Road to Moscow
Bill Clinton’s Early Activism from Fulbright
to Moscow
By Fedora
Original FReeper research | 08/22/2007
Free Republic
Original URL: http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1884984/posts?page=2#2
Summary
During the 1992 campaign, Bill Clinton’s student protests and Moscow trip generated
much controversy, but few answers. While Clinton’s government files from that era
seemingly remain unavailable even today, there is at least more information available
than in 1992. The public record reveals that Clinton’s social network and views on
Vietnam were influenced by a pattern of contact between Communist agents and
sympathizers and Clinton’s academic and political associates. This pattern is
documented here through an analysis of Clinton’s antiwar activity up through the time he
left Oxford in 1970. Included are quotations from a June 9, 1969 profile of Clinton by the
Frederick, Maryland Post which does not seem to have been previously cited elsewhere.
As a Georgetown junior, Clinton inherited his antiwar orientation from his part-time
employer, Senator J. William Fulbright. Fulbright’s views on Vietnam had in turn been
influenced by scholar Bernard Fall. Fall had an academic background at institutions
linked to Chinese Communist apologist Owen Lattimore. He had recently co-authored a
book on Vietnam with Marcus Raskin, cofounder of the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS),
which disseminated Marxist propaganda aimed to sway Fulbright and other decisionmakers. Fulbright’s office was also in regular contact with Igor Bubnov, a KGB
operative on Capitol Hill. President Johnson had ordered the FBI to monitor Fulbright
and his staff for suspected Communist contact at the time Clinton went to work for
Fulbright.
Clinton remained relatively quiet about his war views during his first year as a grad
student at Oxford from fall 1968 to spring 1969. He took an activist turn in summer 1969
while seeking to avoid being drafted. During summer vacation, he worked with the
Vietnam Moratorium Committee (VMC), a US antiwar group which was helping a
Communist-dominated coalition called the New Mobe organize fall protests.
Upon Clinton’s return to Oxford that fall, he and his friend Richard Stearns helped a
British VMC counterpart called Group 68 organize Americans in England for
Moratorium protest events. (A supplementary background profile of Group 68 follows the
body of the article, exploring the group’s links to a British antiwar network centered
around Bertrand Russell and Russell’s associate Tariq Ali. Russell’s network helped the
North Vietnamese and Soviets disseminate anti-US propaganda through channels such as
the International War Crimes Tribunal, sponsored by the Soviet front the Stockholm
Conference on Vietnam.)
Over winter vacation of 1969-1970, Clinton toured Moscow, where he had been preceded
by his roommate Strobe Talbott. Talbott was then translating the memoirs of former
Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev, which had been leaked to him by Victor Louis, a KGB
disinformation agent and talent spotter. Clinton and Talbott’s other roommate Frank
Aller was doing similar work on the unpublished notes of Edgar Snow, an academic
associate of Lattimore.
The conclusion suggests possible directions for further research, considering where
additional information on Clinton’s early activity might be found in government files and
other sources.
Before Oxford: Clinton, Fulbright, and the Legacy of Owen Lattimore
The story of how Bill Clinton became an antiwar activist begins when he was a
Georgetown undergraduate working part-time for Arkansas Senator J. William Fulbright.
Fulbright, who chaired the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, was a leading critic
of President Lyndon Johnson’s Vietnam policy. Over the course of Clinton’s junior and
senior years, his views on Vietnam turned antiwar under the influence of Fulbright and
his staff. As Washington Post writer David Maraniss quoted Clinton:
When I went to work for [Fulbright] I was basically for the war, or at least I was not
against it. As a matter of fact, I had a long debate I remember about whether I ought to
drop out of school, whether even undergraduate deferments were all right, whether
anybody ought to have a deferment when there was a war on. These were discussions
with people who worked for Fulbright, who were on the staff. The older ones encouraged
me to at least make a study of it, make up my own mind. . .And I sort of wound up
turning against the war the way Fulbright did, after a thorough study of it.
Tracing the origin of Fulbright’s antiwar views reveals an intriguing ancestry for
Clinton’s views. Fulbright had not initially opposed the 1964 Gulf of Tonkin Resolution,
which was originally viewed as a measured, flexible alternative to full-scale escalation in
Vietnam. But after a major increase in US ground deployment in summer 1965, and after
Fulbright’s relationship with President Johnson became strained over Dominican
Republic policy that September, he began questioning Johnson’s Vietnam policy.
Pentagon Papers, a set of classified military documents on the Kennedy-Johnson
administration’s Vietnam policy.)
Fulbright’s reading on Vietnam was guided by a mentor Lowenstein had introduced him
to in fall 1965, Howard University Professor of International Relations Bernard Fall. Fall
was a specialist in so-called “Asian nationalism”, which is what the antiwar movement
preferred to call what less sympathetic critics might characterize as Marxist-inspired
insurgencies against Western-friendly governments. Fall, along with Cornell’s Indonesian
nationalism specialist George McTurnan Kahin, led a chorus of academic antiwar
activists insisting that the Vietcong’s guerrilla war was motivated by nationalism, not
Marxism. This argument aimed to undermine the Johnson administration’s position citing
Cold War containment policy as grounds for US intervention in Vietnam.
Fall and Kahin had both emerged from a group of Asian nationalist specialists who
congregated in the late 1940s and early 1950’s at Johns Hopkins University, a major
Asian studies center. Johns Hopkins’ Asian studies program had been influenced by proChinese Communist propaganda channeled through a Soviet-infiltrated think tank called
the Institute of Pacific Relations (IPR).
One influential Johns Hopkins Asian specialist linked to IPR was Chinese Communist
apologist Owen Lattimore, accused by Joseph McCarthy in 1950 of being “Moscow’s top
spy” and “one of the principal architects of our Far Eastern policy”. Declassified files
available today indicate that while McCarthy was exaggerating by calling Lattimore
Moscow’s top spy, Lattimore had been flagged by the FBI as a suspected Communist and
potential security risk as early as May 1941, when he was being considered for a position
as the Roosevelt administration’s political advisor to Chinese Nationalist leader Chiang
Kai-shek. Lattimore did not run any of the Soviet spy rings known to US intelligence,
and there was no direct surveillance evidence of him acting as a literal spy (at least
judging by a 1949 report which is heavily censored in certain key sections), but he did
have a well-documented pattern of regular contact with Communist front groups, party
members and agents. Soviet agents Lattimore was in contact with during the 1930s and
1940s included Comintern agent Willi Munzenberg’s lieutenant Louis Gibarti; Agnes
Smedley and Chen Han-seng of the Sorge spy ring; Michael Greenberg of the Cambridge
Five; Soviet agent Joseph Bernstein’s Amerasia coconspirators Philip Jaffe and T.A.
Bisson; and Silvermaster Group spy ring members Lauchlin Currie and Harry Dexter
White. Currie and White, who were two key agents in the Soviet campaign to undermine
the Chinese Nationalists, were the ones who recommended Lattimore for his position in
the Roosevelt administration, and when Lattimore got the job he worked out of a desk in
Currie’s office in the State Department Building (contradicting his later Senate testimony
that he never had a desk at the State Department). Whether or not Lattimore was a fullfledged spy, his views on Asia were at least viewed by agents like Currie and White as
sympathetic to Soviet foreign policy goals.
Lattimore’s sympathies were passed on to a younger generation of scholars which
included Fall and Kahin. An FBI file on Lattimore records a conversation where he
mentioned that Kahin’s appointment to the John Hopkins faculty was part of a broader
effort to promote comparative work on nationalism in different Asian countries, including
China, Mongolia, and Kahin’s specialty, Indonesia., Another John Hopkins expert in
Indonesian nationalism, Amry Vandenbosch, taught a class called Nationalism and
Colonialism in Southeast Asia. Fall took Vandenbosch’s class in 1952 after moving to the
US from France, where his family had relocated to escape Nazi-occupied Austria.
Because of Fall’s French background, Vandenbosch encouraged him to study nationalism
in Vietnam, a former French colony. Fall subsequently went to Southeast Asia in 1953 to
study the Vietminh insurgency for his doctoral dissertation.
Upon his return to the US in late 1953, Fall soon stopped to visit IPR. He began
contributing to IPR’s journal Pacific Affairs, and IPR commissioned him to do a study on
Vietnam in 1957. He continued to travel to Southeast Asia regularly, making five more
trips from 1957 to 1967 (when he was killed by a Vietcong landmine) and receiving
North Vietnamese literature shipped through a Hong Kong publisher.
Fall had fought in the French Resistance during World War II, and his research received
assistance from French military sources, who sometimes allowed him to see classified
information. Some of Fall’s associates began to suspect he was a French agent. The FBI
placed him under surveillance to evaluate these accusations and make sure he was not
receiving any classified information from US sources, but apparently found nothing to
substantiate Fall’s involvement in any intelligence activity (at least according to Fall’s
widow’s interpretation of the portions of his file that have been declassified). Chalmers
Wood of the State Department’s Vietnam Working Group saw Fall as less of a spy and
more of a sympathizer: “Bernard Fall’s recommendations certainly follow very close to
the neutralist, crypto-Communist line. I don’t think that he is a Communist, but his
emotions have been so long wrapped up in Viet-Nam that his judgement is false.”
Fall’s work proved useful to antiwar propagandists who travelled significantly farther
with Communists than Fall himself did. From 1964 to 1965 Fall collaborated on The
Viet-Nam Reader with his friend Marcus Raskin, cofounder of the Institute for Policy
Studies (IPS). IPS was a New Left think tank founded in 1962 by dissenters from the
Kennedy administration who advocated nuclear disarmament enforced by a global
government. Despite its professed goal of world peace, IPS travelled with terrorist groups
that were being trained by Cuban and Vietcong revolutionaries, such as the Black
Panthers, the Weathermen, and the Venceremos Brigade. IPS was characterized in FBI
files as “a Washington-based ‘Think Factory’, which [has] helped train extremist[s] who
incite violence in the United States and whose educational research serves as a cover for
intrigue and political agitation”. IPS also helped disseminate propaganda critiquing US
domestic and foreign policy from a Marxist perspective. An article clipped by the FBI
aptly described IPS as “The perfect intellectual front for Soviet activities which would be
resisted if they were to originate openly from the KGB.”
The Viet-Nam Reader was one of IPS’ earliest successful propaganda operations.
According to Fall’s widow, Fall and Raskin hoped that their book would persuade
sufficient numbers of readers to “see the folly of the war and demand a negotiated
settlement”. The book achieved this goal, becoming a standard reference for antiwar
activists after being featured by The New York Review of Books in September 1965. It
was presumably high on Fulbright’s reading list in December 1965. IPS also influenced
Fulbright’s Vietnam stance through channels such as Members of Congress for Peace
Through Law, an IPS-spawned lobby Fulbright joined.
Meanwhile the KGB tried to influence Fulbright’s staff directly. In 1967, Soviet
ambassador Igor Bubnov, an active KGB operative on Capitol Hill, initiated regular
discussions with Fulbright’s chief of staff Carl Marcy. (After retiring from government
service in 1973, Marcy would work for several organizations associated with Communist
or IPS activity, including the Council for a Liveable World, the Center for International
Policy, and the the American Committee on United States-Soviet Relations aka American
Committee on East-West Accord.)
US intelligence came to suspect Communist influence on Fulbright. In February 1966,
President Johnson ordered FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover to investigate whether Fulbright
and other Senate critics of US policy in Vietnam were receiving information from
Communists. Hoover produced a report which demonstrated a correlation between the
Soviet party line and the public statements of Fulbright and Senator Wayne Morse, but
without authorization for wiretaps he was unable to confirm any direct contact with
Communists or foreign agents. Ordered to seek confirmation, Hoover spent the next
weeks producing a 67-page review of FBI wiretap records of contacts between Soviet
bloc embassies and US Senators, Representatives, and Congressional staff, covering the
period from July 1965 to March 1966. Hoover continued submitting biweekly follow-up
reports to Johnson through January 1968. Johnson tasked other intelligence agencies to
conduct similar inquiries. In 1968 Johnson boasted that he knew within minutes what
Fulbright was saying over lunch at the Soviet embassy. Secretary of State Dean Rusk
conveyed this fact to Marcy, telling him, “We know every time that you or people on
your staff meet with people in the Soviet bloc.”
While US intelligence was investigating Fulbright and his staff, Georgetown junior Bill
Clinton joined Fulbright’s staff in summer 1966. Clinton had looked to Fulbright as a role
model since high school, when he first learned that Fulbright had attended England’s
Oxford University as a Rhodes Scholar, a career path Clinton would follow as a graduate
student. He got the job with Fulbright through Jack Holt, a local politician who was
supported by Clinton’s uncle Raymond. After Uncle Raymond got him on Holt’s
campaign, Clinton approached Holt and expressed his interest in working for Fulbright.
Holt recommended him to Fulbright’s administrative assistant Lee Williams. Williams
offered Clinton a job as an assistant clerk on the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations.
Clinton continued working for Fulbright into his senior year. According to his
autobiography My Life, he worked in the document room of the committee’s offices on
the fourth floor of what was then called the New Senate Office Building (later renamed
the Dirksen Senate Office Building), while Carl Marcy and a few committee senior staff
worked in a larger room at the Capitol Building. Clinton’s primary duty was “taking
memos and other materials back and forth between the Capitol and Senator Fulbright’s
office, including confidential material for which I would have to receive proper
government clearance. Beyond that, I would do whatever was required, from reading
newspapers and clipping important articles for the staff and interested senators to
answering requests for speeches and other materials, to adding names to the committee’s
mailing list.” He often read “material stamped ‘confidential’ and ‘secret’ that I had to
deliver from time to time”.
According to Clinton, he adopted an antiwar position while working under Fulbright. A
few months after he began working for Fulbright, he had the Senator autograph a copy of
his book The Arrogance of Power, which criticized US foreign policy on Vietnam and
other topics. Clinton says his antiwar orientation was also influenced by members of
Fulbright’s staff who encouraged him to study the issue of draft deferment.
One staff member who influenced him was Fulbright’s speechwriter Seth Tillman, who
Clinton says “taught at the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies and
had become a friend and mentor”. Tillman, along with Committee on Foreign Relations
Latin American specialist Pat Holt, had recently helped shape Fulbright’s opposition to
Johnson’s Dominican Republic policy, arguing that Dominican rebels were not Marxists
and did not pose a threat similar to Cuban dictator Fidel Castro. (Holt, who advocated
working with Castro rather than removing him, had previously encouraged Fulbright to
oppose the Bay of Pigs invasion. In retirement he would participate in seminars and
publish books for the Center for International Policy, an IPS spinoff cofounded by
Orlando Letelier, a Chilean Marxist linked to agents of Cuba, East Germany, and the
USSR. Holt recently published an article titled, “Was Cuba ever really a threat to the
United States?”)
Others Clinton mentions he worked with on the Committee on Foreign Relations staff
were Carl Marcy, who Clinton says worked over in the Capitol Building, and who
presumably received the documents Clinton delivered from the New Senate Office
Building to the Capitol; Lee Williams, who talked Clinton out of quitting school to join
the military; documents clerk Buddy Kendrick, who was Clinton’s supervisor;
Kendrick’s part-time assistant Bertie Bowman; and Phil Dozier and Charlie Parks, two of
Clinton’s student counterparts.
By Clinton’s senior year, his academic papers were expressing antiwar views. However,
Clinton was not yet an activist. Clinton’s pro-war roommate Christopher “Kit” Ashby
recalled that among their roommates, “Bill was the most against the war, but not in a
hysterical way. . .Bill was not out demonstrating on the streets.”
Clinton’s antiwar views would begin to take a more activist turn after he won a Rhodes
Scholarship his senior year. Following in Fulbright’s footsteps, he left for England to
attend Oxford in fall 1968.
March 1969: Bill Clinton Attends His First British Antiwar Protest
When Clinton arrived at Oxford he initially kept his antiwar views relatively quiet. His
Oxford friend Cliff Jackson, later to become a critic, recalled his impression that Clinton
was not vocally antiwar his first year at Oxford. As related by Maraniss:
It was during that first year at Oxford that Clinton met the fellow Arkansan, Cliff
Jackson, who became his bete noire this year by releasing letters indicating that Clinton
had not told the complete story of how he avoided the draft. . .Jackson contends that
Clinton was not overtly anti-war that year--that in fact, several more radical American
students considered Clinton “spineless and a fake” for not being more vocal--and that his
activism did not become evident until his body was on the line.
Jackson got the impression that Clinton did not become vocally antiwar until after he
began facing the strong possibility of being drafted in April 1969.
By this time Clinton had absorbed the antiwar atmosphere circulating at Oxford. In
March 1969, he accepted former Miss Arkansas Sharon Evan’s invitation to attend his
first British antiwar protest. A detailed profile of Clinton’s Oxford days by Times
reporters Nick Rufford and David Leppard recorded:
Whatever his delight at being at Oxford, Clinton could never escape the war. At the
Union debating society, Clinton's eyes were opened to the depth of feeling provoked by
Vietnam. “The atmosphere in Oxford was decidedly anti-American,” recalled [Rhodes
Scholar Alan] Bersin.
It began to play on Clinton. He had worked during the previous summer for Senator
William Fulbright, an outspoken critic of the Vietnam war, and was proud of a set of
books inscribed by Fulbright which set out the senator's objections to war. This, and the
climate of student unrest, aroused the first stirrings of militancy in Clinton.
In March 1969, he went to his first anti-war demonstration in Britain, accompanied by
Sharon Evans, a former Miss Arkansas. Evans said she persuaded Clinton to attend. “We
were down at Trafalgar Square for a Sunday afternoon. I said: ‘Y'all, I want to go, I've
never been to a demonstration.’ So Bill said ‘Gosh, I'll go too’.”
According to another article that ran in London’s Times on October 25, 1992, former
Eugene McCarthy campaign organizer Richard Stearns introduced Clinton to the British
peace movement. The time when this occurred is not specified, but from the available
information it may be inferred that it took place either in spring 1969, or in early October
1969 when Clinton stayed with Stearns while helping him organize protests. (Clinton
later considered Stearns for a possible nomination as FBI Director.)
Over spring break that April, Clinton toured Bavaria with his Georgetown girlfriend Ann
Markusen, a former McCarthy campaign volunteer; Stearns; and Rudy Lowe, who came
from Bamberg on the East German border. Clinton had met Lowe in November 1967 at
Georgetown’s Conference on the Atlantic Community (CONTAC), a series of seminars
and lectures attended by student delegates from the US, Canada, and Europe.
June 1969: A New Star in Oxford’s Antiwar Community Attracts Attention
Clinton spent the early part of June 1969 touring Paris. His tour guide was Alice
Chamberlain, whom he had met through mutual friends in London.
By this time, Clinton’s antiwar views were attracting attention. On June 9, 1969, the
Frederick, Maryland Post ran an article by Tom Cullen on antiwar sentiment among the
29 American Rhodes Scholars attending Oxford. The star of the article was Bill Clinton.
The article includes a picture of Clinton relaxing with two unnamed fellow Rhodes
Scholars. It quotes Clinton describing his views on the Vietnam War and the antiwar
movement:
. . .The latest U.S. casualty figures from Vietnam are just as real whether you read them
in the New York Times or the London Times.
”And that's the way it should be,” says William J. Clinton, 22, of Hot Springs, Ark., who
is one of the current crop of Rhodes Scholars. “There would be something wrong with us
if we could put the war out of our minds when our friends are being shot up in Vietnam.”
. . . Clinton, who is fairly typical of the present American Rhodesmen at Oxford, is
returning to Arkansas to be drafted in July, although his scholarship still has another year
to run. For brown-eyed, curly-headed Clinton it has been an agonizing decision to make,
for he is opposed to the war. . .
Politically he describes himself as a moderate.
”'I was never one of the militants at Georgetown,” he explains, “and I have always been
opposed to violence. Nevertheless, I find myself in sympathy with some of the aims of
the Students for a Democratic Society. The same goes with the other Rhodes Scholars
here at Oxford. . .”. . .
Clinton, whose views are echoed by other Rhodes Scholars, blames both student
extremists and university authorities. “The authorities made the great mistake of allowing
what should have been a limited war to escalate. As for the Students for a Democratic
Society, they are bad Marxists who are muddled in their thinking, for the most part, and
purely negative in their approach.
”Instead of arguing about whether to add a course in Negro history to the university
curriculum, the authorities and students, black and white, should be engaged in a
meaningful dialogue about the real problems that threaten us. They should be worrying
about how to manage in the computer age, how to save the lives of our cities, how the
American people can lead happier, fuller lives."
Summer 1969: Clinton and the Vietnam Moratorium Committee
Over summer vacation that year, Clinton returned to the US, dividing his time between
taking steps to avoid the draft and organizing antiwar activity. Maraniss summarizes:
That summer Clinton's efforts to avoid the draft and protest the war merged. He spent
half his time in Arkansas feverishly working the system so that he could get accepted into
the ROTC program at the University of Arkansas Law School--which he would never
attend--and thus delay induction. The rest of the time he was in Washington, working as a
low-level organizer in the anti-war movement.
Clinton’s Oxford associate Cliff Jackson contended that at this time, Clinton’s future
roommate Strobe Talbott was advising him how to avoid the draft. In a rebuttal to a
TIME column by Talbott that Managing Editor Henry Muller refused to print, Jackson
wrote:
I know that Strobe was one of the chief architects of Bill Clinton's scheme to void his
draft notice, avoid reporting on his scheduled (postponed) July 28 induction date and to
secure a 1-D deferment, yet nowhere in his personal testimony does Strobe mention his
involvement. . .I have a crystal clear recollection of Strobe and Bill standing in my office
door at Republican State headquarters in the summer of 1969 and discussing the plan,
devised by Bill with the able assistance of friends, to kill his draft notice and secure a
deferment.
Clinton effectively confirmed Talbott’s advisory role in his autobiography but put a
somewhat different spin on it, writing:
Just before I left Arkansas for Martha’s Vineyard, I wrote a letter to Bill Armstrong,
chairman of my local draft board, telling him I didn’t really want to do the ROTC
program and asking him to withdraw my 1- D deferment and put me back in the draft.
Strobe Talbott came to Arkansas to visit and we discussed whether I should mail it. I
didn’t.
Meanwhile, Clinton began working for the Vietnam Moratorium Committee (VMC), the
core of an antiwar coalition then planning major demonstrations scheduled for that fall.
Clinton wrote to University of Arkansas ROTC head Colonel Eugene Holmes that winter:
I have written and spoken and marched against the war. One of the national organizers of
the Vietnam Moratorium is a close friend of mine. After I left Arkansas last summer, I
went to Washington to work in the national headquarters of the Moratorium, then to
England to organize the Americans here for demonstrations October 15 and November
16.
The VMC had been conceived in April 1969 by Massachusetts antiwar activist Jerome
Grossman, who proposed the idea of a committee to coordinate a nation-wide, grassrootsgenerated series of demonstrations against the Vietnam War. To help him organize these
demonstrations, Grossman recruited the help of 1968 antiwar Presidential candidate
Eugene McCarthy and former McCarthy campaign organizers Sam Brown, David Hawk,
David Mixner, and Marge Sklencar.
Through Brown, the Moratorium’s national director and principal organizer, the VMC
joined forces with the New Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam, or “New
Mobe”, a national coordinating group for antiwar protests. The New Mobe coordinated
its actions with the Soviet Union and North Vietnam through the KGB-linked World
Peace Council (WPC) in Stockholm. A 1970 Congressional report found that the New
Mobe was under “communist domination” by the Communist Party and the Socialist
Workers Party, a rival Trotskyist group linked to Cuba.
The New Mobe, which organized national gatherings in Washington, DC, worked in
cooperation with the VMC, which organized protests and political activism on a local
level. The VMC was represented on the New Mobe’s steering committee from the New
Mobe’s first meeting. Sam Brown organized for the New Mobe while he directed the
VMC. The New Mobe formally endorsed a major protest the VMC scheduled for October
15, 1969, and the VMC in turn supported a major New Mobe protest scheduled for
November 15, 1969. The New Mobe shared its headquarters with the VMC at 1029
Vermont Avenue NW in Washington, DC, which would presumably be the building
where Clinton says he worked when he “went to Washington to work in the national
headquarters of the Moratorium”.
Clinton met VMC leaders Brown and Mixner at a gathering of former McCarthy
campaign organizers held at Martha’s Vineyard in 1969. Clinton’s attendance was
publicized by the Bush campaign during the 1992 election. Clinton confirmed his
attendance in interviews with TV host Phil Donahue and with the Boston Globe but
emphasized it was a reunion for McCarthy organizers rather than a VMC meeting. Bush
campaign statements described the event as occurring in early 1969, but a U.S. News &
World Report article by Steven Roberts and Matthew Cooper placed it a few days after a
September 9 letter Clinton wrote to Richard Stearns, and Clinton’s autobiography places
it near the end of September. Accounts also varied as to whether the meeting was a
political organizing or social event, with Brown denying that the event involved any
antiwar planning, and Clinton campaign staff chief Eli Segal telling Boston Globe
reporter Curtis Wilkie, “We spent most of our time water skiing and eating frankfurters. .
.To call this a cabal of the left is so preposterous.” However Clinton in his 2004
autobiography seemingly conceded that he “made what little contribution I could to their
deliberations” about that fall’s protests:
Near the end of September, while working my way back to Oxford, I flew to Martha’s
Vineyard for a reunion of anti-war activists who had worked for Gene McCarthy. Of
course, I hadn’t done so. Rick Stearns invited me, I think because he knew I wanted to
come and they wanted another southerner. The only other one there was Taylor Branch, a
recent graduate of the University of North Carolina, who had just been in Georgia
registering blacks to vote. . .Besides Rick and Taylor, there were four other men at the
reunion whom I kept up with over the years: Sam Brown, one of the most prominent
leaders of the student anti-war movement, later got involved in Colorado politics and,
when I was President, served the United States with the Organization for Security and
Cooperation in Europe; David Mixner, who had begun organizing fellow migrant
workers at fourteen, visited me several times in England and later moved to California,
where he became active in the struggle against AIDS and for gay rights, and supported
me in 1992; Mike Driver became one of my most cherished friends over the next thirty
years; and Eli Segal, whom I met in the McGovern campaign, became chief of staff of the
Clinton-Gore campaign. . .The group was planning the next large protest, known as the
Vietnam Moratorium, and I made what little contribution I could to their deliberations.
Brown, Mixner, and other eyewitnesses, including Strobe Talbott, have also described the
event.
Fall 1969: Clinton Organizes London Antiwar Protests
That October, when Clinton returned to Oxford, he temporarily moved in with Richard
Stearns for a couple weeks. He helped Stearns organize Americans in England for
protests to be held there in solidarity with October 15 and November 15 protests the
VMC and New Mobe were planning in America and other countries. An October 1992
Boston Globe article by Curtis Wilkie summarized Clinton’s recollections of his activity
that fall:
In an interview with The Boston Globe last April, he said he had taken part in two
demonstrations and a teach-in while a student in England.
”I remember once we did a teach-in that I was asked to participate in. . .at the London
School of Economics, the University of London, one of those schools in London,” he
said. “And I remember once I demonstrated around the US Embassy. I remember
whatever we did around the embassy in Grosvenor Square, I remember Paul Newman
and Joanne Woodward came.”
He said he later went with a group from Oxford to an antiwar demonstration in London
“that I wasn't part of putting together.”
Maraniss’ article gave a similar account:
He took part in two anti-war demonstrations, helping to organize a teach-in at the
University of London and serving as a marshal at a peaceful vigil outside the U.S.
Embassy. . .
”The protest was relatively small and orderly and rather self-conscious as well,” said
[Clinton’s roommate Douglas] Eakeley, now a lawyer in New Jersey. “Paul Newman and
Joanne Woodward were there, and a few hundred people. It did not require months of
organizing; it was not a full-time protest movement.”
Rufford and Leppard’s Times article provided additional details:
Stepping up his campaigning against the war, Clinton joined meetings with Group 68,
Americans backed by the pro-Soviet British Peace Council. Tariq Ali, the former radical
student leader, described Group 68 as being on the soft wing of his hardline coalition.
In the autumn, Clinton helped organise demonstrations outside the American embassy in
Grosvenor Square. In the evening, protesters held a candlelit vigil attended by Jessica
Mitford, the writer, and Paul Jones, the pop singer.
Clinton's role in organising that protest was a natural extension of his voluntary work for
the peace movement in America. But the extent of his involvement is unclear, and not as
influential as right-wing critics have alleged. “The notion that Bill was a national
organiser is not accurate,” said Bersin. “He took on the chore of contacting Americans in
London. He was at the edge of it.”
A month later, Clinton took part in a weekend of demonstrations near Grosvenor Square.
On the first day, protesters led by Vanessa Redgrave dropped cards with the names of
war victims into a black coffin. [Tom] Williamson said he and Clinton served as unpaid
marshals. “We were very much part of the peaceful demonstration, rationalist approach,”
he recalled.
On the second day, Clinton organised a church service to provide Americans with an
alternative to more radical protests by British Marxists. He asked an American priest,
Richard McSorley, to read a prayer at the service in St Mark's American church near the
embassy. McSorley recalled that afterwards they paraded in front of the embassy carrying
white crosses, “an indication of our desire to end the agony of Vietnam”.
Tariq Ali insists that Clinton was never prominent in the peace movement. He knew the
Americans who led the marches, and after checking his records he is certain Clinton was
not among them.
Two events described above can be identified as London counterparts to a pair of major
demonstrations the VMC and New Mobe organized in the US and other countries that
October 15 and November 15. (I have not been able to clearly identify the teach-in at the
London School of Economics or University of London that Clinton and other sources
refer to.) As Rufford and Leppard’s article mentions, Clinton organized these events on
behalf of Group 68, a British counterpart to the VMC formed by expatriate former
supporters of Eugene McCarthy’s 1968 Presidential campaign. Group 68 had emerged
from the Stop It Committee, which was part of the Viet Nam Solidarity Campaign (VSC),
a Trotskyist-controlled antiwar coalition financed by Bertrand Russell and led by
Russell’s associates Ralph Schoenman and Tariq Ali. (For more information on Group
68 and related groups, a detailed background profile is provided below after the body of
the article.)
The event Clinton remembered Paul Newman and Joanne Woodward attending took
place outside the US embassy in London on October 15, 1969, the same day the VMC
held its first major protest in the US, with New Mobe support. Newspaper descriptions of
attendance ranged from 200 to 400, describing the crowd as mostly American. A UPI
wire of the event appearing in the San Antonio Light included a photo showing Newman
carrying a sign that said “Moratorium”. An Associated Press account carried by
numerous papers noted that “American Rhodes Scholars at Oxford University delivered
petitions to the London Embassy”. In coordination with this petition, “Forty members of
the British Parliament signed a letter demanding the withdrawal of American forces from
Vietnam.”
The Grosvenor Square demonstration where Clinton served as a marshal was held on
November 15, the day the New Mobe had scheduled the Washington, DC culmination of
a multi-day event called the March Against Death, which was supported by the VMC. A
UPI wire which ran in various papers the next day summarized the event:
From Tel Aviv to Manila, from London to Sydney, in Kobe, Japan, Buenos Aires and
Bonn, antiwar demonstrators massed on the streets and in front of American government
buildings to express their support of the second Vietnam moratorium in the United States.
..
Actress Vanessa, Redgrave and folk singers Peggy Seeger and Judy Collins were among
the celebrities who joined more than 1,000 antiwar demonstrators in London in a “lie-in”
in front of the U.S. Embassy in Grosvenor Square. The group, however, was made up
largely of American teen-agers and college students studying in England.
The St. Mark’s church service Rufford and Leppard refer to was another Moratoriumrelated ceremony held on November 16. According to Richard Stearns, as quoted by
Roberts and Cooper in U.S. News & World Report, Clinton organized it “to give young
Americans an alternative to a more radical event planned by British Marxists”. Clinton
was spotted at the ceremony by Fr. Richard McSorley of Georgetown’s Center for Peace
Studies. McSorley, who was on sabbatical visiting antiwar groups around the world, later
recalled in his book Peace Eyes:
[On] Nov. 15, 1969, I participated in the British moratorium against the Vietnam War in
front of the U.S. Embassy at Grosvenor Square in London. . .
That day in November about 500 Britons and Americans were meeting to express their
sorrow at America's misuse of power in Vietnam. . .
The activities in London supporting the second stage of the moratorium and the March of
Death in Washington, were initiated by Group 68 (Americans in Britain).This group had
the support of British peace organizations, including the Committee on Nuclear
Disarmament, the British Peace Council, and the International Committee for
Disarmament and Peace.
The next day I joined with about 500 other people for the interdenominational service. .
.As I was waiting for the ceremony to begin, Bill Clinton of Georgetown, then studying
as a Rhodes Scholar at Oxford, came up and welcomed me. He was one of the organizers.
..
Late 1969: Clinton’s Roommates, the KGB, and the Road to Moscow
That December McSorley would again encounter Clinton in Oslo, Norway. Clinton, who
had recently spent Thanksgiving vacation in Ireland with his fellow Moratorium protestor
Tom Williamson, was now on his way to the Soviet Union, following in the footsteps of
his new roommate Strobe Talbott.
Talbott was a Russian affairs scholar and intern journalist for TIME. He had begun
visiting Moscow in 1968 and had developed contacts in the USSR. In summer 1969 he
was in Moscow acting as a replacement for vacationing TIME Moscow bureau chief
Jerrold Schecter. At this time he met Victor Louis (Vitali Yevgenyevich Lui), a KGB
disinformation agent and talent spotter who specialized in influencing journalists and
planting stories in the Western media.
For the past several years, under the control of KGB General Vyacheslav Kevorkov,
Louis had been helping the KGB with damage control by acting as a sort of literary agent
supervising the leaking of the memoirs of various former Soviet officials and celebrities,
including Joseph Stalin’s daughter Svetlana Alliluyeva, former Foreign Minister
Vyacheslav Molotov, and former Premier Nikita Khrushchev. In 1967, with approval
from KGB Chairman Yuri Andropov, Kevorkov and Louis began seeking a publisher for
Khrushchev’s memoirs. Louis first approached Jess Gorkin, editor of Parade magazine,
which had run an article on an NBC documentary on Khrushchev that Louis had
arranged. Parade turned down the project because it seemed too expensive. Parade chief
editor Lloyd “Skip” Shearer then suggested Louis approach Talbott, his future son-inlaw. Louis approached Talbott through Schecter, whom he met at a party in Moscow in
August 1968. In fall 1969, Louis broached the idea of TIME publishing Khrushchev’s
memoirs to Schecter. Schecter secured approval from TIME-LIFE New York news
service chief of correspondents Murray Gart, then contacted Talbott to offer him the job
of translating Khrushchev’s memoirs. Talbott agreed on the condition that he could enlist
the help of a Russian friend from Oxford, Yasha Zaguskin, a White Russian emigre who
roomed with Boris Pasternak’s sister Lydia.
Talbott then began working on the project with Louis, launching a relationship that would
last until 1992. However, it was not until 1999 that Schecter met Keyorkov at a CIA
conference and learned that Louis had kept the KGB informed of the Khrushchev project
the whole time.
In late 1969, after staying with Richard Stearns for a couple weeks in October, Clinton
began rooming with Talbott and their friend Frank Aller. Aller, a draft dodger and China
scholar, was doing academic work similar to Talbott’s, making trips to Switzerland to
receive the unpublished notes of Edgar Snow, an academic advocate of the Chinese
Communists who was linked to the old Institute of Pacific Relations network. (In 1971
the Chinese government would use Snow to mediate an invitation to Owen Lattimore,
making sure there would be no Soviet objections if Lattimore visited China.) Clinton’s
autobiography recalls how he often made Talbott and Aller breakfast while they were
doing their work:
After more orthodox conservative forces removed him from power and installed
Brezhnev and Kosygin, Khrushchev secretly recorded his memoirs on tape, and arranged,
I think through friends in the KGB, to get them to Jerry Schecter, then Time magazine’s
bureau chief in Moscow. Strobe was fluent in Russian and had worked for Time in
Moscow the previous summer. He flew to Copenhagen to meet Schecter and get the
tapes. When he got back to Oxford, he began the laborious process of typing
Khrushchev’s words out in Russian, then translating and editing them. On many
mornings, I would make breakfast for Frank and Strobe as they began their work.
Schecter similarly recalled meeting Clinton shortly after Talbott got the Khrushchev
assignment:
Before leaving London, I also spent a day with Strobe at Oxford and met his long-haired,
amiable housemate, Bill Clinton, who prepared omlets for our breakfast. I never asked
Strobe how he told Bill about his new assignment.
Talbott was again in Moscow about the same time Clinton was there in 1970, though he
insisted he did not travel there with Clinton, a Boston Herald article by Wayne Woodlief
and Joe Battenfeld mentions. A dozen other Rhodes Scholars also followed up Talbott’s
visit to Moscow by going there in 1969-1970, Maraniss’ article notes.
After Khrushchev’s memoirs were published, Khrushchev issued a nuanced denial of
their authenticity, Soviet news agencies claimed Talbott was “a young sapling of the
CIA”, and the Soviets refused to allow Talbott back in the country. Western Soviet expert
Victor Zorza speculated that both the KGB and the CIA’s disinformation departments
may have played tug-of-war over the memoirs.
When Clinton later nominated Talbott for Deputy Secretary of State, Talbott was
questioned about his relationship with Louis. He initially claimed he met Louis in the
1970s, then under cross-examination he remembered that he had actually first met Louis
in 1969.
(Talbott’s brother-in-law Derek Shearer later developed numerous Communist and IPS
front associations and became one of Clinton’s closest advisors. Other Shearer family
members also became part of the extended Clinton clan.)
Winter 1969-1970: Back in the USSR
Clinton’s trip to Moscow took him through Holland, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and
Finland. According to his autobiography, he left for Amsterdam with his artist friend
Aimee Gautier. After some sightseeing they had a museum encounter with Rudolf
Nureyev, a ballet dancer who had defected from the Soviet Union.
Clinton says he left Gautier in Amsterdam and got on the train for Copenhagen, Oslo, and
Stockholm. McSorley saw him at the train station in Oslo. McSorley, who was coming
from Uppsala, Sweden, said Clinton “had been on the same train”.
At Clinton’s request, McSorley allowed him to come along on a visit to the Institute for
Peace Research. They were given a tour by the Institute’s Assistant Director and met
three conscientious objectors working there. They went on to visit Oslo University, where
they lunched with a professor and visited a peace center founded by two actors.
Clinton then went by himself to meet Jim Durham, a friend from Arkansas who was
studying in Oslo.
Leaving Norway, Clinton went on by train to Stockholm, Sweden for a couple days, then
took an overnight ferry to Helsinki, Finland. There he spent about two days over
Christmas with Georgetown classmate Richard Shullaw, whose father J. Harold Shullaw
was deputy chief of mission of the US embassy in Finland.
Clinton then continued by train through Leningrad to Moscow. In Moscow, where he
arrived on New Year’s Eve, he had booked through the Soviet travel agency Intourist to
spend a week at the expensive Hotel National. His autobiography says the only person he
knew in Moscow was Tom Williamson’s girlfriend Anik “Nikki” Alexis, a daughter of a
French diplomat who was now studying at the Patrice Lumumba Peoples' Friendship
University, a KGB training ground famed for turning out alumni such as the terrorist
Carlos the Jackal. Clinton recalls, “One night I took a bus out to Lumumba University to
have dinner with Nikki and some of her friends. One of them was a Haitian woman
named Helene whose husband was studying in Paris.” On the bus back home Clinton
says there was only one other passenger, Oleg Rakito, who “spoke better English than I
did” and “asked me lots of questions and told me he worked for the government, virtually
admitting he was assigned to keep an eye on me”.
Perhaps referring to Alexis and her friends, Rufford and Leppard recorded that Clinton
visited “friends at Moscow University”.. Maraniss stated that he met many of the same
contacts previously made by Talbott and other Oxford Rhodes Scholars. Roberts and
Cooper reported that he spent most of his time visiting with members of an American
delegation which was there to discuss an exchange of American prisoners of war with
Soviet and North Vietnamese officials. This delegation also made contact with other
nations’ embassies in Moscow. One of the delegates, Charlie Daniels, stayed at the same
hotel as Clinton. He remembered that Clinton always seemed to be out of money and
hungry, and was often fed by the delegation. In his autobiography Clinton elaborated on
his contact with Daniels’ group:
My most interesting Moscow adventure began with a chance encounter in the hotel
elevator. When I got in, there were four other men in the car. One of them was wearing a
Virginia Lions Club pin. He obviously thought I was a foreigner, with my long hair and
beard, rawhide boots, and British navy pea jacket. He drawled, “Where you from?” When
I smiled and said, “Arkansas,” he replied, “Shoot, I thought you were from Denmark or
someplace like that!” The man’s name was Charlie Daniels. He was from Norton,
Virginia, hometown of Francis Gary Powers, the U-2 pilot who had been shot down and
captured in Russia in 1960. He was accompanied by Carl McAfee, a lawyer from Norton
who had helped to arrange Powers’s release, and a chicken farmer from Washington
State, Henry Fors, whose son had been shot down in Vietnam. They had come all the way
to Moscow to see if the North Vietnamese stationed there would tell the farmer whether
his son was dead or alive. The fourth man was from Paris and, like the men from
Virginia, a member of the Lions Club. He had joined them because the North Vietnamese
spoke French. They all just came to Moscow without any assurances that the Russians
would permit them to talk with the Vietnamese or that, if they did, any information would
be forthcoming. None of them spoke Russian. They asked if I knew anyone who could
help them. My old friend Nikki Alexis was studying English, French, and Russian at
Patrice Lumumba University. I introduced her to them and they spent a couple of days
together making the rounds, checking in with the American embassy, asking the Russians
to help, finally seeing the North Vietnamese, who apparently were impressed that Mr.
Fors and his friends would make such an effort to learn the fate of his son and several
others who were missing in action. They said they would check into it and get back to
them. A few weeks later, Henry Fors learned that his son had been killed when his plane
was shot down. At least he had some peace of mind.
The delegation Clinton met sounds like it may have been related to the activities of the
Committee of Liaison with Families of Servicemen Detained in North Vietnam
(COLIFAM), an antiwar group formed in summer 1969 which negotiated POW
exchanges in return for pro-Communist propaganda statements. However this is only
informed speculation that has not been verified.
Clinton stayed in Moscow about five days. Several accounts say he left via the Soviet
airline Aeroflot, but Clinton says “Nikki and her Haitian friend Helene put me on the
train”.
In either case, Clinton’s next stop was Prague, Czechoslovakia, where he arrived on
January 6, 1970. There he looked up the family of his Oxford friend Jan Kopold.
Kopold’s family was well-connected in Czech Communist circles. Clinton received a
guided tour of Prague from Marie Svermova, the widow of Czech Communist Party hero
Jan Sverma, who was Jan Kopold’s grandfather. In 1969 the Kopolds ostensibly held
dissident political views against the ruling regime, which had grown unpopular among
reformers and student activists after the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia the previous
year.
Clinton stayed in Czechoslovakia through January 12. According to his account, he then
went on to Munich, West Germany to visit his friend Rudy Lowe and celebrate
Faschingsfest, a Carnival Season festival with costumes similar to Mardis Gras or
Halloween.
On January 19 Clinton arrived back at Oxford, according to a letter he wrote the Kopolds
four days later. He remained at Oxford into the summer. He spent spring break in Spain
with Rick Stearns in April. In late May he was accepted into Yale Law School, and he
left for New York on June 26, 1970.
Conclusion: Directions for Further Research
During Clinton’s 1992 Presidential campaign, much of the above information was
publicized, but newspaper articles and government files on the antiwar movement were
not available online for cross-referencing, archives documenting Soviet disinformation
campaigns and their relation to Victor Louis’ activities were not as available as they are
now, and the background of Group 68 and its role in the fall 1969 Moratorium protests
were not explored in depth. Today, with the benefit of online research tools, it may be
possible to delve further into the matter.
One possible direction for further research is suggested by the Johnson administration’s
surveillance of Senator Fulbright and his staff. Given Johnson’s relationship with the
various segments of the US intelligence community at that time, it is likely that he
assigned this surveillance to not only the FBI but also military intelligence and the CIA.
Did the surveillance of Fulbright’s staff by the FBI or other US agencies generate any
information on Clinton? Likewise, did the Soviets have any files on Fulbright which
Western intelligence has since obtained?
Did US intelligence surveillance of the VMC or New Mobe generate any information on
Clinton?
Did US or UK intelligence monitor Clinton’s activity in Britain? (Articles on Thomas
Culver’s courtmartial, described in the appendix below, mention that Air Force
intelligence officers photographed protestors at antiwar events near Lakenheath Air Force
base and the US embassy there in 1971. Was Clinton also photographed at the antiwar
events he participated in near the US embassy in London in 1969?)
Do Soviet archives obtained by Western intelligence, or the East German intelligence
files obtained by the CIA, or the extensive Polish intelligence files publicized in 2005,
include any information relevant to the relationship between Victor Louis and Strobe
Talbott, and Clinton? What about Edgar Snow and Frank Aller?
Is there any information available on the antiwar movement in Oslo relevant to Clinton’s
visit there?
What did Soviet and US intelligence files record about Clinton’s visit with his friends
from Patrice Lumumba Peoples' Friendship University?
Were Clinton’s Czechoslovakian or German contacts mentioned in any of the East
German intelligence files that German intelligence requested back from the CIA when
Clinton was President?
And finally, is it coincidental or significant that three years after Bill Clinton coorganized a fall 1969 London antiwar demonstration attended by Jessica Mitford, his
future wife Hillary took a job interning for Mitford’s husband Robert Treuhaft, who like
Mitford was a former member of the Communist Party and still active in left-wing
political activity?
As in 1992, there are still more questions than answers. But as more information becomes
available, the questions keep getting more interesting.
***
Appendix: Who Was Group 68?
The involvement of Group 68 in the London Moratorium protests Clinton helped
organize is noteworthy and worth some background elaboration. Group 68 was
cofounded by Heinz Norden, who had been dismissed from a sensitive US Army position
after US intelligence discovered he had a background with Communist Party union and
antiwar activity. Like Norden, Group 68 became involved with Communist activity,
working closely with Marxist groups organizing antiwar activity among US soldiers.
Cofounder of Group 68: Heinz Norden
Heinz Norden had been born in Britain in 1905 to a family of German descent. After
receiving his education in Germany, Norden relocated to the US in 1924 to escape
Germany’s economic depression. In New York he organized a pair of tenant unions
which worked in coalition with the Communist Party on both tenant and foreign policy
issues. Norden’s Citywide Tenants Council (CWTC) followed the twists of the Soviet
party line as World War II approached, opposing US involvement in the war while the
Soviets were allied with the Nazis, then doing an about-face after Germany attacked
Russia.
Swept up by newfound patriotism, Norden joined the US Army in 1941. He stayed in
Germany after the war to work for Army intelligence, editing the official U.S. Germanlanguage magazine Heute. In 1947 his tenant organizing background came under scrutiny
and he was dismissed from his position. While spending the next few years battling his
dismissal in federal court, Norden went into editorial and advertising work that took him
to Europe. In 1961 he relocated to Britain, where he came into the orbit of an antiwar
network centered around academic celebrity Bertrand Russell.
Norden, Bertrand Russell, Tariq Ali, and Clinton
As an editor, Norden had worked with Albert Einstein’s estate executor Otto Nathan on
the 1960 book Einstein on Peace, which featured a preface by Russell. Russell, who had
been active in the antiwar movement since World War I, had recently been circulating a
manifesto with the late Einstein’s name on it to promote various groups and events
disseminating nuclear disarmament propaganda.
Russell soon became a leading influence on the Vietnam antiwar movement in Britain
and the US. In April 1963 a letter published by Russell’s in the New York Times accusing
the US of using napalm and chemical warfare in Vietnam prompted US antiwar leaders
A.J. Muste and David Dellinger to publicly refer to Vietnam for the first time, during an
Easter anti-nuclear demonstration. This action, which departed from the current party line
of SANE and other US antiwar groups, was one of the earliest Vietnam War protests in
the US. (The earliest seems to have been some protests by Young Socialist Alliance
demonstrators at Berkeley in March 1962.) Russell sent a taped greeting to another early
US antiwar protest, the Vietnam Day Committee (VDC) Teach-in at Berkeley in May
1965.
In 1963 Russell had also formed the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation, which accused
the US and its allies of war crimes in Vietnam. Russell echoed these allegations on North
Vietnamese radio broadcasts to US troops in May 1966, calling for an International War
Crimes Tribunal to investigate alleged US war crimes in Vietnam. The Tribunal, which
began under the aegis of Russell’s Foundation and spun off into an independent entity,
was sponsored by the Stockholm Conference on Vietnam (aka World Conference on
Vietnam), a Soviet front group set up by World Peace Council chairman Romesh
Chandra, a KGB agent. Attendees at the second session of the Tribunal included Wilfred
Burchett, a journalist named as a KGB agent in sworn Senate testimony.
Russell’s Tribunal interacted with American antiwar groups. In 1969 it became the
inspiration for a pair of US counterparts: the Citizens' Commission of Inquiry on U.S.
War Crimes (CCI); and the Winter Soldier Investigation (WSI), organized by Vietnam
Veterans Against the War (VVAW). In June 1971 CCI and VVAW sent representatives
to a gathering of Russell’s Tribunal in Oslo, with a detour through Moscow along the
way.
Russell’s American allies also included Americans in Britain. In 1967 a group of antiwar
Americans in Britain organized the Stop It Committee: Americans in Britain for United
States Withdrawal from Vietnam. (The choice of name apparently reflected planning for
the Stop the Draft Week demonstration at the Pentagon in October 1967, which also
spawned a Stop the Draft Week Committee.) The committee formed part of a Trotskyistcontrolled coalition called the Viet Nam Solidarity Campaign (VSC), which was financed
by Russell and directed by Russell’s secretary Ralph Schoenman. On St. Patrick’s Day in
1967 the VSC organized “the Battle of Grosvenor Square”, a violent attack on the US
embassy in London.
The VSC’s most vocal spokesman was former Oxford Union debate club president Tariq
Ali, who also represented Russell at events sponsored by his Tribunal. In 1968 Ali joined
the International Marxist Group (IMG), the British section of the international Trotskyist
group the United Secretariat of the Fourth International (USFI). He would later head the
Transnational Institute (TNI), the European affiliate of IPS. He was a leading figure in
the antiwar movement in Britain at the time Clinton arrived there.
Rufford and Leppard’s Times article noted that it was at Oxford’s “Union debating
society”, which Ali had presided over, where “Clinton's eyes were opened to the depth of
feeling provoked by Vietnam”. Rufford and Leppard quoted Ali describing Group 68 as
“being on the soft wing of his hardline coalition”. Ali insisted that Clinton was not a
major figure in his coalition and that he could not find any records mentioning Clinton as
one of the Americans leading marches.
The American Antiwar Network in Britain, Group 68, and Clinton
During the 1968 US Presidential campaign, the American antiwar community in Britain
formed Americans Abroad for McCarthy, a committee to support antiwar candidate
Eugene McCarthy. McCarthy’s campaign did not survive the Democratic National
Convention, and Americans Abroad for McCarthy was renamed Group 68: Americans in
Britain for United States Withdrawal from Southeast Asia (preserving a modified version
of the full name of the Stop It Committee). Norden cofounded Group 68 and chaired the
organization from 1968 to 1973.
Group 68 survived McCarthy’s unsuccessful campaign by diversifying into other
activities, such as organizing protests, disseminating propaganda, and supporting draft
resisters and antiwar GI’s.
In these efforts Group 68 worked with a coalition of British antiwar groups that included
the British Peace Council, a UK affiliate of the WPC. As McSorley notes, the British
Peace Council supported the November 1969 antiwar ceremony where he saw Clinton
acting as an organizer. McSorley also refers to the “Committee on Nuclear
Disarmament”, possibly referring to the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND), an
anti-nuclear group Russell cofounded.
Clinton’s fellow Rhodes Scholar Alan Bersin specified that Clinton’s organizational
function was “contacting Americans in London”. This fits with Group’s 68’s roots in the
Stop It Committee and Americans Abroad for McCarthy, which served the function of
coordinating American antiwar activity in Britain.
Group 68 After Clinton: 1970-1978
The character and connections of Group 68 are further illuminated by consideration of
the group’s activity after Clinton left Oxford for Yale in 1970.
In 1971 Group 68 joined Berrigan brothers lawyer Paul O’Dwyer in championing the
cause of Captain Thomas S. Culver, a US Air Force JAG legal officer facing
courtmartial. Culver had come from a pacifist family and had been opposed to the
Vietnam War before enlisting, but he had not seen his legal duties as contributing to the
war effort. He was court-martialed after he participated in antiwar activity near
Lakenheath Royal Air Force base during a May 31, 1971 assembly attended by several
hundred US Air Force personnel.
Many of the demonstrators belonged to the GI antiwar group PEACE (People Emerging
Against Corrupt Establishment), which had branches at eight US Air Force bases in
Britain. PEACE had been founded at a June 1970 antiwar meeting organized by actress
Vanessa Redgrave, a member of the Trotskyist group the Workers’ Revolutionary Party.
It was mentioned above that Redgrave participated in the November 1969 Moratorium
demonstrations Clinton attended. Redgrave financed PEACE, and she participated in the
May 1971 event that occasioned Culver’s court-martial.
Culver was providing legal counsel to PEACE members participating in the event. He
and his fellow protestors attempted to create a precedent establishing a loophole in laws
against soldiers demonstrating in uniform. They did not wear their uniforms, and they
attempted to claim they were not actually “demonstrating” but only “petitioning”. They
stayed on the fringes of the crowd and avoided banners and speeches, and instead went
silently to the US embassy in separate small groups to turn in an antiwar petition.
Culver lost his case, and he was convicted of participating in the demonstration and of
inciting others to do the same. He was sentenced leniently to a $1,000 fine, avoiding the
maximum possible sentence of four years hard labor and a dishonorable discharge. At the
time of his sentencing he planned to leave the Air Force to become a lawyer for
servicemen in the UK. Following announcement of his sentence, PEACE held an August
1 demonstration protesting the Air Force’s policy.
Heinz Norden’s papers on Group 68 include a folder on the World Assembly for the
Peace and Independence of the Peoples of Indochina, a WPC-sponsored conference held
in Paris in February 1972. The assembly was attended by representatives of the US
Communist Party and its antiwar coalition, the People’s Coalition for Peace and Justice
(PCPJ), including representatives of VVAW. Following this event, Group 68 joined l50
other groups in organizing the Vietnam Vigil to End the War, a year-long daily protest in
front of the US Embassy in London.
In 1973 Group 68 took up the cause of Captain Michael J. Heck, a US Air Force pilot
facing courtmartial. Like Culver, Heck came from a pacifist family and had been opposed
to the Vietnam War prior to his enlistment. Facing the prospect of being drafted, he
joined officer’s candidate school in the hopes of avoiding combat, but to his dismay he
ended up getting assigned to B-52 bombing missions. He grudgingly flew 175 bombing
missions, but after Christmas 1972, Heck informed his superiors that he refused to fly any
more. In February 1973, shortly after the signing of the Vietnam peace agreement in
Paris, the Air Force accepted the resignations of Heck and another pilot who had recently
refused a bombing mission, Dwight J. Evans, Jr. Following his resignation, Heck told
reporters that he was discharged under undisclosed “other than honorable conditions” and
planned to appeal with help from his ACLU counsel, Marvin Karpatkin.
With the Vietnam War ending, Group 68 changed its name in 1974 to Concerned
Americans Abroad (CAA). CAA remained active until 1978, working with other leftover
antiwar groups, such as the VVAW offshoot Vietnam Veterans Against the War/Winter
Soldier Organization (VVAW/WSO). CAA also partnered with antiwar elements of the
US Democratic Party, which organized voters in Britain as Democrats Abroad (UK) and
sent a representative to the 1976 Democratic National Convention. CAA and its allies
campaigned for a range of causes which included the release of political prisoners,
amnesty for draft dodgers, the impeachment of President Nixon, the abolition of the CIA,
and the defense of renegade CIA agent Philip Agee and his journalist colleague Marc
Hosenball (now with Newsweek), who were facing deportation proceedings for disclosing
classified information about UK signals intelligence operations. Recent disclosures have
confirmed that at this time Agee was cooperating with Soviet and Cuban intelligence to
expose CIA operations.
***
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