POVERTY POLICY PERSPECTIVES
The Impact of Women Participation in Local Councils on Gender Relations in the
Family: The Case of Ntungamo District
Esther Kyomuhendo Kapampara
Working Paper # 13
Published by
NURRU Publications
June 2000
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
1.1 Background to the Study
The colonial establishment introduced a gender ideology based on the public-private
dichotomy to Africa. The cash economy introduced with its related paid labour and
taxation policies necessitated men to work outside home, for a salary; making them
“breadwinners”. Women, on the other hand, were viewed as “homemakers,” responsible
for bearing children and nurturing the family. Their duty was to support the family
through subsistence production and often supplementing the inadequate wages of their
husbands (Snyder, (1992); Anderson, (1992); Byakuleka, 1990). Men were favoured with
opportunities for education, employment and access to resources. The few women who
were educated received stereotyped western education to facilitate them in their domestic
roles; they studied subjects like Home Economics, Tailoring, Music, and so on.
(Robertson and Berger (1996). Andersen (1992) thus advances that domestication of
women ensued from colonial policies meshed with gender to ground women in the
domestic sphere.
In Uganda, the government and the Women’s Movement have invested a lot of efforts to
advance women beyond traditional roles, especially after the declaration of the United
Nations (UN) decade 1975-1985 (Kwesiga, 1994; Byakuleka, 1990). Institutions such as
the Uganda Council of Women (UCW) formed in 1946 and later the Uganda Association
of Women Groups were created for this purpose. More recently, and in line with the
provisions of the National Forward Looking Strategy (NFLS), (1985), the then Ministry
of Women in Development, now Gender and Community Development, was formed.
Initially, the institutions formed during the 1970s and early 1980s did not achieve much
in advancing women politically due to unfavorable government policies (Byakuleka,
1990; Mwaka et al, 1994; Kwesiga, 1990).
However, with the coming to power of the National Resistance Movement (NRM)
government, women’s status has been given due attention through creating private policies
and institutions. One such policy is the Resistance Councils (now Local Councils - LC)
which were introduced in 1986. Through LCs women are now able to compete with men for
political positions. Local councils run from village through district levels. In all, there are
nine levels, each with nine seats, at each of which one seat is specially reserved for a
woman. In addition, women are free to compete for the other eight seats. (Makara, 1992;
Byakuleka, 1996; Mwaka et al, 1994)
In juxtaposition to the political structure created, there is the family, a natural and basic unit
of society. The women's primary role in the family as producers, providers and managers is
widely documented. This role, however, is equally castigated by feminists as gender biased
and as the root of women's subordination both at family level and in the wider society (UN,
1985; Young et al, 1984; Kwesiga, 1994; UN, 1991; Tinker, 1990; Randall, 1987).
Patriarchy within the African family system, coupled with traditional domestic roles
ascribed to women, restrict their participation in public affairs (Batezat and Mwalo, 1989;
Oluge, 1992). Citation is often made of the public arena as where men dominate and the
private sphere, that is the home, as where women belong. (Randall, 1987; Andersen, 1992).
Within this context women face the obstacles of lack of access to resources, services and
decision-making authority (Mwaka et al, 1994; Kwesiga, 1994).
Against this background, this research investigated how the institution of LCs has attempted
to break the bondage of women through their own participation and possibly changed
gender relations in the family.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
The introduction of LCs by the NRM government has provided women an opportunity to
actively participate in political decision-making. It is a political system that seeks to redress
gender imbalances through reserving places specifically for women on LCs and the
National Resistance Council (NRC).
This way, women have a political platform on which to initiate development and articulate
issues affecting their own status and that of their families, other than being primarily
pre-occupied with domestic concerns. This study sought to investigate whether there has
been a change in gender relations in the family in terms of access to and control of
resources, access to information and social services, ownership and control of property,
division of labour, opportunities and benefits.
1.3 Research Questions
The following constituted the main research questions of this study:
(i)
(ii)
Does a woman’s participation in LCs affect her domestic roles and responsibilities
in the family or does it enhance sex roles?
What opportunities are there for women LCs to engage in development activities
that directly benefit their families?
(iii)
Does this participation change a woman's decision-making status in the family?
(iv)
Which members in the family benefit from the women's participation on LCs?
(v)
What are the characteristics of families whose female member participates in LCs?
(vi)
What are the characteristics of women LC members and how they cope with the
"double roles?"
(vii) What status does the family hold in the community by virtue of the woman being an
LC member?
(viii) Is participation in LC an empowerment tool for the woman at family level?
1.4 Objectives of the Study
1.4.1. General Objective
The main objective was to study the effect of women's participation in LCs on gender
relations in the family.
1.4.2 Specific Objectives
The specific objectives of the study were to:
(i)
Establish the views of husbands and the community about women Local Councilors.
(ii)
Find out the characteristics of the women Local Councilors and those of their
families.
(iii)
Investigate how women Councilors reconcile their public with the
domestic
responsibilities.
(iv)
Identify gender related constraints to women's participation in the LCs.
(v)
Identify benefits to the participants and their families.
(vi)
Make policy recommendations that will help women to improve their participation
and ensure benefit to their families.
1.5 Scope of the Study
The study was carried out in three sub-counties in Kajara county, Ntungamo district.
Coverage for political participation, for the purpose of this study was limited only to LC1
Women Secretaries, that is the Village Level Committees. The husbands of these women
LCs were also involved in the study and so were the female heads of households who
happened to be LCs. Key informants were also selected from the community.
Chapter 2. Literature Review
2.1. Introduction
The literature reviewed is based on two major areas namely; political participation and
gender relations. Byakuleka, (1990) defines political participation as the involvement of
citizens in state activities, in power calculations and consequences. While Asiimwe, (1989)
states that participation refers to the involvement of significant numbers of persons in
situations or actions which enhance their well-being; it is organized efforts to increase
control over resources and regulate institutions on the part of the groups and movements
hitherto excluded from control.
Gender has been defined as socially constructed and culturally variable roles that men and
women play in their lives. It refers to structural relationships of inequality between men and
women as manifested in labour markets, political structures and in the household. It is
reinforced by custom, law and specific development policies (Meena, 1992). According to
Oakley, (1972) Gender is a matter of culture and refers to the social classification into
masculine and feminine and it is subject to cross-cultural variations.
The important point to note here is that gender, unlike sex, is acquired and constructed by
society and therefore it can be changed. The definitions above, project images of power,
control, decision-making and relationships between people, all of which are pivotal to
politics and gender.
In reviewing literature, therefore, an attempt was made to identify relationships between
gender and political participation in order to address the research issues of this study.
2.2. Women's Political Participation
Many feminist scholars castigate the confinement of women to the private arena, the home,
as both a means and reason for preventing women's participation in public affairs (Randall,
1984; Oakley, 1972; Batezat and Mwalo, 1989; Young et al, (eds) 1984). There is wide
ranging statistical evidence to show that globally, women's participation in politics still lags
behind that of men (Snyder, 1992; Young et al (eds), 1984; UN, 1985; UN, 1991;
Tindemand, 1994; Imam et al (eds), 1989).
Considering the wide-ranging efforts to
advance women politically, the reasons for this situation must be researched into.
There is also further literature to the effect that when women participate, they are given
token positions in line with their stereotyped roles. In most cases, they are placed in the low
ranks of the political structure where their impact on issues affecting their well-being is
insignificant (Young et al (eds), 1984; Batezat and Mwalo, 1989; Bhargara et al 1992;
Robertson et al, 1986).
On the other hand, Randal (1987), points to a tendency for women's interest to participate in
community politics more than conventional political institutions. The reason given is that
community politics otherwise addresses women's immediate concerns (Randall, 1987).
Tinker (1990), implies a similar opinion when she talks of women in a community being
charged with a civic responsibility of fellowship, that is, providing hospitality services to
relatives and neighbors. It is necessary to clarify the implications of these statements
through research.
Randall, (1987), Batezat and Mwalo, (1989), however, note that in Africa, women are not
totally excluded from the ranks of the ruling class but their quest for power may depend on
aligning themselves with powerful men. Imam et al (eds), (1989), further notes that, class
power in Africa is state power and it is conspicuously male. The question here is: What are
the strategies LC women in Uganda use to compete with fellow women and what effect
does this have on gender relations?
On the whole, it is posited by UNFPA, (1996), that women in politics and decision-making
bodies contribute to redefining of political programs by placing new items on the political
agenda that reflect and address women's gender specific concerns, values and experiences
thus providing new perspectives on mainstream political issues. It is not yet clear from this
whether family gender relations are placed as a priority on the political agenda. According
to the UN 1995, one way to ensure women's empowerment and improvement of their status,
is to establish mechanisms for women's equal participation and equitable representation at
all levels of the political process.
There is also wide ranging literature pointing to efforts to balance the scale in politics
through creation of appropriate institutions by government and Non-Government
Organizations and through legal reforms (Kwesiga, 1994; UN, 1991; WID, 1995
Byakuleka, 1990). The authors omit the need to examine the effect of the institutions
created on gender relations in the family. In Uganda, women's participation in politics has
been facilitated through the creation of favorable policies, laws and the appropriate
institutions (Byakuleka 1990; Makara 1992; Oluge 1992; Mwaka et al, 1994; WID 1994).
The creation of LCs with a structure running right from grassroots level (village) to
national level is hailed as having facilitated democratization of the political process,
enabling gender-balance in managing political affairs (Tindemand, 1994; Mwaka et al,
1994; Asiimwe, 1989; Makara, 1992).
Despite the above efforts in many nations, Uganda inclusive, popular participation of
women in politics has not been achieved (UN 1995; Baptised and Mwalo, 1989; ZARD,
1994; UN, 1985; Mwaka et al, 1994).
Previous authors do not attempt to look into the effect of methods adopted, to increase
women's participation on gender relations in the family, and whether this may be the cause
of the low participation. The need to examine the family status of those women already in
politics is not considered and yet it is important.
UNICEF (1989) points out that the LC system presents a real opportunity for
community-based development as a forum for the formulation of expression of community
needs and response to government policies. The questions arising from this literature are;
are the policies favorable in terms of gender relations? To who? Is the system promoting
stereo-typing for women activities by reserving a seat of Secretary for Women Affairs for a
woman? According to Tindemand, (1994), it is only the introduction of LCs that ever gave
women the formal right to participate in the local politics as part of the electorate, and as
committee members, thus establishing institutional structures for empowerment. The study
did not look beyond LCs into their effect on family gender relations and therefore whether
there is empowerment at family level. Local Councils are grassroot organizations that
combine direct and indirect representation. They comprise of LC1 to LC V running from
Village, Parish, Sub-county, County and District respectively. All adult residents of a
particular village in the rural area elect the LC1 executive committee. The other levels are
elected by an electoral college composed of all the committee members of a level
immediately below the level for which a committee is being elected.
There are nine executive positions on the committee and the position of Secretary for
Women is specifically reserved for women. In addition, women are free to compete with
men for the other eight posts (Makara, 1992; Ddungu, 1989; Asiimwe, 1989). These studies
are silent on whether women actually do compete for the other eight positions.
It is cited that there are cases whereby women are not invited for meetings and in others,
husbands tend to assume responsibility to make decisions on behalf of their wives as they
are not expected to be knowledgeable (Mwaka et al, 1994). This statement does not indicate
whether women who already hold political posts are restricted by their husbands.
Tindemand, (1994), however, counteracts this with his finding that male dominance was not
prevalent at LC meetings in Luwero. Makara (1992) also found women participating in LC
meetings as much as men in urban areas but less so in rural areas due to lack of time to
attend meetings. Aspects of domination outside LC deliberations are not considered by the
above authors.
2. 3. The Concept of the Family
A lot of literature reviewed on the family manifests the tendency to use the word household
and family interchangeably. This points to the definitional complexity of the two concepts.
Several authors refer to the family as a basic unit of society (Young et al, 1984; UN, 1985,
UN 1990; Whitehead, 1987; Hum 1989; UNFPA, 1996; UN 1995).
According to Humm, (1989), a family is an individual or group with children. Murdock, in
Morgan (1975) describes the family as a social group characterized by common residence,
economic co-operation and reproduction. It includes adults of both sexes, at least two of
whom maintain a socially approved sexual relationship and one or more children, own or
adopted of the sexually cohabiting adults. The above understanding is what will be adopted
subsequently in the literature review.
The UN (1991), UNFPA, (1996), posit that the family is a basic unit of society which plays
a significant role in the advancement of women and human development as a whole. At the
same time, there are several writers, especially feminists, who castigate the family as the
seat of women's constraints to participate in politics (Randall, 1987; Betezat and Mwalo,
1989; UNFPA, 1996, UN 1990).
As Randall, (1987), points out, the family is seen as a crucial site of socialization and the
single most powerful agent of gender. Similarly, Tinker, (1990) points to the family as one
of the sites defining gender roles through such labels as "mother" and "love". Whitehead,
(1987) informs this literature pointing out the sociologists’ view on the family as a site of
women's oppression. Randall, (1984), Batezat and Mwalo, (1989), argue that the family
institution and women's mothering role within it, are cultural phenomena that reflect and
reinforce the system of male dominance through psychological internalization and
separation of domestic from the public spheres. Tinker (1990), supports this view stating
that family relations are one of the three ways in which dominance over women is
articulated by, for example, unremunerated labor and control of the wife's labor wages by
the husband.
Yet more studies have pointed out that the inequality in the public arena often, originates
from discriminatory attitudes, practices and unequal power relations between women and
men in the family (UNFPA, 1996; UNICEF, 1989; Randall et al, 1984). Betezat and Mwalo
(1989) further posit that the relation between men and women within a household provides
a key to understanding women's position within society.
According to UNICEF (1989), women in Uganda experience difficulties in participating in
economic and political group activities, as husbands suspect ulterior motives related to
developing relations with other men and also resent the sacrifice of housework. Conflicts
between husband and wives have been cited by Andersen (1992), Batezat and Mwalo
(1989) relating to wives getting involved in politics. Gender relations within the family as
pointed out by Andersen (1992), tend to determine the range of political action open to
women at a specific point in time. The question which arises from this literature is how
women LCs have managed to transcend this otherwise rigid institution to participate in
activities outside the home.
2.4. The Domestication of Women
Domestication is defined by Humm (1989), as the ideology which assigns women the
sphere of the household as their proper and ordinary place; a way of structuring a masculine
ideology of women's lives. Oluge (1992), contends that social and cultural roles within
Ugandan society constrain women from participating in politics (Batezat and Mwalo, 1989).
On the other hand, they contend that male control over women in the household is a barrier
to effective participation in public affairs and joining activities outside the home.
Women's domestic work involving cooking, caring for children and the sick, collecting
water and firewood among others take the form of a dawn to dusk labor leaving them little
time available for politics (Randall, 1987; UN, 1985; UN, 1990; WB, 1993; Young et al..
eds, 1984; Natukunda and Sebina, 1988). Similarly UNICEF 1989, ZARD, 1994, Young et
al eds, 1984,) point out that this domestic support provided by women leaves the men freer
to participate in politics and the public arena at large. There is no mention, however,
whether women's roles change when they participate in politics. In Uganda, a study by
Natukunda and Sebina (1988), revealed that women work up to 18 hours daily while men
work only 8 hours. Such work, it is posited, goes unrecognized and unpaid for (Baptezat
and Mwalo, 1989). Feminists argue against the view that domestic work is a natural role for
women. They posit that it is socially constructed and, added to biological reproduction, has
resulted in inhibiting women from participating in the public arena (Sheila, 1990;
Disbeneria and Gitasen, 1982). On the other hand, biological determinists argue that biology
is destiny and that women are naturally designed for the domestic or private sphere rather
than the political one. This is a view which sociologists see, as pointed out by Sheila
(1990), as a move to rationalize male dominance and project men as genetically disposed to
become political leaders.
The issue raised in the above literature about domestic work is that it is overwhelmingly
performed by women across countries and regions and almost everywhere involves child
bearing and rearing in addition to family maintenance. Secondly, that women are restricted
to the household as the primary area of their activity (UNICEF 1989). Basing on the above
literature review, a question arises as to how women elected on LCs manage to cope with
domestic work and community responsibilities. There is an assumption that women are
homogeneous yet the domestic work varies with class, culture and marital status.
2.5. Decision-making in the Family
According to Batezat and Mwalo, (1989), in Zimbabwe, husbands have a right to decide
whether their wives go out to work or not, or even whether they can stand for public office.
UNICEF 1989, confirms the same male attitude prevails in Uganda; men suspect ulterior
motives or resent the time taken off from domestic work. According to Mwaka et al.,
(1994), WID, (1994), Uganda being a patriarchal society, decision-making is the domain of
men. To supplement this, WID 1994, states that, at family level, a person who owns and
controls resources, makes the decisions regarding land, production and the proceeds, and
that leadership skills and confidence are still lacking in women hence fear to participate, in
decision-making. The above reports do not take into consideration female-headed
households where women have complete autonomy and do not say whether being in LCs
strengthens a woman's decision-making status in the family.
2.6. Income and Employment
Due to relative lack of education, women are highly concentrated in the informal sector
while men dominate the formal sector and the activities the majority of women are involved
in, fetch low incomes (Nannyono 1994). Besides, women are increasingly spending more
on family needs that was originally paid for by men's income (WB, 1993; UNICEF, 1989).
According to Poats et al, (1988), as women increase their income, men moderate their
spending on the family thus, shifting the burden of family maintenance to women. In
addition, women's expenditure priorities and patterns differ from that of men, (Barton and
Bagenda, 1993; WB, 1993).
On top of that, women's contribution through subsistence production and caring for the
family goes unpaid for and yet the cash they earn is usually handed over to the man. These
studies do not indicate how the financial status of a woman who participates in politics is
affected and subsequently whether her expenditure pattern changes. Further, the literature
does not say how women in non-remunerative community activities manage to contribute to
the family's maintenance or whether their husbands value their work. It is therefore the
intention of this study to find out if women LC councilors are coming up with better
innovations to improve family incomes.
2.7. Domestic Violence
Birbe (1986), advances that domestic violence against women by men is a common
occurrence and has a long history. According to UN (1991), domestic violence manifests in
habitual physical and psychological abuse, deprivation of basic needs and sexual
molestation. In Uganda, recent press reports show that women who have different political
opinions from their husbands risk being brutally assaulted (The New Vision, 1st May, 1996;
The Monitor, 17th-20th, 1996).
The reports, however, do not analyze the possible effect on aspiring women politicians or
those already holding political positions. The effect of domestic violence on women
politicians is not brought out clearly. Another issue that arises here is whether women
Local Councilors use their position to stem this violence in their communities; LCs have the
mandate to resolve family disputes, inter alia (Ddungu, 1989; Tindemand, 1994).
2.8. Other Manifestations of Gender Disparities
2.8.1 Land and Financial Resources
The case of women's lack of access to productive resources the world over, has been cited
in various studies (UN, 1985, 1991; WB, 1993). This is further supplemented by UN
(1985) stating that in Africa, laws giving women the right to own land are in the majority of
cases superseded by laws of marriage and inheritance “which steal those rights back again.
Thus women own less than a hundredth of the world's property.”
In addition to the above, Musana and Acigwa ( 1992) points to social factors such as
illiteracy as obstacles to women getting credit facilities. Illiteracy is also an obstacle to
access to written information about financial institutions and/or not being able to fulfill the
application procedures. Another constraint commonly given for women’s lack of credit
facilities is the lack of collateral due to lack of property ownership (Kwesiga, 1994; Mwaka
et al, 1994; Musana and Acigwa, 1992). Since Uganda's economy is agro-based, and
women are the main producers, it is important to find out how women village councilors are
helping women to access important resources such as land.
The above literature on the issue of credit does not indicate how a shift in power relations at
family level may influence property ownership patterns.
2.8.2. Access to Education.
Concerning education, biased cultural attitudes regarding girl education are prevalent in
Uganda. There is evidence of discrimination against girls’ rights from family level to
institutional level (Kwesiga, 1994; UNICEF, 1989).
Only 10% of girls go up to primary
seven in rural areas and 40% have no formal education. Where school fees are inadequate,
it is the girl who remains at home. How is women participation in the LCs used to address
this education issue which stems from cultural practices at family level?
2.8.3. Information Services
There is bias on the part of extension workers who target men as heads of household rather
than women who do the work. On the other hand, illiteracy and work load work against
women's access to useful information (Nannyono, 1994; Kwesiga, 1994; UNICEF, 1999).
Additionally, one media channel that would be useful in rural areas, the radio, often belong
to the men (head) in the family (Kwesiga, 1994). The question which arises is whether
women LC councilors get enough exposure through their positions to be able to improve
this situation in the family and the community as a whole.
2.8.4 Conclusion from Reviewed Literature
The literature reviewed indicates that one of the ways women in Uganda participate in
politics is through LCs. A number of disadvantages originating in family gender relations
have also been narrated pointing out gaps or unanswered questions. Considerable literature
exists on gender relations and women political participation. However, not much has been
written about the effect of political participation on gender relations in the family. This,
therefore, justifies the need to research into this area.
Chapter 3. Methodology
3.1 Introduction
The study adopted both quantitative and qualitative methods of research. This approach was
intended to ensure generation of statistics as well as to capture in-depth information
regarding any changes in gender relations in the family notably access to and control of
resources, information, social services, ownership of property, division of labor, social
prestige, decision-making, among others.
3.2 Area of Study
The study was carried out in three sub-counties; Bwongyera, Nyabihoko and Ihunga in
Kajara county, Ntungamo district. Ntungamo is a new district created in 1993. It is located
in south western Uganda, bordered by Bushenyi and Mbarara districts in the North,
Rukungiri, in the north west and Kabale in the west. The district comprises three counties
namely; Kajara, Ruhaama and Rushenyi. The scope was reduced from the three counties
originally planned in accordance with the Peer Review's recommendation. According to the
1991 Population and Housing Census, the three counties have a total population of 299,232
of which 150,149 are females and 139,083 are males. The main economic activity is
agriculture; animal and crop farming. The main crops are bananas, beans and millet. The
animals reared are the long horned Ankole cows and the exotic cows, the latter increasing in
scale.
3.3 Study Population
The study population included LC1 Women Secretaries and their husbands as primary
respondents. The key informants who were selected from the community were; the district
LC5 Chairman, one male LC5 councilor, the District Population Officer, the Chief
Administrative Officer, the Community Development Officer, the SWARRAP Officer and
two male and two women LC3s (that is sub-county level) executives. The others were six
LC2s (parish level) the Sub-county chiefs, NGO and religious leaders and female household
heads. Twelve focus group discussions were carried out for women and men.
3.4 Sampling
Kajara county and the three sub-counties were randomly selected. At each sub-county level,
a list of parishes were made with the help of the LC3 chairman in Nyabihoko sub-county,
the sub-county chief in Bwongyera and an LC3 councilor in Ihunga sub-county. In all, 9
parishes were selected purposively and from these fifty-five villages (LCS) were selected
purposively according to ease of accessibility and proximity to avoid spending too much
time on travelling. The primary respondents who were the LC1 Women Secretaries, that is
at village level, were thus purposively selected totaling fifty-five women and their spouses,
eight of whom could not, unfortunately, be traced at their place of work in Ntungamo and
Kampala for the interview. The female-headed households were selected purposively in
each village with the help of LC2 (parish level) Women Secretaries and in other cases their
colleagues (the LCs). In all, nine (9) female heads were selected. The final sample was
further supplemented with twelve Focus Group Discussions at parish level conducted in
groups of 6-7 separately for men and for women.
Table 1: Study Sample Structure
Respondents
Number
LC1 Women Secretaries
55
Husbands
47
Female headed households
9
Focus Group Discussions
12
3.5. Data Collection
The quantitative techniques involved use of a semi-structured questionnaire (Appendix II)
and the qualitative techniques used were in-depth interview schedules, Focus Group
Discussion and Observation Guides.
3.6. Procedure for Data Collection
A pilot study was carried out in areas of Kasubi, Makerere, Kikoni and Namungona all in
Kampala district, in order to pre-test the questionnaire before appropriate adjustments were
made and eventually used in the research site, Ntungamo district. Before the questionnaire
was administered to the respondents of the study, some mock interviews were carried out to
familiarize the research assistants with the questionnaires. Due to the scattered nature of the
villages, appointments were made at parish level through LC2 women secretaries. The
respondents were interviewed at home or in the garden depending on what was convenient
to them. For those not at home, follow up appointments were made with their spouses for
the time the researchers were still in the parish, failing which they were interviewed on the
day of the Focus Group Discussion. Focus Group Discussions were carried out after
administering questionnaires in a parish. The observation guide was used to procure
information on condition of homes and the way in which husbands, wives and other family
members related to each other.
3.7 Research Instruments
These were designed to capture qualitative and quantitative data. The semi-structured
questionnaire was quite detailed based on the variables spelt out in the theoretical
framework namely: Socio-economic background, political participation, access and control
of resources, activities/roles, and opportunities/benefits. The questions were intended to
probe and generate answers that would enable the researcher to identify the gender relations
in the above named activities that may have come about due to women's participation in
LCs. The in-depth interview schedule was meant to probe deeper into general views of
influential people within the community about women's political participation, but also
those of women participating at different levels, and specifically of men married to women
political leaders. The Focus Group Discussion guide was used to generate discussion
among the women and men separately in order to compare views, identify the dominant
views and validate some of the data collected during the in-depth interviews.
3.8. Data Processing and Analysis
3.8.1. Qualitative Data
The researcher relied mainly on the recorded interviews and discussions. The information
was transcribed after returning from the field. This was compared to notes taken during the
interviews. Repetitive answers were grouped into themes and used to complement the
quantitative responses.
3.8.2 Quantitative Data
The initial stage of processing the quantitative data was editing concurrently as data was
being collected by the Principal Researcher and one Research Assistant. The un-coded
responses were coded and variables for tabulation were identified to guide the computer
analyst. Subsequently, the data was analyzed using the SPSS computer package to give
tabulations of percentages, frequencies and cumulations.
3.9. Significance of the Study
Historically, women have been ignored by development programs. Initially when they were
targeted, women specific projects were used to uplift the status of women in society. Such
projects have enhanced sex roles and left women out of the mainstream development
process.
It was therefore considered important for this study to identify the negative aspects
pertaining to gender that could be preventing women from making effective contribution.
Uganda government's effort to encourage women's participation in politics is seen as an
avenue for women to participate in the development of their own communities on equal
footing with men (Mwaka et al, 1994). This study has attempted to establish whether the
above policy is positively affecting the family welfare or whether it is counter-productive.
The study should thus contribute towards the evolution of an integrated development
strategy that can ameriolate the negative aspects affecting women's participation.
The study identified research gaps and provided information on possible areas of
intervention by government, NGOs and/or donor agencies. Key issues regarding successful
integration of women into politics and their empowerment have been pointed out.
3.10. Theoretical Framework
The researcher based the theoretical framework for this study on the Harvard Analytical
Framework (Overholt et al (eds) 1985). This framework is used to develop a description and
analysis of gender relations in a given community. Gender analysis in this kit combines
elements of Harvard Analytical Framework with such concepts as women's subordination,
strategic gender interests and the transformation of gender relations for a specific
self-determination of women and men, in this case, political participation. The theoretical
framework thus developed considered three main components of gender relations; activity
profile, mainly sexual division of labor at family level and community work, then the access
and control profile and the influencing factors. These influencing factors were considered
for the opportunities and constraints they presented for increasing women's political
participation.
The social economic background was considered an influencing factor for women's
participation in politics. At the same time, it has an effect on access to resources and
activities of an individual woman and the family as a whole. On the other hand, when a
woman participates in politics, she has to accommodate community activities within
existing gender relations in the family and this leads to changes in gender relations.
The study therefore, aims to explain the following hypotheses:
(a)
Political participation of women changes in gender relations.
(b)
The social economic background has an influence on political participation and
gender relations at family level.
(c)
The gender relations are a constraint to women's participation in politics.
Figure 3.1: The Conceptual Framework (see original)
3.11. 0 Limitations of the Study
The process of data collection was slowed down by the following problems; there was a
problem of time availability on the part of the respondents. The rains had just started after a
long dry period and therefore most of the respondents were not available in the morning
hours. This meant starting the data collection late and finishing very late in the evenings
each day.
The rains also made some roads impassable by car and therefore movement in many places
was on foot and yet parishes like Rukanga, Kitondo, Iterero and Katomi, had very rough and
in some places, steep terrain.
It was not always possible to find both spouses at home so many households were handled
within more than one day. Indeed some male spouses could not finally be traced. Data
analysis took a long time due to the complicated nature of the questionnaire but also the
magnitude of qualitative data collected. There were suspicions as to the purpose of the
research as it was carried out during the campaign period for the LC5.
Chapter 4. Findings, Interpretation and Discussion
4.1. Introduction
This chapter lays bare the findings of this study on the effect of women's participation in
local councils on gender relations in the family. These findings represent the views of 55
females all of whom were LC1 Women Secretaries, and 47 males; husbands of the former.
Changes and implications of various activities, roles, opportunities and constraints of the
respondents were examined using the Harvard Analytical Framework. In order to determine
whether the changes were due to the women's participation in LCs, a "Before and After"
scenario was adopted for the questionnaires, in-depth interviews, and the Focus Group
Discussions.
4.2. Socio-economic Background
4.2.1 Age
Most of the LCS (41.8%) (23) fell in the 30-39 years bracket and so did the husbands
44.7% (21). The other major age group was 40-49 year range, with equal proportions of
women and men 25.5% . The proportion above 50 years was small. It is thus noteworthy
that the women participating in LCs are of the active reproductive age, and hence the time a
woman is expected to be saddled with reproductive responsibilities like child care, food
preparation, water collection, etc. (Batezat and Mwalo, 1989; Randall, 1989).
4.2.2. Education
All the women interviewed, except two were educated; 43.6% (24) up to senior secondary
level, 36.4% (20) to primary level and only 5.5% (3) of these had dropped out at primary 5.
Additionally, most families reported their children who were of school-going age were in
school. As shown in Table I below, there were no major disparities between the LC
Women Secretaries and their husbands in contrast with other findings that have shown
gender bias in favor of men in education (UNICEF, 1989; Kwesiga, 1994). This could be
interpreted in two ways; either that the gender gap is narrowing, or, most likely, that only
the educated women manage to get elected to LCs. The Focus Group Discussions of men
did confirm this when they frequently listed education as one of the characteristics of
women LCs. As one woman LC2 said; "Oshomire (meaning 'the educated') is the leader of
tomorrow". Yet another LC2 Woman Secretary said "it is important to be enlightened" for
the LC Woman. At higher levels of the LC hierarchy, however, it was felt that the kind of
women that are at LC1 are not educated well enough and as reported by one LC4 official,
"they do not understand the value of LCs" thus indicating some bias about this level of
political participation or about the women themselves.
In one FGD, the women emphasized that the education one needs for leadership at the LC1
level is to enable her to read and write "your own letter" and "to understand what is said in a
meeting". During this particular discussion, it was emphasized that education had nothing to
do with leadership. One of the FGD members said that, "after all, the highly educated do not
attend meetings". One of the district officials concerned with community welfare, however,
was of the view that women fear to stand against men "even when a woman is an 'O' level
and the man is just primary level standard." This corroborates WID (1994) on the issue of
women's lack of confidence. Thus women seemed to trust more in their individual qualities
than their educational level.
Table 4.1: Educational Level of the Respondents
Education Level
Wives
Husbands
None
2 (3.6%)
1 (2.1%)
Lower Primary
3 (5.5%)
3 (6.4%)
Upper Primary
17 (30.9%)
15 (31.9%)
Secondary
24 (43.6%)
24 (51.1%)
Tertiary
9 (16.4%)
4 (8.5%)
Total
55 (100%)
47 (100%)
4.2.3 Religion
The majority of the respondents were Protestants; 69.1% (38) women and 63.8% (30) men
respectively followed by Catholics 21.8% (12) for women and 23.4% (11) for men. The
Muslims were only 10.6% (5) for men and 9.1% (5) for women, thus revealing the
dominant religions in the community.
4.2.4 Occupation of Respondents
Farming was reported as the dominant occupation; 46.8% (22) of the husbands and 70.9%
(39) of the wives respectively. There was also a relatively high proportion of civil servants
among male respondents 21.3% (10) while for women it was only 9.1% (5). Thus
agriculture as seen in Table II below, is the main occupation especially for women depicting
women as primarily the producers (WB, 1993; Byakuleka, 1990; Snyder, 1992; Anderson,
1992). Additionally, fewer women are in formal employment than men thus supporting
Nannyono's, (1994) findings that men dominate the formal sector. Interestingly, the majority
of the women did not report their occupation as "housewife" though all the 55 were married
women. However, one man married to a female teacher was recorded under "housewife"
because he reported that his job is to stay at home and look after the home in contrast to the
women who did not consider what they do in the home as an occupation or "job" as
indicated by their responses. There were also a number of men 40.4% (19) who held
positions on local councils 1 to 4 but none reported it as an occupation. It would appear
therefore, that participation in LCs is a side activity, more of voluntary work, as many of the
women respondents and key informants indicated when asked; "Why did you join LCs ?"
They answered :"To help my fellow women" elaborating that this help came through
speaking out women's problems and seeking solutions from "government". The purpose of
"helping fellow women" was echoed by an official at LC4 when he said that " women still
have a low interest in LCs. They have not realized that it is a way of serving their fellow
women."
He talked of help involving organizing women to help families either for
agricultural work or support to those with sick family members, a point which supports,
Tinker (1990) when she talks of women being expected to perform the civic role of offering
hospitality to others in the community.
Table 4.2: Occupation of the Respondents
Occupation
Wives
Husbands
Housewife
2 (3.6%)
1 (2.1%)
Farmer
39 (70.9%)
22 (46.8%)
Trader
1 (1.8%)
4 (8.5%)
Civil Servant
5 (9.1%)
11 (23.4%)
Other
8 (14.5%)
9 (19.2%)
Total
55 (100%)
47 (100%)
4.2.5. Household Size
The majority of Women LCs 56.4% (31) were from large households of 7-10 people, thus
compounding the problem of heavy responsibilities. Indeed the men's Focus Group
Discussions confirmed this when they indicated that much as their wives had gained new
knowledge as a result of participating in LCs, the work at home had "suffered". Some four
husbands in a Focus Group Discussion of 7 said they "do not get food on time" while yet in
another FGD men complained "children are not well cared for. "These comments imply that
the husbands are not altogether happy about their wives' involvement in these outside
activities and therefore point to some difficulties on the part of women. It is such
restrictions that are pointed out by; Randall, (1984), Batezat and Mwalo, (1989), Andersen,
(1992), and UN, (1991) as preventing women's effective political participation.
4.2.6. Income Levels
The most common income bracket was above Shs 20,000 a month for both men and
women; 68.1% (32) and 41.8% (23) respectively. In total, women were earning less than
their husbands as 57.6% (32) of them reported to be earning less than 20,000/= a month
compared to 32% (15) of the men. It would thus appear that much as women were earning
some income independent of their husbands, the men still had an advantage over them in
this regard. This is also an indication that much of the agricultural production is
unremunerated; agricultural production for subsistence thus agreeing with the findings of;
WB, 1993; UNICEF, 1989; and Tinker, 1990.
During the FGDs the women complained, "we are dying of poverty as the government does
not pay us for our service." While some men also indicated; "the biggest problem these
women have is that they work for nothing." A frequent response during the men's FGDs
was; "If a wife comes back late when carrying something I would not mind. She can go on
up to LC3 or even 5!"
It is thus evident both husbands and wives felt strongly that there should be compensation
for the LC work. In addition, husbands felt their wives were not fulfilling their traditional
roles in the home and yet they were being called upon to take up some outside work for
"nothing" thus implying that working outside the home may be acceptable if remunerated.
4.3. Political Participation
4.3.1 Duration in Political Position and Leadership Experience
The majority of women LCs 58.2% (32) had held the position of LC1 Secretary for at least
six years and above. The same percentage was members of Women's Clubs and out of
these, 32.7% (18) were leaders of their clubs. While this may be an indication of women's
interest to participate in community politics other than conventional politics as mentioned
by Randall (1987), it does reveal women's continued interest in these informal institutions
even when they are in fact involved in conventional politics.
On the whole, husbands of these women LCs were found to have participated in LC
activities for alonger time than their wives; 62% (29) had been in LCs for at least six years
and of these 49% had joined in 1986.
The majority of the women LCs, 60% (33), had not participated directly in conventional
politics before joining LCs. 12.7% (7) said they had earlier participated by supporting male
political candidates at district level and 25.5% said they became politically active through
supporting NRM. The reason most women gave, 60% (33), for not participating was
"family responsibilities" which reason was also corroborated by their husbands, 87.2% (41).
This could well be true considering the large size of households referred to earlier and the
complaints made by husbands about domestic work. This is yet another indication of
domestic responsibilities restricting women's participation in public affairs, (UNFPA, 1996;
UNICEF, 1989; Randall, 1987) and supports Makara's (1992) findings regarding lack of
time for women in rural areas to attend meetings.
Table 4.3: Duration in Local Councils
Year
Wives
Husbands
1986-1988
25% (14)
49%(23)
1989-1991
33%(18)
13%(6)
1992-1994
29%(16)
25%(12)
1995-1997
13%(7)
13%(6)
Total
100%
100%
4.3.2 Involvement in Community Activities
Participation of women in LCs appears to have influenced their involvement in community
activities, as illustrated in Table IV below. The activities women were involved in were
mainly women related and self-help, for instance, credit and savings, Mother’s Union. It can
therefore be deduced that political participation exposed women to increased community
involvement. This is also supported by women’s reports during the FGDs that they acquired
more contacts through LCs. While a big number 50.9% (28) reported they were not
involved in community activities directly or indirectly before joining LCs, only 30.9% (17)
were not involved in any other community activities after they had joined LCs. Regarding
their contribution in the community, the women LCs mainly cited better family relations, by
solving family disputes and creating income generating activities.
The changes at community level, as cited by husbands of LC1 women secretaries, included
better division of labour, 19.1% (9); improved status and property ownership 17.0% (8) and
improved access to resources and services 14.9% (7).
Table 4.4: Women’s Involvement in Community Activities
Activities
Before
After
Women Related
11(20.0%)
14 (25.5%)
Youth Related
2(3.6%)
3(5.5%)
Self-Help
9 (16.4%)
11(20.0%)
Not Involved
28(50.9%)
17(30.9%)
Others
5(9.1%)
10(18.2%)
Regarding allocation of time to community related activities, women were spending more
time on such activities after they joined LCs. Those spending 1-2 hours increased from
14.5% (8) to 34.5% (19), for 3-5 hours they increased from 9.1% (5) to 23.6% (13) and for
6-8 hours increased from 3.6% (2) to14.5% (8). Thus there was an increased demand on
these women’s time due to their leadership role in the community, which was likely to have
an impact on their domestic roles and relation with their husbands.
4.3.3. Campaigns for Election
Allmost all women indicated that it was not necessary to campaign. In the FGDs, women
said they just went to the place where elections were taking place and it was there that
fellow women persuaded them to stand. This was confirmed by the FGDs of husbands who
said that their wives, were persuaded by fellow women in the community who had observed
leadership qualities in them. At one FGD, a man said: "Women fear to campaign that other
women will criticize them saying they are 'rucumu' (that is being sharp, "spear-like", like
men).” Yet another official at the district administration headquarters said that: "women are
pushed by others as they lack confidence to campaign.” He added that fellow women elect
them because of what they see in them, "may be as church leaders". The lack of confidence
was corroborated by another official concerned with community development who said
"women still fear to stand against men even in cases where the male contestant may be only
a primary seven level and the female candidate is a senior four standard."
More views were gathered in a large group of women leaders of various LC levels from the
whole district in a meeting held in Ntungamo town. The general consensus by members was
that in the past, women had no experience and therefore did not know what to do. However,
the discussants felt that with the recent experience gained during the campaigns for the post
of district woman representative and subsequently the presidency, women were also likely
to campaign in the future. Such comments pointed to a need for role models to encourage
women to participate in politics. One key informant demonstrated a lot of complacency
about the subject saying that "let them see what I am capable of doing, from my home and
my leadership of clubs, and then choose me. I have no money to campaign".
Thus the issue of campaign strategies did not arise as far as LC1 women were concerned
neither was it evident that any husbands' political positions was exploited as a ladder to
ascend to a political position.
As to what they thought the reason for their being elected was, most women said it was
because they possessed leadership qualities. On further discussion during the FGDs, women
frequently answered that it was the "Obwesigye" (confidence) the people had in them, that
led to their election. A number of husbands 27.7% (13), however, believed it was because
of their wives' educational status, while 25.5% (12) believed it was because their wives
possessed leadership qualities. Both husbands and their wives placed a lot of weight on
individual merit as an influencing factor but put little weight on family status as a reason for
election.
Some 14.5% (8) wives, however, said they were elected because of their
husbands’ status and the particular husbands happened to be on LC committees. This points
to a possible connection between the status of the spouse and the women's participation and
a suggestion in Batezat and Mwalo, (1989) and Randall, (1987) that women (in Africa) in
their quest for power may align themselves with politically powerful men. It was apparent
that women also placed more importance on fellow women's opinions than their own
perceived capabilities. Economic status did not appear to play a big role.
4.3.4 Participation in Meetings and Community Issues
Most women LCs 60% (33) live within a radius of less than one kilometre of the meeting
place and are thus invited to meetings through verbal messages, 67.3% (37). In turn, most
women communicate through their LCI office 49.1% (27). None reported spouses as a
source of information. Most meetings were ad hoc as reported by 52.7% (29) of the female
respondents, which was likely to upset their domestic schedule and leads to non-attendance.
Only 20% (11) said they met monthly while 27.3%(15) said they met weekly. The
discussions held with women leaders at district level pointed to a limitation as far as LCI
women secretaries were concerned. They reported that it was difficult to access fellow
women due to transport problems and also that some women had to seek permission from
their husbands to attend meetings. Indeed it was a general complaint that women are not
invited for meetings. The FGDs also revealed that sometimes when there is a court case
men take it upon themselves to deliberate on behalf of the women secretary, supporting
findings of Mwaka, et al (1994). Moreover, as intimated by an LC-4 official, the quorum is
realized regardless of whether the woman is there or not.
The LC4 official further reported that men tend to disregard the woman secretary’s
involvement in the LCI courts such that some cases involving family disputes are decided
by the men on the committee hence making decision which favour men. This was
confirmed by the women FGDs when they pointed out the disadvantages of having only one
woman on the LCI. They said. “one voice is not properly heard.” And that men sabotage
cases involving women. Another issue that was discerned from the one of the men’s FGD
was that they felt women should discuss with fellow women, otherwise people suspect
“other things.” Thus the issue of husbands suspecting ulterior motives as pointed out by
UNICEF (1989) is not ruled out altogether.
The Local Government Act 1997, provides for 50% attendance in order to realize quorum.
Despite a mandatory one thrird for women executive committee members, this quorum can
be realiszeed without any female member in attendance depsite the provision. Although the
Act spells out various duties for members of the village executive committee (LCI), it was
found that women considered their main duty as solving disputes involving fellow women.
4.3.5 Women LCI’s Involvement in Discussions in Meetings
All the LCI women interviewed were serving on the committees as secretaries for women.
They reported that they had heard about “future plans” to increase the women quota on the
executive to one third, but were wondering whether that was true or not. This displayed a
lack of information on the legal provision for women’s participation. The views, of most
officials at district level and individuals at the different hierarchies in LCs were that the one
place was not enough. The most frequnt suggestion was that women should be “given”
three to four places. One LC III member said “it is hard for a man to work for a woman, as a
man, I must advocate for men’s concerns.” Another official said, “women keep fearing to
vote knowing they will be defeated. A civil servant said people feel the women has had her
share even if she was to stand for the other posts, she would fail.
In all FGDs, women complained that men overpower them and that women’s issues are
often not heard. A widow on LCI said as far as she knew, the one place was the place for
women, the others, were for men.
It is thus evident that women are effetively involved in discussion at meetings because they
are outnumbered. It may be noted that political structure put in place did not democratize
the political process and enabled affirmative action as widely acclaimed; Tindemand
(1994), Mwaka, et al (1994), Makara (1992) and Asiimwe (1989). However, it also appears
to have suppressed women’s equal participation and equitable representation at LCI level.
The structure therefore does not augur well for women’s empowerment.
4.4 Changes in Gender Relations
4.4.1 Decision-making
Decision-making did depict gender differences between activities rather than between the
before and the after scenarios. There are areas where wives dominate in decision-making,
for example, food related decisions 12.8% (6) of men compared to 74.5% (41) women
before LC, and 12.8% (6) of men compared to 78.2% (43) of women. Other areas where
women dominate include: water 26% (12) of men compared to 71% (39) of women
before and 26.11% (11) of women and 72.7% (40) of women after. In child-care, 19.1%
(9) of men compared to 71% (39) of women. Thus decisions related to reproductive roles
are mainly women's responsibility. Interestingly, decisions on purchases of
household items like sugar, salt, paraffin, etc are equally a responsibility of husbands and
wives. As indicated by the "both" scenario, joint decision-making regarding basic needs had
increased ‘after’ LCs. In a number of FGDs of both husbands and wives, the frequent
response was; "we now plan together". One key informant at LC2 level intimated that
women who are in LCs tend to discuss family matters with their husbands more than those
who are not. Indeed during the women's FGDs, they frequently said, "we now discuss
family matters together".
However, it is evident that for major assets like land, bicycles, furniture, radios etc husbands
still had the upper hand. This finding is further supported by various key informants' views
during the in-depth interviews. One key informant at LC5 level expressed amazement that
“people expect a woman to take a decision like buying a cow and even 'give it a name' just
because she has joined LCs. If a woman is settled in the home and respects her husband,
their relationship will be okay but not to start buying assets like land or cows".
This issue surfaced again when an LC3 chairman exclaimed that "women LCs are making
important decisions; even buying cows!" According to one district official concerned with
population matters, "LC1 is not strong enough to empower the woman. Even regarding
family planning the woman still has difficulties and therefore other factors like education
are still necessary."
In corroboration of this view, another LC5 official said, " a man like me, you cannot call me
madam". He added that the women themselves have not realized that the position gives
them power so he advised, "a lot of education still has to be done". He said that women are
"clever" because when a husband prevents them from attending meetings, they will obey so
as not to disturb the peace in the family. In the large group discussion, on the other hand the
women leaders felt that it depends on the kind of husband; "some men are rigid and think a
woman making decisions is being stubborn while others 'allow' them to buy cows".
The above statements reveal the necessity to seek permission from husbands regarding LC
activities and other important issues as again mentioned by a number of key informants. A
district official said some husbands do not allow their wives to join LCs because they feel
they are going to waste time gossiping. Another (LC2 official) said if his wife wanted to go
up to LC2 or even LC5, he would allow her because he had nothing to loose.
In a women FGD, a woman said that all she wanted was permission from her husband to
go to meetings and courses not for him to go to the kitchen. Regarding decision-making at
LC level, there was evidence that the Woman Secretary is sometimes left out of important
decisions concerning family disputes. An LC4 official said that sometimes men decide
cases in the LC courts without involving the Woman Secretary. This was also echoed by
women FGDs.
Thus participation in the LC has not fully empowered the woman to make important
decisions independent of her husband contrary to what is implied by UN (1995). The weak
decision-making position is further compounded by the woman's "lack of voice" as pointed
out by several key informants and FGDs, due to being given only one seat on the
committee; "when you are one, men defeat you because they are many in number" as one
woman LC put it. Another woman LC2 official said men sabotage women. In the FGDs,
the women said; "if you are many, the men would be embarrassed not to invite you". An
example of decisions-taking brought to LC courts was cases that involved family disputes
like a man marrying another wife and unfairly dividing the property among the two or so
wives. Many LC1s felt that by women being left out, men always "oppress" them and
decide the cases in favour of men.
The above findings point to the wide ranging evidence that men are still largely the decision
makers both at family level and community level conceding to the findings of Mwaka et al,
(1994), WID, (1994), Batezat and Mwalo (1989) and UNICEF, (1989). It is also evident
that the family is pivotal to women's role in politics due to their status in that institution.
Further examination of gender relations in the family was carried out under the following
aspects: Sources of income, productive activities, reproductive activities and provision of
basic needs.
4.4.2 Income Generating Activities
The sources of income remained more or less the same regarding the "before" and "after"
scenario; the most important sources of income for the women were agriculture, handicrafts,
and salary. For men, agricultural production still ranked highest, followed by salary.
Although the number of women who reported agriculture as a source of income did not
increase much, many of them reported, in FGDs, increased access to agricultural training
carried out in the district by Uganda National Farmers Association (UNFA). During an
in-depth interview with an LC2 Woman Secretary, she said they (LCs), advise all women to
engage in income-generating activities so that they do not have to look up to their husbands
for upkeep. The "after" scenario shows an increase of salaried husbands from 19.1% (9) to
23.4% (11). It should also be noted that the proportion of women earning income from
handicrafts decreased as supported by the in-depth interviews whereby women reported lack
of time to 'sit' for this activity.
Table 4.5: Respondents’ Sources of Income
Activity
Before
After
Wives
Husbands
Wives
Husbands
Agriculture
19 (34.5%)
22 (46.8%)
20 (36.4%)
26 (55.3%)
Handicrafts
18 (32.7%)
1 (2.1%)
14 (25.5%)
00 (00%)
Salary
6 (10.9%)
9 (19.1%)
6 (10.9%)
11 (23.4%)
Trade
1 (1.8%)
2 (4.3%)
3 (5.5%)
3 (6.4%)
Other
11 (20%)
13 (27.7%)
12 (21.8%)
7 (14.9%)
Total
55 (100%)
47 (100%)
55 (100%)
47 (100%)
4.4.3 Productive Activities
Agricultural production is an important mode of livelihood and source of income for the
family in the area of study. According to the findings, a relatively big number of men carry
out most of the farm operations, as seen in Table VI below. However, the "Before” and
“After" scenario shows that land clearing is relatively male dominated. While all other
activities namely, the women mainly do digging, sowing, weeding, and harvesting. This
situation demonstrates that women have continued to do their traditionally allotted activities
(Boserup, 1970), even when involved in activities outside the home. Relatively low
proportions of both men and women were involved in marketing. This could be mainly due
to the fact that most agricultural products were being sold at the farm. It is interesting to
note that the number of women involved in marketing increased after they joined LCs
which may well be an indication that women are getting involved in new ways of raising
family income.
TABLE 4.6: Gender Relations in Agricultural Production Activities
Before
Activity
Wife
Land Clearing
17 (30%)
Ploughing
After
Husband
Wife
Husband
31 (65%)
14 (25%)
30 (63%)
50 (90%)
29 (61%)
51 (92%)
29 (61%)
Sowing
48 (87%)
24 (51%)
51 (92%)
21 (44%)
Weeding
50 (90%)
37 (78%)
51 (92%)
35 (75%)
Harvesting
51 (92%)
28 (59%)
49 (89%)
30 (63%)
Drying/Sorting
49 (89%)
30 (63%)
47 (85%)
27 (57%)
Marketing
20 (36%)
20 (42%)
25 (45%)
18 (38%)
4. 4.4 Reproductive Activities
Reproductive activities are those activities normally carried out by a woman (wife) in the
home. These include; child care, health care, cleaning, water and fuel collection. These
activities were found to be generally dominated by women before they joined LCs. There
were, however, notable changes in the “before” and "after" scenario as seen in Table VI.
Thus the gender bias in reproductive activities mentioned by; Randall (1987), UN (1985),
UN (1991), WB (1993); Young et al eds, (1984), Natukunda and Sebina (1988), UNICEF
(1989), shifted in some tasks as a result of women's participation in LCs. Water collection,
for example, seems to have shifted to the husband after the wives joined LCs; 25.5% (12),
"before" to 63.8% (30) "after". FGDs of men did support this view when husbands said
that; "wives tend to come back late from meetings so we are forced to fetch water so that
when the woman comes back, she can start cooking".
Table 4.7: Gender Relations in Reproductive activities
Activity
Before
Wives
Water
After
Husbands
36 (65.5%)
12 (25.5%)
30 (54.5%)
25(53.2%)
Wives
30 (54.5%)
Husbands
30 (63.8%)
Collection
Firewood
Food
29 (52.3%)
29 (61.7%)
21 (38.2%)
21 (44.7%)
Preparation
51 (92.7%)
6 (12.8%)
Child Care
50 (90.9%)
11 (23.4%)
35 (63.6%)
35 (74.5%)
Health related
53 (96.4%)
33 (70.2%)
30 (54.5%)
30 (63.8%)
Cleaning &
49(89.1%)
26 (55.3%)
27 (49.1%)
27 (57.4%)
Repair
Handicrafts
37 (67.3%)
1 (2.1%)
18 (32.7%)
18 (38.3%)
According to the FGDs, in many families where zero-grazing had been adapted, men tended
to carry water as they considered the task related to animal care. In fact, the proportion of
wives who reported to be collecting water after they joined LCs reduced from 65% (36) to
54.5% (30). On the other hand, men fretted about this role as indicated during a focus group
discussion in which they said ; 'it is shameful for a man to be seen carrying a jerrycan of
water on his head or even a bunch of bananas as other men may think he is bewitched".
Fuel collection is another activity that depicted changed roles for the husbands; 53.2% (25)
before LC compared to 61.7% (29) after LCs. The contribution of husbands in child care
went up from 23.4% (11) compared to 74.5% (35) after LCs and food preparation 12.8% (6)
compared to 44.7% (21), after LC. On the other hand, husbands participation in health
related activities decreased after their wives joined LCs 70.2% (33) compared to 63.8%
(30).
The FGDs of both men and women revealed that provision of firewood is mainly a
responsibility of men as many of the families have Eucalyptus plantations, which require
felling of trees and splitting them with axes before firewood is harvested. It is also
interesting to note that while the number of wives participating in handicrafts decreased
after they joined LCs from 67.3% (37) to 32.7% (18), that of husbands went up drastically;
from 2.1% (1) to 38.3% (18). The decrease is corroborated by FGDs where some women
reported that; "there is no more time to sit and make table clothes because of meetings
which are normally in the evenings."
The increase for men could mean they spend more time at home when their wives are away
and therefore use that time to make some handicrafts. The participation in handicrafts,
however, does not correspond to its contribution to income as illustrated in Table VII above
This indicates that whatever handicrafts are made are for home use.
It is evident that despite the complaints, husbands are actually facilitating their wives'
participation in LCs by taking on the roles traditionally viewed as women's work. This
confirms the belief that gender, as elaborated by Meena (1992) and Oakley (1972), is a
construction of society. The above findings may well be a revelation that gender relations in
the family is an issue that could find its place on the political agenda as mentioned by
UNFPA (1996.
4.4.5 Responsibility for Provision of Basic Needs by Gender
The pattern of provision of food (not necessarily buying) has not changed following
women’s involvement in LCs. According to both male and female respondents, wives were
mainly responsible for provision of food; 57.4% (27) of the husbands interviewed said it
was the sole responsibility of their wives while only 17% (8) said it was they (husbands)
who provided the food. There were 25.5% (12) of husbands who reported that provision of
food was a joint responsibility between husband and wife and the wives also reported the
same. However, when asked about buying food, husbands indicated it was more of a shared
responsibility than a sole responsibility for either party. The wives, however, reported
participating more in buying food after joining LCs as more husbands became joint
contributors than sole providers as indicated by the increase under "both" in Table IV (b).
The apportioning of these responsibilities as reported by husbands is shown in Table VI (a)
below;
Table 4.8(a): Responsibility for Buying Various Items (Husbands’ Responses)
Item
Food
Clothes
After
Before
Wives
Husband
Both
Wives
11 (23.4%)
14 (29.8%)
22 (46.8%)
11 (23.4%) 14 (29.8%)
25 (53.2%)
22 (46.8%)
00
00
Husband
25 (53.2%)
Both
22 (46.8%)
22 (46.8%)
Firewood 11 (23.4%)
2 (4.3%)
34 (72.3%)
10 (21.3%)
3 (6.4%)
34 (72.3%)
Salt
1 (2.1%)
22 (46.8%)
24 (51.1%)
1 (2.1%)
23 (48.9%)
23 (48.9%)
Sugar
00
25 (53.2%)
22 (46.8%)
00
27 (57.4%)
20 (42.6%)
1 (2.1%)
4 (8.5%)
42 (89.4%)
1 (2.1%)
4 (8.5%)
42 (89.4%)
Paraffin
4 (8.5%)
22 (46.8%)
21 (44.7%)
2 (4.3%)
22 (46.8%)
23 (48.9%)
Other
00
12 (25.5%)
34 (72.3%)
00
2 (25.5%)
35 (74.5%)
Charcoal
The provision of clothes, however, followed a different pattern depicting husbands
reporting that they are the main providers of that item both "before" and "after" LCs.
However, it appears the wives' contribution towards the said item increased after
participation in LCs as can be discerned in Table VI (b), from the increased percentage of
wives who indicated that they shared this responsibility with their husbands and also the
number of those who reported that they were solely responsible for their clothes. Thus
while these findings show that expenditure priorities differ as pointed out by Barton and
Bagenda (1993) and WB (1993), it is also evident that women's expenditure priorities may
change with roles or responsibilities. The increased importance of clothes is corroborated
by the reports in the women FGDs to the effect that needed to "appear smart in public". One
district official hinted on the importance of clothes to women when he said that; "women at
village level are so poor that they may not have anything to wear to attend a meeting and
hence this may discourage them from getting involved in LC activities."
Thus dressing well became an important issue to a woman whose working environment had
expanded beyond her family. It created a need for clothes beyond what the husband could
provide.
TABLE 4.8(b): Responsibility for buying various items (wives’ responses)
Item
Before
After
Wives
Husbands
Both
Wives
Husbands
Both
Food
20 (36.4%)
17 (30.9%)
18 (32.7%)
20 (36.4%)
14 (25.5%)
21 (38.2%)
Clothes
4 (7.3%)
25 (45.5%)
26 (47.3%)
7 (12.7%)
18 (32.7%)
30 (54.5%)
Firewood
12 (21.8%)
9 (16.6%)
34 (61.8%)
13(23.6%)
8 (14.5%)
34 (61.8%)
Salt
7 (12.7%)
35 (63.6%)
13(23.6%)
10 (18.2%)
29 (52.7%)
16 (29.1%)
Sugar
4 (7.3%)
34 (61.8%)
17 (30.9%)
6 (10.9%)
29 (52.7%)
20 (36.4%)
Charcoal
2 (3.6%)
3 (5.5%)
50 (90.9%)
3 (5.5%)
6 (10.9%)
46 (83.6%)
Paraffin
6 (10.9%)
24 (43.6%)
25 (45.5%)
7 (12.7%)
20 (36.4%)
28 (50.9%)
Other
4 (7.3%)
19 (34.5%)
32 (58.2%)
4 (7.3%)
18 (32.7%)
33 (60.0%)
In conclusion regarding basic needs, the responsibility of providing food remains very much
related to a woman's reproductive role and productive roles, that is, growing it and cooking
it, and hence she is still seen as the main provider. On the other hand, it is worthy noting
that for items involving spending cash, the husband is still the main provider although
women are increasingly sharing these responsibilities.
4.4.6 Access to Ownership and Control of Resources
As illustrated in Table VII, overall there was no marked difference found between the
"Before" and "After" situation regarding access to resources. One of the areas that depicted
some differences was access to equipment which included hoes, utensils and to bicycles,
showing that women had more access than their husbands to the former two items. During
the FGDs, women also indicated having gained more access to furniture due to the rising
number of visitors at home as a result of their positions in the community. However, the
husbands had more access to the bicycle in the family.
TABLE 4.9: Access to Resources
Activity
Before
After
Wives
Husbands
Wives
Husbands
Land
35 (63.65%)
34 (72.3%)
35 (63.6%)
36 (76.6%)
Cash
32 (58.2%)
33 (70.2%)
32 (58.2%)
35 (74.5%)
Equipment
36 (65.5%)
29 (61.7%)
38 (69.1%)
31 (66%)
Furniture
32 (58.2%)
30 (63.8%)
37 (67.3%)
37 (78.7%)
Labour
21 (38.2%)
20 (42.6%)
25 (45.5%)
21 (44.7%)
Bicycle
10 (18.2%)
19 (40.4%)
14 (25.5%)
23 (48.9%)
Radio
29 (52.7%)
23 (48.9%)
31 (56.4%)
34(72.3%)
Training/
18 (32.7%)
19 (40.4%)
25 (45.5%
22 (46.8%)
Education
Purchase of property namely; furniture, houses (construction), bicycles, animals; was in the
majority of cases reported to be the responsibility of husbands. However, responses from
both men and women depict a pattern whereby joint ownership appears to have increased
after they joined LCs, for example, women reporting to own land before LCs were 31.9%
(15) compared to 46.8% (22) after. The men reporting to own furniture jointly with their
wives increased after LCs. Regarding ownership of the residential houses, most men
reported they solely owned the house in which the family was residing; before 61.7% (29)
and after 66.0% (31).
TABLE 4.10: Ownership of Property (Wives’ Responses)
Before
After
Wife
Husband
Both
Other
Wife
Husband
Both
Other
Land
2 (3.6%)
22 (40.%)
22 (40%)
9 (16.4%)
2 (3.6%)
22 (46%)
28 (50.9%)
3 (5.5%)
Furniture
2 (3.6%)
15 (27.3%)
24 (43.6%)
14 (25.5%)
2 (3.6%)
17 (30.9%)
32 (58.2%)
4 (7.4%)
House
1 (1.8%)
17 (30.9%)
28 (50.9%)
9 (16.4%)
1 (1.8%)
17 (30.9%)
36 (65.5%)
1 (1.8%)
Bicycle
3 (5.5%)
23 (41.8%)
1 (1.8%)
28 (50.9%)
2 (3.6%)
28 (50.9%)
7 (12.7%)
18 (32.7%)
Radio
3 (5.5%)
18 (32.7%)
15 (27.7%)
19 (34.5%)
5 (9.1%)
19 (34.5%)
21 (38.2%)
10 (18.2%)
Animals
1 (1.8%)
9 (16.4%)
21 (38.2%)
24 (43.6%)
3 (5.5%)
9 (16.4%)
31 (56.4%)
12 (21.8%)
4.5 Benefits from Participating in LCs
On analyzing the "before" and "after" situations for material benefits, not much change is
discerned. Slight changes seem to have occurred regarding access to some resources as
earlier reported, while with vital resources like land and cash, the situation depicted
“before” and “after” the women joined LCs is the same for wives and husbands. However,
within the family, there is more access to education and training in almost equal proportions
between husbands and wives 45.5% (25) and 46.8% (22) respectively. Women talked of
having access to agricultural and child care training by NGOs, because they were being
selected to attend on account of their LC positions. A
SWARRAP
official at district level
mentioned that the women LCs meet a lot of technical people so they gain more knowledge.
One NGO leader at the district said that the LCs being the coordinators of the Heifer
Project, they are given priority to receive animals. Another LC5 official reported that on the
whole, the homes of LCs look cleaner and that in such homes, costs are shared "not for the
woman to wait for the husband." Some 23.4% (11) husbands, however, reported they had
had no tangible benefits. During the FGDs, some said, "I haven't seen any difference". On
further probing, however, some would say "she has been enlightened " or "she has brought
self-respect to the family". Others said, "she has gained self-confidence." In addition, a
number of husbands said they had gained a higher status as a result of their wives being in
LCs; 25.5% (12), more knowledge, 23.45% (11), more contacts, and 21.3% (10) respect in
the community. Talking about their wives, the majority of husbands said their wives had
gained more knowledge: 34.0% (16). It came out frequently in the FGDs that men thought
they could now discuss family matters together with their. This could be an indication of
“improved family relations” that some women talked about as reported below. In fact, a
number of men, 21.3% (10) cited "more respect" for their wives following their entry into
LCs. As for women LCs, apart from more knowledge, 47.3% (26), they also cited more
contacts, 18.2% (10) as a benefit while another 18.2% (10) said they had not benefited at
all.
During the FGDs, women intimated tukaiguka amisho meaning "our eyes were opened"
often adding, "through talking to other people." Yet others said "we learnt to talk among
people", "we can now develop our homes", "we can now work with our men". "we learnt
what we did not know."
Individual husbands holding higher
LC
posts also expressed similar views in in-depth
interviews when commenting on benefits. Men saw that "she can now also stand up and talk
among people". In one single-headed household, the woman LC1 said "it is good to be in
LCs because men always oppress single women by getting children and abandoning them";
which implied that she can now speak out on such issues. Among "other" benefits, a
number of women said their relationship with their husbands had improved since they
joined LCs, 25% (14); while 18.2%(10) said they had acquired more property. Those who
talked of property got heifers from the Heifer Project to which they got access by virtue of
their positions in the community. Yet another 16.4% (9) said their husbands had gained
more respect.
4.6 Obstacles
A number of husbands, 31.9% (15) said their wives met no obstacles in carrying out their
LC jobs. However, those who talked of obstacles mentioned lack of education as the most
important, 21.3% (10), followed by non-payment 19.1% (9). The FGDs revealed that men
felt their wives were encumbered by the reluctance of fellow women to attend meetings
while the issue of domestic work "suffering" also came up frequently emirimo n'efa
(meaning literally, housework is killed). At an FGD, a man said; "If a visitor comes or if I
have to go somewhere, then she has to postpone going to the meeting".
The problem reported at LC4 was that men tend to disregard the Woman Secretary's
involvement in the LC1 courts such that some cases involving family disputes are decided
by the men on the committee, hence making decisions which favour men. This was further
confirmed by the women FGDs when they pointed out the disadvantage of having only one
woman on the LC1. They said that; "one voice is not properly heard" and that men sabotage
cases involving women.
The women themselves mentioned various obstacles ranging from no remuneration 23.6%
(13), negative attitude of the community, 20% (11), lack of husbands support 21.8% (12) to
lack of education 14.5% (8). 19% (10) said they had no obstacles. The issue of negative
attitude came up during the FGDs as women talked of people laughing at them calling the
emburamukoro meaning those who lack something to do. In some in-depth interviews of
women at higher LC levels and during the group discussion of women district leaders, there
was mention of "jealousy" saying that some men refuse to co-operate if they feel the LC1
woman is richer than them.
Regarding remuneration, there were fervent pleas for consideration of this issue at higher
levels. Frequently, during the FGDs, women said their husbands complained that they do
not take back home anything and yet house work is interrupted by their LC commitmentsemirimo n'efa meaning that the work at home is sacrificed. In the bigger group discussion,
women suggested that akasiimo-a thank you- of at least 10,000/= a month would stop men
complaining. Indeed during their FGDs, men frequently said government should think of
giving women a salary so that they can “bring something home with them when they come
back from their late meetings.’
It is evident that LC activities constrain domestic chores to the extent that, husband, wife
and the community, feel there should be some form of compensation. Importantly, husbands
seemed to be prepared to take on some of the chores as long as there was some
compensation that would benefit the family. The point about men resenting the sacrifice of
domestic work when women participate in political activities (UNICEF, 1989), is very
much evident in this instance. Another problem that came clear from one of the men's FGDs
was that they felt women should "discuss" with fellow women, otherwise people suspect
"other things". Thus the issue of husbands suspecting ulterior motives as pointed out by
UNICEF, (1989) is not ruled out altogether. The group discussion of the women leaders at
district level did also list lack of husband's support as one of the problems LC1 Women
Secretaries experience. A district official concerned with welfare programs mentioned that
men do not want their wives to be exposed lest they be taken by other men or become more
knowledgeable.
This kind of attitude both at community and family level illustrates the kind of pressures
women political leaders experience. The findings also concur with the views of feminists
who blame the family as a seat of constraints for women to participate in politics and
underscore the importance of giving support to women by way of sensitizing the community
about their role.
4.3.3. LCI’s Aspiration to Higher Political Positions
The majority of women (56.4% (31), said they would be interested in taking up a higher LC
position, while 41.8% (23) said they would not. However, FGDs revealed that many women
felt their educational level was not adequate to advance them in the LC hierarchy. As earlier
noted, men’s education does not differ much from that of their wives. It is thus evident that
women just lack confidence to move up the political ladder.
Chapter 5. Conclusions and Recommendations
5.1 Introduction
This study investigated the effect of women's participation in politics on gender relations in
the family. It entailed an in-depth investigation into the perceptions of the LC1 Women
Secretaries and their husbands regarding their roles, activities, contributions, benefits and
constraints, both at family and community level. An analysis was made to find out whether
indeed political participation is an empowerment tool (UN 1995) that women can use to
influence gender relations positively. The study addressed the following research questions:
(i)
Does participation of a woman in LCs change her roles and responsibilities in the
family or does it enhance her sex roles?
(ii)
What opportunities are there for LC women to engage in developmental activities?
(iii)
Does participation in politics change a woman's decision-making status in the
family?
(iv)
What are the characteristics of women LCs and how do they cope with their "double
roles?"
(v)
Is participation in the LC an empowerment tool for the woman at family level?
Chapter Four showed that there are a number of changes that appear to have occurred as a
result of women participation in politics although some of them are subtle and only
discernible through the qualitative methods (FGDs and in-depth interviews) used to collect
the data in this study. Overall, women LCIs have created some impact as a result of their
participation even if they are mostly serving as the LC Secretary for Women, which at the
time of the study had been misunderstood as a quota, and the only avenue, provided for
women in the council.
5.2
Socio-economic Background and its Influence on Women's Participation in
LC1
The LCs were generally mature and relatively well educated women. As reflected by the
views of the women respondents, formal education was not an issue to them as much as it
was to their husbands. The emphasis was rather put on natural leadership qualities. The
women LCs were in the majority of cases not different from other women in the
community, as they continued performing their traditional roles at family level as primary
producers and caring for large families of 7-10 members. As for employment, neither the
women LCs nor their husbands regarded the LCs position as a formal occupation probably
due to the fact that it was not remunerated. Farming, however, was the most frequently
reported occupation and the women were earning income from their produce though not at
the same scale as their husbands. Overall, income levels from agricultural production were
not adequate for the family welfare.
5.3. Political Participation
The political structure set up by government did provide women with an opportunity to
participate in LCs. However, there was a negative side to this affirmative action owing to
lack of adequate sensitization of the potential beneficiaries. A number of women believed
they were allowed only that one position reserved for them on the LCs. The naming of the
position as Secretary for Women also appears to have restricted its scope to women issues
other than general issues in the community, as most women respondents indicated when
describing their contribution. The women LCs themselves and their husbands were
dissatisfied with that one place taking a common stand that women seats should be
“increased” if they are to influence decisions in their favour.
The findings showed that women were participating on LC1 committees as Women
Secretaries with the idea that this was the only position given to women. As such, they did
not involve themselves in campaigning for this particular post or any other post on the LC
committee. It also seems the inertia to enter politics was more from outside pressure than
their own decision or interest; more like a selection process than election.
There was overwhelming evidence that joining politics for the women was more of a
passive event than an active political campaign on their part. It was left to others in the
community to identify the capable woman. This in itself undermined the extent to women
LCs would be able to bring out gender specific concerns to the mainstream political agenda,
since it was not evident that women joined politics due to their strong conviction to address
gender issues.
5.4. Decision-making Status of Women LCs
Decision-making was still dominated by men both at LC l and in the family level due to
inherent gender bias at both levels. However, women were increasingly contributing to
development matters either by sharing family expenses or through discussions with their
husbands. This appears to have been a result of increased exposure for the women who
subsequent to joining the LCs got some ideas for income generation but also because the
husbands respected and listened to them more than before they joined LCs.
5.5. Gender Relations and Political Participation
Although many women were still performing reproductive functions, there was a marked
shift of roles in some activities after they joined LCs (as described in Chapter four). Women
LCs’ husbands were substantially involved in tasks like child care, food preparation, water
and fuel collection. The husbands, however, still strongly felt such activities should be
carried out by women, especially considering the fact that the out of home activities of their
wives, which were forcing these new roles on them, were unremunerated.
As for provision of basic needs for the family, women's contribution increased
after they joined LCs, probably due to increased opportunity to access their own income.
Gender relations in agricultural activities confirmed to the old order as described in chapter
four despite the LC duties.
5.6. Benefits Pertaining to Participation in LCs
There are mixed reactions as to the benefits that have arisen due to participation in LCs.
These reactions stem from the fact that the benefits cited, for example, confidence,
knowledge, respect, improved relations with spouse and enlightenment, cannot be easily
quantified. On the whole, women have benefited directly and indirectly through exposure to
the world outside the home, learning from fellow women, through formal training and
accessing opportunities to acquire property through zero-grazing. The husbands
corroborated their wives’ views regarding property ownership and improved division of
labour. LC activities were also of benefit to the community as women got more involved in
community level activities.
5.7. Obstacles to Women's Participation in LCs
Apart from the general problem of transport, many of the hindrances identified were gender
related. Women and their husbands frequently cited family responsibilities either curtailing
women's effective participation or forcing sacrificial choices on the spouses and thus
straining relations in certain aspects. In relation to the choices made, the issues of
non-payment was repeated now and again and is therefore construed to have a substantial
influence on the future decision between a wife and husband on whether to participate or
not.
At the LC level, women had difficulties influencing decisions mainly due to low
representation. This situation is compounded by misinformation and deliberate attempts to
exclude women from certain decisions where they are expected to take sides against men
either in the community or on the LC itself.
5.8. Recommendations
The following recommendations are made based on the conclusions above:

The district political organs should put a structure in place to continuously carry out
civic education targeted at specific groups in order to keep abreast with government
policies that affect their participation in politics.

Sensitization seminars should target both genders at family level to help them identify
gender specific concerns that may be counterproductive to affirmative action. This
should also help to develop strategies at family level to increase participation.

Communities should be sensitized to develop nation-building attitudes so that they do
not just consider monetary benefits regarding political participation.

It is necessary to create incentives in the community to encourage leadership so that
those participating are seen to be benefiting legally, not through underhand practices.

Women still need to be singled out for training on effective political participation and in
particular on strategies to improve fellow women's status in their community.
5.9. Areas for Further Research
The scope of this study did not address some of the pertinent issues as far as women’s
political participation in concerned. Further research would establish :

A comparative study of the views of those women and their families and those who do
not participate.

Historical research to find out the impact of different Government Policies (with
emphasis on gender) on women's participation.

Factors affecting different levels of participation, in the political hierarchy, by gender.

Impact of political participation on selected development indicators, for instance;
poverty.
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APPENDIX II.
IN-DEPTH INTERVIEW SCHEDULE
1. What are the characteristics of Women LC1 Secretaries?
2. What are the characteristics of men LCs ?
3. What are your views about women in LCs?
4. What about their Families? Do any changes occur?
5. What contributions do they make to the community? And to the family?
6. What about this place reserved for women?
7. Are many women coming up to campaign for the other positions on LC committees?
8. What problems do the LC women meet ?
9. How do they relate to their male colleagues on LCs?
10. What recommendations would you make about women joining LCs.
APPENDIX III.
FOCUS GROUP GUIDE
1. What are your views about women in Lcs; particularly the LCI Secretaries ?
2. What about their families, what are they like?
3. What would you say about reserving places for women?
4. Do women campaign? What campaign strategies do they use?
5. What changes occur to them and their families; e.g. do roles, decision making change?
6. Do they make any contributions to the Community?
7. Do they meet any problems as women political leaders at LC1?
8. How do they relate to other people in the community in general and to male colleagues in
particular?
APPENDIX IV.
MAP 1: THE LOCATION OF NTUNGAMO DISTRICT, UGANDA
APPENDIX V.
MAP 2: THE LOCATION OF KAJARA COUNTY, NTUNGAMO DISTRICT