The Nature of the “Self” According to Cooley, Goffman, and Mead Michael Dearborn SOC 483 How can one understand their self? What are the necessary tools to even be able to see one’s own self? The idea of viewing one’s self in light of society has dramatically changed with the evolution of social theories in the past one hundred years. The nature of the self is one of the most important points of the symbolic interactionism paradigm. Three of the leading sociologists in theorizing the nature of the self and its relationship to society are George Herbert Mead, Charles Horton Cooley, and Erving Goffman. The theories of these men have several similarities and differences. First I will summarize the theory regarding the self of each of these three sociologists. Then I will compare and contrast some of the key points of each theory. Mead’s Theory George Herbert Mead's work has had a profound influence on symbolic interactionism as a sociological paradigm. The theories he developed on the concept of the "self" are based on social psychology and are among his most notable. The core idea of Mead's definition of the self is the ability to see one's self as an object as well as a subject (Mead, 1934). The self is more than just a pronoun used to refer to one's self. It is also being able to view one's self as the rest of society sees it. Looking at the self as an object is developed through society (Mead, 1934). At birth, we have no concept of our self because we have not formed any social activity or relationships. We are only able to see ourselves as the center of the universe without fitting into any social situations. However, as we develop psychologically and socially, we learn to view ourselves as others see us. Although the self is seen as an object, it is a process that is constantly being shaped by society (Mead, 1934). It is impossible to discuss Mead's concept of the self without also mentioning the mind. One of Mead's important points about the self is that it is related to and interdependent with the mind. The mind makes possible the ability to understand and perceive symbols in social settings (Ritzer, 2004). Therefore, the mental process is essential in the development of the self (Ritzer, 2004). However, the self also has an influence on how the mind is developed because Mead believes that the social process happens before the mind recognizes the symbols (Ritzer, 2004). According to Mead, the self is composed of two different parts. The first part is the "I," which is the initial reaction in social situations. It is the part that is the reflex to society and is creative (Mead, 1934). In a way, it is related to Sigmund Freud's concept of the "id" in that it is more instinctual and emotional. The "me" is the part of the self that thinks in context of the society. As Mead defines, it is the "organized set of attitudes of others which one himself assumes" (Mead: 175, 1934). The "me" will look at social expectations and form actions that are expected of society. The "me" is dependent on how the self perceives that others see them. Again there is a similarity between Mead's "me" and Freud's "ego." The “I” and the “me” develop in the light of the “generalized other”. The “generalized other” has the “attitude of the whole community” (Mead: 154, 1934). It is in the relationship to the general community that the self finds unity (Mead, 1934). A person understands the generalized other when they can role-play as this general person within society. Cooley’s Theory Cooley's notion of the self is dependent on society as a whole. The looking-glass self is the most important of Cooley's contributions to symbolic interaction. It can be defined as "a self-image based on how we think others see us" (Macionis: 67, 2002). Basically, it is forming an identity of yourself around how you perceive that others see you. The idea one has of their self is a collection of social responses of others to their behavior. There are three main steps that Cooley sees to the formation of the lookingglass self. In the first step, one will picture how he believes others see him (Cooley, 1902). In the next step, one will attach a type of judgment or opinion to that image (Cooley, 1902). In the last step, one will undergo a certain emotion or feeling about their self based on the perceptions we see others having of us (Cooley, 1902). Collins put it best as "I feel about me the way I think you think of me" (Collins: 146, 1972). The other theory that Cooley had that relates directly to the formation of the self is the idea of primary and secondary groups. Primary groups are the closest, most intimate social relationships that we have (Jandy, 1942). In these groups, we learn many of ideologies and beliefs, and we gain a strong sense of fellowship with other group members through face-to-face interaction (Jandy, 1942). Primary groups are most likely to be family, close peer groups, etc. According to Cooley, primary groups have the largest impact on the development of the looking-glass self (Jandy, 1942). Since these are the most profound and influential people in our lives, we are likely to think highly of their opinions of us. On the other hand, secondary groups are of looser cohesion and more impersonal (Jandy, 1942). We tend to not hold these opinions as valuable in creating the image of ourselves. Goffman’s Theory Erving Goffman's approach to the self was done through his work of dramaturgy. In dramaturgy, Goffman sees everyone as an actor and all actions are a performance for an audience (Goffman, 1959). The performance is necessary because of a tension that lies between doing what we want by instinct and reflex, and adhering to social standards and expectations (Ritzer, 2004). Therefore, we must try to maintain a stable self-image for those around us. This self-image is presented through our performance. Goffman saw that the self is a product of the interaction between the actor and the audience (Goffman, 1959). As actors, we want others to see an idealized version of ourselves and thus we try to hide secrets that may damage the image we are trying to portray (Goffman, 1959). Also, our performances can be interrupted and disturbed by other actors and by circumstances (Goffman, 1959). Goffman says impression management consists of “the attributes that are required of a performer for the work of successfully staging a character (Goffman: 208, 1959). Our impression management is the ability to maintain control of our self-image to others despite any disruptions. The other important part of Goffman's work on the self is its relation to his frame analysis. Frame analysis is different from the social psychological approach that has been discussed thus far whereas social structures become the focal point. This does not mean that Goffman uses a structural-functional point of view, but he does see that there are scripted actions and rituals in certain social settings (Drew, 1988). Some social structures have a large influence on how actors make their performance in order to fit in with the expectations. A frame is the situation where a certain set of actions is deemed the appropriate response (Collins, 1994). An example of a frame is where everyone has a pre-determined role is a classroom setting where it is appropriate for the students to sit in the desks and keep quite while the professor speaks at the front of the room. Compare and Contrast of Theories Now that we have a general grasp on each of the theories of Mead, Cooley, and Goffman, we can analyze some of the similarities and differences of their theories. To start off, the main basis that all three hold in common is they all use a social psychological approach to forming symbolic interactionism theories. All three sociologists view the emersion of the self as dependent on society. By some manner or another, the way we see ourselves in society is the image we create in our mind of our self. Also, they all saw the self as an on-going process, not just as an object. The first difference in theories that we can observe is a difference in methodology of research between Cooley and Mead. Cooley is heavily criticized for being too imaginative in his work (Collins, 1972). Cooley had a phenomenological style of study where he saw the only reality in how people imagined their surroundings (Collins, 1994). Therefore, in order to understand people, the sociologist must image their self in the place of that person (Collins, 1994). On the other hand, Mead saw the study of the self in a more empirical manner (Collins, 1994). In fact, Mead had a hand in developing pragmatic philosophy (Ritzer, 2004). Mead believed that scientific study was superior to the phenomenology that Cooley used. Their ideas on how research should be conducted had an influence on the development of the theories on the self. Another stark difference between Cooley and Mead is Cooley’s lack of addressing the equivalent of Mead’s “I” and “generalized other.” Cooley focuses his work on the looking-glass self, without much attention given to qualities of the self that are not founded in other people. Also, Cooley did not take into account the concept of role-playing on a societal level, such as Mead did in his “generalized other.” Cooley saw that face-to-face interaction in primary groups was the main way in which the self is formed (Jandy, 1942). However, Mead saw a difference between the role-playing of individuals that helps to create the concept of the “me,” and the role-playing as applied to society as a whole. Also, he realized the difference between the self we understand as a result from inactions with others, and the self that we are by instinct and reflex. Therefore, Mead made a distinct separation between the “I” and the “me” and the “generalized other.” Collins gives a clever analogy to Mead’s concept of the self. He compares the self to a checkerboard game where the pieces are the image(s) of the “me,” the “I” is the player using his internalized perceptions to move the “me,” and the “generalized other” is the light in which all actions are seen (Collins 1994). Despite the differences in the way that Cooley and Mead break down the self, the components of Mead’s “me” and Cooley’s looking-glass self are remarkably similar. As we defined earlier, the “me” is the part of the self where define ourselves based on “the organized set of attitudes of others which one himself assumes” (Mead: 175, 1934) and the looking-glass self is derived from forming your own self-image based on how you perceive others see you (Cooley, 1902). Both theories are similar in that we assume the role of someone else to form an opinion about ourselves. The only real difference between these two theories is not in the concept of the self, but in the development of the self. Cooley saw three specific stages that one goes through in their development of the self. The last stage is where we internalize the judgments that we think others are having about us. Mead does not have a specific stage where the person has this internalization. Instead, Mead saw the development of role taking to create a sense of the self (Mead, 1934). The lowest level of psychological development was when a child has the ability to pretend they are someone else in playing a game (Mead 1934). The next level of development is where the child is able to play at many different roles all at the same time (Mead, 1934). Finally, the most mature stage comes when role taking transcends individuals and applies to role taking of societal norms (Mead, 1934). Regardless of the exact process of the development of the self, both Cooley and Mead have very similar ideas between the “me” and the looking-glass self. Goffman and Mead also had an important similarity in their opinions as to how the whole of society influenced the self. Goffman developed the concept of frame analysis in this later work. The “framework” done by Goffman showed that society itself has a large influence over the performances of actors in certain social settings (Drew, 1988). The societal expectations of the situation expand larger than just the judgments and perceptions of the individuals in the setting (Drew, 1988). This setting is a specific frame of that society since everyone knows the proper outcome (Drew, 1988). This is similar to Mead’s idea of the “generalized other.” In the concept of the “generalized other,” a person will take on the role of society, thus also seeing the larger expectations of society, and not just individuals. There are both some similarities and differences between Goffman’s dramaturgy and Mead’s idea of role taking. The important similarity is in function of acting. Goffman’s work is entirely based on the idea that people are all actors and we all conduct our performances for our audiences (Goffman, 1959). To Goffman, these acts led to the development of the self through interaction with other actors (Goffman, 1959). Mead has a similar idea in role taking. In role taking, we try to understand intention of the other person by looking through their point-of-view (Marcionis, 2002). Through the cognition of different symbols, our mind is able to recognize and understand intentions (Marcionis, 2002). In a way, this behavior of role-playing implies that we are acting like we believe the other person would. Of course, we only act like the other person in our mind through our role taking. This is the major difference between the two concepts of dramaturgy and role taking. Both involve acting, but Mead’s role taking involves acting internally in the mind. On the other hand, dramaturgy is about expanding this act to a live performance on stage. The final comparison that I will make is between Mead’s “I” and “me,” and Goffman’s idea that there is both a performance self and a hidden self. To Mead, there is the part of the self which responds first by reflex and instinct, and this self is more creative than the “me” (Mead, 1934). Usually though, these initial reactions and thoughts are repressed though because they do not fit into the expectations of society or others. Goffman had a similar idea with the part of the self that we keep hidden in our performances. They are many secrets that one has the will damage his performance if the secret is known to the audience (Goffman, 1959). On the other hand, Goffman sees the performance self that is always interested in making the best impression because we want others to see us as we intend them to see us (Goffman, 1959). Therefore, the self we put on for others will be socially acceptable to other individuals. Mead’s “me” has the same intention of generating a self-image that is based on social expectations. Thus, Mean and Goffman have comparable ideas as to separate parts of the self. All three sociologists, Mead, Cooley, and Goffman, have had a profound impact on the development of symbolic interactionism. The self is more easily understood and predicted by using some of the ideas of Mead, Cooley, and Goffman. Through their analysis of the self, we can better see how the day-to-day interactions in society have an influence on how we view ourselves. Their theories have some very important areas of similarity, but also some key differences. Each theory is likely to have a lasting effect on future sociologists. 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