise now face challenges. For democratically-elected
governments to come together in intergovernmental fora and agree, for example, a free trade pact is legitimate and fairly easy for publics to understand.
But as more and more powers – from aspects of labour standards, parts of criminal justice, passport controls, through to national budgets – have been
shifted over the years to the EU level, the practice of using intergovernmental meetings and summits backed up by technocratic monitoring and
implementation, started to create a distance from EU citizens made up of complexity, lack of transparency and accountability. Attempts to tackle these
growing democratic weaknesses have focused on the more quasi-federal EU institutions – the Commission and Parliament. They have faced their own
legitimacy problems: while the Commission is not elected (though it gets a European Parliament stamp of approval) – turnout for European elections
has fallen, in an ironic symmetry, as the Parliament's powers have increased over the years. Commissioners are officials or technocrats, not elected
politicians, yet they have extensive political powers – and in effect share the role of a quasi-European government with the EU's 27 heads of government
in the European Council. While the European Parliament plays an important scrutiny role, the Commission does not come under the same sort of public,
media and political scrutiny that politicians and governments face in national democracies. Falling voter turnout for European Parliament elections, and
the remoteness of its proceedings from EU citizens, means it lacks the legitimacy that national parliaments have. So an attempted increase in the
institutional and structural machinery of EU democracy has been met with a resounding thumbs down in terms of interest and participation from EU
citizens. Federal Europe as the perfect democratic solution? In the face of the EU's democratic deficit, and especially in the midst of the
euro crisis, European federalists have argued that the solution is a truly federal Europe [2]. On paper this looks perfect –
creating a federal state solves many (though not all) of the problems of the euro crisis, and it would create a perfectly democratic structure away from the
inevitable imperfections of the confederal-federal mish-mash of the present. The only problem is that eternal democratic challenge – the wishes and
beliefs of the public (so notable by their absence in some key federalist solutions to the euro crisis, that they bring to mind Brecht's oft-quoted remark
that it would be easier 'to dissolve the people and elect another').
This hurt U.S.-EU trading relations
Van Oudenaren, 1 (John Van Oudenaren, Fall 2001, “E Pluribus Confusio: Living with the EU's Structural
Incoherence”, Ebsco)//EM
IN VIEWING the EU's constitutional travails, some U.S. commentators have expressed satisfaction with current trends and specifically with
the apparent ascendancy of "widening" over "deepening." Zbigniew Brzezinski, for example, suggests that enlargement on the scale being contemplated
will result in a Europe that is "geographically and culturally whole, but almost certainly politically diluted."(n2) The accession of many new members is
likely to block any serious move toward genuine or deep political integration, frustrating attempts to acquire an autonomous military capability and
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leaving the United States through NATO the arbiter of developments on the continent. This is much too sanguine a view. An
EU that is engaged
in perpetual constitutional reform and an open-ended process of enlargement will constitute a threat to an effectively managed
international system able to cope with the strains of globalization. Anything that the United States might gain from a politically divided, NATOcompliant Europe will be more than lost in political ill will generated by endless squabbles over trade and other economic
issues. A more likely outcome of current trends is the emergence of an enormous trade and regulatory bloc,
increasingly able to influence the world economy, but lacking the requisite political cohesion either to provide a level economic playing field inside the
Union or to deal with security threats in Europe's near abroad (or in what could become unstable regions internal to the Union). This is not a recipe for a
Europe "whole and free." It is a formula for intra-alliance trade wars, and for continued security dependence in an increasingly fractious economic and
political environment. Many of the escalating trade disputes between the United States and the EU already reflect the externalization of the uneven
decision-making and enforcement situation within the Union. The banana import and beef hormone cases demonstrate the difficulty the EU has in
bringing its trade and regulatory legislation into compliance with WTO rulings. The United States and the EU finally managed to resolve the banana
dispute in early 2001, but only after a nine-year period in which a coalition of member states blocked Commission efforts to establish a WTO-compliant
import regime. In the case of beef, the EU has not even tried to meet WTO objections; instead it has offered compensation in the form of allowing the
United States to impose tariffs on unrelated products. It is an open question as to whether a liberal international trading order and a
solid transatlantic political relationship can survive the growing stresses of the EU's internal incoherence. It is
worth recalling that the celebrated vandalizing of a local McDonald's by French farmer Jose Bove was prompted by the imposition by the United States-in response to the beef hormone exclusion--of WTO-sanctioned tariffs on Roquefort cheese made from the milk of the sheep raised on Bore's farm.
Bove's trial provoked a wave of anti-U.S. and anti-globalization protest in France. Meanwhile, the U.S. Congress, irritated by EU failure to comply with
adverse WTO rulings, sought to increase the price of noncompliance by legislating so-called carousel retaliation, which in turn threatened to give rise to
further action in the WTO, this time by the EU. Lost in the trading of trade-war blows was the fact that the entire cycle of retaliation and counterretaliation would never have begun in the first place had the EU been able to comply with its own commitments.
Solves every transnational threat and global war
Stivachtis 10 (Dr. Yannis A., Director of International Studies Program – Virginia Polytechnic Institute,
Professor of Political Science – Virginia Polytechnic Institute, and Ph.D. in Politics and International Relations
– Lancaster University, “The Imperative for Transatlantic Cooperation”, Research Institute for European and
American Studies, http://www.rieas.gr/research-areas/global-issues/transatlantic-studies/78.html)
There is no doubt that US-European relations are in a period of transition , and that the stresses and strains of globalization are
increasing both the number and the seriousness of the challenges that confront transatlantic relations. The events of 9/11 and the Iraq
War have added significantly to these stresses and strains. At the same time, international terrorism , the nuclearization of North Korea and
especially Iran, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), the transformation of Russia into a stable and cooperative
member of the international community, the growing power of China , the political and economic transformation and integration of the
Caucasian and Central Asia n states, the integration and stabilization of the Balkan countries , the promotion of peace and stability in
the Middle East, poverty, climate change, AIDS and other emergent problems and situations require further
cooperation among countries at the regional, global and institutional levels. Therefore, cooperation between the U.S. and Europe is more
imperative than ever to deal effectively with these problems. It is fair to say that the challenges of crafting a new relationship between the
U.S. and the EU as well as between the U.S. and NATO are more regional than global, but the implications of success or failure will be
global . The transatlantic relationship is still in crisis, despite efforts to improve it since the Iraq War. This is not to say that differences between the
two sides of the Atlantic did not exist before the war. Actually, post-1945 relations between Europe and the U.S. were fraught with disagreements and
never free of crisis since the Suez crisis of 1956. Moreover, despite trans-Atlantic proclamations of solidarity in the aftermath of 9/11, the U.S. and
Europe parted ways on issues from global warming and biotechnology to peacekeeping and national missile defense. Questions such as, the future role of
NATO and its relationship to the common European Security and Defense policy (ESDP), or what constitutes terrorism and what the rights of captured
suspected terrorists are, have been added to the list of US-European disagreements. There are two reasons for concern regarding the transatlantic rift.
First, if European leaders conclude that Europe must become counterweight to the U.S., rather than a partner, it will be difficult to engage in the kind of
open search for a common ground than an elective partnership requires. Second, there is a risk that public opinion in both the U.S. and Europe will make
it difficult even for leaders who want to forge a new relationship to make the necessary accommodations. If both sides would actively work to heal the
breach, a new opportunity could be created. A vibrant transatlantic partnership remains a real possibility, but only if both sides
make the necessary political commitment. There are strong reasons to believe that the security challenges facing the U.S. and Europe are
more shared than divergent. The most dramatic case is terrorism. Closely related is the common interest in halting the spread of weapons of mass
destruction and the nuclearization of Iran and North Korea. This commonality of threats is clearly perceived by publics on both sides of the Atlantic.
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hegemony
Drug cartels will move to the U.S. and wipe us off the map
Stratfor, 8 (Stratfor, 5/13/8, “Mexico: On the Road to a Failed State?”,
http://www.stratfor.com/weekly/mexico_road_failed_state)//EM
Cartel Incentives for U.S. Expansion
That means there are economic incentives for the cartels to extend their operations into the United States. With those
incentives comes intercartel competition, and with that competition comes pressure on U.S. local, state and, ultimately,
federal government and police functions. Were that to happen, the global implications obviously would be stunning.
Imagine an extreme case in which the Mexican scenario is acted out in the United States. The effect on the global system
economically and politically would be astounding, since U.S. failure would see the world reshaping itself in
startling ways.
Mexican organized crime causes a power vacuum on the border that distracts the U.S.—
destroys hegemony
Webster, 9 (Michael Webster, 12/29/9, “Mexico's civil war has killed more than 15,000”,
http://www.renewamerica.com/columns/webster/091229)//EM
The US Department of Defense considers Mexico one of the two governments in the world most likely to suffer a
"rapid and sudden collapse" that could require military intervention. A section on "weak and failing countries,"
of a report released this year by the US Joint Forces Command says that narcotraffic and organized crime could
generate a chaotic scene and the army would be obligated to respond for reasons of national security . At the end of
2008, the US government declared the Mexican drug cartels to be the greatest threat to its territory. According to the U.S. Joint
Forces Command there is one dynamic in the literature of weak and failing states that has received relatively little attention, namely the phenomenon of
"rapid collapse." For the most part, weak and failing states represent chronic, long-term problems that allow for management over sustained periods.
The collapse of a state usually comes as a surprise, has a rapid onset, and poses acute problems. The collapse of
Yugoslavia into a chaotic tangle of warring nationalities in 1990 suggests how suddenly and catastrophically state collapse can happen — in this case, a
state which had hosted the 1984 Winter Olympics at Sarajevo, and which then quickly became the epicenter of the ensuing civil war. In terms of worstcase scenarios for the Joint Force and indeed the world is Mexico a large and important country bordering the United States and
could be facing a rapid and sudden collapse. The Mexican possibility of a failed state may seem less likely to many, but the Government,
its politicians, police, and judicial infrastructure are all under sustained assault and pressure by criminal gangs and wealthy Mexican drug cartels. How
that internal conflict of which many experts believe is actually a civil war turns out over the next several months will have a major impact on the stability
of the Mexican state and therefore the U.S. Any descent by Mexico into chaos would demand an American response based
on the serious implications for homeland security alone. Mexico poses a real threat to the national security
interests of the Western Hemisphere. In particular, the growing assault by the warring Mexican drug cartels and their many gangs of thugs on
the Mexican government over the past several years reminds one that an unstable Mexico represents a homeland security problem of
immense proportions to the United States.
Mexican organized crime forces the U.S. to withdraw its forces from elsewhere to focus on
Mexico
Pease, 11 master of arts in international security and former intelligence analyst (Shadd A. Pease, June 2011,
“Instability in the South: The Implications of Mexican State Failure on U.S. National Security”, Proquest)//EM
The security situation in Mexico is an extremely important issue for both the American policymakers and average citizens alike. The United States shares
a vast border with the Mexican state. The routine breaches of the nearly 2,000 mile Mexico-U.S. border by assorted drug trafficking organizations and
others, puts the United States in a precarious position. The U.S. is presently fighting two wars in the Middle East, and has
national assets spread across the globe for the purpose of promoting American national security . However, the
threat that the United States faces south of its border is one that must not be taken lightly. A failed Mexican state
would undoubtedly affect the national security of the United States. The following chapter of this thesis will explore the possible
implications of Mexican state failure on American security.
Destroys U.S. leadership and makes us feel insecure
Pease, 11 master of arts in international security and former intelligence analyst (Shadd A. Pease, June 2011,
“Instability in the South: The Implications of Mexican State Failure on U.S. National Security”, Proquest)//EM
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Mexican Drug Trafficking Organizations Effects on U.S. National Security The violent operations
that the various DTOs are
conducting in the state of Mexico are destabilizing for the Mexican security apparatus; however, these operations also pose a serious
threat to the sovereignty of the United States. According to Donald Schulz of the Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College,
“Mexican drug organizations already operate deep inside the United States, and there is mounting evidence of their corrupting effect
on U.S. federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies all along the Rio Grande, should drug violence in Mexico
escalate, we will not be immune.”49 The continued violence in Mexico and its destabilizing effects will result in a deepening sense
of American insecurity. Regrettably, the violence that is occurring on the border between the United States and Mexico has already begun to
„spill over‟ into areas in the U.S.; consequently, the “crime and violence in Mexico feed[s] into crime and violence in the United States.”50
The narcotics and the organizations that deliver these illicit products will continue to be an American national security threat.51 As a result, the work of
the various drug trafficking organizations will become more aggressive if Mexico cannot function as a sovereign state. The members of these
organizations will continue to cross over the vast border that separates the United States from Mexico. This border is largely
unguarded and extremely porous. As Mort Zuckerman, the editor-in-chief and publisher of the U.S. News and World Report aptly describes,
This is not [the violence and destabilization in Mexico] just a Mexican matter. The drug gangs are described by the Justice Department as
„the biggest organized crime threat to the U.S.‟ Crimes connected to these cartels are spreading across the Southwest, especially in
Phoenix, where most of [the] murders and kidnappings are believed to be linked to the drug trade. The cartels are also increasing their relationship with
prison and street gangs in the United States to facilitate drug trafficking, according to a congressional report. This cooperation enables the traffickers to
excavate cross-border tunnels and install ramp-assisted smuggling roads over the border fence between the countries, in order to get their cargoes in the
United States.52 The various drug trafficking organizations in Mexico pose a distinct threat to the security of the United States.
Unfortunately, the long and permeable border that the United States shares with the country of Mexico provides many of these individuals with a clear
avenue into the American homeland. These groups are able to utilize the vast desert and sparsely populated areas, as well as, the lightly defended border
to gain access into the Southwestern Border States. Below is a detailed map that illustrates the large U.S. and Mexico border.
The threat is amplified due to the high-level training of cartel members and possibility of
providing weapons to U.S. enemies
Pease, 11 master of arts in international security and former intelligence analyst (Shadd A. Pease, June 2011,
“Instability in the South: The Implications of Mexican State Failure on U.S. National Security”, Proquest)//EM
The cultivation and protection of various marijuana fields on the sovereign land of the United States, as well as, the use of scouts by DTOs may become
heightened due to continued Mexican instability and possible state failure. This issue will continue to be a national security threat to the U.S. and affect,
at the very least, the local American municipalities and possibly the U.S. as a whole. The issue of violations of American control over large tracts of land is
disconcerting; however, the possibility of the Mexican military being subjugated by the various drug trafficking organizations due to possible Mexican
state failure would have implications on the national security of the United States. The attacks occurring in Mexico are providing the
drug trafficking organization with substantial battle field experience. Many of the individuals who belong to the
assorted DTOs are former members of the Mexican military, and they bring their expertise to their work in
deadly effects. One such group, The Zetas, are former Mexican special operations forces who turned their backs on the Mexican state in order to
work for the drug trafficking organizations. These individuals have substantial military training and they have been
particularly brutal to those they have targeted. For example, in late 2010 members of the Zetas drug trafficking organization “rolled
into the isolated village of Tierras Coloradas and burned it down, leaving more than 150 people, mostly children, homeless in the raw mountain
winter.”63The members who belong to this drug trafficking organization could become extremely important as their military training may be utilized in
order to target rival drug trafficking organizations, as well as, American citizens. According to Ray Walser, a senior policy analyst for Latin America in the
Douglas and Sarah Allison Center for Foreign Policy Studies, “The founding members of the Zetas are believed to be a small group of junior officers who
deserted from a Mexican military elite unit in the late 1990s. The Zetas have brought dangerous sophistication in heavy weapons, communications, and
intelligence collection to the killing fields of the cartels.”64 The Zetas organization was formerly aligned with the larger organization known as the Gulf
Cartel. However, these two groups became hostile towards one another. This riff between the Zetas and the Gulf Cartel ignited further violence that
claimed the lives of many Mexican citizens. Consequently, the hostility that these two organizations hold for each other will be the source of continued
violence and instability that may affect parts of the American homeland. The anticipated antagonism these two groups hold against each other will also
most likely continue into 2011.65 The possibility of these military-trained Mexican DTOs freely moving across the
border into the United States is a viable threat to United States national security. The continued instability in Mexico and
the possible state failure that may result will put the Mexican security forces at risk. Consequently, some members of these forces could provide the drug
trafficking organizations with protection and, more disconcerting, the individuals with military training could move across the southern border into the
adjoining American states to further the protection of their drug routes. The weapons that the DTOs currently employ rival those
in use by other countries‟ militaries. Additionally, the battle field experience that the members of the cartels are gaining may possibly cause
further instability affecting the security of the United States. This scenario is less probable but one that must be taken in account due to the possibility of
it occurring. Promisingly, the importance of focusing efforts on the situation in the state of Mexico has been noticed by members of the United States
Congress, as well as, prominent members of the Obama administration.
US primacy prevents global conflict – diminishing power creates a vacuum that causes
transition wars in multiple places
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Brooks et al 13 [Stephen G. Brooks is Associate Professor of Government at Dartmouth College.G.
John Ikenberry is the Albert G. Milbank Professor of Politics and International Affairs at Princeton University
in the Department of Politics and the Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs. He is also a
Global Eminence Scholar at Kyung Hee University.William C. Wohlforth is the Daniel Webster Professor in the
Department of Government at Dartmouth College. “Don't Come Home, America: The Case against
Retrenchment”, Winter 2013, Vol. 37, No. 3, Pages 751,http://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/abs/10.1162/ISEC_a_00107, GDI File]
A core premise of deep engagement is that it prevents the emergence of a far more dangerous global security
environment. For one thing, as noted above, the United States’ overseas presence gives it the leverage to restrain
partners from taking provocative action. Perhaps more important, its core alliance commitments also deter states with aspirations to
regional hegemony from contemplating expansion and make its partners more secure, reducing their incentive to adopt solutions to their security
problems that threaten others and thus stoke security dilemmas. The contention that engaged U.S. power dampens the baleful effects of anarchy is
consistent with influential variants of realist theory. Indeed, arguably the scariest portrayal of the war-prone world that would emerge absent the
“American Pacifier” is provided in the works of John Mearsheimer, who forecasts dangerous multipolar regions replete with security competition, arms
races, nuclear proliferation and associated preventive wartemptations, regional rivalries, and even runs at regional hegemony and full-scale great power
war. 72 How do retrenchment advocates, the bulk of whom are realists, discount this benefit? Their arguments are complicated, but two capture most of
the variation: (1) U.S. security guarantees are not necessary to prevent dangerous rivalries and conflict in Eurasia; or (2) prevention of rivalry and
conflict in Eurasia is not a U.S. interest. Each response is connected to a different theory or set of theories, which makes sense given that the whole
debate hinges on a complex future counterfactual (what would happen to Eurasia’s security setting if the United States truly disengaged?). Although a
certain answer is impossible, each of these responses is nonetheless a weaker argument for retrenchment than advocates acknowledge. The first response
flows from defensive realism as well as other international relations theories that discount the conflict-generating potential of anarchy under
contemporary conditions. 73 Defensive realists maintain that the high expected costs of territorial conquest, defense dominance, and an array of policies
and practices that can be used credibly to signal benign intent, mean that Eurasia’s major states could manage regional multipolarity peacefully without
theAmerican pacifier. Retrenchment would be a bet on this scholarship, particularly in regions where the kinds of stabilizers that nonrealist theories
point to—such as democratic governance or dense institutional linkages—are either absent or weakly present. There are three other major bodies of
scholarship, however, that might give decisionmakers pause before making this bet. First is regional expertise. Needless to say, there is no consensus on
the net security effects of U.S. withdrawal. Regarding each region, there are optimists and pessimists. Few experts expect a return of intense great power
competition in a post-American Europe, but many doubt European governments will pay the political costs of increased EU defense cooperation and the
budgetary costs of increasing military outlays. 74 The result might be a Europe that is incapable of securing itself from
various threats that could be destabilizing within the region and beyond (e.g., a regional conflict akin to the 1990s Balkan
wars), lacks capacity for global security missions in which U.S. leaders might want European participation, and is vulnerable to the influence of outside
rising powers. What about the other parts of Eurasia where the United States has a substantial military
presence? Regarding the Middle East, the balance begins toswing toward pessimists concerned that states
currently backed by Washington— notably Israel, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia—might take actions upon U.S.
retrenchment that would intensify security dilemmas. And concerning East Asia, pessimismregarding the
region’s prospects without the American pacifier is pronounced. Arguably the principal concern expressed by area experts is
that Japan and South Korea are likely to obtain a nuclear capacity and increase their military commitments,
which could stoke a destabilizing reaction from China . It is notable that during the Cold War, both South Korea and Taiwan
moved to obtain a nuclear weapons capacity and were only constrained from doing so by astill-engaged United States. 75 The second body of scholarship
casting doubt on the bet on defensive realism’s sanguine portrayal is all of the research that undermines its conception of state preferences. Defensive
realism’s optimism about what would happen if the United States retrenched is very much dependent on itsparticular—and highly restrictive—
assumption about state preferences; once we relax this assumption, then much of its basis for optimism vanishes. Specifically, the prediction of postAmerican tranquility throughout Eurasia rests on the assumption that security is the only relevant state preference, with security defined narrowly in
terms of protection from violent external attacks on the homeland. Under that assumption, the security problem is largely solved as soon as offense and
defense are clearly distinguishable, and offense is extremely expensive relative to defense. Burgeoning research across the social and
other sciences, however,undermines that core assumption: states have preferences not only for security but also
for prestige, status, and other aims, and theyengage in trade-offs among the various objectives. 76 In addition, they define
security not just in terms of territorial protection but in view of many and varied milieu goals. It follows that even states that
are relatively secure may nevertheless engage in highly competitive behavior. Empirical studies show that this is
indeed sometimes the case. 77 In sum, a bet on a benign postretrenchment Eurasia is a bet that leaders of major countries will never allow these
nonsecurity preferences to influence their strategic choices. To the degree that these bodies of scholarly knowledge have predictive leverage, U.S.
retrenchment would result in a significant deterioration in the security environment in at least some of
the world’s key regions. We have already mentioned the third, even more alarming body of scholarship. Offensive realism predicts thatthe
withdrawal of the American pacifier will yield either a competitive regional multipolarity complete with
associated insecurity, arms racing, crisis instability, nuclear proliferation, and the like, or bids for regional hegemony,
which may be beyond the capacity of local great powers to contain (and which in any case would generate intensely
competitive behavior, possibly including regional great power war).
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latin American instab
Success of drug gangs results in massive instability in the region
Hawley, 10 (Chris Hawley, 2/10/10, “Drug cartels threaten Mexican stability”,
http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/world/2010-02-10-mexico-cartels_N.htm?csp=usat.me#)//EM
Crime 'has become defiant,' president says, as police and politicians are forced to face 'the bribe or the bullet'
The drug cartels of Mexico have grown into such a massive criminal enterprise that they have supplanted the
government in whole regions and threaten to turn the country into a narco-state like 1990s-era
Colombia , say law enforcement and criminal experts. Attempts by the United States and Mexico's federal government have failed
are approaching
that red zone," said Edgardo Buscaglia, an expert on organized crime at the Autonomous Technological University of Mexico. "There
are pockets of ungovernability in the country, and they will expand." For the past decade, large parts of Mexico have been
to stem the power of the cartels, which economists say employ as much as one-fifth of the people in some Mexican states. "We
sliding toward the lawlessness Colombia experienced in which drug traffickers in league with left-wing rebels controlled small towns and large parts of
the interior through drug-funded bribery and gun-barrel intimidation, Buscaglia and others say. Even President Felipe Calderón, who a year ago
angrily rebutted
suggestions that Mexico was becoming a "failed state," is now describing his crackdown as a
fight for territory and "the very authority of the state."
Drug gang expansion results in broader upheaval throughout the region
Stratfor, 11 (Stratfor 11/17/11, “The Mexican Drug Cartel Threat in Central America
Security Weekly”, http://www.stratfor.com/weekly/20111116-mexican-drug-cartel-threat-centralamerica)//EM
Guatemalan President-elect Otto Perez Molina told Mexican newspaper El Universal on Nov. 9 that he plans to engage drug cartels in a "full frontal
assault" when he takes office in 2012. The former general said he will use Guatemala's elite military forces, known as Los Kaibiles, to take on the drug
cartels in a strategy similar to that of the Mexican government; he has asked for U.S. assistance in this struggle. The statements signal a shifting political
landscape in already violent Central America. The region is experiencing increasing levels of crime and the prospect
of heightened competition from Mexican drug cartels in its territory. The institutional weakness and security vulnerabilities of
Guatemala and other Central American states mean that combating these trends will require significant help, most likely from the United States. From
Sideshow to Center Stage Central America has seen a remarkable rise in its importance as a transshipment point for cocaine and other contraband bound
for the United States. Meanwhile, Mexican organized crime has expanded its activities in Mexico and Central America to
include the smuggling of humans and substances such as precursor chemicals used for manufacturing methamphetamine. Substantial evidence also
suggests that Central American, and particularly Guatemalan, military armaments including M60 machine guns and 40 mm
grenades have wound up being used in Mexico's drug conflict. From the 1970s to the 1990s, Colombian cartels transited directly
to Miami. After U.S. military aerial and radar surveillance in the Caribbean effectively shut down those routes, Mexico became the last stop on the drug
supply chain before the United States, greatly empowering Mexico's cartels. A subsequent Mexican government crackdown put pressure on Mexican
drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) to diversify their transit routes to avoid increased enforcement at Mexico's airstrips and ports. Central America
consequently has become an increasingly significant middleman for South American suppliers and Mexican buyers of contraband. The methods and
routes for moving illicit goods through Central America are diverse and constantly in flux. There is no direct land connection between the coca-growing
countries of Colombia, Peru and Bolivia. A region of swampy jungle terrain along the Panamanian-Colombian border known as the Darien Gap has made
road construction prohibitively expensive and thus barred all but the most intrepid of overland travelers. Instead, aircraft or watercraft must be used to
transport South American goods north, which can then be offloaded in Central America and driven north into Mexico. Once past the Darien Gap, the Pan
American Highway becomes a critical transportation corridor. Honduras, for example, reportedly has become a major destination for planes from
Venezuela laden with cocaine. Once offloaded, the cocaine is moved across the loosely guarded Honduran-Guatemalan border and then moved through
Guatemala to Mexico, often through the largely unpopulated Peten department. Though precise measurements of the black market are notoriously
difficult to obtain, these shifts in Central America have been well-documented -- and the impact on the region has been stark. While drug trafficking
occurs in all Central American countries to some extent, most violence associated with the trade occurs in the historically tumultuous "Northern
Triangle" of Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras. No longer receiving the global attention they did when the United States became involved in their
Cold War-era civil wars, these countries remain poverty stricken, plagued by local gangs and highly unstable. The violence has worsened as
the drug traffic has increased. El Salvador saw its homicide rate increase by 6 percent to 66 per 100,000 inhabitants between 2005 and 2010.
At the same time, Guatemala's homicide rate increased 13 percent to 50 per 100,000 inhabitants. Meanwhile, Honduras saw a rise of 108 percent to 77
per 100,000 inhabitants. These are some of the highest homicide rates in the world. In comparison, the drug war in Mexico caused murder rates to spike
64 percent, from 11 to 18 deaths per 100,000 between 2005 and 2010. Conservative estimates put the number of dead from gang and military violence in
Mexico at 50,000. These numbers are slightly misleading, as Mexican violence is concentrated in scattered pockets where most drug trafficking and
competition among drug traffickers occurs. Even so, they demonstrate the disproportionate impact organized criminal groups have had on the societies
of the three Northern Triangle countries. Guatemala's Outsized Role Increased involvement by Mexican cartels in Central America inevitably has affected
the region's politico-economic structures, a process most visible in Guatemala. Its territory spans Central America, making it one of several choke points
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on the supply chain of illicit goods coming north from El Salvador and Honduras bound for Mexico. Guatemala has a complex and competitive set of
criminal organizations, many of which are organized around tight-knit family units. These family organizations have included the politically and
economically powerful Lorenzana and Mendoza families. First rising to prominence in trade and agriculture, these families control significant businesses
in Guatemala and transportation routes for shipping both legal and illicit goods. Though notorious, these families are far from alone in Guatemala's
criminal organizations. Major drug traffickers like the well-known Mario Ponce and Walther Overdick also have strong criminal enterprises, with Ponce
reportedly managing his operations from a Honduran jail. The relationship of these criminal organizations to Mexican drug cartels is murky at best. The
Sinaloa and Los Zetas cartels are both known to have relationships with Guatemalan organized criminal groups, but the lines of communication and
their exact agreements are unclear. Less murky, however, is that Los Zetas are willing to use the same levels of violence in Guatemala to coerce loyalty as
they have used in Mexico. Though both Sinaloa and Los Zetas still need Guatemalan groups to access high-level Guatemalan political connections, Los
Zetas have taken a particularly aggressive tack in seeking direct control over more territory in Guatemala. Overdick facilitated Los Zetas' entry into
Guatemala in 2007. The first indication of serious Los Zetas involvement in Guatemala occurred in March 2008 when Leon crime family boss Juan Leon
Ardon, alias "El Juancho," his brother Hector Enrique Leon Chacon and nine associates all died in a gunbattle with Los Zetas, who at the time still
worked for the Gulf cartel. The fight severely reduced the influence of the Leon crime family, primarily benefiting Overdick's organization. The Zetas
most flagrant use of force occurred in the May 2011 massacre and mutilation of 27 peasants in northern Guatemala intended as a message to a local drug
dealer allegedly tied to the Leon family; the Zetas also killed and mutilated that drug dealer's niece. MS-13 and Calle 18 In addition to ramping up
relationships with powerful political, criminal and economic players, Sinaloa and Los Zetas have established relationships with Central American street
gangs. The two biggest gangs in the region are Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) and Calle 18. The two groups are loosely organized around local cliques; the
Mexican cartels have relationships at varying levels of closeness with different cliques. The U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime estimates that there are
36,000 gang members in Honduras, 14,000 in Guatemala and 10,500 in El Salvador. They were formed by Los Angeles gang members of Central
American origin whose parents had immigrated to the United States to escape the region's civil wars. After being arrested in the United States, these
gang members were deported to Central America. In some cases, the deportees spoke no Spanish and had no significant ties to their ancestral homeland,
encouraging them to cluster together and make use of the skills learned on the streets of Los Angeles to make a living in Central America via organized
crime. The gangs have multiplied and migrated within the region. Many have also returned to the United States: U.S. authorities estimate that MS-13 and
Calle 18 have a presence in as many as 42 states. Though the gangs are truly transnational, their emphasis is on controlling localized urban turfs. They
effectively control large portions of Guatemala City, Guatemala; Tegucigalpa, Honduras; and San Salvador, El Salvador. Competition within and among
these gangs is responsible for a great deal of the violence in these three countries. In a March statement, Salvadoran Defense Minister David Munguia
Payes said that his government had evidence that both Sinaloa and Los Zetas are active in El Salvador but that he believes MS-13 and Calle 18 are too
anarchic and violent for the Mexican cartels to rely on heavily. According to Honduran Security Minister Pompeyo Bonilla, Mexican cartels primarily hire
members of these gangs as assassins. The gangs are paid in drugs, which they sell on the local drug market. Though limited in their ties to the Mexican
cartels, the prevalence of MS-13 and Calle 18 in the Northern Triangle states and their extreme violence makes them a force to be reckoned with, for both
the cartels and Central American governments. If Central American street gangs are able to better organize themselves internally, this could result in
closer collaboration, or alternately serious confrontations with the Mexican cartels. In either case, the implications for stability in Central America are
enormous. The U.S. Role The United States has long played an important, complex role in Latin America. In the early 20th century, U.S. policy in the
Western Hemisphere was characterized by the extension of U.S. economic and military control over the region. With tactics ranging from outright
military domination to facilitating competition between subregional powers Guatemala and Nicaragua to ensuring the dominance of the United Fruit Co.
in Central American politics and business, the United States used the first several decades of the century to ensure that Central America -- and by
extension the Caribbean -- was under its control. After World War II, Central America became a proxy battleground between the United States and the
Soviet Union. On a strategic level, Central America is far enough from the United States (thanks to being buffered by Mexico) and made up of small
enough countries that it does not pose a direct threat to the United States. U.S. interest in the region did not end after the Cold War, however, as it is
critically important to the United States that a foreign global competitor never control Central America or the Caribbean. The majority of money spent
combating drug trafficking from South America to the United States over the past decade has been spent in Colombia on monitoring air and naval traffic
in the Caribbean and off the Pacific coasts, though the U.S. focus has now shifted to Mexico. Central America, by contrast, has languished since the
Reagan years, when the United States allocated more than $1 billion per year to Central America. Now, the region has been allocated a total of $361.5
million for fiscal years 2008-2011 in security, economic and development aid through the Merida Initiative and the Central America Regional Security
Initiative (CARSI). The Obama administration has requested another $100 million for CARSI. Of this allocated funding, however, only 18 percent has
been dispersed due to failures in institutional cooperation and efficiency. The U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) has facilitated most U.S.Central American security cooperation. The DEA operates teams in the Northern Triangle that participate in limited counternarcotic operations. They
are also tasked with both vetting and training local law enforcement, a particularly tricky -- and most likely doomed -- task. As the failure of Guatemala's
highly vetted and lauded Department of Anti-Narcotics Operations shows, preventing local law enforcement from succumbing to the bribes and threats
from wealthy and violent DTOs is a difficult, if not impossible, task. The DEA's limited resources include five Foreign-deployed Advisory and Support
Teams worldwide. These are the agency's elite operational teams that are equipped to train foreign law enforcement and military personnel and to
conduct support operations. Originally established to operate in Afghanistan exclusively, the teams have been deployed to several countries in Central
America, including Guatemala and Honduras. These teams are designed to be flexible, however, and do not represent the kind of long-term commitment
that would likely be necessary to stabilize the region. Central America's Challenge Central America has no short-term escape from being at the
geographical center of the drug trade and from the associated violence. Unless and until technologies shift to allow drugs to flow directly from producer
to consumer via ocean or air transport, it appears likely that Central America will only become more important to the drug trade. While the drug trade
brings huge amounts of cash (admittedly on the black market) into exceedingly capital-poor countries, it also brings extreme violence. The billions of
dollars drugs command create an insurmountable challenge for the regional counternarcotic campaigns. The U.S. "war on drugs" pits the Guatemalan
elite's political and financial interests against their need to retain a positive relationship with the United States, which views the elites as colluding with
drug organizations to facilitate the free passage of drugs and key figures in the drug trade. For the leaders of Central America, foreign cartel interference
in domestic arrangements and increasing violence is the real threat to their power. It is not the black market that alarms a leader like Perez Molina
enough to call for greater involvement by the United States: It is the threat posed by the infiltration of Mexico's most violent drug cartel into Guatemala,
and the threat posed to all three countries by further Central American drug gang destabilization, which could lead to even more violence. Looking
Forward The United States is heavily preoccupied with crises of varying degrees of importance around the world and the significant budget-tightening
under way in Congress. This makes a major reallocation of resources to Guatemala or its Central American neighbors for the fight against Mexican drug
cartels unlikely in the short term. Even so, key reasons for paying close attention to this issue remain. First,
destabilize rapidly
the situation could
if Perez Molina is sincere about confronting Mexican DTOs in Guatemala. Los Zetas have proved willing to apply their
signature brutality against civilians and rivals alike in Guatemala. While the Guatemalans would be operating on their own territory and have their own
significant power bases, they are neither technologically advanced nor wealthy nor unified enough to tackle the challenge posed by heavily armed, wellfunded Zetas. At the very least, such a confrontation would ignite extremely destabilizing violence.
This violence could extend beyond the Northern Triangle into more stable Central American countries, not to mention the possibility that violence
spreading north could open up a new front in Mexico's cartel war.
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terrorism
Provides a launching point for terrorists to attack the U.S.
Pease, 11 master of arts in international security and former intelligence analyst (Shadd A. Pease, June 2011,
“Instability in the South: The Implications of Mexican State Failure on U.S. National Security”, Proquest)//EM
The declining capability of the Mexican security apparatus to thoroughly secure and protect the sovereignty of Mexico may
encourage members of foreign terrorist organizations to infiltrate and conduct operations on Mexican soil with
the purpose of entering the United States. This creation of safe havens or headquarters, along with the operations of the
various drug trafficking organizations, is the highest threat to the security of the United States if Mexico is no longer able to
effectively secure its territory. The United States is currently conducting military operations in multiple areas of the world. Additionally, the
U.S. devotes huge sums of money to foreign states such as Pakistan and Afghanistan in order to bolster their security and prevent terrorist organizations
from establishing protected bases of operation. Although stabilizing the Mideast region by combating terrorist organizations is important for the United
States, it is also important that United States foreign policymakers understand that a real threat exists with our neighbor to the south, and the ability of
foreign terrorist organizations to possibly exploit a declining Mexican security apparatus.
Provides a base for terrorists to prepare for a major attack on the U.S.
Pease, 11 master of arts in international security and former intelligence analyst (Shadd A. Pease, June 2011,
“Instability in the South: The Implications of Mexican State Failure on U.S. National Security”, Proquest)//EM
Foreign Terrorist Organizations and Violations of Mexican State Sovereignty The possibility of foreign terrorist organizations using
Mexico as a base of operations for future attacks on the United States would have major implication on U.S. national
security. Foreign terrorist organizations, most likely linked to Al-Qaeda, would have greater freedom of movement in
Mexico due to the lack of security in that country. Organizations such as Al-Qaeda seem to move from country to country
preying on weak and chaotic states. The government of Mexico would be unable to sufficiently hamper the activities of terrorist
organizations due to a failed state scenario. The Mexican military and police forces would have limited leadership from the federal government which is
needed in order to confront terrorist organizations. The lack of security within the border of Mexico would provide terrorist organizations
with the needed cover to plan, train, and conduct terrorist activities. This insecurity in Mexico is in stark contrast when
compared to the United States neighbor to the north, Canada.
Statements by the DHS prove
Pease, 11 master of arts in international security and former intelligence analyst (Shadd A. Pease, June 2011,
“Instability in the South: The Implications of Mexican State Failure on U.S. National Security”, Proquest)//EM
According to the New York Times the former Deputy Secretary of Homeland Security, Admiral James M. Loy, cited in written
testimony, “intelligence that „strongly suggests‟ that Al Qaeda operatives have considered using the Mexican
border as an entry point…” into the United States.99 Additionally, Admiral Loy articulated that he had information which suggested
that many key Al Qaeda members would be able to pay individuals in Mexico in order to infiltrate into the United States.100 The ability in which
terrorists could infiltrate the country of Mexico, link up with various drug trafficking organizations, exchange
money and move into the United States is disconcerting.
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economy
Destroys both U.S. and Latin American economies
Pease, 11 master of arts in international security and former intelligence analyst (Shadd A. Pease, June 2011,
“Instability in the South: The Implications of Mexican State Failure on U.S. National Security”, Proquest)//EM
Mexico is an important member of the economic community, particularly to the United States. The damage
incurred by a failed state would affect the economic system of many countries throughout the Latin American
region. The United States would be predominantly affected by a failed Mexican state with regards to the economic sector. This is
evident as Mexico is “the largest Latin American trade partner, accounting for 58% of the region‟s trade with the
United States…by contrast, the rest of Latin America together makes up only 8.3% [of trade between those countries and the United States]…”88
Although not directly linked to the national security issue, the economy of the United States would be effected due to Mexico‟s
inability to carry on efficient trade with America. Moreover, an influx of individuals moving into the American
Border States may hamper the local economic systems which could cause insecurity in the market regionally
and nationally. This issue will be examined more methodically later in this thesis. The issue of internally displaced persons in the state of Mexico
would be a problem for the faltering Mexican state. However, the issue of refugees traveling into the United States due to weakening Mexican security is
a great concern. Mexican refugees attempting to escape the violence and uncertainty of a failed state may affect the economy and
the security of the United States. The Mexican refugees could strain
the already stretched resources of U.S. law enforcement,
health care, and education systems. Additionally, a massive flow of refugees into America could mask foreign terrorist members who
attempt to merge into the wave of individuals entering into the United States. The issue of Mexican refugees traveling into the United States is a serious
concern both economically and in regards to American security.
These wars go nuclear
Harris and Burrows 9 - *Mathew, PhD European History @ Cambridge, counselor in the National
Intelligence Council (NIC) , **Jennifer, a member of the NIC’s Long Range Analysis Unit
(“Revisiting the Future: Geopolitical Effects of the Financial Crisis”
http://www.ciaonet.org/journals/twq/v32i2/f_0016178_13952.pdf)//BB
Increased Potential for Global Conflict
Of course, the report encompasses more than economics and indeed believes the future is likely to be the result of a number of
intersecting and interlocking forces. With so many possible permutations of outcomes, each with ample Revisiting the Future
opportunity for unintended consequences, there is a growing sense of insecurity. Even so, history may be more instructive
than ever. While we continue to believe that the Great Depression is not likely to be repeated, the lessons to be drawn from
that period include the harmful effects on fledgling democracies and multiethnic societies (think Central Europe in
1920s and 1930s) and on the sustainability of multilateral institutions (think League of Nations in the same period). There
is no reason to think that this would not be true in the twenty-first as much as in the twentieth century. For that
reason, the ways in which the potential for greater conflict could grow would seem to be even more apt in a constantly
volatile economic environment as they would be if change would be steadier. In surveying those risks, the report stressed
the likelihood that terrorism and nonproliferation will remain priorities even as resource issues move up on the international
agenda. Terrorism’s appeal will decline if economic growth continues in the Middle East and
youth unemployment is reduced. For those terrorist groups that remain active in 2025, however, the diffusion of
technologies and scientific knowledge will place some of the world’s most dangerous capabilities within their reach. Terrorist
groups in 2025 will likely be a combination of descendants of long established groups_inheriting organizational structures,
command and control processes, and training procedures necessary to conduct sophisticated attacks_and newly emergent
collections of the angry and disenfranchised that become self-radicalized, particularly in the absence of economic
outlets that would become narrower in an economic downturn. The most dangerous casualty of any
economically-induced drawdown of U.S. military presence would almost certainly be the Middle
East. Although Iran’s acquisition of nuclear weapons is not inevitable, worries about a nuclear-armed Iran could lead states
in the region to develop new security arrangements with external powers, acquire additional weapons, and consider
pursuing their own nuclear ambitions. It is not clear that the type of stable deterrent relationship that existed between the
great powers for most of the Cold War would emerge naturally in the Middle East with a nuclear Iran. Episodes of low
intensity conflict and terrorism taking place under a nuclear umbrella could lead to an unintended escalation and broader
conflict if clear red lines between those states involved are not well established. The close proximity of potential
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nuclear rivals combined with underdeveloped surveillance capabilities and mobile dual-capable Iranian missile systems
also will produce inherent difficulties in achieving reliable indications and warning of an impending nuclear attack. The
lack of strategic depth in neighboring states like Israel, short warning and missile flight times, and uncertainty of Iranian
intentions may place more focus on preemption rather than defense, potentially leading to escalating crises. 36 Types of
conflict that the world continues to experience, such as over resources, could reemerge, particularly if protectionism
grows and there is a resort to neo-mercantilist practices. Perceptions of renewed energy scarcity will drive countries to
take actions to assure their future access to energy supplies. In the worst case, this could result in interstate conflicts if
government leaders deem assured access to energy resources, for example, to be essential for maintaining domestic
stability and the survival of their regime. Even actions short of war, however, will have important geopolitical implications.
Maritime security concerns are providing a rationale for naval buildups and modernization efforts, such as China’s and India’s
development of blue water naval capabilities. If the fiscal stimulus focus for these countries indeed turns inward, one of
the most obvious funding targets may be military. Buildup of regional naval capabilities could lead to increased
tensions , rivalries , and counterbalancing moves , but it also will create opportunities for multinational
cooperation in protecting critical sea lanes. With water also becoming scarcer in Asia and the Middle East, cooperation
to manage changing water resources is likely to be increasingly difficult both within and between states in a
more dog-eat-dog world.
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u.s. econ
It will collapse the American economy
Pease, 11 master of arts in international security and former intelligence analyst (Shadd A. Pease, June 2011,
“Instability in the South: The Implications of Mexican State Failure on U.S. National Security”, Proquest)//EM
The Economic Costs to the United States Due to a Failed Mexican State The United States and Mexico are important
trading partners. In January of 1994, the United States and Mexico implemented the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in order
to remove many barriers related to trade and investment.108 This agreement has helped integrate the agricultural sectors of the United
States, Mexico and Canada; business within the free-trade zone has grown and the organizations that rely on the United States for agricultural
contribution have developed.109 The United States and Mexico have benefited from the NAFTA agreement in many ways.
This agreement has led to the dismantling of trade barriers which brought about market integration, has an average annual growth in the
agricultural sector of $847 million, and has resulted in 258,000 American jobs in the agricultural sector.110
However, the gains that both the United States and Mexico made in the last 15 years may crumble as a result of the growing
instability in the Mexican state. The security situation in Mexico may hamper trade relations with the United States. This unfortunate
realization may hinder both job creation in America as well as affect United States national security. Many Americans rely on the
economic success of both the United States and Mexico, and their respective comparative advantages. The possibility of Mexico becoming a failed state
may jeopardize countless jobs within the American homeland; this would be due to Mexico‟s inability to perform the necessary duties of a sovereign
state and execute economic policy. This would affect trade between the United States and Mexico. As the author Peter Evans points
out, “…the state lies at the center of solutions to the problem of order. Without the state, markets, the other master institution of modern society, cannot
function.”111 America is a key destination for approximately 80% of Mexico‟s exports.112 Mexico also exports cars, and electronic equipment to the
United States.113 In addition, the country of Mexico is
a key exporter of petroleum to the United States; Mexico exports
million barrels of oil a day to its northern neighbor.114 The oil imports that the United States receives from
Mexico are significant. However, the government of Mexico would be unable to adequately secure the transfer of oil to the
United States due to the decreased security in the country. The situation that may unfold in Mexico could reflect the same serious
situation that Iraq faces with attacks on important pipelines which sabotages oil production; the various drug trafficking
organizations as well as terrorist organizations would most likely be the culprits of such attacks. In addition, the money that the
approximately 1.3
state of Mexico generates from oil exports is significant; these exports constitute the largest source of revenue for the country. Mexico nationalized its oil
production in 1938 under the national oil company, Pemex.115 This fact has significant consequences as private oil companies would be unable to assist
the government of Mexico in any meaningful way. Falling oil revenues, lack of security for various oil pipelines and a
continuation of economic decline in Mexico will have repercussions in the United States. Therefore, it is important that
American policy-makers understand that “Mexico‟s ongoing political stability and economic health are critical to the prosperity and national security of
the United States.116 The national security significance that
the Mexican economy has on the United States must not be
underestimated by American policymakers or regional leaders. The U.S. and Mexico are important trading partners. The possibility of a failed state
scenario would have obvious deleterious effects on Mexico but it would undoubtedly affect the national security of America by disrupting the flow of
goods into and out of Mexico. Additionally, the possibility of various drug trafficking organizations and terrorist groups sabotaging oil pipelines and
other avenues of trade would be harmful. The loss of employment, reduced imports and exports as well as the all-important oil commodity would have
lasting effects on the United States if Mexico deteriorated further. The next section of this chapter will deal with the potential of Mexican refugees
crossing the United States border illegally, and their prospective effects on the United States.
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u.s. oil access
Mexico is key to providing the U.S. oil
Pease, 11 master of arts in international security and former intelligence analyst (Shadd A. Pease, June 2011,
“Instability in the South: The Implications of Mexican State Failure on U.S. National Security”, Proquest)//EM
The security situation in Mexico may hamper trade relations with the United States. This unfortunate realization may hinder both job creation in
America as well as affect United States national security. Many Americans rely on the economic success of both the United States and Mexico, and their
respective comparative advantages. The possibility of Mexico becoming a failed state may jeopardize countless jobs within the American homeland; this
would be due to Mexico‟s inability to perform the necessary duties of a sovereign state and execute economic policy. This would affect trade between the
United States and Mexico. As the author Peter Evans points out, “…the state lies at the center of solutions to the problem of order. Without the state,
markets, the other master institution of modern society, cannot function.”111 America is a key destination for approximately 80% of Mexico‟s
exports.112 Mexico also exports cars, and electronic equipment to the United States.113 In addition, the country of Mexico is
a key exporter of
petroleum to the United States; Mexico exports approximately 1.3 million barrels of oil a day to its northern neighbor.114
The oil imports that the United States receives from Mexico are significant. However, the government of Mexico would be unable to
adequately secure the transfer of oil to the United States due to the decreased security in the country . The situation
that may unfold in Mexico could reflect the same serious situation that Iraq faces with attacks on important pipelines which sabotages oil
production; the various drug trafficking organizations as well as terrorist organizations would most likely be the culprits of
such attacks. In addition, the money that the state of Mexico generates from oil exports is significant; these exports constitute the largest source of
revenue for the country. Mexico nationalized its oil production in 1938 under the national oil company, Pemex.115 This fact has significant consequences
as private oil companies would be unable to assist the government of Mexico in any meaningful way. Falling oil revenues, lack of security
for various oil pipelines and a continuation of economic decline in Mexico will have repercussions in the United
States. Therefore, it is important that American policy-makers understand that “Mexico‟s ongoing political stability and economic health are critical to
the prosperity and national security of the United States.116
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iran war
Iran will use Mexican instability as cover for an attack on the U.S.
Pease, 11 master of arts in international security and former intelligence analyst (Shadd A. Pease, June 2011,
“Instability in the South: The Implications of Mexican State Failure on U.S. National Security”, Proquest)//EM
A failed state scenario in Mexico would provide the Iranians with enough international cover to conduct such
attacks. The Iranians past and present dealings with terrorist organizations also lends itself to the belief that this state may work with the
various drug trafficking organizations operating in Mexico in order to facilitate their operations . The activities of Iran
in the Middle East region as well as an increasing presence in Latin America should be a cause of concern for American policymakers as it is likely that
Iran would use Mexico in order to destabilize American interests. This section of the thesis will now focus on Russia and the
likelihood that this country will attempt to garner more influence in the Western region by exploiting Mexican autonomy.
Iran war causes extinction
Chossudovsky, 10 — Professor of Economics at the University of Ottawa and Director of the Centre for
Research on Globalization (Michael, “Towards a World War III Scenario? The Role of Israel in Triggering an
Attack on Iran”, 8/13/2010, http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.phpcontext=va&aid=20584)
For several years now Iran has been conducting its own war drills and exercises. While its Air force has weaknesses, its intermediate
and long-range missiles are fully operational . Iran's military is in a state of readiness. Iranian troop concentrations are currently within a few
kilometers of the Iraqi and Afghan borders, and within proximity of Kuwait. The Iranian Navy is deployed in the Persian Gulf within proximity of US and
allied military facilities in the United Arab Emirates. It is worth noting that in response to Iran's military build-up, the US has been transferring large
amounts of weapons to its non-NATO allies in the Persian Gulf including Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. While Iran's advanced weapons do not measure up to
those of the US and NATO, Iranian forces would be in a position to inflict
substantial losses to coalition forces in a
conventional war theater, on the ground in Iraq or Afghanistan. Iranian ground troops and tanks in December 2009 crossed the border into Iraq
without being confronted or challenged by allied forces and occupied a disputed territory in the East Maysan oil field. Even in the event of an effective
Blitzkrieg, which targets Iran's military facilities, its communications systems, etc. through massive aerial bombing, using cruise missiles,
conventional bunker buster bombs and tactical nuclear weapons, a
war with Iran, once initiated, could eventually lead into a ground war. This is
result in
significant military and civilian casualties, particularly if nuclear weapons are used. The expanded budget for the war in Afghanistan
something which US military planners have no doubt contemplated in their simulated war scenarios. An operation of this nature would
currently debated in the US Congress is also intended to be used in the eventuality of an attack on Iran. Within a scenario of escalation, Iranian troops
could cross the border into Iraq and Afghanistan. In turn, military escalation using nuclear weapons could
scenario, extending
lead us into a World War III
beyond the Middle East Central Asian region. In a very real sense, this military project, which has been on the
Pentagon's drawing board for more than five years, threatens the future of humanity . Our focus in this essay has been on war
preparations. The fact that war preparations are in an advanced state of readiness does not imply that these war plans will be carried out. The US-NATOIsrael alliance realizes that the enemy has significant capabilities to respond and retaliate. This factor in itself has been
crucial over the last five years in the decision by the US and its allies to postpone an attack on Iran.
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mexican economy
Drug violence decreases investment and tourism—people are too scared
Beittel, 4/15 Analyst in Latin American Affairs for Congressional Research Service (June S. Beittel, 4/15/13,
“Mexico’s Drug Trafficking Organizations: Source and Scope of the Violence”,
http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R41576.pdf)//EM
As the violence in Mexico has sharply increased over the past several years, it has also shifted locations. Drug trafficking-related violence once highly
concentrated near Mexico’s northern border with the United States shifted geographically in 2011 and 2012 moving from northwestern and north-central
Mexico to northeastern and central Mexico. 130 As it has spread to new locations, the fear of violence has closed businesses
and had an impact on tourism. American investors in Mexico have grown concerned about the violence and
businesses have sent home dependents or closed operations altogether in some cities. Small and medium-sized
businesses have been particularly hard hit, without the resources to hire private security firms and provide for
employee safety as have the larger businesses and multinational corporations. 131 In 2011, the Mexican government published a report indicating
that foreign direct investment (FDI) has continued to pour into some of the most violent states at levels exceeding the investment prior to 2006, but
others argue that job-creating investment was moving into safer cities where drug trafficking- related violence was lower. 1
Drug violence has caused tourism to dramatically decline
Beittel, 4/15 Analyst in Latin American Affairs for Congressional Research Service (June S. Beittel, 4/15/13,
“Mexico’s Drug Trafficking Organizations: Source and Scope of the Violence”,
http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R41576.pdf)//EM
Major tourist destinations, such as Acapulco, Cancún, Cuernavaca, Mazatlan, and Taxco, have been hit by violence, and the
economically vital tourist industry has been affected. As noted above, tourism along the U.S.-Mexico border has also
suffered a dramatic decline because of fears of violence. According to the U.S. State Department, foreign tourists have not been
a DTO target. But there have been several incidents of Mexican tourists becoming victims. The State Department’s travel warning
updated in February 2012 reported that the number of Americans murdered in Mexico rose from 35 in 2007 to 120 in 2011.
Mexican organized crime chokes the Mexican economy—that hurts U.S. competitiveness, trade,
and increases immigration
Villarreal, 10 Specialist in International Trade and Finance for the Congressional Research Service (M.
Angeles Villarreal, 9/9/10, “The Mexican Economy After the Global
Financial Crisis”, http://fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/148789.pdf)//EM
Summary
The state of Mexico’s economy is important for U.S. policymakers for many reasons, most significantly because a prosperous
and democratic neighboring country is in the best interest of the United States. The two countries have strong economic,
political, and social ties, which have direct policy implications related to bilateral trade, economic competitiveness,
migration, and border security. In May 2010, President Barack Obama hosted Mexican President Felipe Calderón at a meeting in the White
House in which the two leaders discussed key issues affecting the two countries. They agreed to continue and reinforce cooperation on creating jobs,
promoting economic recovery and expansion, and encouraging inclusive prosperity across all levels of society in both countries. The 111th Congress is
likely to maintain an active interest in Mexico on issues related to the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and other trade issues, economic
conditions in Mexico, migration, border security issues, and counter-narcotics. The global financial crisis that began in 2008 and the U.S. economic
downturn had strong adverse effects on the Mexican economy, largely due to its economic ties and dependence on the U.S. market. Mexico’s gross
domestic product (GDP) contracted by 6.6% in 2009, the sharpest decline of any Latin American economy. Mexico’s reliance on the United States as an
export market and the relative importance of exports to its overall economic performance make it highly susceptible to fluctuations in the U.S. economy.
Most other Latin American countries are not as dependent on the United States as an export market. Economic reforms over the past 20 years and the
government’s responses to the effects of the global financial crisis have helped Mexico weather the economic downturn and improve conditions in 2010.
However, sustained economic recovery will likely depend on the U.S. economic recovery and the ability to sustain this growth. In addition to the adverse
effects from the global financial crisis and the U.S. economic contraction, Mexico’s economy is experiencing numerous other
challenges. The escalation of violence since the government’s crackdown on organized crime and drug trafficking has led
to investor uncertainty in some regions of the country and, subsequently, a sharp decline in foreign direct investment flows.
The impact has been the most severe on the manufacturing industry, which is mostly located along the U.S.-Mexico border
and has experienced significant job losses. Increasing unemployment throughout the country has led to a growing
trend towards informality and self-employment. This may present a long-term problem for the government because growth in the
informal sector can lead to increased poverty levels, diminished productivity, and lower prospects for sustained
economic growth. Another issue is the 16% drop in remittances to Mexico in 2009, which have mostly affected the poor. Remittance inflows, which
are largely from the United States, are Mexico’s second-highest source of foreign currency after oil.
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mexican stability
Mexican organized crime poses the largest risk to overall stability
Grillo, 11 journalist who has been reporting on Mexican drugs for over 12 years (Ioan Grillo, 2011, “El Narco:
The Bloody Rise of Mexican Drug Cartels”, Google Books)//EM
This book is also an argument about the nature ofthis startling trans- formation. It contends- despite what some politicians and pundits
say- that these gangsters have become a criminal insurgency that poses the biggest armed threat to Mexico since
its 1910 revolution. It looks at how failures of the American war on drugs and Mexico's political and eco- nomic turmoil have triggered the
insurgency. And it argues for a drastic rethinking of strategies to stop the contlict from spreading into a wider civil war on thc United States' doorstep,
That solution, this book argues, does not come from the barrel of a gun.
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at: mexican stability adv cp
Doesn’t solve—drug cartels are too complicated to fight—we can only stop them by cutting off
their revenue
Grillo, 11 journalist who has been reporting on Mexican drugs for over 12 years (Ioan Grillo, 2011, “El Narco:
The Bloody Rise of Mexican Drug Cartels”, Google Books)//EM
Anybody taking a closer look at the Mexican Drug War works out quickly that nothing is what it seems. Every
view is clouded by deceit and rumors , every fact argued over by competing interest groups and agencies, all key personalities,
shrouded in mystery and contradictions. A squad of men dressed in police uniforms are filmed kidnapping a mayor. Are
they really police? Or are they gangsters in disguise? Or both? An arrested thug tells all, signs of torture evident on his taped
confession. Then thugs cap- ture a policeman and videotape the officer giving a contradictory version of events. Whom do you believe? A villain commits
murders in Mexico, then becomes a protected witness in the United States, Can you trust his testimony? Another bizarre element is how the
conflict can be everywhere and nowhere. Millions of tourists sun themselves happily on Canctin's Ca- ribbean beaches, oblivious that
anything is amiss. The Mexican capital is less murderous than Chicago, Detroit, or New Orleans) And even in the hardest-hit areas, all can
appear perfectly normal, I have arrived at a restaurant in Sinaloa state twenty minutes after a police commander was gunned down having
breakfast. Within an hour, the corpse had been carted away and waiters were preparing tables for lunch; you could eat some tacos and have no clue there
had been an early- morning murder. I have watched hundreds of soldiers sweep into a resi- dential neighborhood and kick down doors-and suddenly
vanish with the same speed they arrived. Americans visit the colonial town of San Miguel de Allende or the Mayan pyramids of Palenque and wonder
what all the fuss is about. They can't see any war or severed craniums. Why is the media hyping it? Others visit family over the Texas border in
Tamaulipas state. They hear gunshots popping on the street like lirecrackers at a carnival, and they wonder why these battles are not even mentioned in
the next day's news- papers. Politicians are lost for language to even describe the conflict. Mexican president Felipe Calderon
dresses up in a military uniform and calls for no quarter on enemies who threaten the fatherland-then balks angrily at any notion Mexico is fighting an
insurrection. The Obama adminis- tration is
even more confused. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton assures people that
Mexico is simply suffering from inner-city crime like the United States in the eighties. Then she later says
Mexico has an insur- gency akin to Colombia's. An embarrassed Obama implies that Clinton didn't mean what she said. Or did she?
The head of the DEA cheers on Calderon for winning the war. Then a Pentagon analyst warns that Mex- ico is in danger ofa Yugoslavia-style rapid
collapse! Is it a "narco state"•? Or a "captured state"•? Or just in a right bloody state? Are there narco terrorists? Or is that phrase, as some conspiracy
theorists claim, part of an American plot to invade Mexico? Or a CIA plot to steal budget from the DEA? Perhaps such confusion should he expected from
a Mexican Drug War. The fight against drugs is famously a game of smoke and mirrors ;* Mexico is a modern classic in the
consqniracy-theory genre; and war always emits Rig. Put all three together and what do you get? Smoky, black murkiness so dense that you can't see
your nose in front of your face. Confounded by such perplexity, many understandably throw their hands in the air and shrug that we just cannot
comprehend what is going on.
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Russia
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Impact Calc
Comparatively outweighs ____
Durch, 99 senior associate at the Henry L. Stimson Center in Washington, D.C., where he co-directs the
project on Reducing Nuclear Dangers and Building Co-operative Security (William J. Durch, “Searching for
National Security: Threat and Response in the Age of Vulnerability”, The Henry L. Stimson Institution,
http://www.stimson.org/images/uploads/research-pdfs/SearchingforNationalSecurity.pdf)//EM
There is a widely recognized need for better approaches to threat assessment in the new national security
environment. Important dimensions of security threats include their damage potential, how much warning we
may have of their occurrence, and a sense of their overall probability or “strategic likelihood, ” not the likelihood of any
particular action but a measure of predisposition to act. To compare disparate threats — interstate, transnational, and ecological — ten-point scales were
devised for warning time and four separate dimensions of damage potential (depth, breadth, ripple effect, and recovery time). Averaged scores on these
five scales produce simple index of threat. Sample indices for historical and hypothetical events appear in the table below. (Likelihood estimates are not
factored into these numbers but may be found in the main text.) Of the sample threats evaluated, political-military decay in Russian sufficient to weaken
its nuclear command and control system, increase the probability of an accidental launch of some fraction of its remaining nuclear forces, or increase the
probability of WMD falling into terrorist hands, could have the most devastating consequences for the United States. While attacks such as that by the
Bin Laden group against US embassies in 1998 were deadly, and serious, their damage potential to the United States is less than that posed by economic
collapse in Mexico, or information attacks that succeeded in disabling some significant element of US infrastructure. Examples rated by threat index
Russian political/military decay, impact on US, longer term 9.50 Catastrophic eruption, Mt. Rainier 7.70 Information
attack, unprotected power grid 7.50 US-Iraq, January 1991, impact on Iraq 7.50 North Korea nuclear-tipped ICBM against
US city 7.50 Hurricane vs US Southeast 6.80 Global climate change 6.70 Mexican migration pressure in econ. crisis
6.60 Bin Laden-US embassies, 1998 6.20 Information attack, protected power grid 2.30
Accidental launch outweighs every modern threat
Durch, 99 senior associate at the Henry L. Stimson Center in Washington, D.C., where he co-directs the
project on Reducing Nuclear Dangers and Building Co-operative Security (William J. Durch, “Searching for
National Security: Threat and Response in the Age of Vulnerability”, The Henry L. Stimson Institution,
http://www.stimson.org/images/uploads/research-pdfs/SearchingforNationalSecurity.pdf)//EM
Overshadowed politically by the rising new threats are the still-dangerous arsenals of the Cold War. Even having been reduced in size from
their late Cold War levels, the measurable threat posed by alerted nuclear arsenals — that portion ready to launch on short
notice — outweighs that of any element of the new threat array . Deterrence does not work against
chance occurrences, and no planned defenses would blunt the impact of a substantial, if accidental, Russian missile
launch. Consequence management would be nightmarish, leaving prevention as the only good option. No US security objective, therefore,
could be more imperative than support for political and economic stability in Russia, for its fight against the organized crime
networks that undermine that stability, and for taking alerted arsenals off-line. Indeed, only when the United States, Russia,
and other nuclear powers find their way past these monuments to the twentieth century’s most dangerous standoffs can they say that they are ready to
address the threats of the future.
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AIDS
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aff solves
Preventing human trafficking is key to prevent AIDS spread
AIDS Policy & Law 7 (“Former surgeons general decry political meddling in health issues”, 8-24, L/N)
Harvard University researchers said they've found a high rate of HIV infection among young girls from Nepal
who were sex-trafficked to India. A study of the girls found that 38 percent were HIV-positive. The rate was
even higher - 60 percent - among girls forced into prostitution prior to the age of 15 , the report said. "The high rates
of HIV we have documented support concerns that sex trafficking may be a significant factor in both
maintaining the HIV epidemic in India and in the expansion of this epidemic to its lower-prevalence neighbors," the report said. The report
was published in the Journal of the American Medical Association. India has the third-largest HIV/AIDS population in the world, with about 2.5 million
infected individuals. As such, the report said the prevention of sex trafficking should be seen as a critical aspect of
preventing the spread of HIV.
Trafficking accelerates the spread of HIV
DANAILOVA-TRAINOR AND LACZKO 2010 (Gergana, US GAO; and Frank, International Organization for Migration, International
Migration 48:4, Wiley Online Library)
In addition, trafficking contributes
to the spread of HIV by significantly increasing the vulnerability of trafficked
persons to infection according to the findings of a recent UNDP study (UNDP, 2007). Both human trafficking and HIV greatly
threaten human development and security. However, links between trafficking and HIV/AIDS have to be explored with caution (ADB,
2003). “Many trafficking awareness-raising campaigns have inadvertently conveyed the message to fearful communities that all trafficked persons are
infected with the disease (HIV/AIDS), leading to further stigmatisation of all women returning to their communities.”
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at: confined to africa
AIDS is a global issue—not confined to Africa
Elbe, 5 Lecturer in International Relations in the Department of Government at the University of Essex
(Stefan Elbe, 2005 “HIV/AIDS: The International Security Dimensions”,
stefanelbe.com/resources/ElkeBook.doc)//EM
This chapter argues that the global AIDS pandemic is no longer solely a health issue, but also has emerging human,
national, and international security dimensions that must be acknowledged by scholars and international policymakers. In order to substantiate this argument, the chapter specifically analyses these three dimensions in greater detail, and outlines the broad policy
implications that follow from such an analysis. It is important to recognize these security dimensions of the AIDS pandemic, the chapter concludes, (i) in
order to arrive at a more comprehensive understanding of the nature and extent of the contemporary pandemic; (ii) in order for the level of the
international response to become commensurate with the extent of the global challenge posed by the AIDS pandemic; and (iii) because the security
sector, as a high-risk group and vector of the virus, can make a responsible contribution to international efforts to reduce the transmission of HIV/AIDS.
Note about the Author Dr. Stefan Elbe is a He is author of Strategic Implications of HIV/AIDS (Oxford University Press, 2003) and Europe: A
Nietzschean Perspective (Routledge, 2003). His articles have appeared in International Security, Millennium, and the Journal of Political Ideologies.
HIV/AIDS: The International Security Dimensions Now in its third decade, HIV/AIDS
is well poised to become the most
devastating pandemic in modern human history . Throughout the world an estimated 42 million people are already living
with HIV, while in some African countries national HIV prevalence rates are currently thought to be well in excess of one-third of the adult population.
The immense scale of this pandemic means that almost three times as many persons continue to die from AIDS-related illnesses every day, than died
during the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. So great is the scale now reached by this pandemic that scholars and policy-makers are beginning to
recognize that in the worst affected countries the longer term impact of HIV/AIDS will not be confined to the individual human tragedies suffered by
those persons living with the virus and by their respective families; in these same countries HIV/AIDS will also have a plethora of wider
economic, political, and social ramifications that will need to be carefully considered and addressed. Amongst these
hitherto overlooked ramifications, this chapter suggests, are the emerging human, national, and international security dimensions of the illness. Scholars
and policy-makers will have to recognize these security dimensions (i) in order to arrive at a more comprehensive understanding of the nature of the
current pandemic; (ii) in order for the level of the international response to become commensurate with the extent of the humanitarian and global
security challenge posed by the AIDS pandemic; and (iii) because the security sector, as a high-risk group and vector of the illness, can make a
responsible contribution to international efforts to reduce the transmission of HIV in the years to come. 1. The Global HIV/AIDS Pandemic Even though
the magnitude of the HIV/AIDS pandemic is clearly immense, determining its precise extent is fraught with complex difficulties. To date the most
comprehensive data on the pandemic has been jointly compiled by the World Health Organization (WHO) and the Joint United Nations Program on
HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS). Even the figures provided by the WHO and UNAIDS are only estimates, however, and should not be taken as exact
representations. They are subject to considerable political pressures and logistical difficulties, several of which remain beyond the control of UNAIDS. In
many countries, for example, systematic HIV/AIDS surveillance remains mostly inadequate, making it hard to obtain reliable data and to detect hidden
epidemics not captured by existing surveillance mechanisms. According to the WHO the number of reported AIDS cases ranges from less than ten
percent in some countries to almost 90 percent in others. The following figures are thus best seen as indicators of broad trends rather than exact
representations, but this should also initially suffice for the purposes of capturing and illustrating the broader security dimensions accompanying the
AIDS pandemic. The figures compiled by UNAIDS clearly illustrate the global scope of HIV/AIDS. This worldwide reach of the AIDS pandemic already
emerged as early as 1985, by which time HIV cases had been reported from every region in the world. Since then there has been a steep and unexpectedly
high rise in the number of infections worldwide. As of December 2003 UNAIDS estimates that around 40 million people are living with HIV or have
AIDS. Conceptually, this number exceeds the entire population of a country like Spain or Argentina. Of these 40 million people, 37 million are thought to
be adults (aged 15-49), and 2.5 million are children (under the age of 15). In 2003 alone an estimated 3 million people died of AIDS-related illnesses, and
5 million persons became newly infected with HIV. To date, UNAIDS believes that around 25 million people have died from AIDS-related illnesses
throughout the world.
Contrary to widespread belief, HIV/AIDS is not at all confined to sub-Saharan
Africa. Every region of the world currently has a significant number of people living with HIV/AIDS, and
the illness is thus also best thought of as a pandemic rather than merely as an epidemic. Epidemiological indicators
show that HIV is spreading quickly in Asia, the Indian subcontinent, the Caribbean, Russia, and in eastern Europe. Below are the current UNAIDS
estimates for the regional distribution of persons living with HIV at the end of 2003:
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o/w war
AIDS outweighs war
Elbe, 5 Lecturer in International Relations in the Department of Government at the University of Essex
(Stefan Elbe, 2005 “HIV/AIDS: The International Security Dimensions”,
stefanelbe.com/resources/ElkeBook.doc)//EM
Much in this vein the Human Development Report went on to define human security as ‘safety from constant threats of hunger, disease, crime and
repression. It also means protection from sudden and hurtful disruptions in the patterns of our daily lives--wither in our homes, our jobs, in our
communities or in our environments’. Specifically, the report identified seven components of human security: economic, food, health, environmental,
personal, community, and political. Although this particular way of thinking about security has provoked considerable debate in post-Cold War security
studies, especially regarding its breadth as an analytical concept, it is important to bear in mind that such thinking about the notion of security is not as
novel as it might initially appear in context of the contemporary debate. Emma Rothschild has shown how many of these ideas have evident
Enlightenment roots that can be traced back at least to the eighteenth and nineteenth century, if not earlier. From this perspective, the narrowing of
security thinking in the course of the twentieth century represents an historical anomaly--one linked, perhaps, to the extraordinary violent nature the
twentieth century. In either case, the idea of human security has not only been embraced by the United Nations Security Council, but has also attracted a
wider coalition of national governments, including Canada, Norway, and Japan. If the human security approach is intimately concerned with securing
not only the survival of the state, but also the survival and welfare of individual human beings, then HIV/AIDS clearly amounts to an important security
issue within this framework. Quantitatively, HIV/AIDS is already amongst the five most frequent causes of death worldwide. In Africa the illness even
vies for the unenviable position of posing the greatest human security threat. In Africa HIV/AIDS is not only the leading cause of death; it is also
estimated to cause more than ten times as many deaths as armed conflict. AIDS thus already poses a numerically
greater risk to the survival and welfare of individuals in Africa than armed conflict. Qualitatively, moreover, HIV/AIDS also directly and
indirectly affects most of the components of human security identified by the United Nations Development Program. At the most
basic level, HIV/AIDS is a lethal illness that threatens the life of those who develop AIDS and who do not enjoy access to life-
saving medicines. As a result, the average life expectancy in some African countries is likely to drop by as much as 20 to 30 years over the next decades.
By 2010 the life expectancy in many countries could even be lower than at the beginning of the twentieth century, to no small extent due to the impact of
HIV/AIDS, thus further undermining virtually an entire century of modest developmental gains. Beyond these individual tragedies, HIV/AIDS also has a
plethora of direct and indirect human security ramifications for those families and communities affected by the illness. Unlike many other illnesses
associated with old age--like ischemic heart disease, cerebrovascular disease, and lower respiratory infections--AIDS-related illnesses affect persons at a
much younger and more productive age. Consequently there is an important relationship, for example, between high HIV prevalence rates and levels of
food security. As persons become too ill they may become unable to provide or acquire nourishment for their families, or be unable to tend to the fields in
order to secure adequate levels of food. They may even have to sell off their possessions and/or livestock in order to compensate for this lack of income.
The same holds true for their more general ability to generate income, as individuals become too ill to maintain steady employment. What is more, many
urban dwellers decide to return to their villages once they become ill, thus further perpetuating this cycle.
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refugees
AIDS causes refugee flows worldwide
Singer, 2 Olin Post-Doctoral Fellow in Foreign Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution (P. W. Singer,
Spring 2002, “AIDS and International Security”, vol. 44, no. 1, , pp. 145–158 ©The International Institute for
Strategic Studies, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00396338.2002.9688546)//EM
The threats of economic and political collapse from the disease can also lead to new refugee flows. Besides
facilitating the spread of the disease, the sudden and massive population movements such collapses provoke have led to heightened regionwide tension and destabilisation. 33 With AIDS likely to reach pandemic levels in the Caribbean and former Soviet Union, American
and European governments will have to prepare for refugee crises reminiscent of the Haitian collapse and Balkan wars of
the 1990s . The more direct security threat is that failed states can become havens for the new enemies of global
order. As the UN Special Envoy Lakhdar Brahimi noted, the events of 11 September were ‘A wakeup call, [leading many] ... to realize that even small
countries, far away, like Afghanistan cannot be left to sink to the depths to which Afghanistan has sunk’. 34 Decaying states give extremist
groups freedom of operation, with dangerous consequences a world away. This hazard applies even to seemingly
disconnected state failures. Sierra Leone’s collapse in the 1990s, for example, certainly was of little concern to policy-makers in Washington and had
little connection to radical Islamic terrorist groups. Evidence has since emerged, however, that the tiny West African country is connected to al-Qaeda
fundraising efforts involving the diamond trade. 35
These population displacements cause regional wars
Loescher, 2 [Gil, Senior Fellow for Forced Migration and International Security @ International Institute for
Strategic Studies, Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, “Blaming the victim: refugees and global security: the bulk
of the world's refugees remain in the developing world. And the industrializedstates, more worried after
September 11, are taking new steps to keep them away.; The Uprooted”, 11-1, 58:6, Lexis]
For developing countries, displaced populations are both a consequence of conflict and a cause of continuing conflict and instability. Forced
displacement can obstruct peace processes, undermine attempts at economic development, and exacerbate
intercommunal tensions. Refugee flows also can be a source of regional conflict, causing instability in
neighboring countries, triggering external intervention, and sometimes providing armed refugee groups with base
camps from which to conduct insurgency, armed resistance, and terrorist activities.
Goes nuclear
Bergeron, 2 [Kenneth, 2002, Science Writer formerly @ Scandia National Laboratories, “Tritium on Ice”, p.
5, Google Print]
The United States and the world can ill afford this kind of inconsistency. We stand at a critical transition in the history of nuclear weapons. If the
twentieth century is characterized as the age of the bilateral nuclear standoff, the twenty-first will very likely be
the age of broad proliferation of nuclear weapons and the means to deliver them, an age when even small and regional
conflicts can escalate into nuclear wars with profound and unpredictable effects on the world economy, the global
environment, and international security.
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tokay gecko biodiversity
HIV threat increases demand for the Tokay Gecko
Thornhill, 11 (Ted Thornhill, 11/17/11, “'Unfounded' claims that Asian geckos cure Aids are driving species to
extinction, warns wildlife group”, http://www.dailymail.co.uk/sciencetech/article-2062282/Geckos-drivenextinction-claims-cure-Aids.html)//EM
Claims that a nocturnal Asian lizard can be used to help treat the HIV virus have led to a sharp boom in
smuggling of the reptile, putting it at risk of extinction , a conservation group said yesterday. Demand for the
Tokay Gecko has skyrocketed in recent years after online blogs, newspaper articles and wildlife traders trumpeted the
consumption of the lizard's tongue and internal organs as a miracle cure for HIV, wildlife trade monitoring group Traffic
said in a report.
Increased harvest of Tokay geckos causes habitat destruction which destroys biodiversity
Trainor, 10 Faculty of Education, Health and Science at Charles Darwin University and PhD candidate (Colin
Richard Trainor, 2010, “Timor's fauna influence of scale, history and land-use on faunal patterning”,
espace.cdu.edu.au/eserv/cdu:9364/Thesis_CDU_9364_Trainor_C.pdf)//EM
The extinction of Pleistocene giant rats on Timor about 1,000-2,000 yr BP (Aplin and Helgen 2010) is an unambiguous example of the impact of humans
on the island’s wildlife. At 7,000 yr BP Timor had a distinctive fauna including at least four giant rats (Glover 1986). The presence of giant rat bones in
sub-fossil cave deposits is evidence that humans were hunting them; but the human-assisted introduction of a wide range of mammals (Common
Spotted Cuscus Phalanger orientalis, Long-tailed Macaque Macaca fascicularis, Common Palm Civet Paradoxurus hermaphroditus, Eurasian Wild Pig
Sus scrofa, Rusa Deer Cervus timorensis, House Mouse Mus musculus, House Rat Rattus tanezumi, Brown Rat Rattus norvegicus, Polynesian Rat Rattus
exulans and House Shrew Suncus murinus) probably also accelerated the decline of some of the endemic fauna, through predation, competition,
introduction of new diseases and/or consequential habitat change. The introduced species all originate from South East Asia, except the cuscus which is
from New Guinea. The rediscovery of the murid rodent Bunomys naso (Kitchener 1991) on nearby Flores Island, following its original description from
sub-fossil deposits, and the recent discovery of Rattus (Komodomys) timorensis (Kitchener et al. 1991) from the - 43 - mountains of West Timor
demonstrates that some of the original rodent fauna has persisted and provides some hope that other components might still be living. Several reptile
and amphibian species have also recently been introduced to Timor but their impact on native species is unknown. Geckos such as the Tokay
Gecko Gekko gecko, the House Gecko Hemidactylus frenatus, and the Flowerpot Snake Typhlops braminus have entered Timor through
transport of goods from Asia or Australia. According to the IUCN, three tree species, four (plus 15 ‘Near threatened’) birds, three mammals and one
butterfly on Timor are considered threatened with extinction (Table 2.4) generally because of loss of tropical forest. Habitat destruction,
particularly tropical forest loss and conversion, is the main disturbance agent for more than 80% of the world’s globally threatened
bird species (BirdLife International 2004) and a high proportion of forest biota generally. Forest loss leads to reduced habitat,
increased fragmentation of wildlife populations with reduced opportunities for dispersal and
to increased risk of local and ultimately global extinction
(BirdLife International 2004). Additional threats such as
hunting for bush-meat and capture for pet trade increase the risk of local extinction.
Extinction
Diner, 94 [David, Ph.D., Planetary Science and Geology, "The Army and the Endangered Species Act: Who's Endangering Whom?," Military Law
Review, 143 Mil. L. Rev. 161]
To accept that the snail darter, harelip sucker, or Dismal Swamp southeastern shrew 74 could save [hu]mankind may be difficult for some. Many, if not
most, species are useless to[hu]man[s] in a direct utilitarian sense. Nonetheless, they may
be critical in an indirect role, because their
extirpations could affect a directly useful species negatively. In a closely interconnected ecosystem, the loss of a species affects other species
dependent on it. 75 Moreover, as the number of species decline, the effect of each new extinction on the
remaining species increases dramatically. 4. Biological Diversity. -- The main premise of species preservation is that diversity is better
than simplicity. 77 As the current mass extinction has progressed, the world's biological diversity generally has decreased. This trend occurs within
ecosystems by reducing the number of species, and within species by reducing the number of individuals. Both trends carry serious future implications.
78 [*173] Biologically diverse ecosystems are characterized by a large number of specialist species, filling narrow ecological niches. These ecosystems
inherently are more stable than less diverse systems. "The more complex the ecosystem, the more successfully it can resist a stress. . . . [l]ike a net, in
which each knot is connected to others by several strands, such a fabric can resist collapse better than a simple, unbranched circle of threads -- which if
cut anywhere breaks down as a whole." 79 By causing widespread extinctions, humans have artificially simplified many ecosystems. As biologic
simplicity increases, so does the risk of ecosystem failure. The spreading Sahara Desert in Africa, and the dustbowl conditions of the 1930s in the United
States are relatively mild examples of what might be expected if this trend continues. Theoretically,
each new animal or plant extinction,
with all its dimly perceived and intertwined affects, could cause total ecosystem collapse and human extinction. Each
new extinction increases the risk of disaster. Like a mechanic removing, one by one, the rivets from an aircraft's wings, 80 [hu]mankind may be edging
closer to the abyss.
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hegemony
AIDS puts important U.S. investments globally at risk, collapsing hegemony—oil, allies, and
more
Singer, 2 Olin Post-Doctoral Fellow in Foreign Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution (P. W. Singer,
Spring 2002, “AIDS and International Security”, vol. 44, no. 1, , pp. 145–158 ©The International Institute for
Strategic Studies, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00396338.2002.9688546)//EM
The security danger presented by failed states extends beyond the simple human tragedy played out in the ensuing chaos and collapse. While stable
states outside the region might imagine themselves secure and able to stand aside from failed states, the realities of the global system no longer permit
this. Major
powers have clear national interests in many of the regions most vulnerable to state failure
generated or exacerbated by disease. The US, for example, has economic investments in at-risk areas in Africa that
are, by some measures, comparable to investments in the Middle East or Eastern Europe. 31 Equally, a number
of individual states at risk, such as Angola, Nigeria, and South Africa, are core regional allies , as well as
critical suppliers of oil (roughly one-fifth of all US imports ) and strategic minerals. 32
AIDS collapses the U.S. military and puts U.S. leadership in jeopardy
Feldbaum et al, 6 Director of Global Health, Food Security and Development at the National Security
Council (Harley Feldbaum, Kelley Lee, Preeti Patel, 6/13/6, “The National Security Implications of HIV/AIDS”,
http://www.plosmedicine.org/article/info%3Adoi%2F10.1371%2Fjournal.pmed.0030171)//EM
Two leaders in the global fight against HIV/AIDS—Richard Feachem, Executive Director of the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria,
and Peter Piot, Executive Director of the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS)—have recently argued that HIV represents an
extraordinary national security threat [1, 2]. Their intent has been to appeal to the material and strategic interests of states in
order to increase high-level commitment to the fight against HIV/AIDS. While increased engagement by political leaders is clearly welcome, a public
health perspective on the linkage between public health and national security has so far been missing. The benefits and dangers of justifying efforts to
address the pandemic in terms of its impact on national security are underappreciated. Despite the high-profile linking of HIV/AIDS and security,
including four United Nations Security Council (UNSC) meetings and prominent mention within the United States national security strategy, critical
debate about the ways in which public health interacts with the security interests of states are scarce in public health journals. Journals have examined
the ways national security issues, including the recent war in Iraq and the Israeli–Palestinian conflict [3, 4], have negatively affected public health.
However, the ways public health affects national security interests have rarely been considered. It is essential to examine this debate, including evidence
for the links between HIV/ AIDS and national security, from a public health perspective because of the implications this linkage has for the direction and
funding of global HIV/ AIDS efforts. This paper argues for greater understanding and analysis of the public health–national security nexus to ensure this
linkage benefits the fight against HIV/AIDS. Successfully negotiating this nexus is essential because the humanitarian objectives of global health do not
fit easily into the state-centered perspective of national security. Global health works to improve the health of all people within and across states, while
the national security field works to protect the people, property, and interests of only one state. This article will present the unique national security
perspective on the HIV/AIDS pandemic and evidence on the links between HIV/AIDS and national security, and will evaluate the risks and benefits of
addressing HIV/ AIDS as a national security issue. The National Security Perspective on the HIV/AIDS Pandemic National security is traditionally
defined as the protection of a state's territory, population, and interests against external threats. While recognizing the humanitarian dimensions of the
HIV/AIDS pandemic, national security analyses rely on the human impacts of the disease to be large enough to affect the military, political, and
economic interests of a state. For example, a partially declassified US National Intelligence Council estimate argues that
infectious diseases threaten American national security because they will “endanger US citizens at home and
abroad, threaten US armed forces deployed overseas, and exacerbate social and political instability in key
countries and regions in which the United States has significant interests” [5]. This focus on strategic interests within national
security thinking partially explains why other global health problems of comparably high morbidity and mortality, such as noncommunicable diseases,
are not currently considered threats to national security. The effects of these global health problems are not seen to significantly impact the strategic
interests of powerful states. Three main arguments linking HIV/ AIDS and national security emerge from the security
community's analyses of the HIV/AIDS pandemic. The
first describes the impact of HIV/AIDS on individuals critical to the
maintenance of state and international security: soldiers and peacekeepers. The second argument suggests that the
epidemic in some sub-Saharan African nations may cause state instability and failure. The third argument focuses on the security
effects of the worsening pandemic on the large, strategically important states of Russia, India, and China (see Figure 1). The evidence for each of these
arguments is considered in turn. HIV/AIDS is severely affecting the armed forces of many countries. Accurate data on prevalence of HIV among soldiers
is difficult to obtain because affected states either do not collect or do not want HIV prevalence data published. In 1998, UNAIDS estimated that sexually
transmitted disease “rates among armed forces are generally 2 to 5 times higher than in civilian populations” [6]. Recent estimates are more conservative
and suggest that HIV prevalence among armed forces is equal to or slightly greater than civilian rates from the same country [7]. Despite the lack of
reliable data, there is evidence that the disease is affecting African militaries. Ugboga Nwokoji and Ademola Ajuwon state that “AIDS is now the leading
cause of death in military and police forces in some African countries, accounting for more than half of in-service mortality” [8]. The US National
Intelligence Council estimates that “HIV/AIDS probably will complicate staffing in the military officer corps” of Nigeria and Ethiopia [5]. However, the
impact of HIV/AIDS on militaries is not limited to Africa. In Russia, 9,000 potential draftees have been rejected for service because of testing HIV
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positive in the last five years, with 5,000 rejected in the last two years alone (M. Feshbach, unpublished data). While China and India's large populations
provide some insulation against shortages in military personnel, these countries are increasingly monitoring AIDS in their militaries as epidemics in
these countries spread [5]. The impact that high HIV prevalence will have on the strategic capabilities of militaries is complex. Most analysts
emphasize the negative security implications of increasing rates of HIV infection in militaries. The loss of highly
trained, professional soldiers to AIDS will have a major impact on affected armed forces. Trained soldiers are
difficult and expensive to replace, and their absence interrupts the training of younger recruits. Armed forces that rely
wholly or partially on conscripts face a decreasing pool of healthy recruits as HIV/AIDS continues to spread. Russia's HIV
epidemic is already exacerbating an existing shortage of healthy individuals available for military service. It is also argued that armed forces with high
HIV prevalence may incur mounting costs to treat soldiers with antiretroviral drugs, leading the military to seek greater proportions of public
expenditure while rendering them less able to protect national and international interests [9, 10].
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resource wars/democracy
HIV causes global instability, resource wars, and hurts democracy
Rushton, 10 Centre for Health and International Relations, Department of International Politics (Simon
Rushton, 9/9/10, “AIDS and international security in the United Nations System”,
http://heapol.oxfordjournals.org/content/25/6/495.full)//EM
That HIV is a threat to the stability of states or regions. A variety of ways in which the disease can contribute to
instability have been proposed: the ‘hollowing out’ of state institutions through illness and premature death (Garrett
2005: 41); the economic and social consequences of lost productivity (Fox and Kassalow 2001: 1555); the creation of AIDS orphans, which could fuel the
child soldier problem (Singer 2002: 151); illness and premature death having a detrimental impact upon the effectiveness of the military and security
services charged with maintaining order (Ostergard 2002: 342–4). That the threat posed by HIV will increasingly be a global one.
Although to date attention has largely focused on sub-Saharan Africa, much of the same logic could apply in other regions, including Asia where
prevalence rates in the ‘next wave’ of states (including emerging powers seen as critical to regional and global security such as China and India) are on
the rise (National Intelligence Council 2002; Schneider and Moodie 2002; Thompson 2004; Hunter 2005). As Alan Dupont (2001: 225) has argued: "“If
HIV continues to proliferate in East Asia, as seems likely, the virus will undermine civil society, slow the
democratisation process and intensify poverty, resource scarcity and conflict , directly affecting
the national security interests of afflicted states, the region’s collective security interests and the lives of
millions of people. What is especially worrying about the AIDS pandemic is that even though Asia has already overtaken Africa as the epicentre of
the disease, its full impact will not be felt for perhaps another decade because of HIV’s lengthy incubation period.”"
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failed states
AIDS collapses the foundations of stability
Singer, 2 Olin Post-Doctoral Fellow in Foreign Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution (P. W. Singer,
Spring 2002, “AIDS and International Security”, vol. 44, no. 1, , pp. 145–158 ©The International Institute for
Strategic Studies, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00396338.2002.9688546)//EM
AIDS and the military The primary connection between AIDS and conflict appears to come from the unique
linkage between the disease and the institution of the military. Studies consistently find that the average infection
rates of soldiers are significantly higher than equivalent age groups in the regular civilian population. This is
true across the globe, whether in the US, UK, France, or in armies of the developing world where the problem is magnified. Recent studies in
Africa have found that 148 P. W. Singer military infection rates are around four times that of the civilian population. During periods of war, this figure
often soars to as much as 50 times higher. 14 The reasons for this unhappy link are varied. In addition to being recruited from the most
sexually active age groups, soldiers are typically posted away from their communities and families for long
periods of time. Besides disconnecting them from traditional societal controls on behaviour, this also means
that they are removed from contact with spouses or regular sexual partners. Personnel are often lonely or
stressed and typically have more money than the local population, but little to spend it on. Their cloistering in bases
thus tends to attract other high-risk populations, including prostitutes and drug dealers. Finally, soldiers live and work inside an institution and culture
that tends to encourage risk-taking, so precautions against certain behaviour are often eschewed. In blunt terms, even in peacetime, military bases tend
to attract prostitutes and soldiers usually don’t use condoms. On deployment, this problem is heightened. 15 The result is that many armies are the focal
point of AIDS infection in their nation and are essentially under direct attack from the disease. The average infection rate of African militaries is about
30 %, but is much higher for the states that have experienced AIDS for longer periods of time. Estimates of HIV infection rates among African armies are
as high as 50 % in the Congo and Angola, 66 % in Uganda, 75 % in Malawi and 80 % in Zimbabwe. 16 It is the primary cause of death in many armies –
even those, such as the Congo’s, which have frequently been at war over the last decade. 17 It permeates the South African military to the extent that
soldiers (as well as police) are prohibited from giving blood. Militaries beyond the sub-Saharan African AIDS core – that is, from states with lower
infection rates – are following this trend. For example, the army of Sierra Leone is, with British military assistance, attempting to remake itself into an
effective fighting force. The discovery that as many as one in three in the army are now HIV-positive is making this more difficult. 18 Similarly, one in
three Russian draftees is now rejected for various health reasons, compared to one in twenty 15 years ago. 19 The results are devastating for the military
as an institution and can lead to a dangerous weakening of its capabilities. As Colonel Kevin Beaton of the UK’s Royal Army Medical Corps noted,
‘History is littered with examples of armies falling apart for health reasons’. 20 Besides the effect on the regular troops and the general recruiting pool,
the disease is particularly costly to military forces in terms of its draining effect on the skilled positions . AIDS is
not only killing regular conscripts but also officers and NCOs – key personnel that military forces are least able to lose. Thus, leadership capacities and
professional standards are directly suffering from the disease’s scourge. Several armies, including those of Botswana, Uganda and Zimbabwe, are already
facing serious gaps in their leadership cadres. In Malawi, at least half the general staff is thought to be HIV-positive, while the army’s commander stated
that he believed a quarter of his overall force would be dead from the disease within the next three years. 21 This hollowing-out of militaries,
particularly at the leadership level, has a number of added implications for security. As human capacity is lost,
military organisations’ efforts to modernise are undermined. Preparedness and combat readiness deteriorate .
Even if a new recruiting pool is found to replace sick troops, cohesion is compromised. As they lose their leadership to
an unyielding, demoralising foe, the organisations themselves can unravel. The higher risk within the military compounds the disease’s impact by
transferring it to the political level. Commanders in countries with high rates of infection already worry that they are now unable to field full contingents
for deployment or to assist their nation’s allies. AIDS-weakened militaries also pose the risk of domestic instability and may
even invite foreign attack. Namibia’s defence ministry, deeming AIDS to be a new form of strategic vulnerability, has treated military infection
rates as classified information. 22 AIDS and state failure AIDS threatens not just the military but the whole state. As the
disease spreads and becomes ever more pervasive, ‘it destroys the very fibre of what constitutes a
nation : individuals, families and communities, economic and political institutions, military and police forces’. 23 The manner in which
AIDS can hollow out already weak states parallels its effect on militaries. In contrast to other epidemics, which tended to kill
off the weak and infirm first, AIDS in the developing world tends to claim the lives of the more productive members of society, who are not easily
replaced. Educated and well-off citizens are more mobile, and thus have often contracted the disease first. Many states have clusters of the disease in the
middle and upper levels of management in both business and government, and AIDS is already being blamed for shortages of skilled workers in a
number of countries. 24 For example, 10 % of all African teachers are expected to die from AIDS by 2005 , while between 25–50 % of health-care
workers in stricken states such as Malawi will similarly die from the disease. 25 In the words of Peter Piot, the head of UNAIDS, the UN organisation
concerned with AIDS’ global impact, the disease ‘is devastating the ranks of the most productive members of society with an efficacy history has reserved
for great armed conflicts’. 26 The impact is felt not just in governance, but also in economic and social development. Besides acting as a new sort of tax
on society, by increasing the health-care costs of business across the board, the disease also discourages foreign investment. Workforce productivity
decreases, while revenues go down as the local consumer base is impoverished. 27 The disease increases budgetary needs at the same time as it shrinks
The consequences could well be shattering for already impoverished states. The World Bank
considers AIDS to be the single biggest threat to economic development in Africa: it is expected to reduce GDP
in many states by as much as 20 %, in just the next decade. The rapid spread in poverty-stricken post-Soviet states, including those in
the tax base.
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Central Asia newly important to the war on terrorism, could be equally catastrophic. 28 The
precise security threat here is that AIDS
causes dangerous weaknesses in the pillars of an otherwise stable state: its military; its governing institutions and 150 P. W.
Singer economy. The disease is accordingly no longer just a symptom but a fundamental catalyst of state crisis. 29 As public
institutions crumble and senior officials succumb to the disease, public confidence in governing bodies is
further threatened. 30 The weakening of state bodies at points of crisis has repeatedly been the spark for coups, revolts and other political and
ethnic struggles to secure control over resources. As the recent collapse of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) illustrates, warlords,
plunderers and other violent actors will move in to fill the void left by a failing state. That the disease is
concentrating in areas already undergoing tenuous political transitions – such as Africa and the former Soviet Union – only
heightens the risk of instability and state failure.
AIDS causes failed states, instability, and genocide—CIA report proves
Singer, 2 Olin Post-Doctoral Fellow in Foreign Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution (P. W. Singer,
Spring 2002, “AIDS and International Security”, vol. 44, no. 1, , pp. 145–158 ©The International Institute for
Strategic Studies, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00396338.2002.9688546)//EM
A recurring theme at all these meetings was the growing danger presented by the epidemic, not just in terms of direct victims of the disease itself, but to
international security. Speaking at the UN Security Council session, James Wolfensohn, head of the World Bank, stated, ‘Many of us used to think of
AIDS as a health issue. We were wrong ... nothing we have seen is a greater challenge to the peace and stability of African societies than the epidemic of
AIDS ... we face a major development crisis, and more than that, a security crisis’. 2 Indeed, a significant continuity between Clinton and Bush
administration worldviews is the perception of a link between AIDS and increased instability and war. Following a CIA report
on how the disease increased the prospects of ‘revolutionary wars, ethnic wars, genocide, and disruptive regime
transitions’, the Clinton administration declared HIV/AIDS a ‘national security threat’ in 2000 . The administration was initially accused of
pandering to certain activist groups, but by the time of his confirmation hearings in 2001 , the new Secretary of State Colin Powell was also declaring the
disease a ‘national security problem’. 3 Similarly, US Under-Secretary of State Paul Dobriansky stated that ‘HIV/AIDS is a threat to security and global
stability, plain and simple’. 4 The looming security implications of AIDS, particularly within Africa, are now a baseline assumption. However, the
mechanisms by which ‘AIDS has changed the landscape of war’ are barely understood. 5 This essay seeks to explain those mechanisms. AIDS not
only threatens to heighten the risks of war, but also multiplies its impact. The disease will hollow out military
capabilities, as well as state capacities in general, weakening both to the point of failure and collapse. Moreover, at these times
of increased vulnerability, the disease also creates new pools of militant recruits, who portend even greater violence, as
well jeopardising certain pillars of international stability. In isolation, this increased risk of war around the globe is bad enough, but
there are also certain types of cross-fertilisation between the disease and conflict, intensifying the threat. The ultimate dynamic of warfare
and AIDS is that their combination makes both more likely and more devastating.
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peacekeeping
AIDS reduces the success and popularity of supporting peacekeeping operations
Elbe, 5 Lecturer in International Relations in the Department of Government at the University of Essex
(Stefan Elbe, 2005 “HIV/AIDS: The International Security Dimensions”,
stefanelbe.com/resources/ElkeBook.doc)//EM
4. HIV/AIDS and International Security The significance of the impact of HIV/AIDS on the armed forces goes beyond the
domestic considerations of those countries affected; it also gives rise to an important international security dimension because
many of these same armed forces regularly contribute to international peacekeeping operations aimed at
mitigating and containing the outbreak of armed conflicts. HIV/AIDS poses additional logistical and political problems for these
peacekeeping operations as it becomes increasingly well known that peacekeepers are at a special risk both of contracting and spreading HIV when and
where they are deployed. There are three important ways in which HIV/AIDS has already begun to affect peacekeeping operations over the course of the
past years. First, it has become increasingly well-known that peacekeepers can contribute to the spread of HIV where and when they are deployed. ‘Here,’
Richard Holbrooke has argued, ‘we get into one of the ugliest secret truths … about AIDS: it is spread by UN peacekeepers.’ In his view this creates
‘almost the greatest irony of all: in the cause of peacekeeping to spread a disease which is killing 10 times as many people as war.’ In Sierra Leone, for
example, the civil war seems to have escalated the number of infections partially due to peacekeepers who were, amongst other places, from Zambia,
Kenya and Nigeria--all countries with high prevalence rates in the military. Although accurate data is again lacking, one recent report notes that ‘32
percent of peacekeepers [in Sierra Leone] originate from countries with HIV prevalence rates greater than 5 percent.’ Given such circumstances the
HIV/AIDS coordinator Hirut Befecadu has insisted that ‘the population should be protected from the soldiers as well, because most of the troops come
from places where AIDS is a problem.’ The recognition that peacekeepers can be sources of HIV transmission has begun to create political problems for
international peacekeeping operations, as countries cite this problem as a ground for refusing to host such missions. In eastern Africa, for example,
Eritrean officials initially wanted a guarantee that no HIV-positive soldiers would be deployed there. They wrote to the Security Council in March of 2001
explicitly requesting that countries contributing troops should screen them for HIV. The letter contained an ‘appeal to troop contributing countries to
understand our concern. Eritrea is at the moment engaged in a very rigorous national campaign to prevent the spread of AIDS….’ This political problem
was further exacerbated by the subsequent emergence of accusations of sexual abuse against one peacekeeper. The Eritrean government has demanded
that the peacekeeper accused of sexually abusing an under-age girl be brought to justice and used to opportunity to add its concern that it had asked
peacekeepers to be tested for HIV/AIDS, but that this had not yet been properly implemented. In Asia, political problems have also been emerging over
the past decade regarding the transition authority in Cambodia. As the United Nations arrived in Cambodia between the spring of 1992 and September
1993 in order to implement the peace agreement and in order to organize democratic elections, the HIV rate appears to have increased dramatically. By
the end of 1999 there were an estimated 220,000 people living with HIV. Although there is insufficient data to discern what proportion of this increase
was due to the presence of international peacekeepers, some officials in Phnom Penh place considerable blame for the spread of the epidemic in
Cambodia on the United Nations Transition Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC). The UNTAC mission was unique at the time and brought more than
20,000 foreign people into Cambodia. This influx of people, many of whom were civilian officials and not just peacekeepers, also infused a fair amount of
money into a country otherwise struggling with poverty for many years. On average, sex workers (coming in some cases from as far away as Eastern
Europe) reportedly doubled the number of their clients per night from five to ten during the time of the UN mission. Subsequent testing on UNTAC
soldiers from the United States and from Uruguay shows that they were infected with the HIV subtype E, which had previously only been found in
Southeast Asian and in Central Africa. Realizing the potential problem with the Cambodia mission, the Indonesian military decided to screen 3627
soldiers that participated in UNTAC. Twelve of these tested HIV positive, at least seven infections of which are likely to have been acquired whilst in
Cambodia. This figure exceeded the only other two deaths amongst Indonesian peacekeepers that resulted from non-AIDS related causes. Nor is this a
problem confined to Asia and Africa. During the Balkans conflict, Zagreb officials, too, made a vocal attempt to ensure that African peacekeepers do not
serve in Croatia in light of the risk of HIV transmission. In the long run, therefore, the impact of HIV/AIDS may well influence the willingness of
countries to host such operations. A second way in which the impact of HIV/AIDS on armed forces could pose a future
challenge for international peacekeeping operations is that it may also make such missions increasingly
unpopular amongst those countries that contribute peacekeepers to them. After all, many of the factors that render national
military populations a high-risk group in terms of HIV/AIDS apply just as well to international peacekeepers. Peacekeepers, too, can be posted away
from home for long periods of time. In one case, Nigerian peacekeepers were on field duty, without rotation, for up to three years. In this particular case
the incidence rate was actually correlated to the duration of the deployment, increasing to seven percent in the first year, to ten percent after two years,
and even fifteen percent after three. Peacekeeping missions additionally tend to attract large numbers of sex workers, thus linking two high-risk groups.
Countries may consequently become reluctant to contribute to peacekeeping operations if they realize that some of those who are deployed will return
HIV-positive. Of the 10,000 troops that Nigeria sent to Sierra Leone in 1997, 11 percent of the returning ones tested HIV-positive. The Nigerian
government admitted in December of 1999 that there was an extremely high prevalence rate amongst its troops participating in the ECOWAS Monitoring
Group (ECOMOG) peacekeeping operations in neighboring West African states. Although specific figures were not given, Vice President Abubakar Atiku
described the situation as ‘grave.’ This is actually part of a larger trend whereby more peacekeepers have succumbed to AIDS-related illnesses since the
1980s than to battle injuries. These losses are not only regrettable from the point of view of the individual soldiers and the armed forces, but also for
peacekeeping operations in general as soldiers with valuable prior experience die prematurely from AIDS-related illnesses.
Peacekeeping failure causes global nuclear war
Dean, 95 (Jonathan, former ambassador to NATO, The Bulletin of Atomic Scientists)
In any event, in a world of interconnecting communications and environmental, trade, and financial links, the United States, a leading industrial trading
country that needs access to raw materials and markets, usually ends up paying in one way or another when a major regional conflict erupts. In practical
terms, it is impossible for the United States to avoid some degree of involvement when major regional conflicts break out. For 200 years, the united
states has been urging liberty, freedom, democracy, human rights, free market values, voluntary mutual aid and collective security on the outside world.
The united states is the sole surviving world-class power, with military strength and gnp far larger than any other country. As a result, when large-scale
conflict erupts, the United States cannot avoid being called on for help , as it was in Somalia, Bosnia, Rwanda, and Haiti. For the
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United States to seek to stand aside or to respond only weakly in such cases is to risk damage to its credibility and worldwide influence.
President clinton justified the nato bombing of serbian positions in bosnia and the u.s. invasion of haiti by saying that the credibility and reliability of the
u.s. was at stake, as it was. It is true that past administrations used similar arguments to justify continued u.s. involvement in vietnam long after it would
have been wise to withdraw. Nonetheless, when the collective disappointment of world opinion over the behavior of the united states (or of any major
country) becomes intense and enduring, it begins to undermine the international prestige and standing of the entire nation considerable diminution of
u.s. stature and influence has already taken place over the past four or five years in connection with faltering u.s. policies toward bosnia, somalia, and
rwanda. Fortunately, americans are not spartans, romans or prussians-self-disciplined militaristic peoples who considered it a matter of national pride
not to recoil from conflict because of casualties among their forces. However, if the trends continue that underlie the public outrage that followed the
death of u.s. servicemen in somalia, and u.s. administrations continue to abstain from peacekeeping activities because they could entail casualties, the
united states will not long remain a world power. If U.S. national prestige declines further under conditions like these, the U.S. capacity to
constructively influence the course of events without the use of force will decrease. And when
force must be used, the United States may
have to use more of it to be effective. Experts throughout the world expect growing population pressures and increasing environmental stress to
develop over the coming decades into intense, far-reaching social unrest and regional conflict. Economic development is the solution, however slow and
uncertain it may be in coming. But the
world also needs effective regional conflict-prevention procedures . Left on its own,
regional violence can lead to confrontation and even war between the great powers, including the United States, as
might occur, for example, in the event of conflict between Ukraine and Russia or between China and its neighbors. In the final analysis, unchecked
regional violence and the fear of further violence will lead more states to develop nuclear weapons . In past decades, this
process occurred in Israel, South Africa, India, Pakistan, iraq, and presumably, in North Korea. A world with 20 or 30
nuclear weapon states would not only make a more effective global security system impossible, it would lead the present
nuclear weapon states to modernize and increase their weapons-and it would markedly increase the vulnerability of the United States to direct attack.
Instead of shrugging at human fallibility, accepting war as inevitable, and reacting after it happens, U.S. policy should aim at establishing an
international peacekeeping system that can head off an increasing number of conflict s. Consequences if this reasoning
is accepted, the administration should decide on and publicly declare an explicit long-term policy of joining with other countries in seeking a gradual
lowering of the level of armed conflict in the world through preventing a growing proportion of potential wars and curtailing wars when they do occur.
This goal would be achieved by building an increasingly effective worldwide network of regional conflictprevention and peacekeeping organizations headed by a more effective United Nations.
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2ac at: offcase
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topicality
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2ac topicality
Trafficking is a key economic issue—it’s at the heart of international economic policy
DANAILOVA-TRAINOR AND LACZKO 2010 (Gergana, US GAO; and Frank, International Organization for Migration, International
Migration 48:4, Wiley Online Library)
Human trafficking is possibly the worst human development outcome linked to increasing global mobility.
Human trafficking has been described as a form of modern-day slavery, which deprives people of their human rights and freedoms. The 2008 Trafficking in Persons Report
(US Department of State, 2008), notes that, “Human trafficking has a devastating impact on individual victims, who often suffer physical and emotional abuse, rape, threats
against self and family, and even death”. But the impact of human trafficking also has wider implications
because “trafficking undermines the health, safety, and security of all nations it touches” (US Department of State, 2008: 5).
for human development,
This paper argues that the human
development gains from greater mobility could be significantly enhanced if there were greater
coherence between policies to combat human trafficking and policies to promote development . Although, many
trafficked persons are either trafficked within or from a developing country, to date trafficking and development have been treated as very separate policy areas. Efforts to
promote human development have not focused very much on the fight against trafficking, and policies to tackle trafficking tend not to be linked to wider measures to promote
human development. Global efforts to combat trafficking in persons have focused mainly on the criminalization of trafficking, along with measures to protect and assist
victims. Relatively little attention has been given to the relationship between development policy and trafficking. Anti-trafficking policy has been dominated by the prevention,
protection and prosecution paradigm, which tends to focus policy primarily on short-term interventions.
Trafficking is an economic issue
DANAILOVA-TRAINOR AND LACZKO 2010 (Gergana, US GAO; and Frank, International Organization for Migration, International
Migration 48:4, Wiley Online Library)
Trafficking is a complex development issue because it has many different dimensions: “It is an economic problem, as the vast
majority of (men and) women seeking to escape poverty are lured into trafficking by the false promise of economic gain.
Trafficking is a health problem, as trafficked women and children are most at risk of HIV infection. It is a gender problem, as unequal power relations reinforce women’s
secondary status in society. Lastly, it is a legal problem, as its victims are stripped of their human rights” (UNDP, 2007).
Trafficking relies fundamentally on market imperfections—the plan is economic engagement
because it’s a remedy to economic distortions
DANAILOVA-TRAINOR AND LACZKO 2010 (Gergana, US GAO; and Frank, International Organization for Migration, International
Migration 48:4, Wiley Online Library)
Individuals participate in the economy by providing labour services, receiving income in return, and buying goods
and services supplied by firms. With complete information on job openings at various locations, and free movement of labour, individuals provide labour services to
firms regardless of firms’ location so as to maximize individual well-being. If individuals choose to move from one location to another over a certain time period, they do so if
the return for their skills and services is higher, which enables them to afford a larger set of goods and services as well as to acquire new skills, technology and human capital.
The financial market facilitates the flow of funds by channelling remittances back home and opening access to credit for those who need it.
Long-standing tradition and cultural factors, as well as new ones, such as transition to a market economy and a
burgeoning underground economy, lead to labour and financial market imperfections, which increase people’s
vulnerability, particularly for those at the bottom end of the income distribution. Trafficking networks could exploit that vulnerability at
any stage of the trafficking cycle by, for example, recruiting and deceptively promising employment or other
gains to individuals in need of sustainable livelihoods. In such instances trafficking could be viewed as a form of
exchange between individual recruiters and firm owners hiring trafficked labour for production. This exchange may or
may not take place in a market with an explicit price mechanism that equilibrates supply and demand. The networks earn profits channelled through financial markets for the
perpetuation of the crime or other related criminal activities such as money laundering, drug trafficking and human smuggling. The networks allow limited or no
remuneration for the labour services of trafficking victims, thus largely eliminating the remittances channel to household members at home.
The imperfections in the labour and financial markets, as well as the absence of accurate labour market information restrict
individual access to resources and thus relative individual poverty, which is often viewed as the “root cause” of human trafficking.
Poverty is usually listed first on any list of trafficking vulnerability factors in the developing world. “If the trafficking of people is to be prevented, its root causes – such as
poverty, discrimination against women and girls and inequality need to be addressed” (DFID, 2007:7); “ UNDP
looks at trafficking not just as a
human rights issue but also a development issue and poverty has been identified as one of the root causes of trafficking” (UNDP, 2003). In this
context, poverty is viewed as a broader concept with financial and non-financial aspects including access to both social and economic capital (see discussion of human
development in the previous subsection). An understanding of the noneconomic elements of poverty -- lack of human capital and gender discrimination -- also helps identify
the most vulnerable to marginalization from the development process (ADB, 2003).
Efforts to combat trafficking are economic engagement
OPEN CONGRESS 2012 (Open Congress is a non-profit, non-partisan public watchdog, “Overview,” H.R.5157 - Fostering Rights through Economic
Engagement in Vietnam Act, http://www.opencongress.org/bill/112-h5157/show)
4/27/2012--Introduced.Fostering Rights through Economic Engagement in Vietnam Act or FREE Vietnam Act
- Amends the Trade Act of 1974 to add Vietnam to the list of countries ineligible for designation as a beneficiary
developing country for purposes of duty-free treatment of its products under the generalized system of
preferences unless the President certifies to Congress that Vietnam:
(1) is not on the special watch list of countries not in compliance with minimum standards for the elimination
of human trafficking;
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(2) does not engage in pervasive violations of internationally-recognized human rights, including freedom of
speech and freedom of religion; and
(3) otherwise meets the requirements of this Act. Authorizes the President to waive such requirements if it is in
the U.S. national interest.
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kritiks of disad impacts
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2ac asteroids
The threat of asteroids is a social construction used to justify militarization of the skies
Mellor, 7 Lecturer in Science Communication at Imperial College London (Felicity Mellor, 8/8/7, “Asteroid
Research and the Legitimization of
War in Space”, http://sss.sagepub.com/content/37/4/499.full.pdf)//EM
Since the late 1980s, a small group of astronomers and planetary scientists has repeatedly warned of the threat
of an asteroid impacting with Earth and causing global destruction. They foretell a large impact causing global
fires, the failure of the world’s agriculture and the end of human civilization. But, these scientists assure us, we live
at a unique moment in history when we have the technological means to avert disaster. They call for support for
dedicated astronomical surveys of near-Earth objects to provide early warn- ing of an impactor and they have regularly met with defence scientists to
discuss new technologies to deflect any incoming asteroids. The scientists who have promoted the asteroid impact threat have
done so by invoking narratives of technological salvation – stories which, like the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI),
promise security through a superweapon in space. The asteroid impact threat can therefore be located within
the broader cultural history of fantasies about security and power, which, Bruce Franklin (1988) has argued, is inextricably
linked to the century-old idea that a new superweapon could deliver world peace. Howard McCurdy (1997 78–82), in his study of the ways in which the
US space programme was shaped by popular culture, has suggested that the promotion of the impact threat can be seen as the completion of
Cold War fantasies, which had used a politics of fear to justify space exploration. McCurdy highlights the align- ment
between the promotion of the impact threat and works of fiction. In this paper, I consider the reconceptualization of asteroid science that this alignment
entailed. It is beyond the scope of this paper to give a complete history of the sci- ence of planetary impacts. My focus is on how a group of scientists
moved from seeing impacts as significant events in Earth history to seeing them as threatening events in the human future – a move from historical to
futuro- logical narratives. Nor is there space to give a full account of the empirical developments that were used to support the construal of asteroids as a
threat. Rather, I wish to make the case that these empirical developments were given meaning within a specific narrative context which drew civilian
astronomers into contact with defence scientists, especially those working on SDI. A number of studies (for example, McDougall, 1985; Forman, 1987;
Kevles, 1990; DeVorkin, 1992; Leslie, 1993; Dennis, 1994) have revealed the ways in which US research programmes and nominally-civilian scien- tific
institutions originated in military programmes. 1 One aim of this paper is to demonstrate how the boundary between civilian and military
science is blurred not just institutionally, but also at a fundamental conceptual level. The civilian scientists discussed here
followed different working prac- tices and traded in different forms of expertise than did the defence scien- tists. They were typically astronomers or
planetary scientists who worked for NASA or on NASA-funded research programmes at universities and private institutes. They saw themselves as
distinct from the defence scien- tists who were typically physicists and engineers working on new weapons systems or other technologies of national
security at the Los Alamos and Lawrence Livermore National Laboratories or at armed services institu- tions. 2 Yet the two groups came to share an
interest in asteroids and with that a set of assumptions about the nature of human society, the role of technology and our place in outer space. As they
came into contact, their differing backgrounds meant they disagreed over a number of issues, yet both sides pursued the collaboration despite the
tensions.
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2ac china
Their discursive construction of a “China threat” makes war inevitable
Pan, 04 – Department of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty of Arts, Australian National
University (Chengxin, 2004, “The "China Threat" in American Self-Imagination: The Discursive Construction
of Other as Power Politics, Alternatives, 29, pp. 305-331, JSTOR, Hensel)
I have argued above that the "China threat" argument in mainstream U.S. IR literature is derived, primarily, from a
discursive construction of otherness . This construction is predicated on a particular narcissistic
understanding of the U.S. self and on a positivist-based realism, concerned with absolute certainty and security,
a concern central to the dominant U.S. self-imaginary. Within these frameworks, it seems imperative that China
be treated as a threatening , absolute other since it is unable to fit neatly into the U.S.-led evolutionary
scheme or guarantee absolute security for the United States, so that U.S. power preponderance in the post-Cold
War world can still be legitimated. Not only does this reductionist representation come at the expense of
understanding China as a dynamic, multifaceted country but it leads inevitably to a policy of
containment that , in turn, tends to enhance the influence of realpolitik thinking, nationalist extremism, and
hard-line stance in today's China. Even a small dose of the containment strategy is likely to have a highly
dramatic impact on U.S.-China relations, as the 1995-1996 missile crisis and the 2001 spy-plane incident have vividly attested. In this
respect, Chalmers Johnson is right when he suggests that "a policy of containment toward China implies the possibility of war, just
as it did during the Cold War vis-a-vis the former Soviet Union. The balance of terror prevented war between
the United States and the Soviet Union, but this may not work in the case of China." (93) For instance, as the United States
presses ahead with a missile-defence shield to "guarantee" its invulnerability from rather unlikely sources of missile attacks, it would be almost certain to
intensify China's sense of vulnerability and compel it to expand its current small nuclear arsenal so as to maintain the efficiency of its limited deterrence.
In consequence, it is not impossible that the two countries, and possibly the whole region, might be dragged into an
escalating arms race that would eventually make war more likely. Neither the United States nor China is likely to be keen on
fighting the other. But as has been demonstrated, the "China threat" argument , for all its alleged desire for
peace and security, tends to make war preparedness the most "realistic" option for both sides.
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2ac economy
The negative’s approach to the economy assures catastrophic collapse—the economy is too hard
for us to understand
Kroker, 8 Ph.D. in political science and professor of political science at the University of Victoria, director of
the Pacific Centre for Technology and Culture and Senior Research Scholar at the University of Victoria (Arthur
and Marilouise Kroker, 10/30/8, “City of Transformation Paul Virilio in Obama's America”,
http://www.ctheory.net/articles.aspx?id=597#bio)//EM
Are we beyond Speed and Politics? What characterizes contemporary politics is the unstable mixture of speed information and slow movements. Like
the slow implosion of the manufacturing economy, the slow rise of evangelical visions of catastrophe, the slow ascent -- the slow
ubiquity -- of the speed of technology, the slow descent of culture into the cold state of surveillance under the sign of bio-governance. You
can see it everywhere. In the world economy, the speed of mortgage backed securities, credit swap debt
offerings, and complex derivatives always seeks to move at the speed of light. Iceland is the world's first country actually
liquidated by hyperreality with debts amassed at light-speeds now constituting 10 times its national wealth. Like Michel Serres' the perfect parasite, the
Wall Street financial elite has worked a perfect number on the host of the world economies -- implanting unknown
levels of toxic debt everywhere in the circulatory system of finance capital, from China and Japan to the European community. Waking up to the
danger of hot debt moving at light-speed when it is definitely too late, Japanese bankers suddenly declaim that
"It is beyond panic." Wall Street types say it is "panic with a capital P." Harvard economists, standing on the sidelines like a chorus of lament,
wisely add that we are now between "capitulation and panic" and "debt is good." That in a world of over-extended economies, sudden loss of financial
credibility, and a seizing up of credit mechanisms everywhere, the only thing to do, financially speaking, is wait for the capitulation point -- that fatal
moment when despair is so deep, pessimism so locked down tight in the investor's heart, that everything just stops for an instant. No investments, no
hope, no circulation. And for the always hopeful financial analysts, this is precisely the point to begin anew, to reinvest, to seize financial redemption
from despair. Definitely then, not a speed economy, but a politics and economy of complex recursive loops, trapped in cycles of
feedback which no one seems to understand, but with very real, very slow consequences: like vanishing jobs,
abandoned health care and trashed communities. In The City of Panic, Virilio writes about the "tyranny of real time," "this accident in
time belonging to an event that is the fruit of a technological progress out of political control." For Virilio, we're now interpellated by a complex, three
dimensional space-time involved in the acceleration of technological progress "that reduces the extent, the fullness of the world to nothing." Or
something else? Not really a fatal oscillation between fast technology and slow society, but hyper-technologies of global financial manipulation that can
move so quickly because, just as Jean Baudrillard long ago warned, the hyperreal, simulational world of derivatives, credit
swaps, and mortgage backed securities long ago blasted off from material reality, reaching escape velocity, and
then orbiting the world as star-like high finance satellites -- purely virtual satellites which have no real meaning
for the rest of us as long as they stay in space as part of the alienated, recursive loops of advanced capitalism. But when the meltdown
suddenly happens, when that immense weight of over-indebtedness and toxic mortgages and credit derivates
plunge back into the gravitational weight of real politics and real economy, we finally know what it is to live within trajectories of
the catastrophic. Economists are quoted as saying the financial crisis effects "everyone on earth." Is this Virilio's "global accident?" Quite certainly
it is panic finance: that moment when the credit mechanisms necessary for capitalist liquidity slam shut, a time made to measure for Virilio's
brilliant theory of bunker archeology, with each bank its own toxic bunker of junk assets, each banker a born again socialist. For example, always vigilant
automatic circuit breakers working in the darkness of night recently prevented a global plunge of the futures market. Allan Greenspan throws up his
hands, exclaiming "I'm in shocked disbelief."
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2ac mideast
Their representations of the Middle East are rooted in binary systems of exclusion which culminate in violence against
the Other who occupies the devalued position in this system.
Hirchi, Mohammed '07, "Media Representations of the Middle East," WACC. World Assoc. for Christian Communication. Online.
This marking of difference is articulated within clear boundaries; it does not tolerate ambiguous, unstable or hybrid
spaces of indeterminacy. According to Hall: ‘Stable culture requires things to stay in their appointed place. Symbolic
boundaries keep the categories ‘pure’, giving cultures their unique meaning and identity. What unsettles culture is “matter out
of place”– the breaking of our unwritten rules and codes’ (1997: 236). This process of purification legitimizes
exclusion, intolerance and racism. It also allocates marginal identities to individuals who do not
conform to the values of the West as a geographical and a cultural space. In this perspective, symbolic
representations are necessary to maintain difference: ‘Symbolic boundaries are central to all culture. Marking “difference”
leads us, symbolically, to close ranks, shore up culture and to stigmatize and expel anything which is defined as impure,
strangely attractive precisely because it is forbidden, taboo, threatening to cultural order’ (Hall, 1997: 237). Throughout the
centuries, symbolic boundaries have been very powerful in maintaining separation between nations and individuals. Since its
first contacts with the Arab world, the West has developed a set of stereotypes depicting Arabs as
uncivilized and violent. One of the most prominent texts that capture this historical encounter is the 12th century French
epic poem ‘The Song of Rolland.’ The Enlightenment, a period during which philosophers ranked societies along an
evolutionary scale from ‘barbarism’ to ‘civilization’, enormously contributed to the vulgarization of this ideology. With the
spread of colonization during the 19th century, a well organized scholarship devoted to the representation of ‘Otherness’
emerged as a defining moment in this cross-cultural history. In the United States, a similar ideology evolved throughout the
20th century. From 1945 onward, the United States became increasingly involved with the Arab world and Israel. As
a staunch supporter of Israel, America found itself in a difficult position to negotiate its preeminence in a world of competitive
interests. Media corporations took an active role in redefining American cultural and political agendas. Representation of the
Middle East in mainstream American media Many media experts in the United States would argue that American media cover
the Middle East within the worldview of a primarily Western audience. The coverage will thus remain negative and
stereotypical unless a redefinition of cultural differences between the United States and the Middle East is negotiated.
Diplomatic historians approach U.S. foreign policy toward the Middle East from a rational
perspective privileging American interests in the region. Culture, in this context, plays a subordinate role. In this
institutional framework, news media can be seen as a driving force behind political mobilization, both domestically and
internationally. The media fosters stereotypical representations of Middle Eastern cultures and peoples and promote
misunderstanding and intolerance in the mainstream American culture. Since 9/11 and the invasion of Iraq, these negative
representations became even more anchored in the American cultural imaginary. Media apparatuses contribute enormously to
the construction of these images and symbols rather than construct a conceptual model that sheds light on the complex
relationship between the media, culture, and the political process. In the United States, despite the fact that Arabs have
significantly contributed to the well being of this nation for at least the last two centuries, negative representations of this
ethnic group abound in scope and intensity. The constructed images manipulated throughout time have delegated Arabs to
second degree citizens, unable to embrace the secular ideals of the Western worldview. In this respect, the representation
of Middle Easterners in the American media is articulated within the framework of a binary
oppositional dynamics where the Middle East is classified as an undesired space of barbarism and
tyranny. As cultural critic Stuart Hall puts it, ‘binary oppositions are crucial for all classification/establish a difference to
facilitate the tasks of organizing systems of perceptions and classifications’ (1997: 226 ). This system of classification is
elaborated to maintain oppositional relationships between the civilized and the uncivilized, etc. and to create an
atmosphere of fear and discomfort to enhance ‘difference’ for the purpose of controlling the Other.
In this context, misrepresentation becomes an effective instrument for advancing political agendas. Throughout the history of
the West, negative portrayals have been used to develop means by which the imperial project can be achieved through visual
representations. These representations serve as a popular medium to create a link between the Imperial eye and the domestic
imagination. In France for example, the Colonial Exhibition at the end of the 19th century served to capture the relationship
between the empire and its ‘domestic other’. Representation is a complex phenomenon, especially when dealing with cultural
differences. It engages emotions, attitudes, reactions and tries to control the viewer’s fears and questions. It also promotes a set
of cultural values that respond to the anxieties of the viewer. In this context, the Middle-Easterner in American popular media
is defined according to these historical and cultural paradigms. Besides his barbarism and his violence, he is also depicted as
belonging to the realm of emotions, violent savage and blood thirsty. Mainstream images of the Arab in the American media
operate according to a dynamics of cultural distortions; the Arab is always portrayed as closer to nature than culture,
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genetically incapable of ‘civilized’ refinements. The concept of ‘Naturalization’ connotes the impossibility of Arabs to
embrace culture. Therefore, they are imprisoned in a space of stability and of fixed ‘difference’ and meaning. They
are beyond history and incapable of embracing cultural emancipation.
Oriental discourse encourages war and makes their impacts inevitable
Jabri 06 Professor of International Politics and the Director of the Centre for International Relations at the King’s College London [Vivienne, “War,
Security and the Liberal State” Security Dialogue http://sdi.sagepub.com/cgi/reprint/37/1/47]
The practices of warfare taking place in the immediate aftermath of 11 September 2001 combine with societal
processes, reflected in media representations and in the wider public sphere, where increasingly the
source of threat, indeed the source of terror, is perceived as the cultural other, and specifically the other
associated variously with Islam, the Middle East and South Asia. There is, then, a particularity to what Agamben
(1995, 2004) calls the ‘state of exception’, a state not so much generalized and generalizable, but one that is
experienced differently by different sectors of the global population. It is precisely this differential experience of the
exception that draws attention to practices as diverse as the formulation of interrogation techniques by military
intelligence in the Pentagon, to the recent provisions of counter-terrorism measures in the UK,8 to the legitimizing
discourses surrounding the invasion of Iraq. All are practices that draw upon a dis-course of
legitimization based on prevention and pre-emption. Enemies constructed in the discourses of war
are hence always potential, always abstract even when identified, and, in being so, always drawn widely
and, in consequence, communally. There is, hence, a ‘profile’ to the state of exception and its experience. Practices
that profile particular communities, including the citizens of European states, create particular challenges to the selfunderstanding of the liberal democratic state and its capacity, in the 21st century, to deal with difference. While a
number of measures undertaken in the name of security, such as proposals for the introduction of identity cards
in the UK or increasing surveillance of financial transactions in the USA, might encompass the population as a
whole, the politics of exception is marked by racial and cultural signification. Those targeted by
exceptional measures are members of particular racial and cultural communities. The assumed threat that underpins
the measures highlighted above is one that is now openly associated variously with Islam as an ideology, Islam as a
mode of religious identification, Islam as a distinct mode of lifestyle and practice, and Islam as a particular brand
associated with particular organizations that espouse some form of a return to an Islamic Caliphate. When
practices are informed by a discourse of antagonism, no distinctions are made between these
various forms of individual and communal identification. When communal profiling takes place, the
distinction between, for example, the choice of a particular lifestyle and the choice of a particular organization
disappears, and diversity within the profiled community is sacrificed in the name of some ‘precautionary’ practice
that targets all in the name of security.9 The practices and language of antagonism, when racially and culturally
inscribed, place the onus of guilt onto the entire community so identified, so that its individual members can no
longer simply be citizens of a secular, multicultural state, but are constituted in discourse as particular citizens,
subjected to particular and hence exceptional practices. When the Minister of State for the UK Home Office states that
members of the Muslim community should expect to be stopped by the police, she is simply expressing the condition of the
present, which is that the Muslim community is particularly vulnerable to state scrutiny and invasive measures that do not
apply to the rest of the citizenry.10 We know, too, that a distinctly racial profiling is taking place, so that those who are
physically profiled are subjected to exceptional measures. Even as the so-called war against terrorism recognizes no
boundaries as limits to its practices – indeed, many of its practices occur at transnational, often indefinable, spaces –
what is crucial to understand, however, is that this does not mean that boundaries are no longer
constructed or that they do not impinge on the sphere of the political. The paradox of the current context
is that while the war against terrorism in all its manifestations assumes a boundless arena, borders
and boundaries are at the heart of its operations. The point to stress is that these boundaries and the exclusionist
practices that sustain them are not coterminous with those of the state; rather, they could be said to be located and
perpetually constructed upon the corporeality of those constructed as enemies, as threats to security. It is indeed the
corporeal removal of such subjects that lies at the heart of what are constructed as counter-terrorist measures,
typified in practices of direct war, in the use of torture, in extra-judicial incarceration and in judicially sanctioned
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detention. We might, then, ask if such measures constitute violence or relations of power, where, following
Foucault, we assume that the former acts upon bodies with a view to injury, while the latter acts upon the actions of
subjects and assumes, as Deleuze (1986: 70–93) suggests, a relation of forces and hence a subject who can act. What I
want to argue here is that violence is imbricated in relations of power, is a mode of control, a
technology of governmentality. When the population of Iraq is targeted through aerial
bombardment, the consequence goes beyond injury and seeks the pacification of the Middle East as
a political region. When legislative and bureaucratic measures are put in place in the name of security, those
targeted are categories of population. At the same time, the war against terrorism and the security
discourses utilized in its legitimization are conducted and constructed in terms that imply the defence or
protection of populations. One option is to limit policing, military and intelligence efforts through the targeting of
particular organizations. However, it is the limitless construction of the war against terrorism, its targeting of particular
racial and cultural communities, that is the source of the challenge presented to the liberal democratic state. In
conditions constructed in terms of emergency, war permeates discourses on politics, so that these come to
be subject to the restraints and imperatives of war and practices constituted in terms of the
demands of security against an existential threat. The implications for liberal democratic politics and our
conceptions of the modern state and its institutions are far-reaching,11 for the liberal democratic polity that
considers itself in a state of perpetual war is also a state that is in a permanent state of mobilization,
where every aspect of public life is geared towards combat against potential enemies, internal and
external.
Orientalist discourse creates unrestricted imperialism in the Middle East which results in mass killings.
Falk, '05. Richard "Imperial vibrations, 9/11, and the ordeal of the Middle East," Paper 23, U of Cali. http://repositories.cdlib.org /gis/23
No matter how these issues are understood, it seems clear that the Middle
East has become for the 21st century what
Europe was in the 20th, that is, the pivot of geopolitical struggle for world domination, the regional site
where the most dangerous risks of strategic warfare are at their highest. -add a qualifying phrase, something to convey HOW
they are similar since the differences are so striking: maybe as objects of struggles for control?] Indeed, it is Europe that has
recently adopted an anti-imperial moderating voice critical of American global leadership. This European critical stance is
mocked by neoconservative ideologues as the `old Europe.' Properly understood, it is the European call for a geopolitics
deferential to international law and the United Nations that is really expressive of a `new Europe.' This is not the “new Europe”
of EU enlargement undertaken after the cold war to include countries formerly in the Soviet bloc, but of a political
consciousness that seeks for the sake of its own interests to moderate conflict and contain the American imperial appetite and
restrain war making impulses. This European perspective is by no means monolithic, and is as yet in an exploratory mode,
undecided and in disagreement about how far to push a challenge to American leadership. Europe remains generally
subordinate to the American approach to global security, lacking the strategic assets to pursue a truly independent world role.
Nowhere is this subordination more obvious than in the Middle East. For this reason, the mild European dissents from key
American policies in the region lack geopolitical weight. It is here that American priorities with respect to support for Israel
continue to doom the Palestinians to the cruel realities of prolonged occupation, along with the persistent erection of obstacles
blocking Palestinian self-determination, without encountering a serious European challenge. It is here in the Middle East that
the American semi-secular crusade on behalf of `freedom' has turned the cities of Iraq into
wastelands of death and devastation, while the rest of the world waits and wonders. It is here that the control of
energy reserves and prices is likely to determine the course of the world economy for at least the next twenty years,
and it is the American approach that alone is important in challenging anti-Western currents of opinion. It is here that the
viability of Washington's grand strategy of global domination is being tested by the strength of nationalist and cultural/religious
resistance, while Europe comments from the sidelines. And it is here that the American public has been subjected to a
propaganda onslaught to the effect that the sole purpose of U.S. military presence in the Middle East is to defeat `terrorism,'
which itself is explicitly linked to Islamic extremism, as epitomized by the al-Qaeda attacks on the World Trade Center and
Pentagon in 2001. The Europeans generally do not believe this propaganda, but lack the means to contest it meaningfully.
According to President Bush, it is only the extermination of these anti-American Islamic networks that can bring peace and
security to the world, and until that (in fact unrealizable) end has been achieved, the region and the world will necessarily have
to be treated as a borderless war zone. Such prospects are dismal and dangerous, if not altogether apocalyptic, in their
implications. At the very least, we need to comprehend the gravity of this situation as it bears upon the peoples of the Middle
East, America, and the world. EMPIRE AND ORIENTALISM The four books under review here need to be considered
against this broader background. Each makes a distinct contribution to a better grasp of the situation confronting the world
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since 9/11. Each is critical of and exceedingly worried by American behavior. Each is influenced by the writings and outlook
of Edward Said. Each is convinced that America has unrealizable imperial ambitions that are intensifying the distress of the
Middle East peoples, particularly the Palestinians, and dangerously inflaming further anti-American resentments among
Muslims everywhere, especially in Arab countries. Each is convinced that the history of the Middle East needs to be taken into
account in assessing the contemporary situation. And each believes that Orientalist views of the region and its problems have
shaped perceptions of leaders and citizens, exerting a deforming effect on the American capacity to think clearly about policy,
action, goals. But beyond these similarities, each author takes on the issues in an innovative and illuminating scholarly manner,
and these four books can and should be read as complements to one another. Yet despite these commonalities, there is
surprisingly little overlap. It is easiest, perhaps, to begin with Rashid Khalidi's Resurrecting Empire. It is meant for the nonspecialist, covering mostly familiar ground in a clear style and displaying an impressive command of the subject-matter of
imperial ambition in the Middle East. Khalidi's historical baseline for comprehending the present is the period immediately
after World War I. That was the period when the British and French successfully rejected Woodrow Wilson's half-hearted
efforts to insist that the principles of selfdetermination be applied to the peoples previously ruled by the Ottoman Empire.
Khalidi argues that the American effort to fill the imperial shoes of the British and French in the region was misguided from
the outset, and nowhere more so than with respect to the Israel/Palestine conflict. There is a sensible chapter devoted to the
conflict, criticizing as self-defeating the approach taken by Israel and Washington. Khalidi proposes that future diplomatic
efforts should not defer discussion of the core issues of land, Jerusalem, refugees, and water until the last stage of negotiations.
Moreover, Israel must be induced to freeze, if not reverse, its provocative actions with respect to the underlying contested
issues, with the construction and expansion of settlements being treated as radically inconsistent with a search for a solution
that has any prospect of being acceptable to the Palestinians. On the broader issues of American empire, Khalidi reflects
critically on the scale and grandiosity of the vision that he considers “in many ways unprecedented in human history.” (p.153).
He looks at the failures of past colonial efforts to pacify the region, as well as at American frustrations experienced
during the cold war, to draw his major geopolitical lesson, which is a counsel of restraint: “If this is a lesson in anything, it
is in the limitations of raw power, and in the capacity of stubborn local realities to dissipate even the most vivid ideological
projections” (p.175).. Khalidi believes that American society can come to understand political reality to the extent necessary to
act intelligently and humanely if it can brush aside the influence of pressure groups so as to be able to perceive, with the benefit
of an awareness of anticolonial nationalism in the Arab world during the 20th century, the dangers and fallacies of a
`resurrecting empire' project. To reach this awareness, American leaders and the public must first realize how the policy
being justified in the name of `anti-terrorism' is seen elsewhere in the world, especially the Middle East: as
a colonizing project driven by oil, Israel, and strategic goals of regional domination. This project,
argues Khalidi, is certain to fail, imposing tragedy and catastrophe on both the perpetrators and the
victimized peoples seeking to survive in the midst of bloody struggle. While Khalidi presents political reality
in the Middle East as filtered through a historically conditioned geopolitics, Zachery Lockman is preoccupied with the
influence of ideologically loaded interpretative filters provided by the prevailing modes of scholarly interpretation
that have long distorted our perceptions of the region and its civilization. He argues that the policy makers
cannot act constructively in relation to Islam and the Middle East until they free themselves of the
“Orientalist” paradigms of interpretation that appear to validate perceptions of the Islamic other as
an implacable and barbaric enemy. Contending Visions of the Middle East is a sophisticated, lucidly presented
account of what Lockman labels as “the politics of knowledge” (p. 3). It seeks to uncover the deep roots of Orientalism,
contending that the clash between Islam and the West began in earnest over nine hundred years ago, specifically in 1095 when
the First Crusade was launched in response to Pope Urban II's call to Christians “to unite, mobilize and attack the `enemies of
God.'” (p. 27) The related contention is that from this time onward, “Islam occupied a unique (though never simple) place in
the imaginations of western Europeans . . .that it was Europe's `other' in a special sense” (p. 36). Islam was regarded as “the
dangerous enemy right next door, the usurper which had seized the Holy Land as well as many other lands in which
Christianity once flourished, and which continued to constitute a threat to Christendom” (p. 37). Lockman seeks to expose the
ideological roots of Orientalism as constituted by a combination of Western civilizational self-esteem (at the expense of others)
and a simplistic view of Islam in essentialist terms of degenerate otherness. The civilizational outlook of the West was
originally shaped in an ancient Greece that assessed the world in terms of a fundamental dualism between the civilized self and
the barbaric other. Such a dualism later was adopted by Europe in general and applied to Islam, which was portrayed by
scholarly discourse as an unchanging essence fostering `Oriental despotism' producing uniformly oppressive political
arrangements. It also featured an “Islamic mind,” or an “Arab mind,” which was irrational and illogical, as contrasted with the
“Western mind,” which was rational and coherent. The reader is then taken on an intellectual tour through the scholarly
landscape that marks the evolution of this Orientalist perception, giving detailed attention to the work of H.A.R. Gibb and
Bernard Lewis, which he labels “late Orientalism.” Lewis is portrayed convincingly as a scholar who used his erudition
dangerously as an ideological tool to promote his inflammatory insistence on `a clash of civilizations' (anticipating
Huntington's notorious social scientific argument built around the same phrase). The Islamic world was viewed as opposed to
all that was modern, and as irremediably autocratic in state/society relations. For Lockman, the Lewis outlook, formulated
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more than twenty years before the 9/11 attacks, involved the standard view of Islam as a unitary civilization without important
internal tensions. Under this view, the Islamic resurgence, coupled with the “failed encounter with modernity,” produced rage
and extremism among the Arab masses, thereby posing “a serious threat to the `Judeo-Christian' West” (p. 175). Lockman
presents himself as dedicated to the humane and responsible uses of knowledge as the basis of a more appropriate politics. He
ends the book by reaffirming his central message that as Americans we no longer can “afford not to know, if we ever could.
The costs of historical amnesia, willful ignorance, and crude misunderstandings about the rest of the world and our place in it
pervade American society, culture and politics and only likely to rise, and it is the innocent here and abroad who will by and
large pay the price.” (p.272) It is a call to redeem the politics of knowledge from those who would lead society astray with
hidden imperialist agendas or misleading readings of civilizational essentialism. Such a call from within seems appropriate
given the way the Bush administration has mobilized willing academic accomplices such as Bernard Lewis and Fouad Ajami to
explain its crusading commitment to moving forward on the path of warfare and imperial geopolitics in the aftermath of 9/11.
COLONIALISM REDUX While all four books under review here make a major contribution to a better understanding of
America's relationship to the Middle East, the originality and profundity of Derek Gregory's The Colonial Present puts it at the
top of my list. In a significant respect, Mamdani's approach links with that espoused by Gregory in his truly extraordinary
volume: both emphasize the U.S. claim of being exempt from the limits on its behavior imposed by international law and
common morality. It is this invocation of a state of exception, and with it an ethos of impunity for transgressing even the most
basis norms of international law, that leads Gregory to accept the illuminating relevance of Giorgio Agamben's concept of
homo sacer to designate humans totally unprotected by any concept of right or status and who can be killed or abused at will.
Provocatively, Gregory insists that America is conducting its response to 9/11 within this space of exception, treating “Taliban
fighters and al-Qaeda terrorists, Afghan refugees and civilians” as homines sacri (p. 63). The reference here is obviously to the
indiscriminate bombing of civilian targets and, more vividly, to the manner of confinement and interrogation, which includes
the invention of designations (`enemy combatants'), procedures (secret military commissions to assess criminal liability), and
non-places (Camp X-Ray at Guantanamo Bay, which is subject to the law of neither United States nor Cuba). Gregory's “space
of exception” also involves the systemic and repeated reliance on collective punishment against `the enemy,' a designation
made possible by essentialized thinking that fails to acknowledge individual diversity and choice. The main thrust [thrust?] of
Gregory's book is to insist that it is delusion to comment on world order as if the colonial era were over and could be assessed
from a post-colonial standpoint. Using the modes of control relied upon by the United States and Israel to impose their
will upon Afghanistan, Iraq, and Palestine, Gregory shows in vivid detail that each of these war zones embodies
an ongoing colonialist relationship between occupiers and indigenous populations. No punches are
pulled in developing the overall argument: “The Zionist dream of uniting the diaspora in a Jewish state was by its very nature a
colonial project. In a gesture that has been repeated time and time again since the European conquest of the New World, the
discourse of modern Zionism constructed Palestine as a space empty of its native Arab population.” (p.78) Zionism in this
regard functions for Gregory as a root metaphor for the overall character of the colonial present. In each of these settings—
Afghanistan, Iraq, and Palestine--the familiar dualism is conveyed of barbaric destroyers from the desert arrayed against the
forces of civilization conceived as builders and modernizers. Gregory's approach, like that of the other authors, is informed by
Edward Said's work on Orientalism; like them, too, he repudiates the apologists for the colonial present, including Lewis,
Huntington, and Ajami. Gregory's formulation here is worth quoting: “To them, the Islamic world—in the singular—was
degenerate, a throwback to feudalism, and hence incapable of reaching an accommodation with the modern world (no less
singular, but prototypically American)” (p. 58). This is what Gregory aptly calls “Orientalism with a vengeance” (p. 58). Part
of what makes this book valuable, beyond its explicit concerns, is Gregory's gift for theorizing in ways that give the reader
enduring tools for understanding the unfolding world order, a globality that defies the traditional interpretative categories of
international relations. Gregory's sophistication as a political geographer is put to excellent use, especially in his description of
`imaginative cartographies' (e.g., p. 117), the places and non-places depicted by the colonial mind at its worst as spaces without
rules where `killing fields' can be established. [omit? yes]. In this vein Gregory does not hesitate to connect Israel's occupation
of the West Bank and America's wars in Afghanistan and Iraq with each other and, more dramatically, with the chilling recall
of Nazi atrocity and mentality (see pp. 117-43). The chapter on the Israeli occupation of Palestine is uncompromising in its
critique of the behavior of an occupying power and as a model for American behavior toward its adversaries since 9/11.
Gregory's geographical imagination is illuminating. His contrast between the territorializing of an essentially non-territorial
enemy in the terror war with the `aggressive deterritorializing' of the world economy, thereby liberating market forces to wreck
havoc on various communities around the world, is of the utmost importance in grasping the changing nature of world order. In
the end, Gregory gives a dark reading to the trends associated with the colonial present that are the preoccupation of his book.
He contends that the American project, properly understood, is totalizing in its situating the entire world
within the imaginative borders of its empire. Part of the reason it can do this is its elimination of
any sense of an `outside' that has traditionally set limits on the reach of aspirants to world empire (p. 255). If Gregory
offers a note of hope, it comes at the very end of his book in the form of a signpost pointing to a more benevolent future and
calling for “the destruction of the architectures of enmity that have been produced and have been sustained by those dreadful
events [the 9/11 attacks]” (p. 262). And finally, “it will be necessary to explore other spatializations and other topologies, and
to turn our imaginative geographies into geographical imaginations that can enlarge and enhance our sense of the world and
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enable us to situate ourselves within it with care, concern, and humility.” (p.262). Like Mamdani, Gregory counsels that
America will have to learn how, in Derrida's words, `to live together well' in this turbulent world of the 21st century--
if it is to live at all! This will require a far stronger sense of human solidarity and spirit of geopolitical humility than
have hitherto been demonstrated. For this to be possible, a surge of inventiveness will be required to devise new categories
for construing and adjusting to an unfolding world order that is best understood as transitional and beset by contradictory
tendencies. There is a common message and motif in these fine books, and that is that the path of empire is littered
with corpses and will end in mass burials. Further, dividing the world along civilizational lines of
friends and enemies leads to self-destructive authoritarianism at home and fierce wars abroad. Will
we have the wisdom, imagination, and strength to construct a sustainable imaginative geography that replaces the
nightmares of exterminationist scenarios and grandiose visions of global empire with a quest for `humane
governance'? These questions are posed by these authors in sweepingly general language, but also are depicted by them on the
ground by reference to frighteningly concrete imagery of violence and destruction. And so we are wisely instructed!
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2ac politics
Winners win, pc’s not real, and the neg’s approach to politics causes violence
Ruby-Sachs, 08 (Emma, Lawyer, November 24, 2008, “Ranking the Issues: Gay Rights in an Economic
Crisis,” Huffington Post, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/emma-rubysachs/ranking-the-issues-gayri_b_146023.html, Hensel)
The classic approach to politics is to rank priorities and measure the finite bowl of political capital. If Obama
pushes hard on a green new deal, he likely won't have much left for universal health care. If he backs off of serious
economic regulation, then he might get more support for social programs from Republicans.¶ Because gay civil rights
struggles affect fewer individuals and relate to less quantifiable harms, it's hard to justify putting them at the
top of the list.¶ The alternative is to reject the ranked priorities political model altogether .¶ There is
little evidence that sway and support is finite in the American political system. Political capital relates to the
actions of the leader, yes, but can
be infinitely large or non-existent at any point in time. In some ways, the more
you get done, the more the bowl of capital swells.¶ Ranking America's problems to conserve political
influence is a narrow minded approach to solving this crisis. Putting banks at the top of the list avoids the plight
of large employers (like car companies - as much as we love to hate their executives). Sending health care and other social
programs to second or third place, leaves those immediately affected by the crisis with nothing to fall back on.¶
Finally, ignoring the disenfranchisement of a segment of the population breeds discontent, encourages protest,
boycotts (a definite harm in this economy) and violence. It divides families (especially those who are still unable to sponsor their
partner into the United States), imposes higher tax burdens on gay couples, denies benefits to gay spouses in many employment situations and polarizes
social conservatives and social liberals in a time when consensus is essential.
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2ac prolif
Their discourse on proliferation is equivalent to Nuclear Apartheid where non-white countries are denied the
bomb because of an underlying racist ideology rooted in colonialism
Gusterson 99 (Hugh, American Anthropological Association, MIT; "Weapons and the Other in the Western Imagination": Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. 14, No. 1 (Feb., 1999), pp. 111-143; MUSE)
Thus in Western
discourse nuclear weapons are represented so that "theirs" are a problem whereas
"ours" are not. During the Cold War the Western discourse on the dangers of "nuclear proliferation" defined the term in
such a way as to sever the two senses of the word proliferation. This usage split off the "vertical" proliferation of the
superpower arsenals (the development of new and im- proved weapons designs and the numerical expansion of the stockpiles)
from the "horizontal" proliferation of nuclear weapons to other countries, presenting only the latter as the "proliferation
problem." Following the end of the Cold War, the American and Russian arsenals are being cut to a few thousand
weapons on each side. However, the United States and Russia have turned back appeals from various nonaligned
nations, especially India, for the nuclear powers to open discussions on a global convention abolishing nuclear
weapons. Article 6 of the Non-Proliferation Treaty notwithstanding, the Clinton administration has declared that nuclear
weapons will play a role in the defense of the United States for the indefinite future. Meanwhile, in a controversial move, the
Clinton administration has broken with the policy of previous administrations in basically formalizing a policy of using nuclear
weapons against nonnuclear states to deter chemical and biological weapons (Panofsky 1998; Sloyan 1998). The dominant
discourse that stabilizes this system of nuclear apartheid in Western ideology is a specialized variant
within a broader system of colonial and postcolonial discourse that takes as its essentialist premise a
profound Otherness separating Third World from Western countries.6 This inscription of Third World
(especially Asian and Middle Eastern) nations as ineradicably different from our own has, in a different context,
been labeled "Orientalism" by Edward Said (1978). Said argues that orientalist discourse constructs the world in
terms of a series of binary oppositions that produce the Orient as the mirror image of the West:
where "we" are rational and disciplined, "they" are impulsive and emotional; where "we" are modern
and flexible, "they" are slaves to ancient passions and routines; where "we" are honest and compassionate,
"they" are treacherous and uncultivated. While the blatantly racist orientalism of the high colonial period
has softened, more subtle orientalist ideologies endure in contemporary politics. They can be found, as
Akhil Gupta (1998) has argued, in discourses of economic development that represent Third World nations as child
nations lagging behind Western nations in a uniform cycle of development or, as Lutz and Collins (1993) suggest, in the
imagery of popular magazines, such as National Geographic. I want to suggest here that another variant of
contemporary orientalist ideology is also to be found in U.S. national security discourse. Following
Anthony Giddens (1979), I define ideology as a way of constructing political ideas, institutions, and behavior which
(1) makes the political structures and institutions created by dominant social groups, classes, and nations appear to
be naturally given and inescapable rather than socially constructed; (2) presents the interests of elites as if they were
universally shared; (3) obscures the connections between different social and political antagonisms so as to inhibit massive,
binary confrontations (i.e., revolutionary situations); and (4) legitimates domination. The Western discourse on
nuclear proliferation is ideological in all four of these senses: (1) it makes the simultaneous ownership
of nuclear weapons by the major powers and the absence of nuclear weapons in Third World
countries seem natural and reasonable while problematizing attempts by such countries as India,
Pakistan, and Iraq to acquire these weapons; (2) it presents the security needs of the established nuclear powers as
if they were everybody's; (3) it effaces the continuity between Third World countries' nuclear deprivation and other systematic
patterns of deprivation in the underdeveloped world in order to inhibit a massive north-south confrontation; and (4) it
legitimates the nuclear monopoly of the recognized nuclear powers.
Nuclear apartheid masks the dangers of proliferation and makes Western military dominance inevitable
Gusterson 99 (Hugh, American Anthropological Association, MIT; "Weapons and the Other in the Western Imagination": Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. 14, No. 1 (Feb., 1999), pp. 111-143; MUSE)
This article has critiqued policy talk grounded in an unsustainable binary opposition between nations that can be
trusted with nuclear weapons and nations that cannot-an opposition that can be found in some antinuclear as well as
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establishment discourse in the West. I do not want to minimize the potential dangers of nuclear proliferation,
which are, surely, clear enough. I do want to argue that these dangers, such as they are, should not be spoken about
in terms that demean the peoples of the Third World. Nor should they be represented in ways that
obscure both the dangers inherent in the continued maintenance of our own nuclear arsenals and
the fact that our own actions are often a source of the instabilities we so fear in Third World nations.
So, where does this leave us? This article has set out to critique not a particular policy but the way our conversations
about policy choices on the nuclear issue may unthinkingly incorporate certain neocolonial hierarchies and
assumptions that, when drawn to our attention, many of us would disown. Nor is this just a matter of policing language,
for the embedded orientalist assumptions I have been critiquing here underpin a global security
regime that sanctifies a particular kind of Western military dominance in the world. Because I have set
out to criticize a particular kind of policy talk rather than a specific policy, I will conclude not with a prescribed policy but by
suggesting that there are three different discursive positions on proliferation, each pointing in the direction of a very different
global security regime, that do not embody the double standard I have been concerned to criticize here. I call them "exclusion,"
"participation," and "renunciation."
US anti-proliferation discourse depicts third world countries as irrational animals. These depictions are based
on false pretenses and serve no purpose but to further entrench US racism and orientalism abroad
Gusterson 99 (Hugh, American Anthropological Association, MIT; "Weapons and the Other in the Western Imagination": Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. 14, No. 1 (Feb., 1999), pp. 111-143; MUSE)
By contrast, Third
World countries are often represented in the discourse on proliferation as countries
lacking impulse control and led by fanatical, brutal, or narcissistic leaders who might misuse nuclear
weapons. Defense Secretary William Cohen, for example, referred to India and Pakistan as countries "engaging in
chauvinistic chest-pounding about their nuclear manhood" (Abrams 1998). Richard Perle, a leading arms control official in the
Reagan administration, said, Nuclear weapons, once thought of as the "great equalizer," must now be seen differently. They are
one thing in the hands of governments animated by rational policies to protect national interests and a normal regard for human
life. They are quite another in the hands of a brutal megalomaniac like Saddam who wouldn't blink at the mass destruction of
his "enemies." . . . The most formidable threat to our well-being would be a Saddam in possession of true weapons of mass
destruction.... In any contest in which one side is bound by the norms of civilized behavior and the other is not, history is, alas,
on the side of the barbarians. [1990:A8] Similarly, Senator Edward Kennedy (Democrat, Massachusetts) warned that
"nuclear weapons in the arsenals of unstable Third World regimes are a clear and present danger to all humanity....
Dictators threatened with attack along their borders or revolutions from within may not pause before pressing the
button. The scenarios are terrifying" (1982:ix). It is often also assumed in the discourse on proliferation that
Third World nuclear weapons exist to serve the ends of despotic vanity or religious fanaticism and may
be used without restraint. In the public discussion of India's nuclear tests in 1998, for example, it was a recurrent theme that
India conducted its nuclear tests out of a narcissistic desire for self-aggrandizement rather than for legitimate national security
reasons. This image persists in spite of the fact that India, with a declared nuclear power (China) on one border and an
undeclared nuclear power (Pakistan) on the other, might be thought to have reasons every bit as compelling as those of the five
official nuclear powers to test nuclear weapons. Strategic analyst Michael Krepon said on The News Hour with Jim
Lehrer, "These tests weren't done for security purposes .... They were done for reasons of domestic
politics and national pride.... We have street demonstrations to protest nuclear weapons. They have them to celebrate
them" (1998). Meanwhile, in an article entitled "Nuclear Fear and Narcissism Shake South Asia," a New York Times reporter,
speaking of India as if it were a spoiled child, wrote that India, "tired of what it considers to be its own second-class status in
world affairs ... has gotten the attention it wanted" (Weisman 1998:16). Similarly, Senator Richard Lugar (Republican, Indiana)
said that India tested in part because "there was a lot of indifference, under-appreciation of India. ... We were not spending
quality time in the Administration or Congress on India" (Congressional Quarterly Weekly 1998:1367-1368). And when
Edward Teller, the so-called father of the hydrogen bomb, was asked if India and Pakistan were following his motto
that "knowledge is good," he replied, "These explosions have not been performed for knowledge. It may be to
impress people. It may be a form of boasting" (Mayer 1998:B 1). The Western discourse on nuclear
proliferation is also permeated by a recurrent anxiety that Third World nations will use nuclear
weapons to pursue religious squabbles and crusades. Commentators particularly fear an "Islamic bomb" and a
Muslim holy war. Said (1978:287) identified the fear of a Muslim holy war as one of the cornerstones of orientalist ideology.
Senator Edward Kennedy worries about a scenario in which "Libya, determined to acquire nuclear weapons, receives a gift of
the Bomb from Pakistan as an act of Islamic solidarity" (1982:ix). Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan warns that "you could
have an Islamic bomb in no time, and God have mercy on us" (Associated Press 1998). Mary McGrory fears that "nothing is
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more important than keeping the 'Islamic bomb' out of the hands of Iran. Let it be introduced into the Middle East and you can
kiss the world we know goodbye" (1998a:A3). The San Francisco Examiner quotes an analyst who explained Saddam
Hussein's willingness to forego $100 billion in oil revenues rather than end his nuclear weapons program by saying, "The
single most important reason is Saddam's vision of his role in history as a saviour of the Arab world. He is comparing himself
with Saladin" (Kempster 1998:A17). Finally, syndicated columnist Morton Kondracke speculates about a despot "like
the Shah of Iran" who "secretly builds an arsenal to increase his prestige": Then he is overthrown by a religious
fanatic resembling the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, who then uses some of the Shah's bombs to intimidate or
destroy neighboring countries. And other bombs he passes on to terrorists that will use them to wage holy wars. Be glad that
it didn't happen in real life. But something like it could. [1983] The Western
discourse on proliferation also
stresses the supposedly ancient quality of feuds and hatreds in South Asia and the Middle East. As
British journalist Nigel Calder puts it, "In that troubled part of the world, where modern technology serves ancient bitterness
and nuclear explosions seem like a just expression of the wrath of God, imagining sequences of events that could lead to a
regional nuclear conflict is not difficult" (1979:83). Explaining why Pakistan named its new missile the Ghauri, Senator
Moynihan said, "Ghauri was a Muslim prince who invaded India in the twelfth century. These things don't go away" (1998).
"Nuclear missiles named for ancient warriors will probably be deployed by two nations with a history of warfare, religious
strife, and a simmering border dispute," said an ABC News reporter (Wouters 1998). In this vein it was widely reported in
the U.S. media that the Indian Prithvi missile was named after an ancient warrior-king and that India's Agni missile
was named for the god of fire (e.g., Marquand 1998). This widely circulated claim is particularly striking because,
while it resonates with our stereotypes of Hindus enslaved to religion and tradition, it is quite untrue. T he word
Prithvi means "world" or "earth," and Agni means fire itself and does not refer to a god. The Indians are naming their missiles
after elements, not after warriors or gods (Ghosh 1998). Of course, if Western commentators were looking for a country that
names its nuclear weapons after ancient gods and dead warriors, they need have looked no further than the United States, with
its Jupiter, Thor, Poseidon, Atlas, Polaris, Minuteman, and Pershing missiles.
Rhetoric of Third World Instability is a forced meme created by US feelings of insecurity which creates hostility
and racism towards the Other
Gusterson 99 (Hugh, American Anthropological Association, MIT; "Weapons and the Other in the Western Imagination": Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. 14, No. 1 (Feb., 1999), pp. 111-143; MUSE)
These falsely obvious arguments about the political unreliability of Third World nuclear powers are,
I have been arguing, part of a broader orientalist rhetoric that seeks to bury disturbing similarities
between "us" and "them" in a discourse that systematically produces the Third World as Other. In the
process of producing the Third World, we also produce ourselves, for the Orient, one of the West's "deepest and most recurring
images of the other," is essential in defining the West "as its contrasting image, idea, personality, experience" (Said 1978:1-2).
The particular images and metaphors that recur in the discourse on proliferation represent Third
World nations as criminals, women, and children. But these recurrent images and metaphors, all of which
pertain in some way to disorder, can also be read as telling hints about the facets of our own psychology
and culture which we find especially troubling in regard to our custodianship over nuclear weapons.
The metaphors and images are part of the ideological armor the West wears in the nuclear age, but they are also
clues that suggest buried, denied, and troubling parts of ourselves that have mysteriously surfaced
in our distorted representations of the Other. As Akhil Gupta has argued in his analysis of a different orientalist
discourse, the discourse on development, "within development discourse .. . lies its shadowy double ... a virtual presence,
inappropriate objects that serve to open up the 'developed world' itself as an inappropriate object" (1998:4).
Rhetoric surrounding proliferation casts developing worlds as villains and criminals in an attempt to
discredit proliferation efforts
Gusterson 99 (Hugh, American Anthropological Association, MIT; "Weapons and the Other in the Western Imagination": Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. 14, No. 1 (Feb., 1999), pp. 111-143; MUSE)
In the era of so-called rogue states, one recurrent
theme in this system of representations is that of the thief,
liar, and criminal: the very attempt to come into possession of nuclear weapons is often cast in terms of
racketeering and crime. After the Indian and Pakistani nuclear tests, one newspaper headline read,
"G-8 Nations Move to Punish Nuclear Outlaws" (Reid 1998:1), thereby characterizing the two countries
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as criminals even though neither had signed-and hence violated-either the Non-Proliferation Treaty or the
Com- prehensive Test Ban Treaty. When British customs officers intercepted a ship- ment of krytrons destined for Iraq's
nuclear weapons program, one newspaper account said that Saddam Hussein was "caught red-handed trying to steal atomic
detonators" (Perlmutter 1990, emphasis added)-a curious choice of words given that Iraq had paid good money to buy the
krytrons from the com- pany EG&G. (In fact, if any nation can be accused of theft here, surely it is the United States, which
took $650 million from Pakistan for a shipment of F-16s, cancelled the shipment when the Bush administration determined that
Pakistan was seeking to acquire nuclear weapons, but never refunded the money.) Ac- cording to an article in the New York
Times, "it required more than three de- cades, a global network of theft and espionage, and uncounted millions for Paki- stan,
one of the world's poorest countries, to explode that bomb" (Weiner 1998:6). Meanwhile the same paper's editorial page
lamented that "for years Pakistan has lied to the U.S. about not having a nuclear weapons program" and insisted
that the United States "punish Pakistan's perfidy on the Bomb" (New York Times 1987a:A34, 1987b:A34). And
Representative Stephen Solarz (Democrat, New York) warns that the bomb will give Pakistan "the
nuclear equivalent of a Saturday Night Special" (Smith 1988:38). The image of the Sat- urday night
special assimilates Pakistan symbolically to the disorderly under- world of ghetto hoodlums who
rob corer stores and fight gang wars. U.S. nu- clear weapons are, presumably, more like the
"legitimate" weapons carried by the police to maintain order and keep the peace.l8
The affirmatives representations of nuclear apartheid reinforce a hierarchy of nations rooted in racism
Gusterson 99 (Hugh, American Anthropological Association, MIT; "Weapons and the Other in the Western Imagination": Cultural Anthropology,
Vol. 14, No. 1 (Feb., 1999), pp. 111-143; MUSE)
These metaphorical representations of threshold nuclear nations as criminals, women, and children
assimilate the relationship between the West and the Third World to other hierarchies of
dominance within Western culture. They use the symbolic force of domestic hierarchies-police over criminals,
men over women, and adults over children-to buttress and construct the global hierarchy of nations, telling us that,
like women, children, and criminals, Third World nations have their proper place. The sense in the West
that Third World nations have their proper place at the bottom of a global order in which nuclear
weapons are the status symbols of the powerful alone-that nuclear proliferation is transgressing important
symbolic hierarchies-is nicely conveyed by the condescending reactions in the Western media to India's and
Pakistan's nuclear tests of 1998. Here many commentators sounded like secretaries of exclusive members-only clubs
blackballing applications from the nouveau riche. "With scant regard for the admonitions of other members of the [nuclear]
group, India has abruptly and loudly elbowed itself from the bottom into the top tier of this privileged elite," said one
commentator (Smith 1998:A 12). Putting the upstarts back in their place, U.S. Secretary of State Madeline Albright said that it
was "clear that what the Indians and Pakistanis did was unacceptable and that they are not now members of the nuclear club"
(Marshall 1998b:A12). The same sentiment was expressed in stronger terms on the op-ed page of the New York Times by
former National Security Adviser Robert McFarlane, whose characterization of India draws on classic orientalist imagery to
make its point that the Indians are not "our" kind of people: "We must make clear to the Indian government that it is today what
it was two weeks ago, an arrogant, overreaching cabal that, by its devotion to the caste system, the political and economic
disenfranchisement of its people and its religious intolerance, is unworthy of membership in any club" (1998:13). Mary
McGrory, an alleged liberal, writing for the Washington Post op-ed page, expressed the same reaction against people
rising above their proper station in life. In a comment extraordinary for its simple erasure of the great literary and
cultural achievements made by persons of the Indian subcontinent over many centuries, she said, "People who
cannot read, write or feed their children are forgetting these lamentable circumstances in the
ghastly glory of being able to burn the planet or their enemies to a crisp" (1998b:C1).
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2ac terrorism
No terrorist threat – treating terrorism as a threat is what makes it one
Zulaika, 10 (Joseba, Center for Basque Studies, University of Nevada, “The terror/counterterror edge: when
non-terror becomes a terrorism problem and real terror cannot be detected by counterterrorism,” Critical
Studies on Terrorism, Vol. 3, No. 2, August 2010, pg. 247-260, Taylor and Francis, pdf)
In fact, between 1974 and 1994, two decades in which terrorism loomed as the greatest threat to American security ,
more people died in the United States of bee stings ; and John Mueller has shown the extent to which the dangers of
terrorism have been ‘overblown’ (Mueller 2006). Consider the four years 1989–1992 to realise the magnitude of the non-Terror problem
afflicting the United States. These were the years in which communism as the historic enemy of the West disappeared and terrorism was called to
substitute for it. And yet, contrary to Brian Jenkins’s prediction that by the end of the 1980s terrorism incidents might double, during those four years
there was not a single fatality from terrorism in the United States. During those same years there were approximately 100,000 reported ‘normal’ deaths.
In the same period over 1500 books on terrorism were published. It is not a joke to say that the real problem for this entire terrorism
industry was the very absence of terrorism. The very logic of ‘anomaly’ requires that some exceptional event takes place, so that at last
one ‘terrorist’ death will make a thousand other deaths ‘ordinary’. But if the ratio is, as it was during those four years, 100,000 versus zero, then the very
non-existence of the anomalous puts in question the normality/abnormality polarity and deprives the entire terrorism discourse of its basic frame. What
do you do in such situations? If there is no problem but there is supposed to be one, consciously or unconsciously you end up helping create one. This is
the very definition of the self-fulfilling prophecy. As sociologist Robert Merton puts it: The self-fulfilling prophecy is, in the beginning,
a false definition of the situation evoking a new behavior which makes the original false conception come true.
This specious validity of the self-fulfilling prophecy perpetuates a reign of terror. For the prophet will cite the actual course
of events as proof that he was right from the very beginning . . . such are the perversities of social logic. (Merton 1968, p. 477) It was false that al-Qaeda
was in Iraq before March 2003 (the excuse to go to war) but it is true that there is al-Qaeda in Iraq now – which serves
as a justification to
continue the war . It was false that there was a minaret problem in Switzerland (the excuse for an antiMuslim referendum) but it is true that there
is a minaret problem in Switzerland now. A similar affliction appears to be taking over in other regions of the European Union. Countries such as
Finland, as an example, are so peripheral to the hot spots of the current international politics that there has never been a terrorist act, let alone a terrorist
organisation, in their soil. When Terror is the tabooed coin of political centrality, a country with no Terror problem
appears to be a second-class power deprived of symbolic capital. Such non-existence borders on the anomalous. It is no surprise
therefore that Finland, under obligation from the European Union and international treaties, has decided to enact antiterrorist legislation. It is one thing
not to be a nuclear power, a prerogative that requires enormous economic and political might, and which is the ultimate symbol of military power; but in
the absence of nuclear power, what else but involvement in counterterrorism (always symbiotically related to nuclearism in the current world) holds
enough symbolic capital as to guarantee that a country is not totally irrelevant in current world affairs? So, even if there is no threat of
terrorism and this is the last thing the authorities want to plague their country, the dynamics of international
politics subject to the ‘War on Terror’ and the omnipresence of the apocalyptic messages of terror spread by the
media make it inevitable the development of a tough counterterrorist legislation (with the likelihood that previously non-terrorist acts will now
be categorised as ‘terrorist’) and the involvement in a dominant public discourse in which everyone is affected by the
threat from terrorism. It appears to be partly a case of terrorism envy. I remember Basque friends of mine being affected by this malady in their
youths: anyone worth his salt should have been in ETA during the anti-Francoist resistance of the 1960s and early 1970s. If you were not, you suffered
from a clear case of symbolic castration. Involvement in ETA was the way to show that you had what it took. And in order to be considered by ETA a
worthy candidate, you had to do something daring, such as putting at risk the life of an alleged police informer by provoking a car accident, hoping in the
meantime that this would be rewarded with membership in the group. When ETA had all the symbolic capital of heroic resistance, you felt guilty for not
participating in its violent activity and envious of those who enjoyed its mystique. Something similar seems to take place with nations regarding
international terrorism. Was not the good luck of Prime Minister Jose María Aznar that he had a puny domestic terrorist group, killing a town
councilman or a journalist once in a while, against which he could involve his entire nation; and as a reward for which he could suddenly turn Spain,
after centuries of political and military irrelevance on the world stage, and as illustrated by the photograph of the Azores before the Iraqi war, into a
power player on the international scene in the company of President George W. Bush and Prime Minister Tony Blair? Which second- or third-rate
country would not feel political envy when seeing such influence in exchange for three or four terrorist fatalities a year? Playing terrorist Begona
Aretxaga views the response of the Spanish state terror to ETA’s terrorism as the result of mimetic terrorist desire, namely, ‘an organized mimesis of
terrorism as the constituting force of the state as subject’ (Aretxaga 2005, p. 223). In essence, in order to vanquish Basque terrorism, state officials
became terrorists and organised a state terrorist organisation by the name of Grupos Antiterroristas de Liberacíon (GAL, Antiterrorist Liberation
Groups). Aretxaga shows how the Spanish agents’ involvement in the killing of Basque refugees reads like: a parody of stock representations of Basque
terrorists. It imitates the landscape and actions associated with ETA in cinema, fiction, and the media. . . . What is produced in this mimetic
engagement of the state with the representation of terrorism is, precisely, terror: a traumatic read of dead
bodies and intense affects – exhilaration, anger, and fear. And not only terror, but the state itself as subject, is
produced in the act of producing terror – a restless state subject characterized by uncontrolled excitement. (Aretxaga 2005, pp. 223–224)
One of the kidnappings by the Spanish officials was that of a French citizen by the name of Segundo Marey; soon they found out that he had no
connection with ETA at all; still, instead of admitting the mistake and letting the man free, the Chief of Police consulted with the Civil Governor and the
Head of Intelligence and decided to keep Marey kidnapped in order to exploit him politically against the French state. They issued a communiqué asking
the French authorities to release two Spanish policemen detained in France for an attempted kidnapping or Marey would be killed. There was talk among
the officers about killing the man, but luckily France released the Spanish policemen and Marey was also freed. This was a clear case in which state
officials were ‘playing terrorist’ (they even decided to organise an extortion system similar to ETA’s that involved kidnapping French industrialists and
levying a ‘revolutionary tax’). In the process, they ‘got carried away by the excitement of transgression and the sensation of omnipotence it brings’
(Aretxaga 2005, p. 221). By then, Prime Minister Felipe Gonzalez had famously justified the state’s counterterrorist dirty war as the need for ‘the sewers
of the State’. The state terror went on for four years and resulted in the killings of 27 refugees. It is a case of terrorism envy in which what
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counts for state officials is not the legality of freeing an innocent man, but instead, observes Aretxaga (2005): what
matters is the power emanating from mimetic action, the enactment of the desire to be a terrorist. It is the act
of kidnapping, killing, extorting that makes terrorism – like the state – real and effective, by binding its actors
to and in an imaginary relation that constitutes an alternative reality. On the stage of the state being, fantasy cannot be
separated from the calculated objectives that originally triggered the actions of terror. Indeed, it is through the enactment of fantasy in mimetic
performance that terror becomes real and the state powerful. (p. 224) Could not we say similar things about the open adoption of torture by Bush’s
administration? If terrorists can kidnap, torture and kill, then why not our powerful state? Regardless of the well-recognised fact that it does not bring
forth reliable truth, torture is the ultimate transgressive act of power. Mirror images inside terrorists: from McVeigh to Major Hasan What about the
terrorism envy of those who, according to media representations, became paradigmatic ‘terrorists’ such as the Unabomber, Timothy McVeigh, or most
recently Major Nidal Hasan? In the case of Basque friends of mine who suffered ETA envy, it was an armed organisation that had to recruit them after
weighing up whether they were suitable material for an underground organisation; I know of several who were rejected despite their ‘actions’ to prove
their worth. But in the current media frenzy, anyone can instantly become a ‘terrorist’ regardless of being part of an armed group or having a stated
strategy. This is the case of McVeigh whose acts did not fit any classical definition of an armed terrorism group engaged in psychological terror with a
political agenda. What is remarkable about McVeigh is the self-fulfilling nature of his terrorist career, because the basic references of his plot were
provided by counterterrorism discourse: his shooting practice targets while a soldier were ‘terrorists’; his action plan was scripted by William Luther
Pierce’s (under the pseudonym Andrew Macdonald) right-wing The Turner Diaries (1978) (itself inspired by the anonymous apocalyptic novel The John
Franklin Letters (1959) in which America falls under a global Soviet conspiracy); his alias was ‘T. Tutle’, the name of the superterrorist hero in the
Hollywood film Brazil (1985); and the day chosen for the bombing was 19 April, the second anniversary of the Waco tragedy, a cause célèbre for militias
angered by the government’s violent response to the apocalyptic Branch Davidians. So the question is: after his rejection by the army, where he wanted
to serve as a marine, to what extent was a dejected McVeigh’s desire for violent action prompted out of spite and following the very counterterrorism
agenda he had pursued earlier in his army career? In McVeigh’s subjectivity the terrorist and the marine soldier had an imaginary relationship in which
they constituted each other as in a Lacanian ‘mirror image’. What makes a soldier a soldier in counterterrorist warfare is his deadly opposition to the
figure of the terrorist; similarly, even if ordinarily the aspiration of the terrorists is not to fight soldiers, in an allout war in which the enemy is defined as
‘terrorist’, what makes him or her a terrorist is the determination to fight the soldier to the end. McVeigh felt the power by which his own self could
experience both sides of his divided self, the soldier and the terrorist, by switching from one side of the imaginary mirror to the other; and his
omnipotence consisted in demonstrating to the American public that he was the subject who could be the edge bringing both irreconcilable sides of the
mirror together. Since he was not allowed to be the marine counterterrorist hero, he could instead be its arch-enemy by enviously appropriating for
himself the power of the tabooed Terrorist. And what about Major Hasan and the Fort Hood massacre? Was it a case of insanity or terrorism? He seems
to be a Muslim fanatic, connected to other Muslim fanatics. Is he a terrorist? Does he have an organisation behind him ready to use terror to further a
political agenda? Or is he someone who, in a case of terrorism envy, translated his psychotic confusion, pushing him over the edge into the fantasy of
becoming a ‘martyr’ for his Muslim brothers? He must have seen himself in the mirror of his split American and Muslim personae. Should he be on the
side of his own American army killing Muslims in Iraq and Afghanistan, or should he be squarely on the side of the Muslims and therefore against his
own army? When he could no longer harbour inside the split between both phantasmatic realities constituting each other, he decided to overcome the
unbearable by turning himself into a martyr in the name of Allah. As Robert Wright wrote in an op-ed piece: The Fort Hood shooting, then, is an example
of Islamist terrorism being spread partly by the war on terrorism – or, actually, by two wars on terrorism, in Iraq and Afghanistan. And Fort Hood is the
biggest data point we have – the most lethal Islamist terrorist attack on American soil since 9/11. It’s only one piece of evidence, but it’s a salient piece,
and it supports the liberal, not the conservative, war-on-terrorism paradigm. (Wright 2009, p. W11) Conservatives may argue that we cannot allow
people like Hasan veto power over our foreign policy, but the reality is that alienated, vulnerable people like him are likely to end up going over the edge
because of the hawkish anti-jihad War on Terror that led to disasters such as the Iraq war. Is such a never-ending war necessary when,
in the era of the Internet, terrorist acts can be orchestrated from anywhere, including a US military barracks
such as Fort Hood? In Wright’s opinion, ‘the case of Nidal Hasan shows one thing for sure: Homegrown American terrorists don’t need a safe
haven. All they need is a place to buy a gun’ (Wright 2009, p. W11). Still, Hasan is, out of the millions of American Muslims, the only one to have
committed such a horrific massacre in the eight years since 9/11, which shows that Muslims are not intrinsically any more violent than Christians. But
when, in the era of the Internet and video technology, you have instances such as minaret bans in Switzerland and denigration of Muslims in the
workplace, the likelihood of vulnerable people going overboard increases dangerously. There was also the case of Carlos Bledsoe, converted to Islam as a
teenager, who fatally shot a soldier in Little Rock who, upon being arrested, told the police about Muslims being killed in Iraq and Afghanistan. To what
extent is all of this a case of self-fulfilling prophecy? On 4 December 2009, at New York’s Binghamton University, a Saudi Arabian student stabbed to
death an emeritus 77-year-old professor who had been a member of his dissertation committee. One of the student’s roommates declared that, before the
murder, the Muslim graduate student ‘was acting oddly, like a terrorist’ (Schmidt and Regan 2009, p. A23). Is there now any way in which the actions of
a Muslim who goes mad in the United States would not be translated into ‘terrorism?’ And then, on 11 December 2009, there were reports that five young
Muslim Americans from the suburbs of Washington had been arrested in Pakistan on their way to Taliban territory. The men’s intention was apparently
to fight American troops in Afghanistan; reportedly, they had been recruited by a Pakistani militant through an Internet chat room: It was unclear on
Thursday how serious a threat the group presented, or whether these young men had broken any laws in Pakistan of the United States. At least two of the
men were being questioned in F.B.I. custody in Pakistan, and all of them would probably be deported, a senior administration official in Washington
said. Whether the men acted on a lark or were recruited as part of a larger militant outfit, the case has renewed concerns that American citizens, some
with ethnic ties to Pakistan and other Muslim countries, are increasingly at the centre of terrorist plots against the United States and other nations.
(Giliani and Perlez, 2009, p. A20) Below the report there was another piece about the suspected men being praised by their neighbours as ‘intensely
devout “good guys”’ (Lorber and Southhall 2009, p. A20). If they had been recruited by ‘a militant with links to al Qaeda’, once in Pakistan the five men
were stranded. They tried to join ‘an extremist Islamic school’ near Karachi and an ‘extremist organisation’, but were ‘rebuffed in both places because of
their Western demeanor and their inability to speak the national language, Urdu’. The five men had been arrested at a home in a government housing
complex that belonged to an uncle of the eldest of the group. The picture of five American citizens recruited allegedly by al-Qaeda through the Internet
and unable to join an extremist group once in Pakistan does not underscore a very efficient terrorist organisation; still, the journalists wondered ‘whether
the men had been recruited to a specific militant or terrorist organization’ and mentioned the possibility of ties to banned groups such as Jaish-eMuhammad and Jamaat-ud-Dawa. What the report did not disclose was the mystery of who the Pakistani close to al-Qaeda was who recruited them with
promises of taking them ‘to Afghanistan to fight jihad’, and who ‘booked them in a hotel in Lahore’, but ‘once they got there, their contact went to ground
and they were stranded’. In the end, were the five Muslim Americans caught in the ‘mirror image’ inside their split identities, by which their religious self
and their civic citizenship are constituted in irreconcilable mutual antagonism? Such a mirror split, needless to say, is linked directly to the policies and
mind-set of the War on Terror turned into the self-fulfilling soil in which Muslim Americans are pushed towards the edge. A week after the news of the
five young men caught in Pakistan broke, another report delineated the larger contexts of Muslim anger in the United States and a clear picture, once
again, of how
counterterrorism may become terrorism’s best ally.
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2ac warming
Their apocalyptic framing of warming encourages technocratic solutions that only replicate
environmental issues
Crist, 7 (Eileen Crist, 2007, “Beyond the Climate Crisis: A Critique of Climate Change Discourse”,
http://journal.telospress.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/content/2007/141/29.full.pdf+html)//EM
While the dangers of climate change are real, I argue that there are even greater dangers in representing it as
the most urgent problem we face. Framing climate change in such a manner deserves to be challenged for two reasons: it
encourages the restriction of proposed solutions to the technical realm, by powerfully insinuating that the needed approaches
are those that directly address the problem; and it detracts attention from the planet’s ecological predicament as a whole, by
virtue of claiming the limelight for the one issue that trumps all others. Identifying climate change as the biggest threat to
civilization, and ushering it into center stage as the highest priority problem, has bolstered the proliferation of
technical proposals that address the specific challenge. The race is on for figuring out what technologies, or portfolio thereof, will solve “the
problem.” Whether the call is for reviving nuclear power, boosting the installation of wind turbines, using a variety of
renewable energy sources, increasing the efficiency of fossil-fuel use, developing carbon-sequestering technologies, or placing
mirrors in space to deflect the sun’s rays, the narrow character of such proposals is evident: confront the problem of
greenhouse gas emissions by technologically phasing them out, superseding them, capturing them, or
mitigating their heating effects. In his The Revenge of Gaia, for example, Lovelock briefly mentions the need to face climate change by
“changing our whole style of living.”16 But the thrust of this work, what readers and policy-makers come away with, is his
repeated and strident call for investing in nuclear energy as, in his words, “the one lifeline we can use immediately.”17 In the policy
realm, the first step toward the technological fix for global warming is often identified with implementing the Kyoto protocol. Biologist Tim Flannery
agitates for the treaty, comparing the need for its successful endorsement to that of the Montreal protocol that phased out the ozone-depleting CFCs.
“The Montreal protocol,” he submits, “marks a signal moment in human societal development, representing the first ever victory by humanity over a
global pollution problem.”18 He hopes for a similar victory for the global climate-change problem. Yet the deepening realization of the threat of climate
change, virtually in the wake of stratospheric ozone depletion, also suggests that dealing with
global problems treaty-by-treaty is no
solution to the planet’s predicament. Just as the risks of unanticipated ozone depletion have been followed by the dangers of a long
underappreciated climate crisis, so it would be naïve not to anticipate another (perhaps even entirely unforeseeable) catastrophe arising after the (hopedfor) resolution of the above two. Furthermore, if greenhouse gases were restricted successfully by means of technological
shifts and innovations, the root cause of the ecological crisis as a whole would remain unaddressed. The
destructive patterns of production, trade, extraction, land-use, waste proliferation, and consumption, coupled
with population growth, would go unchallenged, continuing to run down the integrity, beauty, and biological
richness of the Earth. Industrial-consumer civilization has entrenched a form of life that admits virtually no limits to its expansiveness within,
and perceived entitlement to, the entire planet.19 But questioning this civilization is by and large sidestepped in climate-change discourse, with its
single-minded quest for a global-warming techno-fix.20 Instead of confronting the forms of social organization that are causing the climate crisis—
among numerous other catastrophes—climate-change literature often focuses on how global warming is endangering the culprit, and agonizes over what
technological means can save it from impending tipping points.21 The dominant frame of climate change funnels cognitive and pragmatic work toward
specifically addressing global warming, while muting a host of equally monumental issues. Climate change looms so huge ever 1964 work, an entire
socio-cultural-economic life—from (actual or aspired to) ways of eating and lodging, transportation, entertainment, or emoting and thinking—“binds the
consumers more or less pleasantly to the producers and, through the latter, to the whole.” Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man: Studies in the
Ideology of Advanced Industrial Society (Boston: Beacon, 1991), p. 12. Horkheimer and Adorno traced the origins of the collective’s participation in its
own domination to the “historical” moment that magical control over nature (and over the deities of nature) was relinquished to a specific elite or clique
in exchange for self and social preservation. Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno, Dialectic of Enlightenment, trans. John Cumming (New York:
Continuum, 1972), pp. 21–22. After the decisive turn when the social body became implicated in its own domination, “what is done to all by the few,
always occurs as the subjection of individuals by the many: social repression always exhibits the masks of repression by a collective” (ibid.). And
elsewhere: “The misplaced love of the common people for the wrong which is done them is a greater force than the cunning of the authorities” (ibid., p.
134). In light of such astute observations offered by critical theorists, neo-Marxist and anarchist analyses that indict corporate and/or state power for the
troubled natural and social worlds are, at best, only partially true. 20. More than thirty years ago, environmental philosopher Arne Naess articulated the
influential distinction between “shallow” and “deep” ecology, characterized by the focus on symptoms of the environmental crisis, on the one hand,
versus critical attention to underlying causes of problems, on the other. Notwithstanding its unfortunate elitist overtones—implying that some
environmental thinkers are capable of reflecting deeply, while others flounder with superficialities—the shallow-deep distinction has been significant for
two compelling reasons. One, it clarified how “symptomology” leads merely to technical piecemeal solutions; and two, it showed how underlying causes,
left unaddressed, eventually generate more nasty symptoms. In other words, shallow ecological thinking is technical and narrow: when we think about
climate change as “the problem”—as opposed to confronting the limitless expansionism of the capitalist enterprise as the problem—we arguably become
shallow in our thinking. Arne Naess, “The Shallow and the Deep, Long- Range Ecology Movements,” in George Sessions, ed., Deep Ecology for the
Twenty-First Century (1973; Boston: Shambhala, 1995), pp. 151–55. on the environmental and political agenda today that it has contributed to
downplaying other facets of the ecological crisis: mass extinction of species, the devastation of the oceans by industrial fishing, continued old-growth
deforestation, topsoil losses and desertification, endocrine disruption, incessant development, and so on, are made to appear secondary and more
forgiving by comparison with “dangerous anthropogenic interference” with the climate system. In what follows, I will focus specifically on how
climate-change discourse encourages the continued marginalization of the biodiversity crisis—a crisis that has been
soberly described as a holocaust,22 and which despite decades of scientific and environmentalist pleas remains a virtual non-topic in society, the mass
media, and humanistic and other academic literatures. Several works on climate change (though by no means all) extensively examine the consequences
of global warming for biodiversity, 23 but rarely is it mentioned that biodepletion predates dangerous greenhouse-gas buildup by decades, centuries, or
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longer, and will not be stopped by a technological resolution of global warming. Climate
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change is poised to exacerbate species and
ecosystem losses—indeed, is doing so already. But while technologically preempting the worst of climate
change may temporarily avert some of those losses, such a resolution of the climate quandary will not put an
end to—will barely address—the ongoing destruction of life on Earth.
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disads
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Bilateral forum should have triggered the link
USICE, 12 (U.S. Immigrations and Customs Enforcement, 7/13/12, “U.S., Mexico convene binational summit
on human trafficking”, http://www.ice.gov/news/releases/1207/120713losangeles.htm)//EM
LOS ANGELES – More than 100 representatives from the government and private sectors, including high-level law
enforcement representatives from the U.S. and Mexico, convened in Los Angeles Thursday for a binational summit to
strategize on ways to enhance existing efforts to combat human trafficking in both countries. The daylong conference,
organized by U.S. Immigration and Custom Enforcement's (ICE) Homeland Security Investigations (HSI) and the Mexican Consul
General in Los Angeles, focused on ways the U.S. and Mexico can work more closely together to detect trafficking activity and prosecute suspected
perpetrators. Featured speakers included Nelly Montealegre Diaz, who oversees the Mexican Attorney General's special prosecutions unit involving
crimes of violence against women and human trafficking. "For everyone at this week's meeting, combatting human trafficking
is a top priority , but despite that, we believe a significant number of trafficking cases continue to go undetected," said Claude Arnold, special agent
in charge for HSI Los Angeles. "The goal of the summit was to share ideas on further steps we can take together to bolster efforts to prevent this
reprehensible crime."
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2ac at: tradeoff da
GARZA 2011 (Rocio, Candidate for Juris Doctor, Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law, May 2011; A.B. (2005) Harvard University, CARDOZO J. OF INT’L & COMP.
LAW, March, www.cjicl.com/uploads/2/9/5/9/2959791/cjicl_19.2_garza_note.pdf)
One obstacle that would be faced in creating a bilateral partnership is the amount of work and resources necessary for its organization and
implementation. However, a model of a partnership already exists and could be altered to accommodate a number
of
anti-trafficking efforts. The U.S. government, pursuant to the TVPA, established the “President’s Initiative to
Combat Trafficking in Persons” and allocated fifty million dollars to fund coordinated efforts with eight
countries. 255 Mexico was one of the eight countries selected for the program and the United States designated $8.2 million dollars
towards anti-trafficking efforts with Mexico.256 The funds were distributed among the “U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID); the
Department of Justice (DOJ); the Department of Homeland Security (DHS); the Department of Labor (DOL); the Department of State’s Office of
Population, Refugees and Migration (DOS/PRM); and the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS).”257 These entities, along with the U.S.
Embassy in Mexico, joined efforts with the Mexican government and civil society to (1) raise public awareness; (2) pursue anti-trafficking legislation; (3)
strengthen local shelters; and (4) develop and provide technical assistance to anti-trafficking networks.258 The three-year program was named
PROTECT – Project to Support Shelters for Victims of Trafficking in Mexico (PROTEJA – Proyecto de Apoyo a Refugios para Victimas de Trata de
Personas en Mexico) and was in existence from May 2006 to March 2009.259 PROTECT was very effective and its efforts informed
the enactment of the Mexican Anti-Trafficking Law. 260 If the United States and Mexico wanted to create a bilateral partnership,
they could begin by following the PROTECT model. Although the program ended in March 2009, a website with a record of all the efforts will remain
available for the public until March 2011 261 and will be accessible beyond that date. The United States and Mexico could minimize start-
up costs and resources by utilizing this model.
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Foreign aid to Mexico is popular in both the House and Senate
Seelke 1/29 specialist in Latin American Affairs at CRS, covers Brazil, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Mexico, as well as issues such as gangs and trafficking
in persons. Holds a Master of Public Affairs and Master of Arts in Latin American Studies (Clare Ribando, 1/29/13, Congressional Research Service,
"Mexico and the 112th Congress," ¶ http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL32724.pdf)//AM
There appears to be strong support in both the Senate and House for maintaining U.S. support to ¶ Mexico
provided through Mérida Initiative accounts. The Administration’s FY2013 budget ¶ request asked for $234 million in
Mérida assistance for Mexico: $199 million in the International ¶ Narcotics and Law Enforcement (INCLE)
account and $35 million in the Economic Support Fund (ESF) account. The Senate Appropriations Committee’s
version of the FY2013 foreign ¶ operations appropriations measure, S. 3241 (S.Rept. 112-172), would have met the request for ¶ INCLE and provided
$10 million in additional ESF for economic development projects in the ¶ border region. S. 3241 included restrictions on aid to the Mexican
military and police. The House ¶ Appropriations Committee’s version of the bill, H.R. 5857 (H.Rept. 112-494), would have ¶
increased INCLE funding by $49 million to match the FY2012 enacted level for that account and ¶ met the request for ESF.¶
Plan is bipartisan—only five senators would even dare oppose
Israel, 13 BA in politics from Brandeis, senior investigative reporter for the Center for American Progress
Action Fund (Josh Israel, 2/12/13, “Five Republicans Oppose Bipartisan Measure To Combat Human
Trafficking”, http://thinkprogress.org/health/2013/02/12/1580061/republicans-humantrafficking/?mobile=nc)//EM
As the Senate moves to a final vote on the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA), today 93 Senators endorsed an amendment to combat human
trafficking. While opposing human trafficking is a fairly non-controversial subject, five far-right Republicans broke
with the majority of their own caucus and opposed the bipartisan amendment.
Congress supports aid to Mexico – including new programs
Seelke 1/29 specialist in Latin American Affairs at CRS, covers Brazil, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Mexico, as well as issues such as gangs and trafficking
in persons. Holds a Master of Public Affairs and Master of Arts in Latin American Studies (Clare Ribando, 1/29/13, Congressional Research Service,
"Mexico and the 112th Congress," ¶ http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL32724.pdf)//AM
The 113th Congress is likely to continue funding and overseeing the Mérida Initiative and related
domestic initiatives, but may also consider supporting new programs. From FY2008 to FY2012, ¶ Congress
appropriated $1.9 billion in Mérida assistance for Mexico, roughly $1.2 billion of which ¶ had been delivered as of April 2013. The
Obama Administration asked for $234.0 million for ¶ Mérida programs in in its FY2013 budget request and $183 million in its FY2014 request.
The plan has empirically been popular
Chacon 6 (Jennifer M., "Misery and Mypoia: Understanding the Failures of U.S. Efforts to Stop Human Trafficking," L. Rev. 2978,
http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=4173&context=flr&seiredir=1&referer=http%3A%2F%2Fscholar.google.com%2Fscholar_url%3Fhl%3Den%26q%3Dhttp%3A%2F%2Fir.lawnet.fordham.edu%2Fcgi%2Fviewc
ontent.cgi%253Farticle%253D4173%2526context%253Dflr%26sa%3DX%26scisig%3DAAGBfm2oehE1Rz5LmwU5MMvHqxy7j0Lv7w%26oi%3Dscholar
r#search=%22http%3A%2F%2Fir.lawnet.fordham.edu%2Fcgi%2Fviewcontent.cgi%3Farticle%3D4173%26context%3Dflr%22)//AM
Congressional action on the trafficking issue met with enthusiastic support from the Executive Branch. President
Clinton signaled his support¶ of the Act upon its passage.67 Although the measure was passed during the¶ final year of the Clinton
Administration, President George W. Bush has been a vocal supporter of the goals of the Act in both terms of his¶ presidency. Many
high-ranking officials in the Bush administration have lauded current anti-trafficking efforts.68 Anti-trafficking
efforts have even been linked with the campaign against terrorism that has been the centerpiece of the current
Administration's foreign policy agenda after¶ September 11, 2001. In a speech before the United Nations on September¶ 23, 2003,
President Bush dedicated a substantial portion of a speech¶ otherwise dedicated to discussions of international
terrorism, the wars in¶ Iraq and Afghanistan, and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction¶ to a
"humanitarian crisis spreading, yet hidden from view," by which he¶ was referring to the issue of human
trafficking, particularly the forced¶ prostitution of women and children.69 In keeping with the tone of the rest¶ of his speech, which was aimed at the
global threat of terrorism, Bush¶ referred to the phenomenon as "a special evil."'7
TVPA proves – human trafficking legislation is popular and has key Republican support
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Abramowitz, 3/8/13 – Director, Alliance to End Slavery and Trafficking (David, March 8, 2013, “Passage of
human trafficking bill sends clear message,” The Hill, http://thehill.com/blogs/congress-blog/foreignpolicy/287087-passage-of-human-trafficing-bill-sends-clear-message, Hensel)
Yesterday, hundreds of advocates, survivors, law enforcement officials and lawmakers gathered to witness President
Obama sign legislation that will strengthen protection for women threatened by domestic violence, as well as
renew the nation’s most important tool to fight modern day slavery, the Trafficking Victims Protection Act (TVPA).¶ But this
moment didn’t come without political drama. In early February, Sen. Leahy of Vermont, with the support of Sen. Rubio of Florida, added the
TVPA reauthorization to the Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act (VAWA), with the amendment passing by a
resoundingly bipartisan vote of 93-5. And just last week, the House relented and approved the Senate-passed
VAWA, including the TVPA reauthorization.
The plan’s empirically bipartisan, even in the House
Seelke, 09 – Specialist in Latin American Affairs, Congressional Research Service (Claire Ribando, August 21,
2009, “Mérida Initiative for Mexico and Central America: Funding and Policy Issues,” Congressional Research
Service, http://assets.opencrs.com/rpts/R40135_20090821.pdf, Hensel)
While Members of the 110th Congress initially expressed concern that they were not adequately ¶ consulted
during the development of the Mérida Initiative, a majority of House Members seemed ¶ supportive of the aid
package. On February 7, 2008, the House Foreign Affairs Committee held a ¶ hearing on Mérida, and on May 14, 2008 the Committee passed
legislation introduced by ¶ Chairman Berman to fund the Initiative. On June 11, 2008, the House approved that legislation, ¶ H.R. 6028, the
Mérida Initiative to Combat Illicit Narcotics and Reduce Organized Crime ¶ Authorization Act of 2008, by a
vote of 311 to 106, demonstrating bipartisan support in the House ¶ for the proposed aid. Among the bill’s various
conditions on providing the assistance, the measure ¶ would have required that vetting procedures to ensure that members or units of military or police ¶
agencies receiving assistance were not involved in human rights violations. The Senate, however, ¶ did not take any action on the House legislation, so
the measure was never enacted.
Rubio supports the plan – he’s a Senate leader
Smith, 11 – U.S. Representative, 4th District, New Jersey (Chris, November 2, 2011, “Hearing Examines Links
Between Human Trafficking & Organized Crime,”
http://chrissmith.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=267352, Hensel)
The nexus between transnational organized crime and human trafficking was examined by the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (The
Helsinki Commission) at a hearing chaired by Congressman Chris Smith today.¶ "We know that human trafficking—modern day slavery—is the
third most lucrative criminal activity in the world,” said Smith. “According to the International Labor Organization (ILO) human
traffickers make profits in excess of $31 billion a year. So it is not surprising that more and more organized
criminal groups are engaging in human trafficking . And of course while drug and arms traffickers have a commodity that can only be
sold once, a human trafficker can purchase a slave and continually exploit them until he’s made his money back.
After that it’s all profit.” Click here to read Chairman Smith’s opening statement.¶ Organized Crime has evolved to meet the challenges of
globalization and modern technology. In this evolution major international criminal organizations and smaller highly specialized groups of criminal
entrepreneurs have found new ways to expand their operations and exploit human beings into slavery. To meet these challenges new national and
international strategies have been placed into action, but their results remain to be seen. This hearing, entitled “Human Trafficking and Transnational
Organized Crime: Assessing Trends and Combat Strategies,” continues the Helsinki Commission’s hearing series on new fronts in human trafficking. ¶
U.S. Senator Marco
Rubio , a member of the Helsinki Commission and a leader in the Senate on human trafficking issues, said
members of Congress must join together to work against the exploitation of trafficked victims .¶ “We must never
lose sight of our duty to defend human rights, particularly for people exploited by the human trafficking trade,”
said Rubio. “Too many people are being abused in this modern day slavery. This is an issue that both parties can
work together on to raise awareness and reauthorize a law that will help stop this horrendous crime.”
Plan popular and overcomes the gridlock of the status quo
Cicero-Domínguez, 5 (Salvador A. Cicero-Domínguez, graduate of the Matías Romero Institute for
Diplomatic Studies in Mexico City and holds a Juris Doctor from The Ohio State University Moritz College of
Law. He currently serves as Director of the American Bar Association/ American Bar Foundation’s Project to
Combat Trafficking in Persons in Ecuador, Winter 2005 “Assessing the U.S.-Mexico Fight Against Human
Trafficking and Smuggling: Unintended Results of U.S. Immigration Policy” Northwestern Journal of
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International Human Rights,
http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1036&context=njihr)//EM
For both countries, it is essential that the executive, legislative and j udicial branches interact efficiently, creating the essential avenues of communication to arrive to much
needed coordination. Unfortunately, in
recent years both nations have experienced great political gridlock and executive legislative relations have suffered as a result. Mexico currently experiences a serious problem in this regard, lacking national consensus on many issues.
Nevertheless, the political atmosphere in both Mexico and the U.S. still favors efforts toward reducing the
trafficking of human beings and the international smuggling of people . ¶99 Both nations must capitalize
on the current momentum and jointly resolve this important human rights issue, which affects both societies equally. Their
destinies have long been linked by much more than a free - trade partnership. As economic and social integration continue to advance, so must government policies, allowing
efficient cooperation and achieving palpable results that benefit the American and Mexican people. Only then can we hope to achieve soli d footing in the fight against
organized crime and the eradication of the practice of trafficking in human beings.
Plan is immune from partisanship—nobody wants to be portrayed as a supporter of trafficking
Soderlund, 5 Assistant Director of the Center for the Study of Communication and Society and Lecturer in
Sociology at the University of Chicago (Gretchen Soderlund, Autumn 2005 “Running from the Rescuers: New
U.S. Crusades against Sex Trafficking and the Rhetoric of Abolition”,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/4317158)//EM
Global sex trafficking, conveyed through a Manichean lens, has become a nonpartisan issue in part because the
demarcation between victims and villains seems clear and the offense ghastly, particularly when perpetrated on
the young. Yet innocence carries a particularly heavy burden in the realm of sexuality. In the United States it has been a consistent trope in
journalistic accounts of sexual crimes and, in the case of rape, prostitution, gay hate crimes, and AIDS/HIV, a criterion for public sympathy (Benedict
1992; Miller and Vance 2004). But it is a nearly impossible standard against which to hold living, breathing human beings, except perhaps children.
Indeed, in their pamphlets and on their websites, neoabolitionist organizations tend to emphasize those raids that involved the rescue of children.
President Bush has remarked that "the victims of the sex trade see little of life before they see the very worst of life" (2003) and many anti-trafficking
activists see it as their calling to restore childhoods to young children exploited by sex traders. Linda Smith, a former Republican congresswoman who
now directs Shared Hope International, created a humanitarian spectacle in 2001 when she took one rescued Indian girl to Disney World. But in more
than a few cases, innocence is an adult fantasy, a fictive state of being projected onto women and youth by 21st century, anti-trafficking crusaders.
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counterplans
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2ac at: border security cp
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A2: secure the border cp
Tiano et al, 5 (Susan Tiano, Professor of Sociology, and Director of the Latin American and Iberian Institute
at the University of New Mexico (USA). AND Billy Ulibarri, doctoral student at the University of New Mexico
AND Carolina Ramos, Juris Doctorate Candidate at the University of New Mexico School of Law & an MA
Candidate in Latin American Studies, University of New Mexico, cites another article published in 2005,
“Human Trafficking on the US-Mexico Border”,
http://www.freedomfromfearmagazine.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=92:humantrafficking-on-the-us-mexico-border&catid=37:issue-1&Itemid=159)//EM
A thorough understanding of the economic conditions that swell the ranks of border crossers could contribute to developing a viable solution. Often,
the implicit equation of migrant smuggling with labour trafficking can lead to misguided attempts to combat
the latter by attacking the former (Pizarro, 2002). And since labour trafficking networks often merge with organized
crime networks that traffic in drugs, weapons, pornography, and other contraband, restrictive immigration
policies may paradoxically promote the rise of gang violence, lawlessness, and femicide in Juarez,
Tijuana, and other border cities, which threatens to spill over into the United States. If, without efforts to lessen the economic imbalances
between the United States and Mexico, restrictive immigration policies can be said to have the unintended consequence of
promoting labour trafficking , then anti-trafficking policies must go beyond a strictly law-and-order approach to address the root causes of the
problem. Some observations have suggested that a punitive approach to undocumented migration may do more harm than good. A more effective
approach would be guest worker programs and other initiatives that allow for regulated cross-border movements, particularly if they are closely
monitored to ensure that employers respect workers’ rights and avoid labour exploitation. Such a strategy could contribute to minimizing the conditions
that allow labour trafficking to flourish along the U.S.-Mexico border than policies that aim only to prevent irregular immigration at any cost.
makes it worse
FEINGOLD 2005 (David, Director, Ophidian Research Institute; International Coordinator, HIV/AIDS and
Trafficking Projects, UNESCO Bangkok, August 30, 2005, “Think Again: Human Trafficking,” Foreign Policy,
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2005/08/30/think_again_human_trafficking?page=full, Hensel)
"Tightening Borders Will Stop Trafficking" Wrong . The trafficking issue is often used -- some would say hijacked -- to
support policies limiting immigration. In fact, the recent global tightening of asylum admissions has increased
trafficking by forcing many desperate people to turn to smugglers. In southeast Europe, a GTZ study found that more
stringent border controls have led to an increase in trafficking, as people turned to third parties to smuggle them
out of the country. Similarly, other legal efforts to protect women from trafficking have had the perverse effect of
making them more vulnerable. For example, Burmese law precludes women under the age of 26 from visiting border areas unless
accompanied by a husband or parent. Although Burmese officials say the law demonstrates the government's concern with the issue, many women
believe it only increases the cost of travel (particularly from bribe-seeking police) and decreases their safety by making
them dependent on "facilitators" to move them across the border. These women incur greater debt for their
passage, thus making them even more vulnerable to exploitation along the way.
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2ac at: prosecution cp
a2 prosecution solves
FEINGOLD 2005 (David, Director, Ophidian Research Institute; International Coordinator, HIV/AIDS and
Trafficking Projects, UNESCO Bangkok, August 30, 2005, “Think Again: Human Trafficking,” Foreign Policy,
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2005/08/30/think_again_human_trafficking?page=full, Hensel)
"Prosecution Will Stop Traffickers" Not likely . In the United States, an odd but effective coalition of liberal
Democrats, conservative Republicans, committed feminists, and evangelical Christians pushed a law through
congress in 2000 that aimed to prosecute traffickers and protect victims at home, while pressuring other
countries to take action abroad. The Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act recognized trafficking as a federal crime for the first
time and provided a definition of victims in need of protection and services. Despite the political energies expended on human
trafficking, there is little evidence that prosecutions have any significant impact on aggregate levels of
trafficking. For example, U.S. government figures indicate the presence of some 200,000 trafficked victims in the
United States. But even with a well-trained law enforcement and prosecutorial system, less than 500 people have
been awarded T visas, the special visas given to victims in return for cooperation with federal prosecutors. In fact, between 2001 and 2003, only
110 traffickers were prosecuted by the Justice Department. Of these, 77 were convicted or pled guilty. Given the nature of the trafficking
business, so few convictions will have little effect. Convicting a local recruiter or transporter has no significant
impact on the overall scale of trafficking. If the incentives are right, he or she is instantly replaced, and the flow
of people is hardly interrupted.
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2ac at: sanction cp
a2 sanctions solve --- sanctions fail and incentives are better (possible generic aff advocate?)
FEINGOLD 2005 (David, Director, Ophidian Research Institute; International Coordinator, HIV/AIDS and
Trafficking Projects, UNESCO Bangkok, August 30, 2005, “Think Again: Human Trafficking,” Foreign Policy,
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2005/08/30/think_again_human_trafficking?page=full, Hensel)
"Sanctions Will Stop Trafficking" Wrong . The same U.S. law that made trafficking a federal crime also gave the United States the right to
punish other states that do not crack down on human trafficking. The State Department is required to send a report to congress each year ranking
countries according to their success in combating trafficking and threatening sanctions for those with the worst records. But international
humanitarian agencies see the threat of U.S. sanctions against foreign governments as largely
counterproductive. Practically speaking, sanctions will likely be applied only against countries already subject to
sanctions, such as Burma or North Korea. Threatening moderately unresponsive countries -- such as China, Nigeria, or
Saudi Arabia -- would likely backfire, causing these countries to become less open to dialogue and limiting the flow of
information necessary for effective cooperation. Although some countries certainly lack candor and create false
fronts of activity, others actively seek Uncle Sam's seal of approval (and the resources that often follow) with genuine
efforts to combat trafficking. Bangladesh, for example, received higher marks from the State Department this year
by taking significant steps against trafficking, despite the country's poverty and limited resources. Incentives,
instead of sanctions, might encourage others to do the same.
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2ac at: process cp
Only an immediate and concerted response solves
Acharya, 9 Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales, Universidad Autónoma de Nuevo León (Arun Kumar
Acharya, 2009, “The Dynamic of Internal displacement, Forced Migration and Vulnerable to Trafficking in
Mexico”, http://www.krepublishers.com/02-Journals/JHE/JHE-27-0-000-09-Web/JHE-27-3-000-09-AbstPDF/JHE-27-03-161-09-1798-Acharya-A-K/JHE-27-03-161-09-1798-Acharya-A-K-Tt.pdf)//EM
Today, trafficking of displaced women cuts across social and economic situations and is deeply embedded in cultures around the
world, where millions of women consider this illicit trade a way of life. Although the government of Mexico is trying to rehabilitate and rehouse displaced persons and is trying to provide a new home for affected communities, displaced women are still as vulnerable from
trafficking. This whole issue is now of global importance, one which requires an urgent and concerted
response. A comprehensive approach is essential to address the economic, social, political aspects of women trafficking.
It is necessary to deal with the perpetrators, as well as assist the victims of trafficking in Mexico.
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2ac at: russia/china cp
China and Russia have terrible trafficking records—they would just screw up
Heavey, 6/19 (Susan Heavey, Reuters, 6/19/13, “U.S. cites Russia, China among worst in human trafficking:
report”, http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/06/19/us-usa-humantraffickingidUSBRE95I1LC20130619)//EM
While the Chinese government has taken some steps to address the problem, such as vowing to work with international organizations and
increasing public awareness, it also has continued to perpetuate the problem in hundreds of its own institutions , the
State Department report said. "Despite these modest signs of interest in anti-trafficking reforms, the Chinese government did not
demonstrate significant efforts to comprehensively prohibit and punish all forms of trafficking and to prosecute
traffickers," U.S. officials wrote. The report said China's one-child policy and preference for sons has led to fewer women in the country, thus
increasing demand for women as brides or prostitutes. In Russia, the government "had not established any concrete system
for the identification or care of trafficking victims, lacking any formal victim identification and referral mechanism," although there
were some "ad hoc efforts," the report said. The citation is likely to further strain the complicated relations between the United States and the two
countries, which already have been strained by the handling of the civil war in Syria and cybersecurity, among other issues. While it was not immediately
clear what the Obama administration might do given the downgrade, human rights advocates and some U.S. lawmakers urged strong steps such as
imposing sanctions or withholding foreign aid. They also called on the Russian and Chinese governments to take action. " China
has become
the sex and labor trafficking capital of the world," said U.S. Representative Chris Smith, a New Jersey Republican.
is only going to get worse."
"Without serious and sustained action by Beijing, it
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Ethics precedes discursive questions – and our demand combines discourse with ethics to solve
discursive violence
Jovanovic and Wood 4 Spoma and Roy, Communications/Rhetoric Professors at Denver University and U North Carolina, Philosophy and
Rhetoric Vol 37 no 4, 2004
To consider these opening facts of communication
is to conceive of language or discourse in a wholly different realm from
intentional, predetermined, strategic enterprise where the other is but an object in the self's plans for mastery. Levinas
accentuates this by unveiling the properties of communication as ethical encounter, or saying. .One can, to be
sure, conceive of language as an act, as a gesture of behavior. But then one omits the essential of language: the
coinciding of the revealer and the revealed in the face. (1969, 67). For Levinas, ethics precedes discourse in disclosure.
That is, before we even conceive of a freedom that would enable us to choose ethics, there is already the
imperative Yes! that signals our submission and sacrifice to the other (Levinas 1996c). Why are we pulled toward the other as Levinas
suggests? Under what conditions can it be, and matter, that ethics precedes discourse? For Levinas, being for the other
provides an important insight into how our moral obli gation is grounded not in specific altruistic activity, thorough
understanding, or adherence to universal laws. Alphonso Lingis, a translator of many of Levinas.s works, describes the ethical nature of
communication succinctly: .What is said is inessential; what is essential is that I be there and speak. (1994, xi). Speech
is first and foremost the acknowledgment of sociality that signifies the importance of the encounter with the
other. Speech for Levinas is not, as we have been conditioned to think, the link to participation that seeks comprehension of
the other (1996a). This limited reading of speech represents for Levinas totality and closure rather than infinity and alterity.
Richard Cohen, another of Levinas.s translators, questions in his introduction to Ethics and Infinity the role of speech altogether. “Ethics occurs. . .
across the hiatus of dialogue, not in the content of discourse, in the continuities or discontinuities of what is said, but in the
demand for response” (Levinas 1985, 12). Actually, Cohen points to the force of communication without naming it as such. Transcending
dialogue there is ethics, but to instantiate ethics requires communication, whether in the hiatus, the response, or the
approach. Ethics evokes then, rather than defines, and in so doing defies our propensity to codify, compare, andcommit
to a certain course of action prior to engagement. For Levinas, the face of the other (the other we recognize and the others we
do not) is an interruption that arouses a desire to move toward the other, not knowing what may come. The
desire and its accompanying responsibility are indicative of a turn outward toward a communal life.
Their invocation of trafficking is an empty signifier that depoliticizes ethics resulting in
elite manipulation via dangerous master-signifiers giving these empty terms meaning.
Budde and Grobklaus ‘10 (David and Mathias, both in graduate political science department @ Freie Universitat Berlin, “Patterns
of Power: The EU’s External Steering Techniques at Work - The Case of Democratization Policies in Morocco” KFG working Paper no. 22
December [SG])
The conceptual fields “partnership” and “commonality” are not only used in subjectivation and categorization strategies. The
European Union also takes advantage of those notions’ ambiguity to structure Moroccan fields of action. The empty keyword
“common interest”, crucial to European neighborhood polices (European Commission 2004a, 2004d; Prodi 2002), is particularly
important here: The horizontal actor setting of the Association council and the stated “common interests, joint ownership […]
and mutually recognized acceptance of common values” (European Commission 2004a: 1) are discursively extended
to a shared interest backing every individual policy measure. The use of empty signifiers like “good
governance”, “modernization” or “development” as legitimatizing brackets could indeed establish mutual
consent in situations where conflicting interpretations did exist: While the notion “democracy” carries negative
connotations in the context of external influence, the substitution term “(good) governance” is used in the same sense (as the
simple renaming of the respective chapter in the National Indicative Programme shows: European Commission 2004e, 2006c) but
does not entail the same political explosiveness (Balfour 2004: 21f).22 This purposeful usage of linguistic
vagueness resonated in two ways: First, the overarching empty signifier “common interest” was accepted by its
addressees. Within civil society, technical policy adjustments were indeed perceived as a result of converging
interests (Senyücel et al. 2006: 16); even Islamic actors stressed common (strategic) goals in democratization policy (Martinez et al.
2008: 12f). Second, the use of vague notions like “governance” and “modernization” were accepted on the
governmental level but rejected by civil society actors (EMHRN 2007: 39f; Friedrich Ebert Stiftung 2007a). Voiced criticism
explicitly concerned the EU vocabulary’s vagueness allegedly allowing state elites to legitimize superficial
reforms (Kausch 2009: 169; Youngs 2010). As a result, most non-governmental organizations tried to establish own,
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unequivocal interpretations trying to substantiate the government’s lipservice to vague slogans (EMHRN 2007:
39f).
Focus on bureaucratic policy details obscures the ethical dimension of policy making
which destroys individual action and makes genocide possible
Fasching 1993 (Darrell J., Professor of Religious Studies at University of South Florida, The Ethical Challenge of Auschwitz and
Hiroshima ,Pp.241-243)
The heart of the problem lies in the transformation that occurs when modern technological consciousness is
subsumed by bureaucratic consciousness and generalized to the whole of society. For inherent limits in technological
consciousness are removed when it enters the bureaucratic environment. In areas of genuine technological production, the materials
one is working with and the objectives one is trying to realize are specific. They impose discipline, limits, and measurable goals on the
technological process. All of these are absent when technical attitudes are carried over into bureaucratic processes. "In political
bureaucracy there is less pressure from the logic of technology and therefore more of a chance for the peculiar 'genius' of bureaucracy to
unfold." As bureaucracy overtakes technology and engulfs society, the means are no longer related to and
disciplined by ends beyond themselves. The whole of society becomes divided into areas of
bureaucratic expertise to be regulated by the appropriate experts according to established anonymous and
impartial procedures. Organization and orderliness become ends in themselves. Bureaucracy is not only orderly but orderly in an imperialistic
mode. There is a bureaucratic demiurge who views the universe as dumb chaos waiting to be brought into the redeeming order of bureaucratic
administration. . . . The engineer puts phenomena into little categorial boxes in order to take them apart further or to put them together in larger wholes.
By contrast, the bureaucrat is typically satisfied once everything has been put in its proper box. Thus bureaucracy leads to a type of problem-solving
different from that for technological production. It is less conducive to creative fantasy, and it is fixating rather than innovating. . . . In the technological
sphere, social organization is largely heteronomous, that is , it must be so shaped as to conform to the non-bureaucratic requirements of production. This
imposes certain limits on organization. . . . In the political sphere, which is the bureaucratic sphere par excellence, these limits are much less in evidence.
Here, organization can be set up autonomously, that is, as following no logic but its own. . . . Paper does not resist the bureaucrat in the way that steel
parts resist the engineer. Thus there is nothing that intrinsically prohibits the passport agency from deciding that ten rather than three bureaucrats must
a technobureaucrat society all of life is compartmentalized and individuals
are expected to unquestioningly follow procedures without necessarily understanding the
larger goals to which their actions contribute. For, on the one hand, the intelligibility of required
procedures is opaque because the problem it solves is not a genuine technical problem. On the other hand,
one is expected to abide by regulations and procedures that are "too technical" for the
average person to understand, on the assumption that the appropriate experts understand and
legitimate these ends, providing the reasons why things must be done in a certain way. Albert Speer, reflecting
on how he came to be involved in Hitler's Third Reich emphasizes just these tendencies of technobureaucratic
order. Thus, he tells us: The ordinary party member was being taught that grand-policy was much too complex
for him to judge it. Consequently, one felt one was being represented, never called upon to take personal
responsibility. The whole structure of the system was aimed at preventing conflicts of conscience from even
arising. . . . Worse still was the restriction of responsibility to one's own field. . . . Everyone kept to his own
group—of architects, physicians, jurists, technicians, soldiers, or farmers. The professional organizations to
which everyone had to belong were called chambers . . . and this term aptly described the way people were
immured in isolated, closed-off areas of life. The longer Hitler's system lasted, the more people's minds moved
within such isolated chambers. . . . What eventually developed was a society of totally isolated individuals.66
Such a technobureaucratic society forces a doubling and quadrupling of selves. It forces individuals to generate
a plurality of selves appropriate to each compartmentalized area of human life, selves that are, at best, amoral,
approve every passport application.65 In
having surrendered the option of ethical reflection and judgment to the experts. These selves, denuded of everything that makes them truly individuals
(i.e., their personal and communal histories and values) become finally dehumanized interchangeable and replaceable parts in a vast bureaucratic
machine. Thus whereas technological production gives persons a sense of creativity and potency and even self-transcendence as one overcomes obstacles
and realizes a goal, bureaucracy creates just the opposite; namely, a sense of impotency, helplessness, and the necessity to conform to a reality so real,
massive, and all pervasive that "nothing can be changed." The result is a social structure that separates ends from means and
deciders from actors, relegating all decisions to "higher levels." Such a social structure prepares the way for the
demonic, preventing ethical questions from ever arising even as it creates bureaucratic
individuals who feel no personal responsibility for their actions.
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Other
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Mexican Relations Resilient
US-Mexican relations are resilient
Seelke 1/29 specialist in Latin American Affairs at CRS, covers Brazil, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Mexico, as well as issues such as gangs and trafficking
in persons. Holds a Master of Public Affairs and Master of Arts in Latin American Studies (Clare Ribando, 1/29/13, Congressional Research Service,
"Mexico and the 112th Congress," ¶ http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL32724.pdf)//AM
Over the last five years, U.S.-Mexican security cooperation has intensified significantly as a ¶ result of the Mérida
Initiative. U.S.-Mexican cooperation has evolved to the point where it is able ¶ to continue even amidst
serious strain caused by sometimes unforeseen events . For example, ¶ bilateral efforts against weapons
trafficking continued even after the failed Bureau of Alcohol, ¶ Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives (ATF) operation
dubbed “Fast and Furious” resulted in ¶ firearms being trafficked into Mexico.47 U.S. training and law enforcement
support efforts have ¶ advanced even as U.S. personnel have been injured and even killed while working in Mexico. ¶
The U.S. government has helped Mexican government investigate the circumstances under which ¶ two U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) employees
were wounded on August 24, 2012, as ¶ their vehicle came under heavy fire from Mexican Federal Police.
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Cuba Cooperation
Human trafficking is an area the US and Cuba can cooperate in – solves relations
Burbach 9 director of the Centre for the Study of the Americas, based in Berkeley, California, specializing in Latin American politics (Roger, "U.S.-
Cuba Politics Play Out at OAS Gathering," June 2009, http://globalalternatives.org/node/104)//AM
U.S.-Cuba relations are once again front and center as the meeting of the Organization of American States (OAS) in Tegucigalpa,
Honduras, begins today.¶ Cuba, expelled from the OAS in 1962 at the height of the Cold War, will not be present at the gathering. But the United States is
facing a virtually united front of Latin American nations demanding that Cuba be readmitted. Chilean Jose Miguel Insulza, the secretary general of the
organization, declares, “I want to be clear: I want Cuba back in the Inter-American system…Cuba is a member of the OAS. Its flag is there.”¶ The Obama
Administration is sending contradictory signals about what it is up to. On April 20, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who will be leading the U.S.
delegation to Tegucigalpa, told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, “Any effort to admit Cuba into the OAS is really in Cuba’s hands,” referring to
past U.S. demands that Cuba change its political system.¶ Two days later, however, the United States proposed reopening discussions on immigration
issues that had been suspended early in the Bush Administration. Cuba responded positively to this overture, saying it also wants to talk about regular
postal services and to discuss drug interdiction and disaster relief along with immigration concerns. Even before this announcement, Fidel Castro,
the retired leader who
still exerts considerable influence in the government now headed by his brother, Raul Castro,
stated Cuba is willing to dialogue on “narcotrafficking, organized crime, human trafficking, and to expand other
forms of cooperation such as fighting epidemics and natural catastrophes.”
Cuba is willing to cooperate on trafficking
Iturbe 13 one of the Cuban Communist Party’s leading academics and experts on foreign affairs (Nestor Garcia, "Cuba in the foreign policy of the
United States of America," 2/18/13, http://cubastudies.org/what-should-obama-do-the-view-from-cuba/)//AM
“I also offer to the government of the United States to negotiate agreements for cooperation
in areas of mutual
interest, such as fighting drug trafficking, terrorism, human trafficking and for the full normalization of migratory relations
and the mitigation and prevention of natural disasters, environmental protection and preservation of our common seawaters. We also propose
resuming talks, unilaterally suspended by the counterparty, on migration issues and the restoration of the postal service. “
The US and Cuba can cooperate on human trafficking
Iturbe 13 one of the Cuban Communist Party’s leading academics and experts on foreign affairs (Nestor Garcia, "Cuba in the foreign policy of the
United States of America," 2/18/13, http://cubastudies.org/what-should-obama-do-the-view-from-cuba/)//AM
People trafficking¶ This is a point of mutual interest, in which there is a degree of coordination between the
authorities of both countries. Often U.S. ships arrive in Cuban ports to return people who have been caught in
U.S. waters. These people are received by the Cuban authorities and sent to their homes. Those who engage in
illegal profit from this trafficking, who are captured either in one country or the other, receive heavy penalties, fines
and their vessels are seized. The exchange of information on this issue and illegal departures from Cuba can be
very useful to the U.S. authorities. The written form of this tacit agreement between the two countries would have the effect of neutralizing
this trade.
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Organ Trafficking
Expanding the legal industry solves (I think what this means is we can have an aff to work with
Mexico to expand the legal industry to solve the supply aspect of the organ industry – making
more of the industry legal would make them subject to regulations which would likely solve all
the advantages)
**highlighted part is potentially a different card if I am reading it right – process cp idea or defense of
international
Satel and Hakim, 08 – MD, Resident Scholar, American Enterprise Institute, AND MD, Transplant Surgeon,
Former President, International College of Surgeons (Sally AND Nadey, June 20, 2008, “What's Wrong with
Selling Kidneys?,” American Enterprise Institute, http://www.aei.org/article/health/whats-wrong-withselling-kidneys/, Hensel)
This was the question recently posed in the prestigious British Medical Journal. An American transplant surgeon (in favor of selling kidneys) squared off
against an Australian nephrologist (against). In an accompanying article, a leading British transplant surgeon called for legalizing organ sales. Coverage
in the British press had a positive spin. "Surgeon: Organ trade should be legalized" was The Independent's headline; "Legalize trade in donor organs,
pleads surgeon" was The Evening Standard's. We cheer these headlines. The more attention is paid to the worldwide organ shortage and the rapacious
underground market it has spawned, the more people, we hope, will support the idea of selling kidneys legally. There is nothing wrong with
selling kidneys. And until we do so, the fates of third-world donors and the patients who need their organs to
survive will remain morbidly entwined. We do. One of us is a British transplant surgeon who has seen too many patients die for want of a
kidney. The other is an American recipient of a kidney who was once desperate enough to contemplate obtaining a kidney in the overseas organ bazaar.
We believe in compensating healthy individuals who are willing to relinquish one of their kidneys to save the
life of a dying stranger. There really is no other option. As the world has seen, altruistic appeals to organ donation
have not yielded enough organs for transplantation. An estimated 40,000 patients are waiting for a transplant in
Western Europe, more than 6,000 of them in Britain. Fifteen to 30 percent will die on the waiting list. Granted, not all countries
have made the most use of posthumous donation and they should. But even in Spain, which is famously successful at retrieving organs from the newly
deceased because of its robust procurement infrastructure, there are deaths on the waiting list. We face a dual tragedy: On one side,
thousands of patients who die each year for want of a kidney; on the other a human-rights fiasco in which
corrupt brokers deceive indigent donors about the nature of surgery, cheat them out of payment and ignore
their post-surgical needs. The World Health Organization estimates that 5 to 10 percent of all transplants performed annually--perhaps 63,000
in all--take place in the clinical netherworlds of China, Pakistan, Egypt, Colombia, and the Philippines. Unfortunately, much of the world
transplant establishment--including the WHO, the international Transplantation Society and the World Medical Association--advocate
remedies that do not go far enough. They insist on obliterating organ trafficking but ignore the time-tested fact
that trying to stamp out underground markets either drives corruption further underground or causes it to
flourish elsewhere . The truth is that trafficking will only recede when the crying need for organs disappears.
Opponents also allege that a legal system of exchange will inevitably replicate the sins of the black market. This is utterly backward. The remedy to
this corrupt and unregulated system of exchange is its mirror image: a regulated and transparent regime
devoted to donor protection. We suggest a system in which compensation is provided by a third party
(government, a charity or insurance) and overseen by the government. Because bidding and private buying will
not be permitted, available organs will be distributed to the next in line--not just to the wealthy. Finally, we
suggest that lump-sum cash payments not be offered. By providing in -kind rewards --such as a down payment on a
house, a contribution to a retirement fund or lifetime health insurance--the program would not be attractive to people who might
otherwise rush to donate on the promise of a large sum of instant cash. The only way to stop illicit markets is to
create legal ones. Indeed, there is no better justification for testing legal modes of exchange than the very
depredations of the underground market .
relevance (but it’s good)? [even in families] gifting of the body is false altruism and turns
donors into slaves of the recipients
Scheper-Hughes, 07 – Professor of Anthropology, University of California—Berkeley; Director of the
program in Medical Anthropology, University of California—Berkeley (Nancy, January 22, 2007, American
Journal of Transplantation Volume 7 Issue 3, “The Tyranny of the Gift: Sacrificial Violence in Living Donor
Transplants,” Wiley Online Library, Hensel)
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a chilling essay (3) followed by an book length memoir (4) of his encounter with Paroxysmal
Nocturnal Hemoglobinuria (PNH), a rare blood disease destroying his blood cells, David Biro explained why he felt that any one of his
sisters should unhesitatingly offer themselves as blood marrow donors. ‘That is what families are supposed to
do ’, the young doctor stated, even mildly dysfunctional families like his in which the older brother and his baby sister were, before and after the donor
¶
Family Bonds or Family Bondage?¶ ¶ In
transfer, virtual strangers to each other. Biro describes his younger sister, his future donor: ‘My day to day knowledge of Michele was curiously
incomplete ... We rarely talk about anything deeper than a movie or a meal ... I loved her in the distracted way you love a person whose external data are
familiar but whose internal workings are a pleasant mystery ... [but] now I needed her.’ (All quotes are from ‘Silent Bond’, 1998:94.)¶ ¶ Biro felt
justified in putting his younger sister’s life—the one whose near perfect genetic match turned out to be David’s ‘jackpot’ number—and
her mobility on hold indefinitely. A free spirit who had trekked across the Yukon and worked with disabled children in rural Guatemala,
Michelle interrupted her life and her travels to serve her brother’s medical needs. Although a vegetarian, she
agreed to eat plenty of red meat and sing the praises of a slab of Canadian bacon. The possible risks to the
donor (5)—excessive pain, delayed or prolonged recovery, anesthesia reactions, injury to tissue, bone or nerves were never mentioned.¶ ¶
This scenario fits the normative transplant discourse in which gifting and altruism are assumed among
close friends and kin. It is what any one of us would hope for ourselves were we in the same predicament, either
as donor or recipient. But Michelle’s donor role was not over after the transplant. Now that ‘she had literally
become a part of me’, Biro wrote that he wanted to keep her close by him in the event he might suffer a relapse that
would require more of her marrow. He admitted to feeling resentment whenever his sister spoke of plans for far-flung journeys and he
demanded that she cancel a trip to Alaska. Michelle, the silent and invisible object lesson in this medical parable, quietly
acquiesced, or so we assume. Biro saw his medical needs as an automatic future claim over his sister’s body, which
sustained him physically and psychologically. Hegel might have referred to this arrangement as a master–
slave dialectic , marked by mutual dependencies and invisible violence and sacrifice.¶ ¶ At the close of his essay Biro
boasts that he never thanked his sister because ‘to do so would have violated the pact of silence that brothers
and sisters feel compelled to uphold’. This ‘pact of silence’ is what anthropologists call a ‘public secret’, something known by all but
unstated because of the extreme fragility of the social situation. Here the ‘secret’ concerns fairly primitive blood claim by one sibling on the other. A
living donor in Brazil said that her surgeon had extracted a similar promise that she never speak of her gift within the family as it would be unfair to the
recipient. The gift must be invisible, thus maintaining a ‘family myth’ capable of erupting later on. ¶ ¶ Biro’s memoir was highly praised as
‘the work of a doctor who has the soul of a “poet”’. There
is no mention in the reviews of David’s donor, illustrating my point that
invisible as deceased ones. Both are faceless ‘suppliers’ of a scarce commodity. Over
time the transplant experience was reduced ‘to a wisp of memory’ as each moved on in their lives. Biro went back to ‘not knowing Michelle
and she to not knowing me’. This narrative speaks less to family bonds than to family bondage, less to gifting
than to poaching.
living donors are
almost as
a2 legal organ trade good
Scheper-Hughes, 02 – Professor of Anthropology, University of California—Berkeley; Director of the
program in Medical Anthropology, University of California—Berkeley (Nancy, April 8, 2002, National Post,
“Organ markets must be shut, not legalized,” LexisNexis, Hensel)
Various commentators, including the National Post's editorial board, have argued that the problems accompanying the
illegal trade in human organs may be better addressed through regulation than prohibition . According to this
theory, the organ trade should be legal and the ethical dilemmas subsumed to supply and demand . Both buyer and
seller would benefit from a legal organ market, the Post argues. But there
are many problems with this approach. To date, only
kidneys, bone marrow and liver lobes can be taken from living donors and transplanted into ailing patients .
Living donation is risky and obviously cannot supply hearts, lungs and other irreplaceable body parts. Moreover,
nephrectomy (kidney removal) and partial removal of the liver for transplant, even under favorable surgical
conditions, are hardly risk-free. In the United States, at least two kidney donors have died during the past 18 months and another is in a
persistent vegetative state as a result of living donation. The problems multiply when the sellers are poor and trapped in
unhealthy living environments. In such cases, there is a greater risk that an infectious disease will compromise the
donor's remaining kidney. And while poor people in particular cannot do without their "extra" organs and tissue, even affluent people often
need that extra organ as they age. One healthy kidney can compensate for a failing or weaker kidney. The few available, longitudinal studies of the effects
of nephrectomy on kidney sellers in India and Iran are unambiguous: Even under regulated systems in which "compensated
gifting" is used to reimburse donors, kidney sellers suffer from chronic pain, unemployment and social stigma.
Researchers working in nine countries have found that kidney sellers frequently face medical problems including hypertension
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and kidney insufficiency. On returning to their rural villages or urban shantytowns in South America, South or Southeast Asia,
or Eastern Europe, kidney sellers often find themselves unable to sustain heavy agricultural or construction work ,
which is typically the only work available to them. Kidney sellers experience deep shame . They are often
stigmatized as "prostitutes," excommunicated from churches, alienated from families and, if single,
excluded from marriage. The children of kidney sellers are ridiculed as "one-kidneys." How can a regulated
system set a "fair" price on a human body part? The global market sets values largely based on consumer
prejudices. In today's kidney market, an Indian kidney fetches as little as $1,000, a Filipino kidney $1,300, a Moldovan or Romanian kidney yields
$2,700, while an urban Peruvian can receive as much as $30,000. The circulation of kidneys transcends borders. Thus, shady international
markets would co-exist and compete aggressively with national, regulated systems.
k impacts/a2 util in context of organ trafficking
Scheper-Hughes, 02 – Professor of Anthropology, University of California—Berkeley; Director of the
program in Medical Anthropology, University of California—Berkeley (Nancy, April 8, 2002, National Post,
“Organ markets must be shut, not legalized,” LexisNexis, Hensel)
The new consumerist, market-oriented medical ethics that is gaining acceptability creates the semblance of
ethical choice -- the right to buy a kidney, for instance -- in an intrinsically unethical context. Bioethical
arguments about the right to sell an organ or other body part are often based on cherished notions of contract
and individual "choice." But the social and economic contexts at work in an urban slum of Calcutta render the "choice"
to sell a kidney anything but "free" or "autonomous." The idea of consent is problematic when a seller has no
other option left but to sell an organ. Putting a market price on body parts -- even a fair one -- exploits the
desperation of the poor , turning their suffering into an opportunity . And the surgical removal of non-renewable
organs is an act in which medical practitioners should not be asked to participate. Surgeons whose primary
responsibility is to provide care should not be advocates of paid self-mutilation even in the interest of saving
lives.
possible adv cp to increase organ supply
Scheper-Hughes, 02 – Professor of Anthropology, University of California—Berkeley; Director of the
program in Medical Anthropology, University of California—Berkeley (Nancy, April 8, 2002, National Post,
“Organ markets must be shut, not legalized,” LexisNexis, Hensel)
The demand side of the organs scarcity problem also needs to be confronted: - Part of the current scarcity derives from
expansions of organ waiting lists to include small infants and patients over age 70, a practice that needs to be questioned. - Liver and kidney failure often
originate in public health problems that could be treated more aggressively preventively. - Ethical solutions to the chronic scarcity of
human organs are not always palatable to the public, but also need to be considered. Foremost among these are systems of
informed "presumed consent" -- in which all citizens are assumed to be organ donors at brain death unless they
have stipulated their refusal beforehand. This practice, widespread in Europe, preserves the value of organ transplant
as a social good based on a social contract in which no one is excluded based on their ability to pay.
gender angle on the k of organ trafficking; k of fake altruism
Scheper-Hughes, 07 – Professor of Anthropology, University of California—Berkeley; Director of the
program in Medical Anthropology, University of California—Berkeley (Nancy, January 22, 2007, American
Journal of Transplantation Volume 7 Issue 3, “The Tyranny of the Gift: Sacrificial Violence in Living Donor
Transplants,” Wiley Online Library, Hensel)
The Gender of the Gift¶ If Biro’s sister had been the patient, would David have interrupted his active life and put his body on the line to serve her needs?
International data indicate a gender bias in living donation, with females the more likely donors (6–10). The Organs
Procurement and Transplantation Network (OPTN) lists 2299 (living) females and 1637 males who have donated organs in
2006; the gender gap is greater for other years. Wives are far more likely than husbands (36–6.5% in one survey) to
donate a kidney to a spouse (8, 10). In Iran under a government regulated system of paid donation, women are the primary paid donors and
men the primary receivers of those purchased organs (7).¶ Rather than celebrate the ‘altruism’ of women worldwide , we ought
to be paying attention to the social pressures exerted on them to be living donors. A pediatric transplant surgeon in Brazil
explained the excess of female donors in his clinic: ‘It is only natural that mothers are the donors within families. I tell [fathers] that the mother has
already given life to the child, and now it is his turn. But most men feel that organ donation is a womanly thing to do’. 1 A transplant surgeon in Recife,
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Brazil, stated that mothers were the preferred family kidney donors on the grounds of tissue compatibility. You always knew who the biological mother
was, while biological fathers were uncertain.¶ Anthropologists entertain different assumptions than physicians about the nature of families, altruism,
gifting, and human sacrifice. Families are often violent and predatory, as inclined to abuse and exploit as to protect and
nurture their members. Gifts are never ‘free’ ; they inevitably come with strings, making the recipient beholden
in crucial ways (11). Every gift is both altruistic and indebting , spontaneous and calculated. Gifts demand
counter-gifts, even though time may elapse and the return gift may or may not be in kind. Pure altruism does
not exist , except perhaps toward one’s children, and bio-evolutionists would point out that parental sacrifice hides another sort of (genetic)
selfinterest.¶ Organ capture within families involves an intensely private dynamic that often escapes the most careful medical professionals. In
societies characterized by a high degree of male dominance pressure is frequently exerted on lower status,
poorer, female relatives to ‘volunteer’ as donors. The tendency is to choose the least valuable , least productive
family member, the unemployed single maiden aunt, for example. A spinster teacher from a small town in Brazil
was ‘nominated’ by her siblings to be a kidney donor to her younger brother . ‘Zulaide’ agreed but she resented
the imposition. To make matters worse the transplant failed; her kidney was rejected and her brother died. When Zulaide suffered
from vague symptoms attributed to her nephrectomy, her complaints were dismissed by the transplant surgeon
as ‘neurotic’, as ‘donor regret’, as a kind of ‘compensatory neurosis suffered by a childless woman who never
succeeded in anything in life, not even in being a donor’. The remark revealed the physician’s barely concealed
contempt for this low status female. During a meeting of the Bellagio Task Force on organs trafficking (12) Abdullah Daar argued that
kidney selling would actually protect low status women in the Middle East from being coerced to serve as altruistic family donors.
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***Neg
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Offcase Arguments
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1nc topicality
NEG – T – extra-t – engages other countries
Tena, 10 (Maria, Trans-Border Institute, University of San Diego, September 30, 2010, “Modern Day Slavery in
U.S.–Mexican Territory: Human Trafficking at the Border,” Border Brief, Trans-Border Institute, University of
San Diego, http://catcher.sandiego.edu/items/peacestudies/Border_Brief_FINAL_BW_oct4_10.pdf, Hensel)
As neighboring countries that share a highly volatile border with high rates of human trafficking, smuggling, and drug trafficking, Mexico and the U.S.
have also acknowledged that transnational cooperation between them is essential. For this reason, in 2005 the United States and Mexico launched the
OASISS bi-national program (Operation against Smugglers Initiative on Safety and Security), which has successfully aided in the prosecution of
traffickers and in the dismantling of smuggling and trafficking networks (Department of Homeland Security, 2005). In 2007, the
Mérida
Initiative was also established to assist Mexico and Central America in battling organized crime, including their
human trafficking operations (U.S. Department of State, 2009; Arizona Attorney General, 2009). Additionally, state-level initiatives along
the U.S.-Mexico border continue to play a critical role in effectively tackling the complex issue of human trafficking. However, the United States and
Mexico still have a long way to go in the fight against human trafficking, as both countries uncover the hidden nature and wide scope of the crime and
strengthen their cooperation mechanisms so as to increase the number of prosecutions and rescued victims.
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1nc neolib link
The aff is neoliberal
Gulati, 10 – PhD, Associate Professor of Political Science at Bentley University, Member of the Regional
Working Group on Modern-Day Slavery and Human Trafficking, Carr Center for Human Rights, Kennedy
School of Government, Harvard University (Girish J. Gulati, July 1, 2010, “Media Representation of Human
Trafficking in the United States, Great Britain, and Canada,” Bentley University, pdf, Hensel)
Others see the anti-trafficking efforts as a form of cultural imperialism , a defense of neo-liberal economic
interests, and an excuse to restrict the movement and economic opportunities of women and other
marginalized people. They point to information campaigns funded by the U.S. to warn potential victims about
traffickers’ methods and motives, but which really are subtle attempts to discourage migration to western
countries . In terms of solutions, these alternative voices propose legalizing prostitution, treating prostitutes as workers rather than victims, and
helping them obtain safer working conditions and health care. They also call for more liberalized immigration laws in the United States and Western
Europe (Andrijasevic 2007; Chapkis 2003; Kempadoo 2005; Kinney 2006).
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1nc politics link
Specifically, expanding anti-trafficking aid to Mexico will cause backlash - our link is unique
Seelke 1/29 specialist in Latin American Affairs at CRS, covers Brazil, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Mexico, as well as issues such as gangs and trafficking
in persons. Holds a Master of Public Affairs and Master of Arts in Latin American Studies (Clare Ribando, 1/29/13, Congressional Research Service,
"Mexico and the 112th Congress," ¶ http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL32724.pdf)//AM
Many Mexican law enforcement activities with respect to combating alien smuggling and human ¶ trafficking receive
some degree of U.S. financial support. One way to increase Mexico's role in ¶ migration enforcement may be for
Congress to consider additional investments in these programs. ¶ The United States also could include migration control as an
explicit priority within other existing ¶ programs, such as the Mérida Initiative. On the other hand, Mexico is already among
the largest ¶ recipients of U.S. anti-TIP assistance in the Western Hemisphere, and some Members of Congress
¶ may be reluctant to invest more resources in such programs.
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1nc general foreign aid link
Even if the plan trades off within existing budgets, decreasing trafficking results in more
general development spending
DANAILOVA-TRAINOR AND LACZKO 2010 (Gergana, US GAO; and Frank, International Organization for Migration, International
Migration 48:4, Wiley Online Library)
At a national level, the
effect of trafficking on development may also be viewed in terms of the funds spent to fight this crime, funds,
which could be used for other development interventions, if human trafficking did not exist or were eradicated.
For example, according to a GAO report issued in 2007, the US government has provided approximately US$ 447 million in foreign assistance to
nongovernmental organizations, international organizations, and foreign governments to combat and help eliminate human trafficking since 2001. In
addition, to support US efforts to investigate trafficking in persons within the United States., the US Bureau of Justice Assistance has funded a total of 42
law enforcement task forces on human trafficking and reported awarding a total of over US$ 17 million to them from 2004 to 2006 (GAO, 2007a).
However, this should be viewed as a minimum estimate of the law enforcement costs of anti-trafficking in the United States, since resource information
on fighting trafficking may not be distinguishable from other law enforcement activities. To implement their respective plans and carry
out activities related to the investigation and prosecution of trafficking in persons, US agencies have generally drawn from
existing resources. Overall, if the fight against trafficking is successful, funds currently used to fight trafficking crimes may be channelled towards
alternative development initiatives. However, this scenario may not be feasible in the near future.
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1nc drug tradeoff da
The aff trades off with drug interdiction efforts
GARZA 2011 (Rocio, Candidate for Juris Doctor, Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law, May 2011; A.B. (2005) Harvard University, CARDOZO J. OF INT’L & COMP.
LAW, March, www.cjicl.com/uploads/2/9/5/9/2959791/cjicl_19.2_garza_note.pdf)
The three most prevalent and lucrative transnational crimes—drug trafficking, gun trafficking, and human trafficking—flourish along the United StatesMexico border.103 Drug and arms trafficking are closely linked as described below. “In recent years, violence along the Mexico border [with the United
States] has escalated dramatically, due largely to the Mexican government’s efforts to disrupt Mexican drug trafficking organizations (DTO).”104 The
problem with illegal drugs and firearms appears to be a vicious cycle in which U.S. firearms trafficked into Mexico fuel drug violence there, while drug
operations in Mexico facilitate illegal firearm acquisitions from the United States.105 Amidst the urgency of curbing drug and arms trafficking—activities
that deeply affect people on both sides of the border—efforts to eradicate human trafficking have been overshadowed by these competing priorities.106
The lack of attention to anti-human trafficking efforts may be rooted in the fact that these efforts have only been
in existence for a decade while efforts to combat drugs and arms trafficking have been evolving for a longer
period of time. As a result, military and law enforcement officials on both sides of the border may have developed a more
extensive infrastructure to combat drugs and arms trafficking than to detect, discourage, and combat human trafficking. In
order to adequately address human trafficking along its border, the United States and Mexico must both commit to
expanding resources, which may mean reshuffling these priorities.
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1nc states cp
states solve
Tena, 10 (Maria, Trans-Border Institute, University of San Diego, September 30, 2010, “Modern Day Slavery
in U.S.–Mexican Territory: Human Trafficking at the Border,” Border Brief, Trans-Border Institute, University
of San Diego, http://catcher.sandiego.edu/items/peacestudies/Border_Brief_FINAL_BW_oct4_10.pdf,
Hensel)
As neighboring countries that share a highly volatile border with high rates of human trafficking, smuggling, and drug trafficking, Mexico and the U.S.
have also acknowledged that transnational cooperation between them is essential. For this reason, in 2005 the United States and Mexico launched the
OASISS bi-national program (Operation against Smugglers Initiative on Safety and Security), which has successfully aided in the prosecution of
traffickers and in the dismantling of smuggling and trafficking networks (Department of Homeland Security, 2005). In 2007, the Mérida Initiative was
also established to assist Mexico and Central America in battling organized crime, including their human trafficking operations (U.S. Department of
State, 2009; Arizona Attorney General, 2009). Additionally,
state-level initiatives along the U.S.-Mexico border continue to
play a critical role in effectively tackling the complex issue of human trafficking . However, the United States and Mexico
still have a long way to go in the fight against human trafficking, as both countries uncover the hidden nature and wide scope of the crime and strengthen
their cooperation mechanisms so as to increase the number of prosecutions and rescued victims.
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1nc un cp
UN can do the plan
Cicero-Domínguez, 5 (Salvador A. Cicero-Domínguez, graduate of the Matías Romero Institute for
Diplomatic Studies in Mexico City and holds a Juris Doctor from The Ohio State University Moritz College of
Law. He currently serves as Director of the American Bar Association/ American Bar Foundation’s Project to
Combat Trafficking in Persons in Ecuador, Winter 2005 “Assessing the U.S.-Mexico Fight Against Human
Trafficking and Smuggling: Unintended Results of U.S. Immigration Policy” Northwestern Journal of
International Human Rights,
http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1036&context=njihr)//EM
The primary international law instrument dealing with organized crime and subset issues, such as smuggling and
trafficking in human beings, is the United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime. 23 The Palermo
Convention (as the UN Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime is commonly known) has three accompanying Protocols: the “ Protocol to
Prevent, Suppress and Punish Tra fficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, supplementing the United Nations Convention Against
Transnational Organized Crime;” 24 the “Protocol Against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air, supplementing the United Nations
Convention Again st Transnational Organized Crime;” 25 and the “Protocol Against the Illicit Manufacturing, and Trafficking in Firearms, Their Parts
and Components and Ammunition, supplementing the United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime.”
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1nc adv cp
adv cp
Brandt et al, 12 – School of International Service, American University (Jon Brandt, Nicole Adams, Christina
Dinh, Devin Kleinfield-Hayes, Andrew Tuck, Derek Hottle, Nav Aujla, Kirsten Kaufman, Wanlin Ren,
December 2012, “Chinese Engagement in Latin America and the Caribbean: Implications for US Foreign
Policy,” School of International Service, http://www.american.edu/sis/usfp/upload/Chinese-Engagement-inLAC-AU_US-Congress-FINAL.pdf, Hensel)
1c. Human Trafficking As has been broadly reported, human trafficking in the Western Hemisphere involves China, Latin
America and the United States. 66 The US should work trilaterally to offer technical assistance and training to
Chinese internal security and Latin American police forces through workshops and training exercises. Bringing
together police and tactical units from all three countries for training and information exchange would improve
relations among all three partners, creating the likelihood of improved communication among these agencies and
disruption of the transpacific trafficking that affects all parties.
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1nc etgca and tvpa cp
Adv CP to do the ETGCA and TVPA
NYT, 12 (New York Times, October 2, 2012, “To Combat 'Modern Slavery’,” New York Times,
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/10/02/opinion/to-combat-modernslavery.html?_r=0&gwh=50367A491769AEB565F73E9A0026CCAB, Hensel)
¶ Though much remains to be done, the Obama administration has begun meaningful new initiatives against human
trafficking -- a worldwide injustice that exposes more than 20 million poor and vulnerable individuals, especially
women and children, to exploitation and degradation. The most notable of these is a strong executive order aimed at ending human
trafficking activities by government contractors and subcontractors.¶ ¶ The order, signed by Mr. President Obama on Sept. 25, contains an array of
simple but potentially game-changing provisions that will help enforce the government's existing zero-tolerance policy. These new rules forbid all
contractors from charging new employees recruitment fees that often lead to indebtedness to loan sharks, misleading employees about living conditions
and housing, denying access to passports or failing to pay transportation costs so employees can return home.¶ ¶ This should be the first of several steps
to bolster the attack on a scourge that Mr. Obama described as "modern slavery" in a passionate address on the issue last week at the Clinton Global
Initiative. Among other things, Mr. Obama should put the weight of his office behind a bipartisan bill in Congress , the
End Trafficking in Government Contracting Act . The bill would strengthen the administration's executive
initiative by embedding into law safeguards against substandard wages, abusive working conditions and sexual
and labor exploitation. It would also impose criminal penalties and create other enforcement tools beyond the
scope of an executive order.¶ ¶ The legislation enjoys broad support among Republicans and Democrats in both
the House and the Senate, and its approval should be on the must-do list for the lame-duck session following the election.¶ ¶ That list
should also include another critical measure to fight trafficking, the Trafficking Victims Protection Act . This statute, which
also has significant bipartisan support, was enacted in 2000 and reauthorized in 2003, 2005 and 2008. Central to the nation's
anti-trafficking efforts, it aids in the prosecution of traffickers, imposing stiff penalties. It also offers important
services and benefits to help victims rebuild their lives.¶ ¶ Regrettably, the bill's reauthorization has been stalled in the House by
political wrangling over a separate issue of victims' reproductive rights. Continued delay on this bill would hurt victims and send a
terrible message to the world. If he is re-elected, President Obama will have the enhanced political muscle he will need
to break the logjam.
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1nc database cp
Adv cp
Martins, 13 (Elisa Martins, 10/5/13 “Human trafficking challenges Mexico and Central America”,
http://infosurhoy.com/cocoon/saii/xhtml/en_GB/features/saii/features/main/2013/05/10/feature-01)//EM
“There is a need for a unified database on human trafficking that addresses not only the investigation of the
offense but also allegations and known victims,” he said. “State governing bodies and civil organizations have
numbers that do not match, which makes it more difficult to scale the phenomenon.” UNODC’s 2012 “Global Report on
Trafficking in Persons” shows that 15 countries in the Americas reported 6,000 cases of human trafficking between 2007 and 2010, including 1,600 cases
involving children. Human trafficking generated US$32 billion worldwide in 2012. “The
government does not have the ability to
identify all situations, and the victims are afraid to make a report,” de La Torre said. Experts say it’s crucial to
invest in preventing new cases.
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1nc “trafficking” pic
Removing the word “trafficking” from our discourse solves – refocuses us toward real reforms
Kim and Chang 7 professor of law at Loyola Law School, Los Angeles, teaches Torts, Immigration Law and Human Trafficking,
AND Associate Professor of Feminist Studies at University of California, Santa
Barbara. (Kathleen and Grace, Loyola Law School Legal Studies Paper No. 2007-47, December 2007, "Reconceptualizing Approaches to Human
Trafficking: New Directions and Perspectives from the Field(s),"
http://www.sacramentosect.org/uploads/5/0/9/5/5095098/reconceptualizing_approaches_to_ht.pdf¶ )//AM
"Trafficking," connoting only "sex," has polluted the efforts of many advocates in accessing ¶ protection for their clients trafficked into non-sex related
industries. The disposal of the term "trafficking" altogether could revitalize anti-trafficking advocacy to advance
the rights of trafficked workers [*344] in all industries by refocusing anti-trafficking work on reforming the
underlying ¶ migration and labor policies that perpetuate the exploitation of all migrant workers. Anti-trafficking ¶
advocates have begun this process through public education efforts and interactions with the media. ¶ By using alternate language to
describe trafficking, such as forced or coerced migrant labor, the ¶ reconceptualization of trafficking as a
migrant labor rights issue can evolve.
Using the term “trafficking” detracts from understanding the full scope of the atrocities
involved in the industry
Richter and Richter 3 professors of political science and MPA faculty at Kansas State University (William and Linda, "Human Trafficking,
Globalization, and
Ethics," http://www.aspaonline.org/ethicscommunity/documents/Human%20Trafficking,%20Globalization%20and%20Ethics.pdf)//AM
If the outrage that toppled Trent Lott from the position of Senate Majority Leader could be ¶ summoned to confront the real and growing humanitarian
crisis that is trafficking, perhaps results would ¶ match rhetoric. As it is, too often trafficking simply does not make it to C-SPAN or the talk
shows.¶ Some of the ethical issues involved in human trafficking are obvious. Slavery is as odious today as at ¶ any
time, though perhaps the term “trafficking” obscures what is really happening. We tend to think of ¶ slavery as a
practice of the past and are not aware that there are actually more slaves today than at any ¶ earlier time.
“Trafficking” has become the “politically correct” phrase and is detached from the issue
Reading 12 (Niki, "Senate introduces bills aimed at reducing human trafficking," The Capitol Record, 1/16/12,
http://capitolrecord.tvw.org/2012/01/senate-introduces-bills-aimed-at-reducing-human-trafficking/#.UdMt2PnVDAI)//AM
A bipartisan group of lawmakers in the Senate is announcing a package of bills to combat human trafficking. Sen
Jeanne Kohl-Welles said she and others have been working on the issue for a decade. She said at first, many people reacted with disbelief — no one
wanted to recognize that trafficking occurred in the U.S. or this state, she said. She said today’s bills “recognize that we’ve come a long
way but we still have a long way to go.”¶ “We have a significant package of anti-trafficking legislation to introduce today,” said Sen. Karen
Fraser. “Some people would say the term trafficking is a polite term for what is going on. The real term is slavery,” she
said. Her bill in the package would allow a minor to petition the court to have a prostitution conviction taken off their record if the minor was forced into
prostitution.
The discourse of the 1AC based around “trafficking” is misleading and should be rejected
Walsh 12 Project Officer for INTERACT Point Turku, a project that has been set up for supporting cooperation programmes along EU external
borders which are funded by the European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument (Aisling, "Inclusive growth's quest to exclude human
trafficking," Spring 2012, http://www.interacteu.net/downloads/4965/INTERACT%2520Newsletter%2520%257C%2520Spring2012%2520%257C%252009%2520inclusive%2520growth%25E2%25
80%2599s%2520quest%2520to%2520exclude%2520human%2520trafficking.pdf)//AM
The term “trafficking in persons” can be misleading as it¶ places emphasis on the transaction aspects of a crime
that¶ is more accurately described as enslavement1¶ as Cecilia¶ Malmström, the EU Commissioner for Home Affairs points¶ out,
“Trafficking in human beings is an extremely serious¶ crime and a gross violation of human rights, which can
be¶ classified as a modern form of slavery.”¶
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2nc discourse first
This intellectual stance takes the blinders off of policy-makers to have a more ethical approach
to the world—fixing linguistic violence is a necessary pre-requisite to preventing structural
violence
Byles 03 (Joanna, Professor of English at the University of Cyprus, “Shakespeare and Psychoanalysis: Tragic Alternatives: Eros and
Superego Revenge in Hamlet”, www.clas.ufl.edu/ipsa/journal/2004_byles01.shtml [SG])
It is here of course that language
plays an important role in imagining the other, the other within the self, and the other as self,
as well as the enormously influential visual images each group can have of the other. In the need to emphasize similarity
in difference, both verbal and visual metaphor can play a meaningful role in creating a climate for peaceful
understanding, and this is where literature, especially the social world of the drama and of film, but also the more private world of poetry, can be
immensely significant. Of course not all literature is equally transparent. In conclusion, war, in all its manifestations, is a phenomenon put into action by
individuals who have been politicized as a group to give and receive violent death, to appropriate the enemy's land, homes, women, children, and goods,
and perhaps to lose their own. As we have seen, in wartime the splitting of the self and other into friend and enemy enormously relieves the normal
psychic tension caused by human ambivalence when love and hate find two separate objects of attention. Hence the .soldier's and terrorist's willingness
to sacrifice her/his life for "a just cause," which may be a Nation, a Group, or a Leader with whom he has close emotional ties and identity. I n this way
s/he does not feel guilty: the destructive impulses, mobilised by her/his own superego, together with that of the social superego, have projected the guilt
s/he might feel at killing strangers onto the enemy. In other words, the charging of the enemy with guilt by which the superego of the State mobilizes the
individual's superego seems to be of fundamental importance in escaping the sense of guilt which war provokes in those engaged in the killing; yet the
mobilization of superego activities can still involve the individual's self-punitive mechanisms, even though most of his/her guilt has been projected onto
the enemy in the name of his own civilization and culture. As we all know, this guilt can become a problem at the end of a war, leading to varying degrees
of misery and mental illness. For some, the killing of an enemy and a stranger cannot be truly mourned, and there remains a blank space, an
irretrievable act or event to be lived through over and over again. This dilemma is poignantly expressed in Wilfred Owen's World War One poem
"Strange Meeting" the final lines of which read as follows: I am the enemy you killed, my friend. I knew you in this dark: for so you frowned Yesterday
through me as you jabbed and killed. I parried; but my hands were loath and cold. Let us sleep now. ... (Owen 126) The problem for us today
is how to create the psychological climate of opinion, a mentality, that will reject war, genocide, and terrorism as
viable solutions to internal and external situations of conflict; to recognize our projections for what they are dangerously
irresponsible psychic acts based on superego hatred and violence. We must challenge the way in which the State superego can
manipulate our responses in its own interests, even take away our subjectivities. We should acknowledge and learn to displace the vio lence in ourselves
in socially harmless ways, getting rid of our fears and anxieties of the other and of difference by relating and identifying with the other and thus creating
the serious desire to live together in a peaceful world. What seems to be needed is for the superego to regain its developmental role of mitigating
omniscient protective identification by ensuring an intact, integrated object world, a world that will be able to contain unconscious fears, hatred, and
anxieties without the need for splitting and projection. As Bion has pointed out, omnipotence replaces thinking and omniscience
replaces learning. We must learn to link our internal and external worlds so as to
act as a container of the other's fears and anxieties, and thus in
turn to encourage the other to reciprocate as a container of our hatreds and fears. If war represents cultural formations that in turn represent
objectifications of the psyche via the super-ego of the individual and of the State, then perhaps we can reformulate these psychic social mechanisms of
projection and superego aggression. Here, that old peace-time ego and the reparative component of the individual and State superego will have to play a
large part. The greater the clash of cultural formations for example, Western Modernism and Islamic Fundamentalismthe more urgent the need. "The
knowledge now most worth having" is an authentic way of internalizing what it is we understand about war and international terrorism that will liberate
us from the history of our collective traumatic past and the imperatives it has imposed on us. The inner psychic world of the individual
has an enormously important adaptive role to play here in developing mechanisms of protective identification
not as a means of damaging and destroying the other, but as a means of empathy, of containing the other, and in turn
being contained. These changes may be evolutionary rather than revolutionary, gradual ratherthan speedy. Peace and dare I say it contentment are not
just an absence of war, but a state of mind. Furthermore, we should learn not to project too much into our group, and our
nation, for this allows the group to tyrannize us, so that we follow like lost sheep . But speaking our minds takes courage
because groups do not like open dissenters. These radical psychic changes may be evolutionary rather than revolutionary, gradual rather than speedy;
however, my proposition that understanding the other so that we can reduce her/his motivation to kill requires urgent action. Peace is not just
an absence of war, but a state of mind and, most importantly, a way of thinking.
The world is socially constructed, discourse shapes reality
Fasching 1993 (Darrell J., Professor of Religious Studies at University of South Florida, The Ethical Challenge of Auschwitz and Hiroshima, Pp.
134-135) Bankey
Our world, says Peter Berger, is socially constructed through conversation, through which "man not only produces a
world, but he also. . . . produces himself in a world." Indeed, " what appears at any particular historical moment as 'human
nature' is itself a product of man's [humanity’s] world-building activity."9 The modern self, therefore, is existential or
technological. As Gabriel Vahanian has argued, the techno logical self "far from being a robot . . . is the man who makes himself."10 And the modern managerial understanding of society is its sociological correlate . To live self-consciously in the
world of culture is to realize that the primary milieu in which we dwell is not nature but language, the world of
mediated meaning." Our capacity for language, for culture, and for technology is one and the same. For through language
humans alter the world of nature. "Poetically dwells man upon this earth," says Holderlin. Indeed, the Greek root of poeisis
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suggests the power "to make, or do, or bring forth," which expresses the skill or techne of the human.12 The ritual tellings and
enactings of the earliest creation myths are poetic acts of primal technological skill—transforming chaos into cosmos. The
metatechnological act, which provides the foundation for all other techniques, is the creation of a symbolic universe in which to
dwell, a cultural world of mediated meaning. In the very mythological mimesis of nature, human beings were unconsciously
creating an artificial world in which to dwell. "Myth has not brought man back to nature," says Gabriel Vahanian, "so much as it
has sought to settle him in culture. . . . The mythique of man has always included a technique of the human."13
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1nc borders k
BORDERS NEG CARD: The militarization of the U.S.-Mexico is the root cause of trafficking’s
sexualized violence
Falcon ’01 (Sylvanna, Professor of Latin America Studies at the University of California Santa Cruz, “Rape as a Weapon of War:
Advancing Human Rights for Women at the U.S.-Mexico Border”, Social Justice, Vol. 28, No. 2, pg. 31-32, accessed via JSTORE, [SG])
From the Conquest to the present, women have been targeted in gender specific ways during militarized
conflict. In every militarized conflict, women are systematically raped or sexually assaulted. Some feminist scholars
and advocates contend that rape is not about sex, but rather about power and the dehumanization of women (Woodhull, 1988). By international
standards, rape is a war crime, a form of torture, and a link to genocide. Tadeusz Mazowiecki, the former Special
Rapporteur for the United Nations (U.N.) Commission on Human Rights, released a document on the former Yugoslavia that classified rape as "an
abuse of power and control in which the rapist seeks to humiliate, shame, embarrass, degrade, and terrify the victim. The primary objective is
to exercise power and control over another person" (U.N. Economic and Social Council, 1993a: 71). In this article, I argue
that rape is one outcome of militarization along the U.S.-Mexico border. I examine specific cases of militarized border rape
using data from nongovernmental organizations, government committees, and U.S. newspapers.1 I also analyze the factors that facilitate militarized
border rape and emphasize the need to advance human rights for women in the border region. Each of the women in the case studies took some form
of action against the Immigration and Naturalization Service (LNS). Some even used an advocate to move their cases forward through an investigation.
All of the cases involved INS officials or Border Patrol agents. Though the cases highlighted do not include U.S. military or paramilitary forces, the
influence of military culture on Border Patrol agents has affected that agency. Rape is a weapon of war and militarization at the border indicates that a
form of war exists. Data indicate that some men have reported being raped at the border (Amnesty International, 1998), but most rapes violate women,
whether at the border or throughout the world. Motivations for raping women differ in a war-torn country from those
committed along the U.S.-Mexico border. However, the outcome remains the same: the systematic
degradation of women. National concern over the border has led to broad public support for militaristic tactics in this region. The
militarization of the U.S.-Mexico border involves two key elements: the introduction and integration of
military units in the border region (the War on Drugs is the primary motivator for involving military units) and the modification
of the Border Patrol to resemble the military via its equipment, structure, and tactics. Cynthia Enloe (2000: 3) contends
that militarization involves cultural, institutional, ideological, and economic transformations. The INS has undergone these transformations. For
example, transferring the INS from the Department of Labor to the jurisdiction of the Department of Justice (DOJ) in 1940 resulted in institutional
and ideological shifts (Dunn, 1996: 13). Various Department of Defense (DOD) Authorization Acts loosened the restrictions placed on the military's
domestic enforcement roles. The DOD Authorization Act of 1982 started the process of altering a 100-year-old statute that prohibited cooperation
between the army and civilian law enforcement. This had a major impact on the role of the military in domestic affairs and
encouraged an alliance between civilian law enforcement and the military. Other DOD Authori?
zation Acts advanced and
expanded this cooperation. In addition, other national actions, such as Operation Alliance and Joint Task Force 6 advanced the militarization of the
border, especially after 1986 when President Reagan declared drug trafficking to be a national security threat (Ibid.). Militarized antidrug
strategies influence the policies for undocumented border crossers who are not involved in drug trafficking. For
example, Operation Hold the Line and Operation Gatekeeper focus on the points of entry frequented by undocumented people in El Paso, Texas, and
San Diego, California. Both of these border enforcement efforts contain militaristic characteristics. Timothy Dunn employs low-intensity conflict (LIC)
military doctrine to contextualize the militarization of the U.S.-Mexico border. LIC doctrine advo? cates "unconventional, multifaceted, and relatively
subtle forms of militarization" and emphasizes "controlling targeted civilian populations." LIC doctrine, con? structed by the U.S. military-security
establishment to target Third World upris? ings and revolutions, particularly in Central America, contains the following three aspects: (1) an
emphasis on the internal defense of a nation, (2) an emphasis on controlling targeted civilian populations rather than territory, and (3) the assumption
by the military of police-like and other unconventional, typically nonmilitary roles, along with the adoption by the police of military characteristics
(Dunn, 1996: 21).
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Case
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1nc yes war
Yes war – power dynamics and empirics
Contreras, 12 – Fellow, Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, Harvard University (Dominic,
citing Monica Duffy Toft, associate professor of public policy at the Kennedy School of Political Science at
Harvard and director of the Belfer Center’s Initiative on Religion in International Affairs, citing Stephen M.
Walt, the Robert and Renee Belfer professor of international affairs and faculty chair of the Belfer Center’s
International Security Program, February 1, 2012, “Winning the War on War?”, Belfer Center for Science and
International Affairs, Harvard University,
http://belfercenter.ksg.harvard.edu/publication/21707/winning_the_war_on_war.html?breadcrumb=%2Fpr
oject%2F52%2Fintrastate_conflict_program, Hensel)
In a jointly authored December 2011 op-ed in the New York Times, Pinker and Goldstein wrote that “the departure of the last American troops from Iraq
brings relief to a nation that has endured its most painful war since Vietnam. But the event is momentous for another reason. The invasion of Iraq was
the most recent example of an all-out war between two national armies. And it could very well be the last one.” Speaking at the forum, both echoed their
assessment that war is less and less often being used as a tool for societies and states to resolve conflicts, but they differed in their views of what brought
about this change. Speaking to the main argument of his book “Winning the War on War: the Decline of Armed Conflict Worldwide,” Goldstein,
professor emeritus of international relations at American University, largely credited international institutions for the pacification of the international
community, stating that “After World War II we did something new…we founded the United Nations…and we’ve developed this tool, peacekeeping…that
has successively, progressively, over a number of years, made it possible to resolve more conflicts without violence, to reduce violence when it has already
occurred, and to sustain peace when you’re able to negotiate a peace agreement.” “The international community is not an oxymoron,” Goldstein said, “it
actually works.” Pinker, the Johnstone family professor of psychology at Harvard and author of the much heralded book “The Better Angels of Our
Nature: Why Violence Has Declined,” concurred with Goldstein’s assessment of a new peace taking hold. But he went a step further, arguing that in
addition to the international community promoting peace, interpersonal norms and the development of social restraints have fostered a shift away from
violence. Pinker cited “psychological changes through cosmopolitanism and literacy… [and the] expansion of empathy and the consideration of others,”
as driving forces in the societal tilt away from war. He also pointed to changing attitudes towards violence as explaining this shift. “Violence is seen as
something to be solved and something we can throw our wits against… society sees it as a problem, not a solution,” Pinker said. Pinker and Goldstein
both declared that they are not optimists and had approached trends in warfare as pessimists, only reaching their conclusions through rigorous scholarly
analysis. Toft and Walt, however, were not so easily convinced that the data bear out the hopeful view . Toft, an associate
professor of public policy at the Kennedy School and director of the Belfer Center’s Initiative on Religion in International Affairs, praised both authors
and their books, but pointed to
what she perceived as a Eurocentric tilt in their data pools. She also cited
changing global power dynamics , and wondered if the trend would hold. Responding to Pinker’s argument that
societies have become more civilized Walt, the Robert and Renee Belfer professor of international affairs and faculty chair of the Belfer Center’s
International Security Program, said, “It’s not obvious to me that the civilizing instinct at the interpersonal level
translates to more civilized behavior between states or between states and other people .” Walt pointed to
Bosnia and Iraq as examples of cases in which boundary conditions change and violence quickly
emerges from seemingly peaceful societies. Devoid of a strong central state, both Yugoslavia after the fall of
Tito, and Iraq after the toppling of Saddam both descended into civil war as competing groups vied for control
and power. Furthermore, Walt pointed to the post-Cold War U.S. that has gone to war four times through
democratic processes and has chosen warfare as a rational and preferred option. The panel largely agreed that global war
on the scale of World War I and II is unlikely to occur again, because, according to Goldstein, “trade is now basis of prosperity [whereas] conquering land
used to be.” However, they agreed, modern exceptions abound; in some cases the United Nations, which is charged with upholding peace, can sanction
war, and in others, states can decide that war is in their interest. Whether or not war is on the way out in the long-term is up for debate, but according to
Pinker, “you can’t miss the trend line.”
Deterrence only proves that war can happen
Shaw, 11 – Assistant Chief of Defence Staff, UK Military (Jonathan, September 27, 2011, interview by World
Policy Institute, “The Once and Future War,” World Policy Institute,
http://www.worldpolicy.org/journal/fall2011/conversation, Hensel)
WPJ: So do you think we are seeing the end of traditional battlefields? Is this going to be the end of the old stand-and-deliver warfare? Or are we facing
more cerebral warfare, where systems are being attacked and not simply individuals or people? General Shaw: You’ve got to be careful if you’re talking
about competition between nations or existential threats. If you go back to World War I, World War II, and the Cold War, the defining
feature was that they were existential battles for survival between nations. And they were
limitless wars. What you are seeing now in
Afghanistan and Iraq are more wars of choice by politicians. They are not limitless. Do I feel that we are seeing the end of
force-on-force, total annihilation? Absolutely not. That’s why you and I keep a nuclear deterrent . We
cannot afford to say that a nuclear attack will never happen . But as Rupert Smith argues, quite cogently, in his book,
The Utility of Force, nuclear weapons have made an escalation and unlimited use of military power self-defeating. You wind up destroying the very
things you are trying to preserve.
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Great power war is still highly likely
Ferguson, 08 – DPhil, Senior Fellow, Hoover Institute, Professor of History, Harvard University (Niall,
January 16, 2008, “Chill Wind from 1914,” Hoover Digest No. 1, http://www.hoover.org/publications/hooverdigest/article/5641, Hensel)
The risk of a major geopolitical crisis in 2007 is certainly lower than it was in 1914. Yet it is not so low as to lie
altogether beyond the realm of probability . The escalation of violence in the Middle East as Iraq
disintegrates and Iran presses on with its nuclear program is close to being a certainty, as are the growing
insecurity of Israel and the impossibility of any meaningful U.S. exit from the region. All may be harmonious between the
United States and China today, yet the potential for tension over trade and exchange rates has unquestionably
increased since the Democrats gained control of Congress. Nor should we forget about security flashpoints such as the
independence of Taiwan , the threat of North Korea , and the nonnuclear status of Japan . To consign political risk
to the realm of uncertainty seems almost as rash today as it was in the years leading up the First World War.
Anglo—German economic commercial ties reached a peak in 1914, but geopolitics trumped economics . It often does.
Even a small risk of nuclear war outweighs – and mistakes make it more likely
Harrell 9 associate professor of public policy at Harvard Kennedy School. Eben Harrell is a research associate with the Project on Managing the
Atom at Harvard Kennedy School and a Boston-based stringer for TIME. (Eben, "The Nuclear Risk: How Long Will Our Luck Hold," 2/20/09,
http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1880702,00.html)//AM
But to marvel at the bizarre coincidence of the collision, or to breathe a sigh of relief that nuclear safety was not breached, is to miss the point. The
seemingly impossible collision of two subs in a large ocean should remind us of the fallacy by which we assume nuclear weapons
will
never be used. Because the threat of global nuclear war is not zero, even a small chance of war each year, multiplied over a
number of years, adds up to the likelihood that the weapons will be used. Like those two subs stalking through the Atlantic,
the odds will begin to align. Mathematically, they are destined to.¶ This is not a mere logic game. If there is a single "big idea" to
have emerged in the first decade of the new millennium — from the September 11 attacks to the financial crash — it is the notion of the "black
swan," the danger posed by difficult to predict, high-impact events. The short history of nuclear weapons is
already scattered with unplanned and seemingly improbable incidents that suggest we feel more secure than
we should. In 1995, a communication failure with the Russian Embassy led the Russian military to believe that a
weather rocket launched off the coast of Norway was an incoming submarine-launched ballistic missile. In the 1980s,
malfunctioning U.S. missile defense systems relayed information to U.S. officials of a massive incoming first strike
— twice. As recently as 2007, a U.S. Air Force plane flew across the American heartland while unknowingly carrying
several live warheads on board. At the time, all of these events were described as freak occurrences. The truth is
they were freak occurrences. But they happened.(Read the Top 10 underreported stories of 2008.)¶ A day after the latest nuclear
accident became public, an analyst from the Federation of American Scientists, a nonproliferation think tank, released U.S. Naval intelligence documents
obtained through the Freedom of Information Act that showed that the Russian Navy undertook more underwater ballistic missile submarine patrols in
2008 than it has in a decade. The Russian subs are joined in the word's oceans by nuclear-armed vessels from France, Britain, and China. Under the
plains of the American West, and in similar silos in Russia, Air Force missile operators keep constant vigil,
launch keys at the ready. Nuclear missiles have no self-destruct button; once launched, they cannot be called
back. Twenty years after the end of the cold war, humanity still lives within 30 minutes of its own destruction.
The price we pay for maintaining nuclear weapons is the gamble that the highly improbable will not lead to the unthinkable. The question to ask after
this latest nervy episode: is it worth it?
Nuclear war is possible – conventional wars inevitably escalate
Lieber and Press 13 Associate Professor, Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University AND Associate Professor of
Government, Dartmouth College, Coordinator of War and Peace Studies at the John Sloan, Dickey Center (Keir A. AND Daryl G., “The New Era of
Nuclear Weapons, Deterrence, and Conflict,” Spring 2013, http://www.au.af.mil/au/ssq/digital/pdf/spring_13/lieber.pdf)//AM
The Problem of Coercive Escalation¶ and US Nuclear Modernization¶ A second set of arguments stems from the problem of nuclear escalation and the
future of the US nuclear arsenal. Our main claim is that deterring nuclear conflict will be much more difficult in the coming
decades ¶ than many analysts realize. As nuclear weapons proliferate, it becomes ¶ increasingly likely that the United
States will find itself in conventional ¶ conflicts with nuclear-armed adversaries. Those adversaries understand ¶ the
consequences of losing a war to the United States—prison or death ¶ typically awaits enemy leaders.7¶ Coercive nuclear escalation as a means ¶ of
creating stalemate and remaining in power is one of the only trump ¶ cards available to countries fighting the United States.¶ Some analysts might scoff
at the notion that a rational leader would ¶ use nuclear weapons against a superpower like the United States. But ¶ that retort conflates the logic of
peacetime deterrence with the logic ¶ of war, and it ignores history. During peacetime, almost any course of ¶ action is better than
starting a nuclear war against a superpower. But ¶ during war—when that superpower’s planes are bombing
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command and ¶ leadership sites, and when its tanks are seizing territory—the greatest ¶ danger may be to refrain
from escalation and let the war run its course. ¶ Leaders of weaker states—those unlikely to prevail on the
conventional ¶ battlefield—face life-and-death pressures to compel a stalemate. And ¶ nuclear weapons provide a
better means of coercive escalation than ¶ virtually any other.¶ The notion of countries escalating conflict to
avoid conventional defeat may sound far-fetched, but it is well grounded in history. When ¶ nuclear-armed
states face overwhelming conventional threats—or worry ¶ about the possibility of catastrophic conventional
defeat—they often ¶ adopt coercive escalatory doctrines to deter war or stalemate a conflict ¶ that erupts. Pakistan
openly intends to use nuclear weapons to counter ¶ an overwhelming conventional Indian invasion. Russia claims it needs ¶ theater nuclear weapons to
counter NATO’s conventional advantages. ¶ Israel expects to win its conventional wars but retains the capability for ¶ nuclear escalation to prevent
conquest in case its conventional forces ¶ suffer a catastrophic defeat. ¶ The discussion of coercive nuclear escalation should sound familiar ¶ to Western
analysts, as it was NATO’s strategy for three decades. From ¶ the mid 1960s until the end of the Cold War, NATO planned to deter ¶ war, and stalemate it
if necessary, through coercive nuclear escalation. ¶ NATO understood that—by the mid 1960s—it could no longer win a ¶ nuclear war against the Soviet
Union, but it still based its national security ¶ strategy on coercive escalation because it believed Warsaw Pact conventional forces were overwhelming.¶
In short, the escalatory dynamics that existed during the Cold War exist ¶ today—and they are just as powerful.
States still face the same critical ¶ national security problem they faced during the Cold War and throughout
history: namely, how to prevent stronger countries from conquering them. The high-stakes poker game of
international politics has not ¶ ended; the players and the cards dealt have merely changed. Those who ¶ were weak
during the Cold War are now strong, and another set of ¶ militarily “weak” countries—such as North Korea, Iran, Pakistan, and ¶ even China and Russia—
now clutch or seek nuclear weapons to defend ¶ themselves from overwhelming military might, just as NATO once did.¶ What can the United States do to
mitigate the problem of escalation? ¶ Ideally, it should avoid wars against nuclear-armed enemies. But that ¶ option may not be possible given current US
foreign policy and alliances. War may erupt on the Korean Peninsula, ensnaring the United ¶ States in a battle against a
desperate nuclear-armed foe. In the future, ¶ Washington
may fight a nuclear-armed Iran over sea lanes in the Persian ¶ Gulf. And the
United States could someday be dragged into war by a ¶ clash between Chinese and Japanese naval forces near
disputed islands. ¶ Alternatively, the United States could seek to develop conventional ¶ war plans designed to wage limited war without triggering enemy
escalation. Development of alternative plans is sensible, but history shows ¶ that wars are difficult to contain, and modern
conventional warfare is ¶ inherently escalatory.
Nuclear war can still happen – we’ve been lucky too many times
Wittner 9 Professor of History at the State University of New York/Albany. His latest book is Confronting the Bomb: A Short History of the World
Nuclear Disarmament Movement (Stanford University Press). (Lawrence S., "The ongoing danger of nuclear war," 8/4/09,
http://www.peoplesworld.org/the-ongoing-danger-of-nuclear-war/)//AM
This August, when hundreds of Hiroshima Day vigils and related antinuclear activities occur around the United States, many Americans will wonder at
their relevance. After all, the nuclear danger that characterized the Cold War is now far behind us, isn't it?
Unfortunately, it is not. Today there are nine nuclear-armed nations, with over 23,000 nuclear weapons in their
arsenals. Thousands of these weapons are on hair-trigger alert. Admittedly, some nations are decreasing the size of their nuclear
arsenals. The United States and Russia--which together possess about 95 percent of the world's nuclear weapons--plan to sign a treaty this year that will
cut their number of strategic weapons significantly. But other nations are engaged in a substantial nuclear buildup. India, for example, launched the first
of its nuclear submarines this July and is also developing an assortment of land-based nuclear missiles. Meanwhile, Pakistan has been busy testing
ballistic missiles and cruise missiles that will carry nuclear warheads, as well as constructing two new reactors to make plutonium for its expanding
nuclear arsenal. Israel, too, is producing material for new nuclear weapons, while North Korea is threatening to resume its production. In addition,
numerous nations--among them, Iran--are suspected of working to develop a nuclear weapons capability. But surely national governments
are too civilized to actually use nuclear weapons, aren't they? In fact, one government (that of the United States) has
already used atomic bombs to annihilate the populations of two cities. Moreover, nations have come dangerously close to full-scale
nuclear war on a number of occasions. The Cuban missile crisis is the best-known example. But there are numerous others. In October
1973, during a war between Israel and Egypt that appeared to be spiraling out of control, the Soviet government sent a tough message to Washington
suggesting joint--or, if necessary, Soviet--military action to bring the conflict to a halt. With President Richard Nixon reeling from the Watergate scandal
and drunk in the White House, his top national security advisors responded to what they considered a menacing Soviet
move by ordering an alert of U.S. nuclear forces. Fortunately, cooler heads prevailed in the Kremlin, and the
sudden confrontation eased short of nuclear war. Of course, nuclear war hasn't occurred since 1945. But this fact
has largely reflected public revulsion at the prospect and popular mobilization against it. Today, however, lulled by the end of the Cold
War and the disintegration of the Soviet Union, we are in a period of relative public complacency. In this respect, at least, the
situation has grown more dangerous. Without countervailing pressure, governments find it difficult to resist
the temptation to deploy their most powerful weapons when they go to war. And they go to war frequently.
Furthermore, while nuclear weapons exist, there is a serious danger of accidental nuclear war. In September 1983, the Soviet
Union's launch-detection satellites reported that the U.S. government had fired its Minuteman intercontinental ballistic missiles, and
that a nuclear attack on the Soviet Union was underway. Luckily, the officer in charge of the satellites concluded
that they had malfunctioned and, on his own authority, prevented a Soviet nuclear alert. The incident was so fraught
with anxiety that he suffered a nervous breakdown. Another nuclear war nearly erupted two months later, when the United States
and its NATO allies conducted Able Archer 83, a nuclear training exercise that simulated a full-scale nuclear conflict, with NATO nuclear attacks upon
Soviet nuclear targets. In the tense atmosphere of the time, recalled Oleg Gordievsky, a top KGB official, his agency mistakenly
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'concluded that American forces had been placed on alert--and might even have begun the countdown to
nuclear war.' Terrified that the U.S. government was using this training exercise as a cover behind which it was launching a nuclear attack upon the
Soviet Union, the Soviet government alerted its own nuclear forces, readying them for action. 'The world did not
quite reach the edge of the nuclear abyss,' Gordievsky concluded. But it came 'frighteningly close.' Furthermore,
today we can add the danger of nuclear terrorism. Although it is very unlikely that terrorists will be able to develop nuclear weapons
on their own, the existence of tens of thousands of nuclear weapons and of the materials to build them in national
arsenals opens the possibility that terrorists will acquire these items through theft or black market operations.
Overall, then, the situation remains very dangerous. Dr. Martin Hellman, a Professor Emeritus of Engineering at Stanford University who
has devoted many years to calculating the prospects of nuclear catastrophe, estimates that the risk of a child born today suffering an early death through
nuclear war is at least 10 percent. Moreover, he cautions that this is a conservative estimate, for he has not included the danger of nuclear terrorism in
his calculations.
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1nc yes extinction
Nuclear war can and will happen – escalation from conventional conflicts and prolif
Myers 11 Winslow, author of "Living Beyond War: A Citizen's Guide," (“Humanity’s Future Hangs by the Delicate Threads of Our Resistance,
6/14/11, http://www.newclearvision.com/2011/06/14/string-theory/)
The horror of the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 had not yet faded. Short-range tactical nuclear weapons were proliferating on both sides of the Iron
Curtain. Most citizens were willing to entertain the notion that not only could we not win a full-scale nuclear war, but there were three lesser
levels of war that we had to prevent: even a limited nuclear war could bring on “nuclear winter.” A conventional
war could bring in the nuclear powers. Even small “local” conflicts could escalate into general conventional war
and then upward to the nuclear level. War, all war, was a potential extinction machine. It still is. To everyone’s
immense surprise, the Soviet empire imploded five years later. When it did dissolve, thousands of peace activists assumed their job was done, and looked
forward to the “peace dividend” sure to ensue. In 2011, the number of nuclear weapons countries has risen to nine. Pakistan and
India repeat the folly of the U.S.-Soviet rivalry. Will Pakistan remain stable enough to keep its warheads from falling into the wrong hands? Will the
generals in charge of them now, both in Pakistan and in India, act with restraint? Jonathan Schell asserts that the potential of a
nuclear weapon being used against people is greater than it has been at any time since 1945. The thread holding up
Kennedy’s Sword of Damocles has further attenuated. Yawns of indifference. Nuclear war, accidental or deliberate, just isn’t a front-burner issue for
people. Whatever grabs our attention today seems far more indefinite than what grabbed us in 1984, while the demands for that attention are a hundred
times more diverse. We are “distracted from distraction by distraction,” as Eliot wrote 60 years before the advent of e-mail. When we do look up from
our laptops and iPhones, we cannot avoid the interconnection of all our major challenges. Pull on any string in the gigantic ball of issues, and the
unraveling reveals how densely tangled each issue is with all the others. The ingredients of nuclear weapons derive from the
operation of nuclear power plants. These plants are themselves potential terrorist targets. At the same time they hold
out hope for reliable non-CO2-emitting energy, when natural disasters or human errors do not overwhelm their safeguards.
Nuclear war causes extinction – freezing temperatures, radiation, and famine
Ehrlich et al 83 Bing Professor of Population Studies and Professor of Biological. Sciences at Stanford University ("Long-term biological
consequences of nuclear war," 12/23/83, http://www.sciencemag.org/content/222/4630/1293.short)//AM
Subfreezing temperatures, low light levels, and high doses of ionizing and ultraviolet radiation extending for
many months after a large-scale nuclear war could destroy the biological support systems of civilization, at least in
the Northern Hemisphere. Productivity in natural and agricultural ecosystems could be severely restricted for a year or
more. Postwar survivors would face starvation as well as freezing conditions in the dark and be exposed to nearlethal doses of radiation. If, as now seems possible, the Southern Hemisphere were affected also, global disruption of the biosphere could ensue.
In any event, there would be severe consequences, even in the areas not affected directly, because of the
interdependence of the world economy. In either case the extinction of a large fraction of the Earth's animals,
plants, and microorganisms seems possible. The population size of Homo sapiens conceivably could be reduced to
prehistoric levels or below, and extinction of the human species itself cannot be excluded.
Any nuclear exchange would cause a devastating nuclear winter
King 9 Peter, Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies ("Undermining Proliferation: Nuclear Winter and Nuclear Renunciation," October 2009,
http://sydney.edu.au/arts/peace_conflict/docs/pk_undermining%20_prolif.pdf)
Of course “operationally deployed” warheads are the most dangerous kind, especially those assigned or able to be launched on warning
rather than hard evidence of attack. Their numbers
alone, until drastically reduced, will continue to pose catastrophic risks for
humankind, not least of nuclear winter. 13 On this subject alarms were first sounded in the early 1980s (most prominently by Carl Sagan
and Jonathan Schell) that after a largescale nuclear war a global freeze would ensue from the millions of tons of soot
injected into the stratosphere as cities and forests burned. 14 These alarms prompted mainly an avalanche of willful
scepticism, much of it plausibly orchestrated by Des Ball of the Australian National University, who remains,
apparently, unrepentant in denial. But we now know that the real situation is even more dire than was supposed 20
years ago. Using the advanced modelling techniques developed to forecast climate change, American and
Russian teams of independent researchers have come up with the persuasive conclusion that even a “small”
nuclear exchange (unforgivable euphemism)-for instance between fledgling nuclear states India and Pakistan—involving “only a
hundred weapons in total but targeted mainly on (highly inflammable as well as populous) cities--would create a disastrous climatic
effect. Up to a billion deaths globally have been forecast from food crop devastation in this scenario, a stunningly larger casualty figure than the few
tens of millions of “prompt deaths” forecast for the “combatant populations”. And a “large” nuclear war in which the two big nuclear powers
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shot off most of their deployed arsenals would
put human survival—at least social survival--at risk from global freezing,
independently of all the other dire but more familiar effects. 16
Nuclear winter means a war would affect the entire globe
Robock and Toon 7 Alan, professor in the Department of Environmental Sciences, Rutgers University AND Brian, professor in the
Department of Atmospheric and Oceanic Sciences, University of Colorado (“Climatic Effects of Nuclear Conflict,”
http://climate.envsci.rutgers.edu/nuclear/RobockToonSummary.pdf)
Nuclear winter is a term that describes the climatic effects of nuclear war. In the 1980’s, work conducted jointly by Western and Soviet scientists showed
that for a full-scale nuclear war between the United States and the Soviet Union the climatic consequences, and indirect effects of the collapse of society,
would be so severe that the ensuing nuclear winter would produce famine for billions of people far from the target zones. This realization led to the end
of arms race and the end of the Cold War. Since that time, the number of nuclear weapons in the world has now decreased to 1/3 of the peak number of
more than 70,000 in the 1980’s, and is planned to be only 6% of that level by 2017. There are several wrong impressions that people
have about nuclear winter. One is that there was a flaw in the theory – that the large climatic effects were disproved. Another
is that the problem, even if it existed, has been solved by the end of the nuclear arms race. But these are both wrong. What’s
New. Based on new work published since 2007 by some of the pioneers of nuclear winter research, we now can
say several new things about this topic. • Nuclear arsenals with 50 nuclear weapons, such as currently possessed by India
and Pakistan and 6 other nations, threaten more fatalities than in previous wars to any nation attacked. With
global delivery systems any such nation is as dangerous as any of the superpowers. • A nuclear war between any
two countries using 50 Hiroshima-sized atom bombs, such as India and Pakistan, could produce climate change unprecedented in
recorded human history. This is less than 0.05% of the explosive power of the current global arsenal. (See graph below.) •
Nuclear arsenals with 50 nuclear weapons can produce a global pall of smoke leading to global ozone depletion. The smoke, once in the
stratosphere, heats the air, which speeds up reactions that destroy ozone, and also lofts reactive chemicals by
altering the winds. • A nuclear war between the United States and Russia today, or even after reductions planned for 2017 under the New
START treaty, could produce nuclear winter, with temperatures plunging below freezing in the summer in major
agricultural regions, threatening the food supply for most of the planet. • The climatic effects of the smoke from
burning cities and industrial areas would last for several years, much longer than we previously thought. New
climate model simulations, which have the capability of including the entire atmosphere and oceans, show that
the smoke would be lofted by solar heating to the upper stratosphere, where it would remain for years. • The
spread of nuclear weapons to newly emerging states threatens not only the people of those countries, but the entire planet.
Nuclear war cause extinction through nuclear winter
CNN News 06 (CNN News citing a report by the Geophusical Union in San Francisco, 12 Dec. 2006. <
http://www.abcnews.go.com/Technology/Story?id -2720173&page -1>) //AM
The decline of the Soviet Union may have left many Americans feeling safer from nuclear war, but a disturbing new study argues that an attack by
terrorists sponsored by a small nuclear state could be just as lethal. Nuclear wasteland Scientists say that even a small nuclear war, between
"could generate casualties comparable to
those once predicted for a full -scale nuclear exchange in a superpower conflict," says the report, presented
Monday during the fall meeting of the American Geophysical Union in San Francisco. Furthermore, Americans should not think of
themselves as isolated from potential small -scale, regional nuclear conflicts in such distant areas as the Middle East or Asia. The impact of such an
encounter would be global, probably plunging the planet into a "nuclear winter" and blanketing wide areas of the
world with radioactive fallout. The report, which cautions that there are many uncertainties in its own conclusions, was produced by a team
small countries or carried out by terrorists could have global repercussions. Such an attack
of scientists who have been long active in studying the consequences of nuclear war. The study assumes that weapons used by terrorists, or smaller
states, would be much smaller than those available to the superpowers, probably on the scale of those dropped on Japan during World War II. But the
results would be catastrophic because the weapons would most likely be targeted at major cities. "The current combination of nuclear proliferation,
political instability, and urban demographics forms perhaps the greatest danger to the stability of society since the dawn of humanity," Brian Toon of the
University of Colorado in Boulder told a press conference prior to the presentation. The number of countries known to have nuclear weapons has grown
to eight, but as many as 40 have some fissionable material and could produce bombs fairly quickly, the scientists said, basing their conclusions partly on
studies by the National Academy of Sciences, the Department of Defense, and their own years -long research. Toon said Japan, for example, has enough
nuclear material on hand to produce 20,000 weapons, and "most think they could do it in weeks." Many of the conclusions are based on the
consequences of two nations, each with 50 bombs, delivering their full complement of weapons on each other. That's not a hypothetical figure, they
suggested, because both India and Pakistan are believed to have at least that many weapons. So what would happen if they had at it? About 20 million
persons in that area would die, the scientists concluded. But the weapons would send up such a plume of smoke that the upper atmosphere would
become opaque, blocking out so much solar radiation that temperatures around the world would plummet. "You would have a global
climate change unprecedented in human history," said Alan Robock, associated director of the Center for Environmental
Prediction at Rutgers Cook College and a member of the research team. "It would instantaneously be colder than the little
ice age." There would be shorter growing seasons, less rain, less sun, and starvation around the world.
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2nc at: conventional only
Even a conventional war will escalate and go nuclear – it’s human nature
Rulon 11 Charles L, Emeritus, Life & Health Sciences, Long Beach City College ("C Rulon: Is a Nuclear War Inevitable?" 4/16/11,
http://www.philosophylounge.com/nuclear-war-inevitable/)
Throughout recorded history humans have used war as the ultimate arbiter for acquiring, defending and expanding—some 14,000 major and minor
wars; over one billion people killed. “War is one of the constants of history and has not diminished with civilization or democracy. In the last 3,411 years
of recorded history only 268 have seen no war.” —Will and Ariel Durant, The Lessons of History (1968) But 65 years ago a quantum jump in warfare took
place—the atomic bomb. Soon the nuclear genie was out of the bottle. More and more countries were eventually able to build or acquire nuclear
weapons. North Korea and Pakistan. Soon Iran? There is even a nuclear black market that attracts terrorist groups. Yet, a full-scale nuclear war
would destroy civilization and threaten life itself. Even a “limited” nuclear war could escalate into a full-scale
one, as could a conventional war among the superpowers. At some point, if civilization is to flourish, loyalty to 200 individual nation-states
must be enlarged to include a new over-riding loyalty to humanity as a whole. But, can we do this? Does our brain carry within it the potential to
peacefully resolve fundamental conflicts? According to historian Will Durant, history isn’t encouraging: “Some conflicts are too fundamental to be
resolved by negotiation; and during the prolonged negotiations (if history may be our guide) subversion would go on. . . Such interludes of widespread
peace are unnatural and exceptional; they will soon be ended by changes in the distribution of military power.” —Will and Ariel Durant, The Lessons of
History (1968) The world’s political and military leaders, we would hope, know that a nuclear war would be catastrophic. But our brain—a brain that
evolved from an ape brain—is
prone to nationalistic pride, distrusting those who are different, and obeying charismatic
authority figures (even monomaniacal insane ones). It’s prone to conforming to the behavior of the masses like good sheep, even displaying
ideological fervor. Now mix in grotesque global economic disparities. Add overpopulation pressures, resource
shortages, local ecological collapses and global climate destabilization. Stir in willful ignorance, stupidity, relentless greed, fear,
selfishness, indifference, lust for power, primal religious conflicts, entrenched racism, and virulent xenophobia.
Sprinkle on more fear, plus our brain’s tendency for simplistic solutions and paranoid emotional responses. Whip it all
together and shove it into history’s oven of nightmares. Yes, our political and military leaders must know that a nuclear war would
be catastrophic, but. . . . Nobel Prize-winning philosopher Arthur Koestler observes in the book, Brain, Mind and Behavior: “The trouble with
our species is not an overdose of self-asserting aggression but an excess of self-transcending devotion, which manifests itself in blind obedience and
loyalty to the king, country, or cause…One of the central features of the human predicament is this overwhelming
capacity and need for identification with a social group and/or system of beliefs, which is indifferent to reason,
indifferent to self-interest, and even to the claim of self-preservation.” Emeritus physics professor Mark Perakh, author of the book,
Unintelligent Design, adds his resigned rage: “Most probably the 21st century will see devastating wars and enormous explosions of barbarism. Humans
as a species are the most stupid of all animals. There is hardly anything more stupid than a war, but humans seem to be unable to live without it. The
struggle between reason and obscurantism… is just a footnote to the idiocy of wars that humanity sinks into with an inevitable regularity.” Our existential
dilemma The detonation of even a small fraction of our nuclear weapons could likely result in the greatest catastrophe in
human history, one that could unravel much of civilization as we know it and
even push us to the brink of extinction. Thus, our policies of
nuclear deterrence must never fail. Never! Never! No failure. Ever! Yet, year after year the roulette wheel of human conflicts
continues to spin and the minute hand on the doomsday clock ticks closer to midnight. Is a nuclear war inevitable? Well,
one formidable obstacle to lasting peace is the military-industrial complex, itself. All military organizations are trained to fight, to kill. Also, they must
have actual or potential enemies in order to justify their budgets. Hence they are designed to be very ineffective at negotiation and compromise, critically
important skills we need on this planet today. Somehow we must catch onto this and recognize that one of the greatest conflicts in the world today is
between the militaries of the world and the human species. “U.S. weapons manufacturers actively promote the sale of their products to foreign nations
irrespective of human rights abuses, type of government, or aggressive actions against neighboring states.” “…Members of Congress see military spending as a big public works job program—and a source of juicy pork for their states and districts.” —The Defense Monitor & Center for Defense Information
bulletins For the first time in human history the fate of our entire species is in the hands of a very few decision makers . Do
their evolved brains really have what it takes to survive at so dangerous a juncture, to not, sooner or later, make the fatal decision?
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2nc yes accidental use
Accidental use is still possible
Krieger 11 - David Krieger, President of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation ("Ten Serious Flaws in Nuclear Deterrence Theory," Nuclear Age Peace
Foundation, www.wagingpeace.org/articles/db_article.php?article_id=206, 2/7/11, accessed 12/20/11)
6. It does not work against an accidental use. Nuclear deterrence is useful, if at all, only
against the possibility of
an intentional, premeditated nuclear attack. Its purpose is to make the leader who contemplates the intentional use of a nuclear weapon
decide against doing so. But nuclear deterrence cannot prevent an accidental use of a nuclear weapon, such as an accidental
launch. This point was made in the movie Dr. Strangelove, in which a US nuclear attack was accidentally set in motion against the Soviet Union. In the
movie, bomber crews passed their “failsafe” point in a training exercise and couldn’t be recalled. The president of the United States had to get on the
phone with his Soviet counterpart and try to explain that the attack on Moscow that had been set in motion was just an accident. The Americans were
helpless to stop the accident from occurring, and so were the Soviets. Accidents happen! There is no such thing as a “foolproof”
system, and when nuclear weapons are involved it is extremely dangerous to think there is.
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1nc u.s not key
US is not key to trafficking
POLULYAKH AND RA 2006 (Diana Polulyakh and Sue Young Ra are third year students at the University of San Francisco School of Law, Fall, 8 J.L. &
Soc. Challenges 165)
Human trafficking is a serious, yet hidden problem that affects all parts of the world. Trafficking has been
called present-day slavery and involves the recruitment, transportation, and sale of persons for forced labor. It
is estimated that approximately two million men, women and children are trafficked worldwide annually,
15,000 to 18,000 of whom are moved into or out of the United States. 1 Victims of human trafficking are
forced to work in a variety of industries: agriculture, sex, manufacturing, restaurants, and domestic service.
Human trafficking is a nine billion dollar a year business that operates using virtually free labor and with
minimal risk that the illegal activity will be detected and punished. 2
US is not key to trafficking
HARVARD LAW REVIEW 2006 (Note: Remedying The Injustices Of Human Trafficking Through Tort Law, June, 119 Harv. L. Rev. 2574)
Every year, approximately 600,000 to 800,000 victims of trafficking are bought, sold, or forced across
international borders. 1 Trafficking is the third largest criminal industry in the world, 2 with revenues totaling
$ 9.5 billion annually, 3 and is expected to soon surpass the two largest criminal industries, narcotics and
firearms. 4 Although tragic stories of women and children trafficked into commercial sex work in other
countries have been extensively documented, the problem of trafficking in the United States had received little
publicity until recently. The issue finally attracted the attention of policymakers and the general public when
the CIA issued a report in 2000 estimating that 45,000 to 50,000 individuals were trafficked into the United
States annually. 5 More recent reports estimate that 14,500 to 17,500 trafficking victims enter the country each
year. 6 In response to several high-profile cases that sparked public outrage, 7 Congress enacted the Trafficking
[*2575] Victims Protection Act (TVPA), 8 which seeks to combat trafficking through prosecution of traffickers,
protection and support for victims, and prevention of trafficking on a global level. Recognizing that the law
represents a major step forward in the global effort to combat trafficking, practitioners have nonetheless
observed that the current legislative framework subordinates protection of victims to prosecution of traffickers
and has thus led to inadequate protection for victims. 9 While many commentators have continued to press for
much-needed reform of the TVPA, others have begun to develop innovative legal strategies to promote security
and support for trafficking victims.
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1nc trafficking good
Trafficking helps development and allows people to escape even more oppressive situations at
home
DANAILOVA-TRAINOR AND LACZKO 2010 (Gergana, US GAO; and Frank, International Organization for Migration, International
Migration 48:4, Wiley Online Library)
In fact, when the impact of trafficking on development is viewed in terms of lost opportunities in the place of origin, research suggests that there might
be some possible benefits of trafficking for development. For example, a study by ADB found that “For many women, trafficking episodes,
while causing harm, also provide opportunities to remove themselves from otherwise oppressive
circumstances.” Moreover, one study suggests that some returnees were able to bring home with them some savings, and
“more experience of the world” (Blanchet, 2002). This should not be construed to suggest that trafficking is a better alternative than regular
migration or a sustainable livelihood at home. However, it is indicative of the need for much more analysis of data from returned victims and those with
a similar profile who have never emigrated from the local community.
Decreasing trafficking massively increases remittance flows
DANAILOVA-TRAINOR AND LACZKO 2010 (Gergana, US GAO; and Frank, International Organization for Migration, International
Migration 48:4, Wiley Online Library)
Alternatively, when the impact of trafficking on development is viewed from the stand point of lost benefits
from migration without exploitation, then the forgone benefits for trafficking victims may be measured in
terms of the potentially lost remittance flows, which have been taken away from trafficking victims and have
become profits in the hands of trafficking networks. These networks participate in the underground economy
and provide no access of victims to financial markets. Victims are unable to send remittances back home as
they are typically repaying debt to their employers and are allowed to keep a negligible share of their earnings.
For example, a qualitative study of 202 case records and in-depth interviews with 42 women and girls who
were trafficked in India for sex work and had since returned to Nepal finds that the trafficked women earned
no money for themselves until they had paid their debt to the brothel owner. Some brothels paid for food,
clothes and medicine, but in most brothels these costs were added to their debt. After the debt was repaid, the
earnings were supposedly divided between the brothel owner, local tax collectors and the woman/girl herself;
however few women/girls experienced this division of earnings. Moreover, those who had been sex trafficked
by relatives were also expected to use their earnings to support family in Nepal. A social worker interviewed in
Nepal stated that male relatives may make periodic trips to India to collect a girl’s earnings. If several women
from a village in Nepal work in Bombay brothels, one community member may be appointed to travel to India
to collect the money on behalf of family members. This meant that women and girls were not only under
pressure to pay off their “debt” but also to support family members through earning tips (Hennink, 2004).
According to the 2008 TIP report (US Department of State, 2008: 22) trafficking results in a huge loss of
remittances to developing countries, because trafficked persons have to pay off the debt incurred to
unscrupulous recruiters. No one knows exactly how much money is lost, but research on labour recruitment
practices in some countries suggests that it may be as high as 20 per cent. Given that the annual level of
remittances to developing countries is approximately US$ 300 billion, this implies a loss to development of
approx. US$ 60 billion. Although the latter figure may be an over-estimate, it does highlight the potential
development gains if more trafficked persons were able to move into regular employment.
The lost remittances for trafficking victims have contributed to the profits kept in the hands of traffickers. Total
annual illicit profits from trafficking into forced commercial sexual exploitation have been estimated to be
about US$ 27.8 billion (Belser, 2005a). The profits are calculated by multiplying the estimated 1.3 million
worldwide victims (including not only cross-border trafficking but also domestically trafficked and underage
victims) by an estimate of annual profits per victim, broken down by region. In industrial countries, annual
profits made with one victim amount to an average of US$ 67,200, while in Asia and Africa annual profits were
estimated at about US$ 10,000. An alternative estimate can be derived based on data from assisted victims in
IOM’s counter trafficking database. We found that 273 victims of cross-border trafficking for sexual
exploitation provided information about the average number of customers per day, the average charge, and the
amount the victim is allowed to keep. We calculated that total annual revenues for the trafficking network from
these victims were around US$ 36 million. This would represent an average of around US$ 130,000 per victim,
which is about twice as high as the estimated profits in industrial countries by the ILO. We should note that no
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adjustment was made for traffickers’ costs for running their operations. However, even if such an ad hoc
adjustment were made, these results confirm that profits from the exploitation of trafficking victims are very
high and could be even higher than previously estimated.
This analysis suggests that not only do economic underdevelopment and poverty contribute significantly to
causing human trafficking, but trafficking also undermines development and deprives poor communities of the
economic benefits of migration (US Department of State, 2008).
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1nc domestic turn
Focus on international trafficking trades off with protection for US citizens forced into sexual
slavery
STRAUSS 2010 (Lindsay, B.A., The University of Michigan, 2007; J.D. Candidate, Cornell Law School, 2010, Spring, 19 Cornell J. L. & Pub. Pol'y 495)
Although international trafficking has garnered more federal attention than domestic trafficking, the
similarities between the two are startling, and thus require a reframing of the issue of human trafficking. With
the passage of The White Slave Traffic Act (Mann Act) in 1910, the phrase "traffic in women and children" was
used to demarcate "white slavery," or international trafficking, from local prostitution. 69 This demarcation
focused attention on international trafficking victims and diverted it away from the continuing enslavement of
American women in local prostitution. 70 The TVPRA of 2005, however, was amended in part to draw
attention to the fact that, under the TVPA, foreign trafficking victims are treated as victims while American
trafficking victims are treated as criminals. 71 Because of this disparate treatment, American domestic
trafficking victims do not receive the services they need to free themselves from an abusive industry. 72 Like
international trafficking victims, most of the women and children who work as prostitutes in the United States
do so against their will. 73 For example, they are forced into prostitution because of the brutal [*507] tactics of
their pimps, who are responding to the high demand for sexual services. 74 Pimps, like international
traffickers, often control the victims' identification, money, and freedom, and use physical and psychological
abuse to further control their prostitutes. 75 Through sleep deprivation, sexual and physical violence, learned
helplessness, false promises, and favors, pimps create a cycle of abuse and affection, which creates a trauma
bond between the pimp and the victim. 76 Pimps actively exploit this bond in order to force women to
prostitute for them. 77 Moreover, these women, like foreign victims, are often already vulnerable to
exploitation because of poverty or past abuse. 78 For instance, it is well known that women in the United States
and abroad, on average, make less money than their male counterparts and have, due to societal norms, fewer
economic alternatives. 79 In addition, many of these women are homeless, have children to support, or suffer
from drug addiction. 80 [*508] Thus, many women enter prostitution and stay in prostitution due to economic
necessity. In addition, an estimated eighty percent of the prostitutes in America began working as children, 81
and sixty to seventy percent of them have histories of childhood sexual abuse, 82 which pimps exploit for
financial gain. 83 Pimps often promise these women a new life or a new job to lure them into prostitution,
similar to the false promises used by international traffickers. 84 Furthermore, like numerous foreign
trafficking victims, many domestic victims come from unstable homes. 85 Their parents often abandon them,
or they run away due to sexual or physical abuse. 86 Although the parents of domestic trafficking victims may
not sell them to pimps outright, as some foreign victims' families do, 87 the victims' vulnerable position on the
streets lead about 40,000 of the estimated 1.6 million runaway children each year to become involved with sex
trafficking. 88 The similarities between domestic and international trafficking victims are striking, and it is
clear that both groups need to be thought of as victims - worthy of assistance and protection - and not as
criminals.
Outweighs the case—300,000 people are at risk every year
STRAUSS 2010 (Lindsay, B.A., The University of Michigan, 2007; J.D. Candidate, Cornell Law School, 2010, Spring, 19 Cornell J. L. & Pub. Pol'y 495)
In actuality, domestic trafficking is modern-day slavery that occurs widely in the United States. The exact
number of trafficked individuals, however, is unknown and difficult to determine due to the unwillingness and
inability of most victims to come forward. 66 At any given time, between 100,000 to 300,000 children are at
risk of being forced or coerced into commercial sexual exploitation in the United States. 67 Also, according to
one report, service providers have only been able to help a fraction of these victims. 68 While prostitution may
represent a chosen profession for a few, it is not a choice for the vast majority.
The federal government has just begun to fight domestic trafficking—continued focus is
necessary
STRAUSS 2010 (Lindsay, B.A., The University of Michigan, 2007; J.D. Candidate, Cornell Law School, 2010, Spring, 19 Cornell J. L. & Pub. Pol'y 495)
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As long as the federal government fails to treat adult domestic trafficking victims as human trafficking victims,
their plight will not change. Although it is admirable that states are providing services and protection to
domestic trafficking victims, these efforts are not enough. The problem of human trafficking is increasing, and
only through swift federal action can it be dealt with effectively. The TVPRA of 2008 is a first step toward
addressing the issue of domestic trafficking. Perhaps with future reauthorizations of the TVPA, the federal
government will finally send a clear message to pimps that they can no longer act with impunity and that they
will be treated as felons. By removing the force, fraud, or coercion requirement for all trafficking prosecutions,
the prosecution of traffickers will be easier and more common. Furthermore, the women that pimps force into
prostitution will be treated as victims, not as criminals, and they will receive the services they need to leave
prostitution, if they so desire. Domestic trafficking is a form of human trafficking and must be addressed as
such in order to protect the human rights of the women involved. Only by addressing the needs of both child
and adult victims of domestic trafficking will the federal government achieve its goal of fighting all human
trafficking while still respecting the autonomy and self-determination of women.
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1nc no trafficking
There is no evidence for any of the aff—it is all a construct of anti-prostitution feminist groups
who ignore proper data collection techniques
Weitzer, 12 Professor of Sociology, George Washington University. Ph.D., University of California, Berkeley
(Ronald Weitzer, 2012 “Sex Trafficking and the Sex Industry: The Need for Evidence-based Theory and
Legislation”,
http://www.law.northwestern.edu/journals/jclc/backissues/v101/n4/1014_1337.Weitzer.pdf)//EM
But there is also a parallel story — a robust mythology of trafficking. While no one would claim that sex
trafficking is fictional, many of the claims made about it are wholly unsubstantiated . This Article offers a critique
of the paradigm responsible for this mythology, a perspective that has become increasingly popular over the past decade. This oppression
paradigm depicts all types of sexual commerce as institutionalized subordination of women, regardless of the
conditions under which it occurs. 4 The perspective does not present domination and exploitation as variables
but instead considers them core ontological features of sexual commerce. 5 I will contrast this monolithic
paradigm with an alternative — one that is evidence-based and recognizes the existence of substantial variation
in sex work. This polymorphous paradigm holds that there is a broad constellation of work arrangements,
power relations, and personal experiences among participants in sexual commerce. Polymorphism is sensitive to complexities
and to the structural conditions shaping the uneven distribution of workers’ agen cy and subordination.
Victimization, exploitation, choice, job satisfaction, self - esteem, and other factors differ between types of sex work, geographical locations, and other
structural conditions. Commercial sexual exchange and erotic entertainment are not homogeneous phenomen a . 6 A growing number of researchers
have challenged the oppression model’s claims, yet their criticisms have yet to gain serious attention from American lawmakers. This A rticle (1) analyzes
the claims made by those who embrace the oppression model, (2) identifies some legal and policy implications of this paradigm, and (3) offers an
evidence - based alternative. 7 The analysis pertains to both sex trafficking and to sexual commerce more generally. II. T HE O PPRESSION P ARADIGM
Many of the leading proponents of the oppression paradigm are affiliated with organizations committed to
eradicating the entire sex industry, such as Prostitution Research and Education, Standing Against Global Exploitation (SAGE), Stop Porn
Culture, and the Coalition Against Trafficking in Women (CATW). 8 What unites them is their staunch advocacy of the oppression paradigm and political
commitment to prohibition of all sexual commerce and adult entertainment . Oppression writers have been roundly criticized for
violating standard canons of social science inquiry and for viewing sex work through a
monochromatic lens . 9 Despite this criticism, proponents rigidly adhere to the central tenets of their paradigm,
even when confronted with compelling counter - evidence. 10 Moreover, most oppression writers restrict their
citations to writings of like - minded authors and ignore research findings that contradict the pillars of their
paradigm. 11 Such inconvenient findings are plentiful. 12 Scientific advancement depends on researchers ’ due diligence in weighing findings and
arguments that challenge their own: It is standard practice to situate a study within the related scholarly literature. Oppression writers’
neglect of relevant research is a radical departure from conventional scho larly writings. And on those rare occasions when
contrasting work is cited, the findings have sometimes been distorted or even inverted by the author. 13 The
oppression model is grounded in a particular branch of feminist thinking: radical feminism. It dif fers from the religious right’s objections to commercial
sex, which center on the threat it poses to marriage, the family, and society’s moral fiber. 14 The oppression paradigm’s central tenet is that sexual
commerce rests on structural inequalities between men and women and that male domination is intrinsic to sexual commerce. 15 Women would not be
compelled to sell sexual or erotic services if they had the same socioeconomic opportunities as men. Moreover, the very existence of prostitution suggests
that m en have, according to Carole Pateman, a “patriarchal right of access to women’s bodies,” thus perpetuating women’s subordination to men. 16
Another writer declares that prostitution “ dehumanizes, commodifies and fetishizes women . . . . In prostitution, th ere is always a power imbalance,
where the john has the social and economic power to hire her/him to act like a sexualized puppet. Prostitution excludes any mutuality of privilege or
pleasure . . . .” 17 Oppression theorists argue that these fundamental ha rms will endure no matter how prostitution, pornography, or stripping are
governed; legalizing these practices (where currently illegal) in order to reduce harms will not lessen the gender inequality that is intrinsic to sexual
commerce. Domination will p ersist simply by virtue of men’s paid access to women’s bodies. 18 Champions of the oppression paradigm
frequently make extravagant claims about commercial sex as an institution, the participants in paid sex transactions, the
nature of sex trafficking, and the effects of different kinds of laws. To drive home the seriousness of the problem, advocates often link
prostitution to a host of violent crimes — calling it “domestic violence,” 19 “torture,” 20 and paid rape 21 — and
demonizing customers a
les, and other social
ize women in
ion.
gentlemen’s clubs is a difference in class only, not a difference in woman hating. ” 24 Some advocates
simply make pronouncements, like the above,
of the oppression paradigm
without offering any empirical evidence . 25 Other oppression writers,
however, try to support their claims with some kind of evidence. Both approaches are present in the oppression - based literature on sex trafficking. III. S
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E X T RAFFICKING A. THE POLITICS OF TRAFFICKING In order to further discredit the practice of prostitution and delegitimize systems where
prostitution is legal and regulated by the government, oppression writers have fused prostitution with sex trafficking. 26
Donna Hughes claims that “most ‘sex workers’ are or originally started out as trafficked women and girls.” 27 She
then calls for “re - linking trafficking and prostitution, and combating the commercial sex trade as a whole.” 28 There is no evidence that
“most” or even the majority of prostitutes have been trafficked. It is important to recognize that as recently as fifteen years ago,
trafficking was not a routine part of the discourse regarding prostitution. 29 Today, several analysts argue that prostitution has been
socially constructed in a particular way through the trafficking prism and that there is no objective equivalence between the two. 30
Prostitution involves a commercial transaction and trafficking is a process whereby a third party facilitates an indiv idual’s involvement in sexual
commerce. There is plenty of prostitution by independent operators that does not involve trafficking. 31 And such independent enterprises may be
growing with the help of i nternet - facilitated connections between sex workers and clients. Some oppression writers are quite candid about their
political reasons for linking trafficking with prostitution. Melissa Farley declares , “A false distinction between prostitution and trafficking has hindered
efforts to abolish prostitution . . . . Since prostitution creates the demand for trafficking, the sex industry in its totality must be confronted.” 32 The first
sentence reveals that the ultimate goal is not the elimination of trafficking but rather the elimination of prostitution. Regard ing the second sentence —
asserting that “prostitution creates the demand for trafficking” — there is no compelling reason why prostitution would necessarily “demand” trafficked
participants (if trafficking is defined as involving deception or force) or even w illing migrants , and why it could not draw from a local pool of workers
instead. In some places the local pool may be shallow and require migrants to meet demand, but this would not be sufficient to justify Farley’s claim
regarding prostitution in general . Despite the problematic way in which oppression writers have constructed trafficking, they have been remarkably
successful in rebranding trafficking in a way that implicates all sex work. As one analyst wrote, the prohibitionists have “successfully tran sformed the
‘anti - trafficking’ movement into a modern, worldwide moral crusade against prostitution.” 33 The prostitution – trafficking connection was fully
embraced by the Bush administration, illustrated by the State Department’s webpage The Link Between Pr ostitution and Sex Trafficking , which
claimed, inter alia , that prostitution “fuels trafficking in persons” and “fuel[s] the growth of modern - day slavery.” 34 The prohibitionist portrayal of
trafficking clashes with an alternative, socioeconomic model that views trafficking as “a complex phenomenon driven by deep economic disparities
between wealthy and poor communities and nations, and by inadequate labor and migration frameworks to manage their consequences.” 35
Oppression writers often ignore socioeconomic forces and instead focus on individual actors: pimps,
traffickers, clients, and female victims. How is trafficking itself presented in oppression writings? M elodramatically. In an article
representative of this literature (and published in this Journal ) , Iris Yen perceives a “pandemic of human trafficking.” 36 She writes that sex trafficking
is “appropriately” described as “sex ual slavery” and that the individuals involved are “essentially slaves,” 37 despite the fact that many of those who are
trafficked a re not held in slave - like conditions. 38 She claims, without evidence, that “ [t] raffickers routinely beat, rape,
starve, confine, torture, and psychologically and emotionally abuse the women.” 39 The magnitude of the problem is said
to be “alarming , ” but the figures Yen cites — 14,500 to 100,000 trafficked into the U.S. every year — are incredibly wide - ranging and thus rather
dubious. 40 Yen then extrapolates from trafficking to prostitution: “Thus, contrary to the erroneous perception that prostitution is a victi mless crime . . .
too many victims have paid for their crime of poverty with devastated lives.” 41 Bias is particularly evident in her emotive language , e.g., “the ugly truth
of the commercial sex industry” and “egregious human rights abuses from the sex tr ade.” 42 These images of prostitution and
trafficking abound throughout the writings of oppression theorists, but their accuracy is belied by their
sweeping, unequivocal nature. Each of the above claims has been challenged by other analysts and by a body of
research findings cited throughout this Article . The experiences of trafficked persons , in the migration process and in their working conditions ,
range along a broad continuum. Some individuals ’ experiences fit the oppression model well, while others ’ c luster at the opposite end. Many of those
who migrate are responding to push factors such as the lack of economic opportunities in their home countr ies or the desire to provide a better life for
family members, rather than the pull factor of nefarious tra ffickers. 43
Data is unreliable
Lehti and Aromaa, 6 (Martti Lehti, researcher in the National Research Institute of Legal Policy in Helsinki,
Finland, AND Kauko Aromaa, director of the European Institute for Crime Prevention and Control affiliated
with the United Nations, 2006, “Trafficking for Sexual Exploitation”,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/650306)//EM
The major problem in studying and combating trafficking in persons is the scarcity, unreliability, and
noncomparability of existing national and international data. Accurate information on the volume of the crime
does not exist. Some major reasons are the absence of comparable statistics on reported crimes , indictments , court
cases , and victims ; the diverse ways the crime of trafficking in women is criminalized in the legislation of nation‐states; the characteristics of
trafficking (as organized—in part, transnational—crime), which result in a high level of uncounted crimes (i.e., because such crime is not readily reported
to the police) and make trafficking
hard to identify, control, and prevent; the weak legal status of victims in most
countries, which contributes to their reluctance to report crimes or to cooperate with investigations and court
proceedings; and the inconsistent uses of the concept of trafficking in women and persons in international and national contexts.
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Their sources ignore truth and scientific data methods—in reality the number is decreasing
Weitzer, 12 Professor of Sociology, George Washington University. Ph.D., University of California, Berkeley
(Ronald Weitzer, 2012 “Sex Trafficking and the Sex Industry: The Need for Evidence-based Theory and
Legislation”,
http://www.law.northwestern.edu/journals/jclc/backissues/v101/n4/1014_1337.Weitzer.pdf)//EM
B. THE MAGNITU DE OF THE PROBLEM: M YTHICAL NUMBERS When it comes to estimating the magnitude of any illicit vice ( be
it drug sales, illegal gambling, or prostitution), it is crucial that analysts carefully examine the quality of the data sources
and the procedures used t o arrive at figures. 51 Unfortunately, many of those writing about sex trafficking
ignore this scientific canon and recapitulate potentially bogus claims regarding the scale of the
phenomenon, uncritically accepting figures that should be questioned. With human trafficking , as with drug and
arms trafficking and other illicit global enterprises, “the numbers are often highly suspect but nevertheless popularized
and rarely critically scrutinized, and . . . there are strong incentives [e.g., for governments, a ctivists, and media
interests] to accept and reproduce rather than challenge and critique them.” 52 According to many oppression writers and
the government officials they influence , 53 sex trafficking has reached epidemic levels worldwide, victimizing “hundred s of thousands” or “millions” of
people every year. But not only is trafficking said to be a mammoth problem worldwide, its incidence has also skyrocketed in recent years. In her book,
Sex Trafficking , Kathryn Farr boldly asserts: “The sex trafficking in dustry is voluminous, and it is expanding at an ever - accelerating rate . . . . [ O ] ver 1
million are trafficked into the sex industry, and the volume just keeps increasing.” 54 Yen agrees that things are only getting worse: Sex trafficking is
“mushrooming , ” child prostitution is increasing at “alarming rates , ” and “sex trafficking victims are getting increasingly younger.” 55 There are
reasons why the problem may have grown over time in certain regions — for example, due to more porous borders in Europe in the aftermath of the
breakdown of the Soviet empire and the growing freedom of movement resulting from the expansion of the European Union after 2004. But this does
not mean that the problem is actually increasing worldwide as claimed. W riters who make such a ssertions provide no solid evidence to support these
grandiose claims. In fact, the numbers and trends asserted are impossible to substantiate, given two fundamental
evidentiary problems: (1) the clandestine nature of trafficking , 56 and (2) the lack of a baseline from which to
measure changes over time. 57 Data are simply not available for drawing macro - level conclusions. 58 While
some writers make such claims perhaps na ï vely, simply reiterating others’ assertions, other writers acknowledge
their political mo tivations . High numbers are designed to alarm the public and convince governments to commit greater resources to fighting
prostitution, to fund rescue operations, and to enhance penalties against traffickers and clients. As two critics suggest, the human trafficking issue has
become “a battleground for different positions on prostitution, immigration, and the position and status of women.” 59 Claims regarding a growing
worldwide epidemic are contradicted by the U.S. g overnment’s own figures. Over the past decade, the State Department’s annual
Trafficking in Persons report has steadily reduced its figures on the magnitude of
both transnational and
domestic trafficking . In 2002, the maximum transnational figure was 4 million. 60 The following year, the figure was put at 800,000 – 900,000
victims, falling to 600,000 – 800,000 in 2004. 61 Subsequently, the estimate has stabilized at 800,000 trafficked across national borders. 62 These
figures on trafficking between countries are “in addition to the far larger yet indet erminate number of people trafficked within countries,” according to
the 2004 Trafficking in Persons Report . 63 Four years later, the State Department was making a similar claim: the 2008 report asserts that
“approximately 800,000 people are trafficked acro ss national borders, which does not include millions trafficked within their own countries.” 64 These
claims are remarkable for their (a) fuzzy elasticity, (b) shock value, (c) implication that the between - nations figures are not themselves “indeterminate”
and lacking in reliability, and (d) failure to recognize that if something is “indeterminate” it may not be “far larger” than the (already problematic)
international figures. Further undermining the U.S. g overnment’s assertions of an “indeterminate” but hu ge domestic trafficking problem, official
domestic U.S. figures have plummeted over the past decade. The TVPA state s that “Congress finds that . . . [ a ] pproximately 50,000 women and
children are trafficked into the United States each year.” 65 This figure was repeated in the State Department’s Trafficking in Persons report for 2002 .
66 B ut just one year later , the State Department ’s figure fell to 18,000 – 20,000, 67 and in 2004 the figure was further reduced to 14,500 – 17,500 per
year. 68 Apart from the lack of t ransparency in how officials arrived at these figures, when we compare the 2000 figure (50,000) with the lower figure
for 2004 (14,500), we see an astonishing 71 % decrease in the estimate in just five years. Such dramatic downscaling should give pause to researchers and
policymakers alike. More recent reports have substituted vague language for numerical estimates of the domestic situation. The 2008 Trafficking in
Persons report, for instance, simply declared that “thousands” of people are trafficked int o the U.S. every year. 69 Some researchers have attempted to
“resolve” the numbers problem through a meta - analysis of figures from a variety of sources. A recent analysis of 207 estimates concluded that a figure of
5,166 annual victims of all kinds of traff icking “provides a more reliable, although still flawed, estimate of the minimum number of trafficking victims in
the United States.” 70 But the authors qualify this with numerous cautions. The studies consulted offer estimates that range from 1,349 to 46, 849
victims of labor trafficking and from 3,817 to 22,320 victims of sex trafficking . . . . [ T ] he highest estimate from a type of source for any of the identified
types of trafficking (labor trafficking, sex trafficking of adults, and sex trafficking of children) is greater than the lowest estimate for that type of
trafficking by at least 400 percent, suggesting that there is enormous uncertainty about the national scope of the problem . . . . 71 Given these serious
problems, one might also question the 5,1 66 figure, which the authors concede is “flawed.” As the saying goes, “bad data are worse than no
data,” and I would question whether any of the 207 estimates were based on what social scientists would
consider genuine “data” to begin with. For these rea sons, I do not think there is any logic in the analyst s ’ claim that, “ [d] espite the
limitation of the data, however, this research enables us to say more about the scope and character of human trafficking in the United States than is
currently accepted as fact.” 72 Instead, their report leads to quite the opposite conclusion: that it is not possible to count the number of
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victims involved in an illicit, clandestine underground economy at the macro level, nationally or internationally
. T he wildly varying est imates, based on numerous problematic assumptions, testify to the futility of this exercise. Estimating the size of the problem is
only possible at the micro level (e.g., in a city or small region of a country) and then only insofar as the data pertaining to this limited arena are reliable,
which is rare.
Trafficking isn’t actually on the rise – flawed data
Gozdziak and Collett 5 Director of Research at the Institute for the Study of International Migration at Georgetown University and Editor
of International Migration, a peer reviewed, scholarly journal devoted to research and policy analysis of contemporary issues affecting international
migration AND Director of Migration Policy Institute Europe and Senior Advisor to MPI's Transatlantic Council on Migration (Elzbieta AND Elizabeth,
"Research on Human Trafficking in North America: A Review of Literature,”
http://publications.iom.int/bookstore/free/data_res_human%5B1%5D.pdf#page=100)//AM
It is interesting that to any conscientious social scientist, the discrepancies in the most commonly quoted estimates
of human trafficking would be a cause for considerable suspicion of the reliability of the research, yet when it
comes to data on trafficking, “few eyebrows are raised and the figures are easily bandied about without
question” (Kempadoo, 1998). It is noteworthy that despite the¶ difficulties in establishing clear and reliable statistics, the trafficking
phenomenon has often been described as mushrooming or being on the raise globally, while in fact these assertions
are often based on very few cases. Wendy Chapkis,¶ for example, posits that the TVPA of 2000 makes a strategic use of
anxieties over sexuality, gender, and immigration and does so through the use of misleading statistics creating
a moral panic around sexual slavery (Chapkis, 2003).
Stats about human trafficking are unreliable – be skeptical of the aff’s numerical claims
Gozdziak and Collett 5 Director of Research at the Institute for the Study of International Migration at Georgetown University and Editor
of International Migration, a peer reviewed, scholarly journal devoted to research and policy analysis of contemporary issues affecting international
migration AND Director of Migration Policy Institute Europe and Senior Advisor to MPI's Transatlantic Council on Migration (Elzbieta AND Elizabeth,
"Research on Human Trafficking in North America: A Review of Literature,”
http://publications.iom.int/bookstore/free/data_res_human%5B1%5D.pdf#page=100)//AM
Messy definitions result in slippery statistics ridden with methodological problems. Few governments, including
North American governments, systematically collect data on human trafficking and when they do provide statistical
information they often mix data related to trafficking, smuggling, and illegal migration¶ (Laczko, 2002). In some accounts all
undocumented migrants assisted in¶ crossing, for example, the US border, are counted as having been trafficked
108 Gozdziak and Collett¶ (Gordy, 2000). Other reports reserve the term trafficking exclusively to vic-¶ tims of sexual
slavery (Chapkis, 2003). In some instances, all transnational or¶ migrant sex workers are defined as trafficking
victims regardless of consent¶ and conditions of labour,¶ 9¶ while other reports emphasize abusive conditions¶ of
employment or deceptive recruitment policies used in the sex trade.10 As a¶ result, available data is confusing and unreliable.
Studies to determine the size of the trafficked population use flawed methodology
Gozdziak and Collett 5 Director of Research at the Institute for the Study of International Migration at Georgetown University and Editor
of International Migration, a peer reviewed, scholarly journal devoted to research and policy analysis of contemporary issues affecting international
migration AND Director of Migration Policy Institute Europe and Senior Advisor to MPI's Transatlantic Council on Migration (Elzbieta AND Elizabeth,
"Research on Human Trafficking in North America: A Review of Literature,”
http://publications.iom.int/bookstore/free/data_res_human%5B1%5D.pdf#page=100)//AM
The US State Department, for example, has produced the oft-quoted estimates¶ of the size of the trafficked
population worldwide: 800,000 to 900,000 annually,¶ with 14,500 to 17,500 trafficked into the United States
alone.11 These figures are¶ used by a number of international organizations, including the UN and IOM, as¶ authoritative, yet there has been no
release of information with respect to the¶ methodology used to obtain the baseline data. Information provided by the¶ US State
Department at the conference in Rome where the papers in this vol-¶ ume were first presented includes a brief description of the statistical methods¶
employed to calculate estimates, but does not explain the methodology used to¶ arrive at the baseline data sources either.¶ Indeed, the number of
trafficking victims entering the United States has been¶ revised at least three times: down from 45,000 to
50,000, a figure reached by¶ the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in 1999 (O’Neill Richard, 1999), to 18,000¶ to 20,000 victims reported in
2003, and even further down to 14,500 to 17,500¶ quoted in the 2004 TIP report. Each time an improved methodology
was cited¶ as a reason for these new figures. Charles Keely, Professor of International¶ Migration and Demography at
Georgetown University, comments that any esti-¶ mate of trafficking in the United States (or in any other country) requires
a¶ reliable source of data, presumably a partial count, and then a justified basic¶ rule with which to extrapolate and
estimate from this basic data. Given that¶ “neither government nor NGOs have a sufficient overview or a data source
for¶ extrapolation that allows for a national estimate” in the United States, he believes¶ that the US State Department
figures are merely “guesstimates.”12¶ That there are a plethora of estimates globally is an acknowledged problem: the¶ United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) has ¶ undertaken a trafficking statistics project attempting to trace the origins and¶
methodologies of statistics cited and evaluate their validity.¶ 13 It is likely that little¶ of this data is accurate. The Protection Project at Johns Hopkins
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University in¶ Washington, DC is also attempting to produce an overview of global trafficking¶ trends. As part of this work, the project has produced
maps of commonly used¶ trafficking routes worldwide, yet there is no referencing of how these routes¶ have been determined. It is difficult to assess
whether the maps are based on¶ any documented cases in countries of origin and destination and/or whether the¶ maps are based on a handful of cases
or on a critical mass of cases. Perhaps the¶ researchers at Johns Hopkins utilize the same threshold of 100 or more
cases of¶ victims that the US State Department uses in making a determination about¶ which countries to
include in the annual TIP report. Unfortunately, we can only¶ guess because the methodology is not discussed.
Trafficking is overestimated—data collection is terrible and numbers are just a guess
G.A.O. 2006 (Human Trafficking: Better Data, Strategy, and Reporting Needed to Enhance U.S.
Antitrafficking Efforts Abroad, July, www.gao.gov/new.items/d06825.pdf)
The U.S. government estimates that 600,000 to 800,000 persons are trafficked across international borders
annually. However, such estimates of global human trafficking are questionable. The accuracy of the estimates
is in doubt because of methodological weaknesses, gaps in data, and numerical discrepancies. For example, the
U.S. government’s estimate was developed by one person who did not document all his work, so the estimate
may not be replicable, casting doubt on its reliability. Moreover, country data are not available, reliable, or
comparable. There is also a considerable discrepancy between the numbers of observed and estimated victims
of human trafficking. The U.S. government has not yet established an effective mechanism for estimating the
number of victims or for conducting ongoing analysis of trafficking related data that resides within government
entities.
Trafficking reports aren’t reliable—opaque methodology
G.A.O. 2006 (Human Trafficking: Better Data, Strategy, and Reporting Needed to Enhance U.S.
Antitrafficking Efforts Abroad, July, www.gao.gov/new.items/d06825.pdf)
Estimate not entirely replicable. The U.S. government agency that prepares the trafficking estimate is part of
the intelligence community, which makes its estimation methodology opaque and inaccessible. During a
trafficking workshop in November 2005, the government agency provided a one-page overview of its
methodology, which allowed for only a very limited peer review by the workshop participants. In addition, the
U.S. government’s methodology involves interpreting, classifying, and analyzing data, which was performed by
one person who did not document all of his work. Thus the estimate may not be replicable, which raises doubts
about its reliability.
Number are unreliable—they’re based on aggregates of other bad studies
G.A.O. 2006 (Human Trafficking: Better Data, Strategy, and Reporting Needed to Enhance U.S.
Antitrafficking Efforts Abroad, July, www.gao.gov/new.items/d06825.pdf)
Estimate based on unreliable estimates of others. The biggest methodological challenge in calculating an
accurate number of global trafficking victims is how to transition from reported to unreported victims. The U.S.
government does not directly estimate the number of unreported victims but relies on the estimates of others,
adjusting them through a complex statistical process. It essentially averages the various aggregate estimates of
reported and unreported trafficking victims published by NGOs, governments, and international organizations,
estimates that themselves are not reliable or comparable due to different definitions, methodologies, data
sources, and data validation procedures. Moreover, the methodologies used to develop these estimates are
generally not published and available for professional scrutiny.12
Trafficking estimates cannot analyze trends
G.A.O. 2006 (Human Trafficking: Better Data, Strategy, and Reporting Needed to Enhance U.S.
Antitrafficking Efforts Abroad, July, www.gao.gov/new.items/d06825.pdf)
Estimate not suitable for analysis over time. The U.S. government methodology provides an estimate of
trafficking flows for a 1-year period and cannot be used to analyze trafficking over time to determine whether it
is increasing, decreasing, or staying the same. Therefore, the estimate cannot help in targeting resources and
evaluating program effectiveness.
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1nc case turn
Anti-trafficking interventions are counterproductive and trap victims in oppressive conditions
DANAILOVA-TRAINOR AND LACZKO 2010 (Gergana, US GAO; and Frank, International Organization for Migration, International
Migration 48:4, Wiley Online Library)
For example, in a recent paper Dottridge (2008) suggests that “initiatives which
were nominally supposed to stop trafficking
actually had numerous negative effects for people who have been trafficked, as well as other groups of people,
such as migrants and sex workers”. One example cited is the following: “In the course of observing the impact of our interventions, we
began to be concerned that some of the approaches we were supporting might have unintended negative consequences. Prevention messages that
characterized trafficking as a definite result of leaving a village seemed to discourage girls and women from exercising their
right
to migrate in search of a better life. Some women and girls crossing the border to visit relatives or join legitimate jobs were intercepted as
suspected trafficking victims, infringing on their right to migrate – an important self-protection mechanism, especially given the current conflict.
Furthermore increased HIV/AIDS awareness also resulted in serious stigmatisation of returnees, with some
neighbours thinking all returnees must be infected by the virus” (Hausner, 2005). Development policies and programmes may
also impact on trafficking in ways, which are not expected. For example, it is unclear to what extent development interventions that target the very poor
and improve their condition from very poor to poor are likely to reduce trafficking or shift trafficking from one type to another, for example, from
internal to cross-border trafficking.8
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1nc organized crime
doesn’t fund and insignificant profit source
FEINGOLD 2005 (David, Director, Ophidian Research Institute; International Coordinator, HIV/AIDS and
Trafficking Projects, UNESCO Bangkok, August 30, 2005, “Think Again: Human Trafficking,” Foreign Policy,
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2005/08/30/think_again_human_trafficking?page=full, Hensel)
"Trafficking Is a Big Business Controlled by Organized Crime" False . Trafficking is big business, but in many regions of the
world, such as Southeast Asia, trafficking involves mostly "disorganized crime": individuals or small groups linked on an ad hoc basis.
There is no standard profile of traffickers. They range from truck drivers and village "aunties" to labor brokers
and police officers. Traffickers are as varied as the circumstances of their victims. Although some trafficking victims are
literally kidnapped, most leave their homes voluntarily and become trafficked on their journey. Trafficking "kingpins," along the lines of the late
cocaine boss Pablo Escobar, are rare . Japanese mafia, or yakuza, do control many of the venues in Japan where trafficked
girls end up, but they are more likely to purchase people than transport them. Doing research in Thailand in 1997, I located
the Luk Moo ("Piglet") network, which was responsible for about 50 percent of the women and girls smuggled into Thailand from Burma, China, and
Laos to work in brothels. There were also other networks, such as the Kabuankarn Loy Fah ("Floating in the Sky") network that specialized in girls for
restaurants and karaoke bars. However, these networks have since faded in importance, owing to changes in the structure of
the sex industry. The worldwide trade in persons has been estimated by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime at $7
billion annually, and by the United Nations Children's Fund at $10 billion -- but, of course, no one really knows. The ILO estimates the total illicit
profits produced by trafficked forced laborers in one year to be just short of $32 billion. Although that is hardly an insignificant
amount, it is a small business compared to the more than $320 billion international trade in illicit drugs.
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1nc solvency
Alt cause—corruption
ABA, 9 (American Bar Association, March 2009, “HUMAN TRAFFICKING A SSESSMENT TOOL REPORT
FOR MEXICO”, http://apps.americanbar.org/rol/publications/mexico_2009_htat_en.pdf)//EM
Trafficking in persons often occurs with the assistance of corrupt government officials. In fact, corruption is
noted as one of the primary factors t hat facilitate trafficking in persons in Mexico in official as well as civil society
seminars. For ex ample, the conclusions of an international seminar on human trafficking organized by MFA state that tr
afficking in persons is benefited by corruption and money laundering and that in order to address t he issue,
the national strategy against human trafficking must include effective institutional co ordination to combat corruption
and restrict money laundering activities. MFA, I NTERNATIONAL S EMINAR ON H UMAN T RAFFICKING (2004), at
http://www.crmsv.org/Conclusiones_Seminario_trata_S RE_nov04-Mexico.doc. Thus, Mexico should ensure that anti-corruption provisions exist and
that they comply with the Convention against Transnational Organized Crime, as well as other relevant international and regiona l treaties it ratified
including the U.N. Convention Against Corruption, Inter-American Convention Against Corruption, and the Convention on Combating Bribery of
Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions adopted by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.
Status quo solves
ABA, 9 (American Bar Association, March 2009, “HUMAN TRAFFICKING A SSESSMENT TOOL REPORT
FOR MEXICO”, http://apps.americanbar.org/rol/publications/mexico_2009_htat_en.pdf)//EM
The Mexican and U.S. governments have also establis hed mechanisms for border cooperation. These include:
the Border Safety Initiative (June 1 998), Memorandum of Understanding on Cooperation against Border Violence
(February 1999) , and Plan of Action for Cooperation on Border Safety (2001). Furthermore, in 2004, Mexico and the U.S. signed an
Action Plan for Border Cooperation and Safety [hereinafter B ORDER A CTION P LAN ], which is oriented to improve
border safety and security between the U.S. and Mex ico by combating human smuggling, trafficking, and border violence, and
such other ac tions as: coordinating responses to border emergencies; enhancing existing media information a nd prevention programs; intensifying
public outreach to prevent migrant crossings in high-risk areas; ensuring secure and orderly repatriations of Mexican nationals; exploring mecha nisms,
on a bilateral basis to repatriate Mexican nationals to their places of origin; streng thening consultation mechanisms between
Mexican consuls and DHS authorities; and strengthen ing the Border Liaison Mechanism. See 2004 U.S.-Mexico Action Plan for
Cooperation and Bo rder Safety, http://www.migracioninternacio nal.com/docum/indice.html?mundo=usmexplanseg2004.ht ml. The Border
Liaison Mechanism is a joint governmental instrument to further regional bilateral dialogue, in which
representatives from both sides of the U.S.-Mexico border regions d iscuss matters of mutual interest including
public safety, protection of migrants, and law enfo rcement issues. See Press Release, Embassy of the U.S. in Mexico, Meeting of
Border Liaison Me chanism (Aug. 24, 2005). In terms of combating human smuggling and trafficki ng in persons, Mexico
and the U.S. have agreed to undertake both intelligence and security actions and protection measures . Specifically,
the Border Action Plan calls for the expansion of o ngoing bi-national efforts to dismantle alien smuggling and
trafficking networks by providing add itional resources to identify and target these criminal organizations;
strengthening bi-national c oordination among law enforcement agencies to combat human smugglers and
traffickers on both s ides of the border; expediting and reinforcing the exchange of bilateral information t hat
targets migrant smugglers and traffickers; mapping high-risk areas along the border to have an accurate portrait of new
routes; implementing preventive actions to reduce migrant r isks; and reinforcing existing bilateral training programs on border safety, migrant search,
and rescue operations. Furthermore , Mexico and the U.S. have agreed to work together to update intelli gence on
human smugglers and traffickers, particularly their profiles and modus operandi (pla ces, routes, procedures, networks);
mechanisms used to evade the action of authorities; and intelligence about the financial structures of human smuggling and trafficking organ izations, in
order to detect, impede, and dismantle their illicit activities. Lastly, Mexico has consented to: • Strengthen the presence of
Mexican law enforcement authorities along the routes used for human smuggling and trafficking in Mexico; •
Strengthen deterrence measures along the southern border, with an emphasis on human smuggling and trafficking
organizations; • Strengthen permanent inter-institutional mechanism s for surveillance in the border region through Beta
Groups, with the support and interven tion of different law enforcement agencies; • Strengthen Beta Groups in high-risk areas, especia lly in Sásabe,
Nogales and Agua Prieta, Sonora; • Intensify the presence of authorities in land term inals and airports where the highest flows of migrants
are detected, in order to
warn mi grants about the risks of crossing through dangerous border areas; • Intensify surveillance
key socioeconomic factors that impact the migration problem and
implement a development plan for border communities whose econo my is supported by activities linked to human smuggling and
actions on migrants’ routes in high risk areas; • Analyze
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trafficking (transpor t, housing, feeding); and • Establish inspection points with the collaboration of different Mexican
law enforcement authorities in specific areas such as Sásabe, Sonoy ta, and Agua Prieta in the state of Sonora to reduce and inhibit the violent
activities associated with smuggling and human trafficking. See generally B ORDER A CTION P LAN . In addition to the Border Action Plan, OASISS
invol ving the U.S. CBP and Mexican OAG, MFA, and MOI, has been on going since 2005. See Article 10 above. As a result of the above-
mentioned programs, several arrests of smugglers and traffickers have been made. For example, in April 2007, Mexican
aut horities notified U.S. authorities of a case of commercial sexual exploitation in North Carolina, b ased on a complaint made in Mexico by the sister of
the victim. This operation ended with th e arrest of a trafficker and the rescue of several young women. OAG, A NNUAL A CTIVITY R EPORT (2007).
Status quo solves perception advantage
Soderlund, 5 (Gretchen Soderlund, NWSA Journal, 2005, “Running from the Rescuers: New U.S. Crusades
against Sex Trafficking and the Rhetoric of Abolition”, http://www.jstor.org/stable/4317158 p. 67)//EM
The United Nations (UN) is the largest global regulatory institution to declare global sex trafficking a violation of women's human rights. However, in
the last three years the United States has positioned itself as an equally significant force in the antitrafficking arena. Combating sex slavery has become a key Bush administration priority and its most
championed humanitarian cause. The Department of Justice under John Ashcroft has spent an average of 100 million
dollars a year to fight trafficking domestically and internationally, a sum that overshadows any other individual nation's
contributions to similar efforts.2 The current administration's attempt to assert global moral leadership on this
issue by staging interventions in any country it deems weak on trafficking sets it apart from other countries . In
what follows I explore the genesis and hidden political dimensions of current U.S.-based anti-sex trafficking initiatives. I trace the process through which
sex trafficking came to occupy its current position in the Bush administration's pantheon of international causes by examining how social movements
and protectionist media discourses have produced sex slavery as an object worthy of governmental intervention.
NEG – Aid fails and makes the problem worse
Risley, 10 – Assistant Professor, International Studies, Rhodes College; PhD in Government from University
of Texas—Austin, MA in Latin American and Caribbean Studies, New York University, BA in Political Science
and International Relations, University of Wisconsin—Madison (Amy, March 12, 2010, “Sex Trafficking: The
“Other” Crisis in Mexico?,” The Latin Americanist, Volume 54, Issue 1, Wiley Online Library, Hensel)
Aid is another bilateral issue with implications for trafficking. The U.S. government persists in its support for Mexico's counternarcotics operations, a central component of the supply-side approach to the decades-old “war on drugs.” As
stated at the outset, President Obama has provided funding, equipment, and other forms of aid in response to the
ongoing violence. Previously, in 2007, the Bush Administration announced the Mérida Initiative, which proposed US$1.4 billion in
military and police training and equipment (such as helicopters, surveillance aircraft, and night vision gear); meanwhile, projected funding for
drug treatment programs that could curb demand in the U.S. decreased by US$73 million (Falconer 2008). Government
officials have insisted that they are providing human rights training to the country's military and police forces. Nevertheless, the “ collateral
damage ” that has resulted from the U.S.-sponsored war on drugs in recent decades is well documented (Carlsen
2008:21). Observers are understandably skeptical that continuous support of the security forces will improve their
human rights record or strengthen the rule of law. Furthermore, some of the aid and materiel that the U.S.
offered to the Mexican military in the 1990s to counter the drug trade was reportedly used in
counterinsurgency operations against the EZLN (McSherry 1998). That conflict displaced tens of thousands and heightened their
vulnerability to trafficking schemes, as noted previously.
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2nc status quo solves
Status quo solves credibility/soft power advantage
McGaha and Evans, 11 (Johnny E. McGaha, Ph.D. Professor of Justice Studies & Director, Esperanza AntiTrafficking Project AND Amanda Evans, Ed.D. MSW, Assistant Professor of Social Work & Program Evaluator ,
10/4/11, “Where are the Victims?”, http://bebopper76.wordpress.com/2011/08/30/sex-trafficking-researchessay-papers/)//EM
The focus on human trafficking has grown considerably in the U.S. since the passage of the TVPA in 2000 and its
subsequent reauthorizations in 2003, 2005, and 2007. More recently there has been an interest in research on the topic,
spurred in part by the horrific stories and fueled by the high estimates of the extent of trafficking in our
country. Unfortunately existing research on human trafficking has yet to move the field beyond estimating the scale of the problem and the difficulty
of determining how to count human-trafficking victims. Much of the existing research on trafficking attempts to validate the extent of the crime by
relying on overviews, commentaries, and anecdotal information. Therefore, all stakeholders in this important issue are called upon to help develop
measurable and defendable outcomes to justify the use of federal funds within their respective agencies.
TVPA renewal solves the aff
Korb, 13 (Melanie Korb, 3/4/13,“Congress Sends Human Trafficking Bill to Obama”,
http://www.charismanews.com/us/38499-congress-sends-human-trafficking-bill-to-obama)//EM
“Congress’ renewal of the Trafficking Victims Protection Act re-asserts U.S. leadership in the effort to eradicate
modern-day slavery, our greatest global human rights scourge,” explained David Abramowitz, director of the Alliance To End
Slavery & Trafficking (ATEST). “This is an important step toward freedom for the millions of women, men and children
around the globe who are trafficked into forced labor and sex slavery each year.
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1nc tvpa bad
TVPA is a bad model – assumes all trafficking victims are female sex slaves needing rescue
Srikantiah 7 Associate Professor of Law and Director, Immigrants’ Rights Clinic, Stanford Law (Jayashri, “Perfect Victims and Real Survivors:
The Iconic Victim In Domestic Human Trafficking Law,” Boston University Law Review v. 187,
http://www.bu.edu/law/central/jd/organizations/journals/bulr/volume87n1/documents/SRIKANTIAHv.2.pdf)//AM
The regulations and agency implementation of the TVPA envision a ¶ prototypical victim with several
characteristics: (1) the victim is a woman or ¶ girl trafficked for sex; (2) law enforcement assesses her to be a good witness; ¶ (3)
she cooperates fully with law enforcement investigations; and (4) she is ¶ rescued instead of escaping from the trafficking
enterprise. These attributes, ¶ taken together, contemplate a victim of sex trafficking who passively waits for ¶ rescue
by law enforcement, and upon rescue, presents herself as a good witness ¶ who cooperates with all law
enforcement requests.¶ At the beginning of the iconic victim narrative, the victim is forced, ¶ defrauded, or
coerced into trafficking for forced sex, not forced labor. The ¶ force, fraud, or coercion must be severe enough for an investigator or ¶
prosecutor to subsequently deem the victim a good witness for prosecuting the ¶ trafficker. Once in the trafficking enterprise, the victim
must remain passive ¶ until rescued by law enforcement, as reflected in the regulatory preference for ¶ rescue
over escape. She must then fully reveal her story to law enforcement ¶ upon rescue, given the regulatory requirement of the LEA
endorsement.170
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1nc aids
AIDS won’t cause extinction – dormant and doesn’t kill directly
DUJS 9 Dartmouth Undergraduate Journal of Science ("Human Extinction: The Uncertainty of Our Fate," 5/22/09,
http://dujs.dartmouth.edu/spring-2009/human-extinction-the-uncertainty-of-our-fate#.UdR3tvnVDAI)//AM
Some surveyed students mentioned AIDS as a potential pandemic-causing virus. It is true that scientists have been unable
thus far to find a sustainable cure for AIDS, mainly due to HIV’s rapid and constant evolution. Specifically, two factors account for the virus’s abnormally
high mutation rate: 1. HIV’s use of reverse transcriptase, which does not have a proof-reading mechanism, and 2. the lack of an error-correction
mechanism in HIV DNA polymerase (8). Luckily, though, there are certain characteristics of HIV that make it a poor
candidate for a large-scale global infection: HIV can lie dormant in the human body for years without
manifesting itself, and AIDS itself does not kill directly, but rather through the weakening of the immune
system.
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Sex Trafficking Kritik
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1nc kritik
The plan’s focus on sex trafficking crowds out the violence perpetuated by labor trafficking—
this is not neutral
Kim and Chang 7 professor of law at Loyola Law School, Los Angeles, teaches Torts, Immigration Law and Human Trafficking,
AND Associate Professor of Feminist Studies at University of California, Santa
Barbara. (Kathleen and Grace, Loyola Law School Legal Studies Paper No. 2007-47, December 2007, "Reconceptualizing Approaches to Human
Trafficking: New Directions and Perspectives from the Field(s),"
http://www.sacramentosect.org/uploads/5/0/9/5/5095098/reconceptualizing_approaches_to_ht.pdf¶ )//AM
2. Impacts of "End Demand" Legislation and Practices ¶ The conflation of prostitution and trafficking has also led to the faulty
idea that ending "demand" ¶ for commercial sex will lead to a reduction in or eradication of trafficking. ¶ This
concept has been incorporated into proposed legislation such as the "Bill to End Demand ¶ for Sex Trafficking Act" of 2005. n52 While
this bill failed to pass through Congress by itself, sections of it were included in the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act (TVPRA) of ¶
2005. n53 The "End Demand" section of the TVPRA 2005 diverts attention and federal funds to ¶ programs aimed at the prosecution, shaming, and "reeducation" of clients of sex workers.¶ Specifically, the TVPRA 2005 provides funds to states and local jurisdictions for programs to ¶ "investigate and
prosecute persons who purchase commercial sex acts" n54 and to "educate persons ¶ charged with, or convicted of, purchasing or attempting to purchase
commercial sex acts." n55 The ¶ latter is to be accomplished largely through "john schools," such as those established in 1995 in San ¶ Francisco, where
clients of street prostitutes attend courses about the purported negative effects of ¶ prostitution on sex workers, their customers, and society. n56
Research has revealed that john ¶ schools have not been effective in [*332] discouraging clients from continuing to purchase commercial sex and have
only resulted in moving sex work from one area to another. n57 ¶ Advocates critique the underlying premises of "end demand"
policies as well as their negative ¶ impacts on both trafficked persons and sex workers. For example, the Sex Workers
Project of the ¶ Urban Justice Center and the Network of Sex Work Projects states: ¶ "Demand" for sex work is not a
predominant driving factor for trafficking, which is driven by ¶ poverty, race, and gender inequities. The term
"demand" also refers to the legitimate concerns ¶ raised by migrants and labor rights advocates who address the
issues relating to the need in the ¶ global north for exploitable labor and services. However, this narrow focus of
the term in the context of sex work represents a dangerous move towards policies that, under the guise of
protecting ¶ sex workers, is another way of undermining sex workers' autonomy and causing more harm to
them. ¶ n58
US insistence on “rescuing” sex workers is merely a tool to justify Western imperialism and
repression of women
Kinney 6 J.D. Candidate, Boalt Hall School of Law, Ph.D. Candidate, Jurisprudence & Social Policy, University of California, Berkeley (Edi C. M.,
2006, Berkeley Journal of Gender, Law & Justice, "Appropriations for the Abolitionists: Undermining Effects of the U.S. Mandatory Anti-Prostitution
Pledge In the Fight Against Human Trafficking And HIV/AIDS," http://www.prostitutionresearch.info/pdfs_all/trafficking%20all/SSRNid1478667.pdf)//AM
Contemporary activists and politicians
have invoked the symbolic power of the “sex slave”--and the concomitant evils of pedophilia--to
galvanize an international movement to end trafficking and the sex trade. [FN44] Similar ¶ to the Progressive reformers and prostitution
abolitionists who fought against the White Slave trade a century ago, ¶ debates decrying “modern day slavery” are frequently sparked by moral outrage
against the “special evil in the ¶ abuse and exploitation of the most innocent and vulnerable” in the sex trade. [FN45]¶ Once again, the
prostitute has become an iconic figure in debates about human trafficking, as the “suffering ¶ third world
prostitute serves well to symbolize the excesses of the global march of capital, and its negative effects on ¶ women.”
[FN46] However, policies enacted in the sway of moral indignation at the *167 “highly emotive intersection of sex work and trafficking
[generate] a lot more heat than light” by conflating , and confusing, the concepts of ¶ trafficking and prostitution. [FN47] The
sensationalistic language of rescue in the politics of sexual protection in ¶ anti-trafficking crusades, coupled
with orientalist conceptions of the (naive, passive, and racialized) trafficked female migrant bears the
strong scent of imperialism . [FN48] Invoking the symbol of the “suffering third world prostitute”
simultaneously invites and justifies western intervention, while operating to legitimize repressive campaigns to
¶ “‘protect’ women by restricting their movement . . . justifying discrimination against migrants and sex
workers, and ¶ limiting their freedom and autonomy.” [FN49]
Reject the affirmative as a critical act—as an educator, you have a responsibility to pursue the
problems uncovered by trafficking as a whole—the omission of labor is not neutral—the
trafficking story must be approached through a frame that asserts the principles of social
responsibility.
Human Trafficking Aff
263/287
7Wk Seniors ACHM 2012
Sheldon-Sherman 12 judicial law clerk for a United States District Court Judge, J.D. from Stanford Law School¶ (Jennifer A.L., 2012, "The
Missing 'P': Prosecution, Prevention, Protection and Partnership in the Trafficking Victims Protection Act," 117. Penn State L. Rev. 443,
http://www.pennstatelawreview.org/117/2/117-2-Article_Sheldon-Sherman.pdf)//AM
Critics also argue that prosecutions typically focus on finding and ¶ rescuing “innocent victims,” meaning those individuals
engaged in the kind of forced labor “not tainted by public fears and prejudices towards ¶ certain types of work or
workers,”¶ 117 such as labor performed by illegal ¶ immigrants or others who appear to voluntarily “choose” their work.
¶ Critics and victim service providers argue that this narrow definition of “deserving” victims results in high prosecution
rates for sex trafficking ¶ and virtual