The Political Social and Economic Situation in the Caribbean
Latin America and the Caribbean in 2007-2008:
Diversity & Challenge
Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
Presentation by H.E. Wayne McCook, Ambassador of Jamaica
27 February 2008
OUTLINE
•CARICOM
• Economy
•Political Framework
•Integration processes
•Future of CARICOM integration - The CSE
•Wider regional relations, Cuba, DR, ACS
•Foreign policy in CARICOM
•Concluding Observation
The Caribbean Community
•Most countries of the Caribbean community are formerly British Colonies
(except Suriname and Haiti).
•They share a common history, political system, language, culture and path
to independence
•They have endured the effects of Conquest, Colonisation, Slavery and
Indenture and emerged as stable and progressive societies despite
vulnerabilities imposed by size, exposure to natural disasters and the effects
of globalization.
•The territories of the Caribbean Community share the Caribbean space with
Cuba and the Dominican Republic with whom the community has advanced
Trade arrangements and maintains special relationships. 1 Dutch, French US
and British Territories complete the wider Caribbean area.
Describing the Commonwealth Caribbean, Professor Franklin Knight, a
leading Caribbean and Latin American scholar observes:
“THE COMMONWEALTH CARIBBEAN ISLANDS have a distinctive history.
Permanently influenced by the experiences of colonialism and slavery, the Caribbean has
produced a collection of societies that are markedly different in population composition
from those in any other region of the world.
•Lying on the sparsely settled periphery of an irregularly populated continent, the region
was "discovered" by Christopher Columbus in 1492. Thereafter, it became the
springboard for the European invasion and domination of the Americas, a transformation
that historian D. W. Meinig has aptly described as the "radical reshaping of America."
(Knight)
Caribbean Economy
The Caribbean Community is comprised in the main of middle income
developing countries characterised by small size and relatively open
economies.
The Caribbean Economy is largely service oriented with Tourism being the
predominant industry.
Oil and related industries have long been pivotal to the Trinidad and Tobago
Economy and recent discoveries in other territories as well as ongoing
exploration in others are widening the scope of this sector.
1
CARIFORUM/CRNM/ACS
Bauxite/Alumina remains dominant in the Jamaican Industrial sector and to
a lesser extent in Guyana while agriculture continues to play a significant
role in Guyana, Suriname, Belize and Jamaica.
(Add Slides Economic and notes)
Political Systems
The political systems in the region reflect to some degree the historical
legacy of the colonial arrangements with the “First Past the Post – Winner
takes all electoral principle prevailing. There are with exceptions in Haiti,
Suriname and Guyana, in which Legislative Seats are awarded in proportion
to votes received. Within the First Past the Post tradition some countries
have demonstrated by and large, a predictable and entrenched two party
system in particular Jamaica and Barbados where, while smaller parties
might exist, the two main parties dominate, with power alternating between
them. 2 In some nominally two party systems the reality for decades after
independence was one party electoral dominance for example in Trinidad
and Tobago, the People's National Movement remained in power from 1956
to 1986. A similar situation obtained in Antigua & Barbuda, Saint Kitts and
Nevis, and Grenada where parties at Independence retained power for an
extended period. This has been altered in recent years with most countries
now having viable alternatives in the two party/multi party framework.
These parties, many of which were formed at, or soon after independence,
all have core bases of support which virtually guarantee their longevity and a
minimum level of electoral support.
Observations on the Political System
Some commentators have sought to analyse critically, the impact of the
choice of political systems on Caribbean Governance. They offer mixed
reviews on the applicability of pure Westminister/Whitehall principles in the
Caribbean.
In heterogenous societies like Trinidad and Tobago one political leader
suggested that in the context of the plurality of the society “surely we could
2
P9 Selwyn Ryan: An analysis of elections and party systems in the Anglophone Caribbean between 1944
and 1991 by Patrick Emmanuel (1992) reveals that there were 130 entities variously styled which contested
the 101 elections which were held in the 10 countries over the period. Most of them were mini-party
alliances, have won election alliances which enabled governments to be formed. The patterns and character
of the altenations that have taken place cross the region were also varied. Selwyn Ryan – Winner Takes All.
find a system that is indigenous to our own makeup” 3 – Selwyn Ryan,
Winner Takes All.
In homogenous societies like Jamaica one Party Leader has called for
adaptation of specific measures to better effect a separation of Executive
Power from other mechanisms of authority and governance.
The debate however does not question the commitment to the
enfranchisement of the populations and the accountability of Governments
to the electorate and so far no radical change to the basic model of
Government has yet been effected in The English Speaking Caribbean.
The quest for an optimal political structure continues to arise as observers
assess such factors as:
–
–
–
The seeming paradox of the “Loyal Opposition” by definition a partner in
Government recognised by constitutions to be so, yet required by political
realities to pursue ultimate party success by unseating the Governing
party in the Government to which it must be loyal. This unseating cannot
be achieved by benign steps and so the Opposition must often choose to
aggressively challenge the incumbent to sharpen the distinctions between
themselves and the leadership. This balance of cooperation and
competition varies with issue and circumstance but in the election season
the latter appears to trump all other concerns.
The concentration of power in the executive with the vesting of far
reaching authority in the Prime Minister and Government. Parlimentary
restraint is limited to specific constitutional and legislative prescriptions
outside of which the executive has a wide ranging ability to shape and
implement its agenda.
The challenge of balancing equity with the inexorable push for patronage
that comes from the competitive process for securing power. Parties often
face the challenge of balancing the need to draw into government those who shared
and shaped their platform and philosophy and delivering visible benefits to
supporters and constituents without succumbing to the excesses that privilege
patronage over progress and victimisation over responsible balancing of benefits
and responsibilities.
Globalisation and Ideology
– In the post Cold war era the distinctions between parties are less
sharply drawn in ideological terms. In recent times the
Caribbean parties have increasingly tended to the centre
3
No other region in what has been called the Third World has had, for so long, so many liberal politics.
The Caribbean’s capacity to sustain liberal democratic politics is impressive. Since independence
(beginning with Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago in 1962) ten of the twelve (Guyana and Grenada
excepted) Anglophone Caribbean countries have consistently held fair elections and have been free from
unconstitutional transfers of power. (Dominguez, Pastor and Worrell 1993:7)
(whether left or right of it) with hybrid policies of pro market
economics and responsive social polices prevailing. Parties that
have responsed Democratic Socialism like the PNP, adopted
polices of economic liberalisation and fiscal restraint often
requiring social and economic adjustments to secure economic
goals. The incoming Jamaica Labour Party in the face of
pressures of commodity price increases and effects of a natural
disaster has introduced fiscally demanding social support
measures that require new public expenditure to address social
needs.
– Globalisation in all its aspects has tempered the ability of
political parties to adopt narrowly defined principles and
priorities particularly in Governance.
– The Caribbean with its open economies, many vulnerable to a
variety of shocks cannot but be affected by globalisation.
– Parties with a commitment to Labour must contend for example
with the tide of Trade and economic liberalisation which
inevitably poses challenges to their constituencies. The
globalisation of certain social agendas has impact on policy
choices such as the Death Penalty for example where
international activism has run counter to the mood of the
Caribbean populace but has to be given political attention in
view of the sheer weight of that lobby.
Background
To understand the political order that predominates in the caribbean
Community in particular the English speaking Caribbean it is important to
recall the Colonial order that was established and maintained in the region.
The Colonial society was essentially an extension of the Metropole wherein
settlers control was exercised by the Colonial authority with and in the
primary interest of the British settlers. With sugar and slavery it meant rule
for and behalf of a minority and the enslavement of the majority. Post
Slavery this gave way to grudging and excrutiatingly slow and painful
concessions to the interests of the majority. 4
Colonial Governance
The British Colonies were administered as
 Crown Colonies – direct administration by an appointed
Governor or via
 A somewhat representative form of government in which the
legislature was elected by limited numbers from the elite.5
Agitation and Political Change
The Early to mid 20th Century was characterized by agitation for
improvements in the conditions of the majorities and ultimately calls for
universal suffrage, self government and political independence. These were
manifested in several instances of violent protest, riots and clashes as well as
strikes and agitation.
Over time education and exposure of an emerging intellectual elite spawned
more organized and vigorous efforts at political activism with the Labour
movement playing a vitally important role. It is in this context that many of
•4
The early English colonies, peopled and controlled by white settlers, were microcosms
of English society, with small yeoman farming economies based mainly on tobacco and
cotton. A major transformation occurred, however, with the establishment of the sugar
plantation system. To meet the system's enormous manpower requirements, vast numbers
of black African slaves were imported throughout the eighteenth century, thereby
reshaping the region's demographic, social, and cultural profile. Although the white
populations maintained their social and political preeminence, they became a numerical
minority in all of the islands. Following the abolition of slavery in the mid-nineteenth
century, the colonies turned to imported indentured labor from India, China, and the East
Indies, further diversifying the region's culture and society. The result of all these
immigrations is a remarkable cultural heterogeneity in contemporary Caribbean society
HISTORY ( McKnight)
•5
The abolition of slavery was also a major watershed in Caribbean history in that it
initiated the long, slow process of enfranchisement and political control by the nonwhite
majorities in the islands. McKnight
the enduring political parties were formed and based their organizations and
structure. 6
The increased opportunities for education opened up a space for the
emergence of new thinkers who sought to apply the lessons learned to the
task of decolonization, self government and nation building. The fuel for this
effort was largely the workers’ movements whose organizations were able to
organize and deploy considerable pressure on the authorities in the interest
of their workers and, in alliance with political movements, lay the basis for
effective political action. In this context the political leadership of many
territories came from the ranks of Labour Leaders. 7
6
Education produced two groups in the British West Indies. The first identified closely
with the British system--especially with the Fabian Society of radical thinkers within the
newly formed British Labour Party--and sought political reforms through conventional
parliamentary channels.
•The second group, inspired by the idea of a spiritual return to Africa, was more populist
and more independent than the first group.
•The political agitation of these groups laid the groundwork for the generation of
politicians who later dismantled colonialism in the British Caribbean: Norman Manley
and Alexander Bustamante in Jamaica; See Knight: The Commonwealth Caribbean
•7 In most colonies a very close bond developed between the political parties and the
workers' unions. In Jamaica, the Jamaica Labour Party drew its basic support from the
Bustamante Industrial Trades Unions. Its rival, the People's National Party, was at first
affiliated with the Trades Union Council, and after the purge of the radicals in 1951,
created the National Workers' Union--the popular base that catapulted Michael Manley to
political eminence in 1972 (see Historical Setting, ch. 2). In Barbados, the Barbados
Labour Party depended in the early days on the mass base of the members of the
Barbados Workers' Union. Likewise, labor unions formed the catalyst for the successful
political parties of Vere Bird in Antigua, Robert Bradshaw in St. Kitts, and Eric Gairy in
Grenada (see Government and Politics on individual countries, ch. 4 and ch. 5). The
notable exception was Eric Williams in Trinidad. His Peoples' National Movement,
established in 1956, succeeded despite a constant struggle against a sharply divided
collection of strong unions Robert Bradshaw in St. Kitts; Vere Bird, Sr., in Antigua;
Eric Matthew Gairy in Grenada; Grantley Adams in Barbados; and Uriah Butler,
Albert Gomes, and Eric Williams in Trinidad.
Integration short of political union8
In response to the rising tide of political agitation for enfranchisement and
ultimately self government and Independence the British sought to pursue
this objective en bloc by seeking to create a Federation that would be the
political structure for an independent West Indies. The Montego Bay
Conference of 1947 sought to develop the idea and over several decades
efforts were made to advance the idea in the region. Dispersed as the
territories were with many being small and lacking direct linkages with
others the idea was ultimately to fail.9
With the failure of the Federal effort the movement to full independence
began with the larger territories of Jamaica, followed by Trinidad and
Tobago being the first to go.10 Many of the advocates for self government,
•8 Despite shared historical and cultural experiences and geographic, demographic, and
economic similarities, the islands of the former British Caribbean empire remain diverse,
and attempts at political federation and economic integration both prior to and following
independence have foundered. Thus, the region today is characterized by a proliferation
of mini-states, all with strong democratic traditions and political systems cast in the
Westminster parliamentary mold, but all also with forceful individual identities and
interests. Caribbean Islands (Knight)
•9
As part of its decision to push modified self-government, the British authorities
encouraged the experiment in confederation. The idea had been discussed in the Colonial
Office since the later nineteenth century, but it was brought to new life with a regional
conference held at Montego Bay, Jamaica, in 1947. The British were interested in
administrative efficiency and centralization. The West Indians talked about political
independence. Knight
The federation began inauspiciously with the leading politicians in Jamaica--Norman
Manley (then prime minister) and Alexander Bustamante--and in Trinidad and Tobago-Eric Williams-- refusing to contest the federal elections. This uneasy federation of ten
island territories (Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados, Grenada, St. Kitts-NevisAnguilla, Antigua and Barbuda, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Dominica,
and Montserrat) lasted from 1957 to 1961. Knight
10
In 1962, Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago became the first Anglophone Caribbean
countries to achieve independence. Barbados gained its independence in 1966; the
Bahamas in 1973; Grenada in 1974; Dominica in 1978; St. Lucia and St. Vincent and the
Grenadines in 1979; Antigua and Barbuda in 1981; and St. KittsNevis in 1983. In late
1987, Montserrat, the British Virgin Islands, the Cayman Islands, and the Turks and
Caicos Islands remained crown colonies with limited internal self-government. Anguilla,
workers’ rights and “regionalist” and nationalist assertiveness were to lead
their territories into negotiated and peaceful transitions to independence.
11
CARIBBEAN Politics Today
The prevalence of Westminster style democracy among the majority of
CARICOM states and the common approaches to representative democracy
shared by all members has made CARICOM a remarkable example of
political stability despite the challenges of size, resources and vulnerability
to shocks. The immediate post Independence leadership of those who led the
charge for independence has in time given way to a new generation of
leaders whose support derives less from their historical role and more from
the policies and programmes they seem capable of delivering.
In recent years electoral results have reflected a certain dynamism in the
Political order with the strength of the Two Party structure being reaffirmed
in a number of countries. In the case of Jamaica, after a predictable
“rotation” of Parties through Government and Opposition an extended run of
four terms for the PNP was ended with a return of the JLP in elections in
2007. Similarly in Barbados the return of the DLP to power came after a
sustained “Innings by the BLP under Owen Arthur” and in Belize Dean
Barrow’s UDP replaced Said Musa”s PUP. In the Bahamas Perry Christie’s
PLP was replaced after only one term by the Hubert Ingraham led FNM. In
Guyana and Trinidad and Tobago incumbents were returned in their most
recent elections.
The region is characterized by an engaged electorate for the most part. This
compels political parties despite their popularity to be always mindful of the
willingness of the populace to assert themselves based on their concerns or
their expectations.
Taken as a whole, the results point to a vibrancy in the Caribbean electoral
environment and among the electorate and a consciousness of their
important and potentially effective role in deciding by whom they will be
governed.
having broken away unilaterally from St. Kitts-Nevis in 1967, became an Associated
State of Great Britain in 1976
11
Knight
Independence and Integration – Towards a Community
In the wake of the Federation’s, demise Caribbean countries chose the path
of individual self government, in some cases as twin/multiple island
territories. Shortly after the federation folded, Caribbean Leaders of newly
independent countries quickly embarked on a mission to pursue new forms
of integration. Chastened by the rejection of the Federal Option these
Leaders focused on trade and economic and later functional cooperation. It
is in this context that the Caribbean Free Trade Association (CARIFTA) was
founded by Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados, Guyana, and Trinidad and
Tobago on 15 December 1965, (with the signing of the Dickenson Bay
Agreement, the Agreement establishing the Caribbean Free Trade
Association). They were joined on 1 July, 1968 by Dominica, Grenada, St
Kitts-Nevis-Anguilla, Saint Lucia and St Vincent and the Grenadines; and
on 1 August, 1968 by Montserrat and Jamaica. In 1971 Belize (then British
Honduras) joined the Association. It is to be noted that the OECS members
have chosen an even deeper process of integration within the Caribbean
space.
CARICOM
Conscious of the need to effect more far reaching mechanisms for regionl
integration the Heads of Government of the Caribbean continued to
deliberate on ways of deepening the integration process and ultimately
established the Caribbean Community and Common Market
(CARICOM). The Community was established by the Treaty of
Chaguaramas (Trinidad; 1973, revised 2001)
Recognising the limitations posed by limiting the Integration movement to a
common market focused primarily on goods the Heads of Government
embarked on a revision of the Treaty based on their 1989 decision at the
Conference in Grand Anse Grenada. They decided to establish a Single
Market and Economy and after nearly a decade of Negotiations the revised
Treaty was signed in 2001 clearing the way for the Single Market and
Economy’s Establishment.
The Caribbean Single Market is now in effect but all observers acknowledge
that the Single Economy will be an even more challenging endeavour. The
Caribbean Single Market CSM includes 12 countries and provides for inter
alia:
•Free Movement of Goods
•Free Move of Skilled Nationals
•Free Movement of Services, and
•Free Movement of Capital
The CARICOM Economy
The Single Economy is slated to begin in 2008 phased to 2015
It envisages the coordination of Fiscal Policy, Financial Policy, Monetary
Policy, and Exchange Rate Policy. Tax Harmonisation seems a far way off.
Financial Market Integration and liberalisation of services is under study
while the Monetary Union is on hold. A policy on currency convertibility is
in place and non-binding currency stability standards have been established.
Significant challenges remain and it is clear that the achievement of the
single economy remains a daunting task.
CARICOM has also agreed to the establishment of a Regional Development
Fund to be capitalized by Member States’ contributions with a target of
US$120 million initially and an ultimate target of US$250 million.
In the area of trade, community cooperation has been most significant.
CARICOM has also established the CRNM which is a common mechanism
for the negotiation of Trade Agreements. It has entered into a number of
FTAs and Partial Scope agreements to extend the reach of its Single Market
and deepen its integration with selected partners. Agreements reached
include:
•CARICOM / Colombia Trade, Economic and Technical Cooperation Agreement (not FTA)
•CARICOM / Cuba Trade and Economic Co-operation Agreement
•CARICOM / Costa Rica Free Trade Agreement
•CARICOM / Dominican Republic Free Trade Agreement
•CARICOM / Venezuela Trade & Investment Agreement. (not FTA)
•USA ?–Canada ?-MERCOSUR?
The Wider Caribbean
The Caribbean Community has sought to establish and maintain a strong
linkage with all other countries and territories.
CARICOM/CUBA
CARICOM and Cuba share deep and close links. These have been
institutionalized in a summit process encompassing all Leaders of
CARICOM and Cuba. The summit is to meet every three years. The first
was held in Havana 2002, the second in Barbados, 2005 and the 3 rd to take
place in 2008. A CARICOM/Cuba joint commission has been in place since
1992. There is a far reaching Free Trade Agreement that has enabled deeper
links between the Single Market of CARICOM and the market of Cuba.
Besides Trade there are direct investments by CARICOM companies in
Cuba and there is strong people to people contact. Cuba is a participant in
the Caribbean regional negotiating machinery and collaborates with
CARICOM in a number of Trade Policy areas.
CARICOM Dominican Republic
CARICOM has close relations with the Dominican Republic and although
unlike Cuba there is not a structured Summit mechanism the Community
and the DR cooperate and collaborate in many areas.
In the Economic and Trade Sphere the conclusion with the DR of the first
far reaching Free Trade Agreement enabled the Community to expand its
regional trade integration to encompass much of its trade with the DR. The
DR is also a member of the Caribbean regional negotiating machinery and
recently entered into an EPA with Europe together with CARICOM. In this
sphere it is a member of CARIFORUM which encompasses all the countries
of the region.
The ACS
• Beyond the special bilateral relations between CARICOM and Cuba
and the Dominican Republic it continues to pursue wider regional
linkages through the Association of Caribbean States. The ACS
provides the institutional framework for widening by encompassing
all “Caribbean territories” defined by “contact” with the Caribbean
Sea. The ACS is Headquarted in Port of Spain and has focused on
functional areas such as Sustainable Tourism, Transport and Natural
Disaster issues. Members of the ACS are:
Antigua & Barbuda
El Salvador
Grenada
Guatemala
Guyana
Haiti
Honduras
Jamaica
Mexico
Nicaragua
Panama
St Kitts Nevis
St. Lucia
St Vincent & the Grenadines
Suriname
Trinidad & Tobago
Venezuela
Aruba
France
Netherland Antilles
Turks and Caicos The Bahamas
Barbados
Belize
Colombia
Costa Rica
Cuba
Dominica
Dominican Republic
Foreign Policy Of CARICOM
CARICOM members have agreed to coordinate positions on foreign policy
within the context of individual sovereign capacity in this sphere. 12 The
region has antradated common positions in bilateral and multilateral fora and
has consensual mechanisms to advance this such as the Caucus of Heads of
Missions operating in several centres.
12
FN. See Article 6 (h) and Article 16- Treaty of chaguaraness.
Some noteworthy Regional Challenges
The challenges being faced by the region include – crime which has caused
serious public policy concerns in several countries. The impact of drugs and
gun running on small states is acutely manifested in some territories and the
measures to respond are constrained by issues of scale and resources.
The issue of Climate Change and the Environment is particularly important
for the region which relies on its natural environment to sustain the main
industry tourism and to a lesser extent agriculture and recognizes the impact
that sea level rise and changing weather patterns can have on the very
survival of the region.
The region is also concerned about the global trading environment and is
seeking to ensure that matters of size and vulnerability can be properly
addressed in the global trade and economic framework.
The Way Forward
The countries of the Caribbean Community have concluded that in
confronting these challenges and pursing goals of sustainable development,
a coherent and coordinated community approach is the best way to go. It is
in this context that CARICOM remains one of the most deeply integrated
communities outside of the European Union. The adherence of all its
members to open and democratic traditions which secure the role of the
people in electing their leaders and ensuing their accountability is an
important commitment that all countries in the region must keep in constant
focus.
Dominica
Independence Head of
Date
Government
SPENCER,
Nov. 1, 1981
Baldwin
INGRAHAM,
July 10, 1973
Hubert
Nov. 30, 1966 David Thompson
Sept. 21, 1981
Dean Barrow
SKERRITT,
Nov. 3, 1978
Roosevelt
Grenada
Feb. 7, 1974
Guyana
Country
Antigua &
Barbuda
Bahamas
Barbados
Belize
Last
Election
Mar. 23,
2004
Next Election
by Mar. 2009
May 2, 2007 by May 2012
Jan. 15, 2008 by Jan. 2013
Feb. 7 2008
by Feb. 2013
by May 2010
May 26, 1966
MITCHELL, Keith
BHARRAT,
Jagdeo
May 5, 2005
Nov. 27,
2003
Aug. 28,
2006
Haiti
Jan. 1, 1804
PRÉVAL, Réne
Feb. 7, 2006
2011
Jamaica
St. Kitts
&Nevis
Aug. 6, 1962
Oct. 2007
by Oct. 2012
Sept. 19, 1983
Bruce Golding
DOUGLAS,
Denzil
St. Lucia
St. Vincent
& the
Grenadines
Feb. 22, 1979
Stephonson King
Suriname
Trinidad &
Tobago
Nov. 25, 1975
Oct. 27, 1979
Aug. 31, 1962
GONSALVES,
Ralph
VENETIAAN,
Ronald
MANNING,
Patrick
by Nov. 2008
by Aug. 2011
by Oct. 2009
Oct. 25, 2004
Dec. 11,
2006
by Dec. 2011
Dec. 7, 2005
by Mar. 7,
2010
May 25, 2005
May 2010
Nov. 6, 2007
by Nov. 2012