State Department Documents and Publications November 9, 2010 Indonesia Visit Recalls Obama's Formative Years BYLINE: Stephen Kaufman, Staff Writer SECTION: NEWS FROM AMERICA.COM AND THE WASHINGTON FILE LENGTH: 803 words Washington -- Barack Obama said it felt "wonderful" to return to Indonesia as president of the United States many years after he had lived in the country for four years as a boy, and he thanked the Indonesian government for posthumously awarding his late mother a gold medal for her research into the role of women and microcredits in Indonesian villages. "The sights and the sounds and the memories all feel very familiar, and it's wonderful to be able to come back as president and hopefully contribute to further understanding between the United States and Indonesia," Obama said November 9 in a press conference with Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. "I feel great affection for the people here," he said, adding that the trip, curtailed slightly by the eruption of Mount Merapi, was "a shorter visit than I would like." At a state dinner following the press conference, Yudhoyono presented an award honoring Obama's mother, Ann Dunham, who had brought her family to Indonesia and conducted research that led to "a scientific paper of high quality regarding the role of women and microcredits in the villages," Yudhoyono said. Obama said the honor "speaks to the bonds she forged over many years with the people of this magnificent country" and said his mother believed that by educating women "we are, in fact, developing the entire country." OBAMA RECALLED "JOYOUS TIME" IN MEMOIRS In 1967, 6-year-old Barack and his mother left their home in Hawaii for Jakarta. They came to join his new stepfather, Lolo Soetoro, who had been forced to abandon his studies at the University of Hawaii when he was conscripted into the Indonesian army. The future president was soon enrolled in a local public school and became known to friends as "Barry Soetoro." Taller, foreign and of a different ethnicity than his friends and classmates, Barry stood out, but he soon made friends, and his mother encouraged him to learn Indonesian and rapidly acculturate to his new surroundings. When then-Senator Barack Obama wrote his book The Audacity of Hope, which was published in 2006, he reflected on the four years he lived in Indonesia as "a joyous time, full of adventure and mystery." "We lived in a modest house on the outskirts of town, without air-conditioning, refrigeration or flush toilets," Obama wrote in Audacity. His best friends were "the children of farmers, servants, tailors and clerks," and his years in Jakarta were "days of chasing down chickens and running from water buffalo, nights of shadow puppets and ghost stories and street vendors bringing delectable sweets to our door." He joined an Indonesian Boy Scout troop and played soccer, or football, which would not become popular in the United States until years later. The future president also displayed a naughty schoolboy side, getting in trouble for crashing through a bamboo fence at school. But young Obama's life in Jakarta also exposed him to a sense of poverty, suffering and natural disaster that many Americans were unacquainted with. "The world was violent, I was learning, unpredictable and often cruel," Obama later wrote in his 1995 book Dreams from My Father. Compared to many of his Indonesian neighbors, Barry was relatively well-off. His stepfather surveyed roads and tunnels for the army, and later got a job with Mobil Oil. His sister, Maya Soetoro-Ng, was born in Jakarta, and his mother earned additional income for the family by teaching English to Indonesian businessmen at the U.S. Embassy. Obama said his mother's ties to Indonesia never diminished, despite her decision to separate from Soetoro and move back to the United States in 1972. "For the next twenty years she would travel back and forth, working for international agencies for six or twelve months at a time as a specialist in women's development issues, designing programs to help village women start their own businesses or bring their produce to market," he wrote in Audacity. With the help of his sister, Maya, their mother's doctoral dissertation, Surviving Against the Odds: Village Industry in Indonesia, was revised and published as a book by Duke University Press in 2009. wrote that his upbringing and exposure to a new culture "made me relatively selfsufficient, undemanding on a tight budget, and extremely well-mannered when compared to other American children." But his mother ultimately decided to send him back to Hawaii to continue his schooling. "She now had learned ... the chasm that separated the life chances of an American from those of an Indonesian. She knew which side of the divide she wanted her child to be on. I was an American, she decided, and my true life lay elsewhere," he wrote in Dreams. (This is a product of the Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. Web site: http://www.america.gov) The Guardian (London) - Final Edition May 22, 2004 Obituary: Melvin Lasky: Cold warrior who edited the CIA funded Encounter magazine BYLINE: Andrew Roth SECTION: Guardian Leader Pages, Pg. 23 LENGTH: 1048 words Melvin Lasky, who has died aged 84, was, as editor of the magazine Encounter from 1958 to 1990, and of Der Monat (the Month) for 15 years, a combatant in the struggle to keep western intellectuals in the United States' cold war camp. But in 1967, it was disclosed that both Encounter and Der Monat had been covertly financed by the US Central Intelligence Agency and Mel's reputation shrivelled. But it was to be another 23 years before Encounter closed. Mel had been an anti-Stalinist combatant long before it was fashionable. It was certainly no secret from me, having shared seven years of secondary and higher education with him in New York. Those surprised by the CIA's use of Trotskyists and Mel had been one - forget the agency's cynical realists knew that the most dedicated enemies of the Communist party were those who hated it long before the cold war. The leading CIA fingerman in the international trade union movement was Jay Lovestone, US Communist party general secretary before he turned anti-Stalinist. Encounter's first co-editor was our classmate Irving Kristol, known at college as a "Lovestonite". If I could greet Mel with restrained warmth, being a neutral in the cold war to which he was so committed, it was because of our shared history. Mel was born near me in the central Bronx at Crotona Park, on whose frozen lake my mother taught me to skate. We both wound up in the huge new all-boys academic high school, De Witt Clinton, and then at the free College of the City of New York (open to the top tenth of New York's high school graduates.) The 1500 students entering in 1935 endured the most turbulent four years, while swotting to get some of the few jobs going in the depression. Almost half of its students were the sons of Jewish immigrants who had left their families behind in Hitler's path. At that time, Mel seemed an intellectual Trotskyist, espousing the dissident anarcho-syndicalist POUM in the Spanish civil war. In his first autobiographical pamphlet, he describes himself as initially a social democrat, a term which did not have its contemporary meaning. In that time, within NYC's Russian-Jewish community it referred to the embittered remnants of the Russian party, which had been smashed by the Bolsheviks. Mel's origins in the antiCommunist Russian-Jewish community help explain why, at 22, he became literary editor of the New Leader, an organ of anti-Communist Jewish liberals. He held the post from 1942 to 1943. In 1944, Mel belatedly signed up, as a US Army combat historian in Europe. Postwar, with the cold war, Der Monat was launched in Berlin in 1948 with Mel as editor, a job he did until 1958 and again from 1978 to 1983. His intellectual and linguistic abilities were never in question, and in 1958, as the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament took off, Mel replaced Irving Kristol - co-editor since 1953 with poet Stephen Spender - on Encounter. At that time, many British intellectuals had clustered around Kingsley Martin's New Statesman, which tended towards a cold war neutrality. US government thinking was that if a Labour government were returned to power, dissident left-wing MPs would make it difficult for the US to retain Britain as a secure ally. Encounter's function was to combat anti-Americanism by brainwashing the uncertain with pro-American articles. These were paid for at several times the rate paid by the New Statesman and offered British academics and intellectuals free US trips and expenses-paid lecture tours. There was no room for the objective-minded in this cold war to capture intellectuals. Enormously industrious, Mel doubled up by running publishing houses for his masters. The premise was that they published pro-American books knowing that the bulk of each edition would be purchased by US agencies to donate to bookstarved libraries in the third world. Even at its peak Encounter had never claimed a circulation above 40,000. Its spider's web began to come apart in 1966-67 with publication of pieces in the New York Times and the radical magazine Ramparts. And Thomas Braden, previously a CIA divisional chief, confirmed in the Saturday Evening Post that, for more than 10 years, the CIA had subsidised Encounter through the Congress for Cultural Freedom - which it also funded - and that one of its staff was a CIA agent. (Lasky had been the CCF's sometime executive secretary). The magazine also covertly received British government money. Mel's co-editor, Professor Frank Kermode, resigned, proclaiming he had been misled by Mel. "I was always reassured that there was no truth in the allegations about CIA funds." Mel admitted breezily that "I probably should have told him all the painful details." Spender also quit the monthly and many contributors pulled out. The CIA funds, had, in fact been replaced in 1964 by Cecil King's International Publishing Corporation - the then owners of the Daily Mirror - which bought the magazine. King's deputy, Hugh Cudlipp, sprang to Mel's defence, insisting that "Encounter without him (Mel) would be as interesting as Hamlet without the Prince". Encounter staggered on, while control in 1974 passed from IPC to the Carus Corporation. Mel remained its editor until 1990, Conrad Black provided some capital but the magazine folded in 1991. Lasky spent more time in Berlin than in his Chelsea home. In those days when we shared an education together amidst the political turbulence of 1930s New York, Mel appeared as a very vocal poseur, anxious to become a fashionable critic like Edmund Wilson. When, much later, we occasionally bumped into each other at Gatwick airport, when I was returning from holidays and he was off to his main home in Berlin, I saw he had grown thinner on top and thicker about the middle, but what never altered was his sardonic half-sneer and nasal whine. His books include Africa For Beginners (1968), Utopia And Revolution (1977), and The Use And Abuse Of Sovietology (1988). His autobiography, On The Barricades And Off, was published in 1989. He and his wife, Brigitte Newiger, were divorced in 1974. His partner Helga Hegewisch survives him, as do his son and daughter by his marriage. Melvin Jonah Lasky, editor, born January 15 1920; died May 19 2004 Publication Logo The Washington Post April 4, 2009 Saturday Regional Edition Real-Life Dad Behind 'Eight Is Enough' Also Sparred With Buchanan on 'Crossfire' BYLINE: Patricia Sullivan; Washington Post Staff Writer SECTION: METRO; Pg. B05 LENGTH: 812 words Tom Braden, 92, author of the memoir-turned-television series "Eight Is Enough" and a former CIA official who became the liberal voice on CNN's talk show "Crossfire" in the 1980s, died of cardiac arrest April 3 at his home in Denver. Mr. Braden, a syndicated newspaper columnist, was best known for his autobiographical novel about his life as the father of eight children, which was published in 1975 and adapted as an ABC comedy-drama two years later. Mr. Braden was also one of the early practitioners of the televised arguments that masquerade as interview shows when he became the sparring partner of former Nixon adviser Pat Buchanan on "Crossfire" in 1982. In the 1970s and 1980s, Mr. Braden's Chevy Chase home became an informal salon for the journalistic and political elite, where Henry Kissinger spent Christmas Eves, AFL-CIO chief Lane Kirkland spent Thanksgivings and Mr. Braden and his vivacious wife, Joan, entertained everyone from former Defense Secretary Robert McNamara to next-door neighbor and NBC anchorman David Brinkley. As a CIA official in the early 1950s, Mr. Braden was head of the International Organizations Division, which promoted anti-communism by secretly funding groups including the AFL-CIO and the National Student Association, sending the Boston Symphony Orchestra on a European tour and publishing Encounter magazine. After Ramparts magazine exposed the CIA's system of funding anticommunist front organizations all over the globe, Mr. Braden defended the program in an article in a 1967 issue of the Saturday Evening Post. He said the secret program was his idea. Keeping secrets from Congress, he wrote, simply made good sense: "In the early 1950s, when the cold war was really hot, the idea that Congress would have approved many of our projects was about as likely as the John Birch Society's approving Medicare." In 1977, Mr. Braden replaced former Robert F. Kennedy campaign aide Frank Mankiewicz on a nationally syndicated WRC radio spot called "Confrontation," paired against the conservative Buchanan. The radio show jumped to late-night TV on "After Hours" on the old WDVM with local broadcaster Gordon Peterson as the moderator. Mr. Braden and Buchanan became known as the "Punch and Judy" of Washington commentators. Guests left the broadcast studio saying they felt as if they'd been in a bar fight. Others never got to speak at all because Mr. Braden and Buchanan were so intent on attacking each other's positions. Later, CNN picked up the show and renamed it "Crossfire." Mr. Braden was replaced in 1989 by political journalist Michael Kinsley. Mr. Braden was not a natural performer on radio or TV. His voice, Washington Post reporter Stephanie Mansfield wrote, sounded "like a cement mixer stuck in reverse." Media critic Jeff Cohen, in a 2006 retrospective look at liberals in the media, objected to Mr. Braden being cast as Crossfire's voice "on the left," calling him "a haplessly ineffectual centrist . . . a guy who makes Alan Colmes look like an ultraleft firebrand." But Mr. Braden's columns critical of the Nixon White House in the 1970s landed him on the president's enemies list, along with many other liberals. Thomas Wardell Braden II was born Feb. 22, 1917, in Greene, Iowa. He left high school during the Depression and was sent to New York by his parents to work as a printer for a family friend. He graduated in 1940 from Dartmouth College, which admitted high school dropouts. Mr. Braden was one of a handful of Americans who went to England in 1941 to serve in the King's Royal Rifle Corps in the British army during World War II. In 1944, he transferred to the U.S. Army and was assigned to the Office of Strategic Services, a wartime forerunner to the CIA. Mr. Braden joined the CIA in 1950, working as an assistant to Allen W. Dulles, who became CIA director. In 1954, he bought the Blade-Tribune newspaper of Oceanside, Calif., with a $185,000 loan from Nelson Rockefeller, the industrialist and later New York governor, for whom his wife worked. Mr. Braden unsuccessfully ran for lieutenant governor in 1966 on the Democratic Party ticket. Two years later, Mr. Braden sold his newspaper and returned to the Washington area. His memoir, "Eight Is Enough," grew out of the syndicated newspaper column he wrote after another Washington journalist, Joseph Alsop, told him that his best writing was about his family. Mr. Braden also wrote "Sub Rosa: The OSS and American Espionage" (1964) with fellow OSS alumnus and columnist Stewart Alsop. His wife of 50 years, Joan Ridley Braden, died in 1999. One of their sons, Thomas W. Braden III, died in 1994. Survivors include seven children, David Braden of Taipei, Taiwan, Mary Braden Poole of Arlington County, Nicholas Braden of Washington, Susan Braden of Takoma Park and Joanie Braden, Nancy Braden Basta and Elizabeth Braden, all of Denver; and 12 grandchildren. The New York Times October 30, 2007 Tuesday Late Edition - Final Obama's Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama's -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days Account of New York Years Often Differs From What Others Say BYLINE: By JANNY SCOTT SECTION: Section B; Column 0; Metropolitan Desk; THE LONG RUN; Pg. 1 LENGTH: 1521 words Barack Obama does not say much about his years in New York City. The time he spent as an undergraduate at Columbia College and then working in Manhattan in the early 1980s surfaces only fleetingly in his memoir. In the book, he casts himself as a solitary wanderer in the metropolis, the outsider searching for a way to ''make myself of some use.'' He tells of under heated sublets, a night spent in an alley, a dead neighbor on the landing. From their fire escape, he and an unnamed roommate watch ''white people from the better neighborhoods'' bring their dogs to defecate on the block. He takes a job in an unidentified ''consulting house to multinational corporations,'' where he is ''a spy behind enemy lines,'' startled to find himself with a secretary, a suit and money in the bank. He barely mentions Columbia, training ground for the elite, where he transferred in his junior year, majoring in political science and international relations and writing his thesis on Soviet nuclear disarmament. He dismisses in one sentence his first community organizing job -- work he went on to do in Chicago -- though a former supervisor remembers him as ''a star performer.'' Senator Obama, an Illinois Democrat now seeking the presidency, suggests in his book that his years in New York were a pivotal period: He ran three miles a day, buckled down to work and ''stopped getting high,'' which he says he had started doing in high school. Yet he declined repeated requests to talk about his New York years, release his Columbia transcript or identify even a single fellow student, coworker, roommate or friend from those years. ''He doesn't remember the names of a lot of people in his life,'' said Ben LaBolt, a campaign spokesman. Mr. Obama has, of course, done plenty of remembering. His 1995 memoir, ''Dreams From My Father,'' weighs in at more than 450 pages. But he also exercised his writer's prerogative to decide what to include or leave out. Now, as he presents himself to voters, a look at his years in New York -- other people's accounts and his own -- suggests not only what he was like back then but how he chooses to be seen now. Some say he has taken some literary license in the telling of his story. Dan Armstrong, who worked with Mr. Obama at Business International Corporation in New York in 1984 and has deconstructed Mr. Obama's account of the job on his blog, analyzethis.net, wrote: ''All of Barack's embellishment serves a larger narrative purpose: to retell the story of the Christ's temptation. The young, idealistic, wouldbe community organizer gets a nice suit, joins a consulting house, starts hanging out with investment bankers, and barely escapes moving into the big mansion with the white folks.'' In an interview, Mr. Armstrong added: ''There may be some truth to that. But in order to make it a good story, it required a bit of exaggeration.'' Mr. Armstrong's description of the firm, and those of other co-workers, differs at least in emphasis from Mr. Obama's. It was a small newsletter-publishing and research firm, with about 250 employees worldwide, that helped companies with foreign operations (they could be called multinationals) understand overseas markets, they said. Far from a bastion of corporate conformity, they said, it was informal and staffed by young people making modest wages. Employees called it ''high school with ashtrays.'' Many workers dressed down. Only the vice president in charge of Mr. Obama's was a researcher and writer for a reference service called Financing Foreign Operations. He also wrote for a newsletter, Business International Money Report. ''It was not working for General Foods or Chase Manhattan, that's for sure,'' said Louis Celi, a vice president at the company, which was later taken over by the Economist Intelligence Unit. ''And it was not a consulting firm by any stretch of the imagination. I remember the first time I interviewed someone from Morgan Stanley and I got cheese on my tie because I thought my tie was a napkin.'' Mr. Obama arrived in New York in August 1981, at age 20, from Occidental College in Los Angeles. According to his memoir, he passed his first night in an alley near 109th Street and Amsterdam Avenue, unable to get into his apartment. The next morning, he bathed at a hydrant alongside a homeless man. Like other transfer students, Mr. Obama lived off campus and bounced from one apartment to another. For a while, he said, he lived with a Pakistani whom he calls Sadik. He recalls that when he lived in a walk-up on East 94th Street, he would chat with his Puerto Rican neighbors about the Knicks or the sound of gunfire at night. He writes that ''it was only now that I began to grasp the almost mathematical precision with which America's race and class problems joined; the depth, the ferocity, of resulting tribal wars; the bile that flowed freely not just out on the streets but in the stalls of Columbia's bathrooms as well,'' where the graffiti was both racist and anti-Semitic. In a long profile of Mr. Obama in a Columbia alumni magazine in 2005, in which his Columbia years occupied just two paragraphs, he called that time ''an intense period of study.'' ''I spent a lot of time in the library. I didn't socialize that much. I was like a monk,'' he was quoted as saying. He said he was somewhat involved with the Black Student Organization and antiapartheid activities, though, in recent interviews, several prominent student leaders said they did not remember his playing a role. One person who did remember Mr. Obama was Michael L. Baron, who taught a senior seminar on international politics and American policy. Mr. Baron, now president of an electronics company in Florida, said he was Mr. Obama's adviser on the senior thesis for that course. Mr. Baron, who later wrote Mr. Obama a recommendation for Harvard Law School, gave him an A in the course. Columbia was a hotbed for discussion of foreign policy, Mr. Baron said. The faculty included Zbigniew Brzezinski, the former national security adviser, and Zalmay Khalilzad, now the American ambassador to the United Nations. Half of the eight students in the seminar were outstanding, and Mr. Obama was among them, Mr. Baron said. Michael J. Wolf, who took the seminar with him and went on to become president of MTV Networks, said: ''He was very smart. He had a broad sense of international politics and international relations. It was a class with a lot of debate. He was a very, very active participant. I think he was truly distinctive from the other people in that class. He stood out.'' Mr. Obama graduated in 1983. In his memoir, he says he had decided to become a community organizer but could not persuade anyone to hire him. So he found ''more conventional work for a year'' to pay off his student loans. ''Sometimes, coming out of an interview with Japanese financiers or German bond traders, I would catch my reflection in the elevator doors -- see myself in a suit and tie, a briefcase in my hand -- and for a split second I would imagine myself as a captain of industry, barking out orders, closing the deal, before I remembered who it was that I had told myself I wanted to be and felt pangs of guilt for my lack of resolve,'' Mr. Obama wrote. Cathy Lazere, his supervisor at Business International, described him as self-assured and bright. ''He was very mature and more worldly than other people -- on the surface kind of laid back, but kind of in control,'' she said. ''He had a good sense of himself, which I think a lot of kids at that age don't.'' After about a year, he was hired by the New York Public Interest Research Group, a nonprofit organization that promotes consumer, environmental and government reform. He became a full-time organizer at City College in Harlem, paid slightly less than $10,000 a year to mobilize student volunteers. Mr. Obama says he spent three months ''trying to convince minority students at City College about the importance of recycling'' -- a description that surprised some former colleagues. They said that more ''bread-and-butter issues'' like mass transit, higher education, tuition and financial aid were more likely the emphasis at City College. ''You needed somebody -- and here was where Barack was a star -- who could make the case to students across the political spectrum,'' said Eileen Hershenov, who oversaw Mr. Obama's work for Nypirg. The job required winning over students on the political left, who would normally disdain a group inspired by Ralph Nader as insufficiently radical, as well as students on the right and those who were not active at all. Nearly 20 years later, Mr. Obama seemed to remember the experience differently. Gene Karpinski, then executive director of U.S. PIRG, a federation of state watchdog groups, met Mr. Obama in Boston. It was at the time of the 2004 Democratic convention, when Mr. Obama delivered the speech that made him a party luminary. Mr. Karpinski introduced himself. And, he recalled, Mr. Obama told him: ''I used to be a PIRG guy. You guys trained me well.'' Pacific Free Press June 10, 2010 Thursday 7:16 AM EST The Second Jewish Disaster BYLINE: William Blum LENGTH: 2485 words Jun. 10, 2010 (Atlantic Free Press delivered by Newstex) -The Second Worst Thing by William Blum l The Anti-Empire Report The worst thing that ever happened to the Jewish people is the Holocaust. The second worst thing that ever happened to the Jewish people is the state of Israel. Things internationally are so dispiriting there's nothing left to do but fantasize. I picture Turkey, as a member of NATO, demanding that the alliance come to its defense after being attacked by Israel. Under Article 5 of the NATO charter an armed attack on one member is deemed to constitute an armed attack on all members. That is the ostensible reason NATO is fighting in Afghanistan ” the attack against the United States on September 11, 2001 is regarded as an attack on all NATO members (disregarding the awkward fact that Afghanistan as a country had nothing to do with the attack). The Israeli attack on a Turkish-flagged ship, operated by a Turkish humanitarian organization, killing nine Turkish nationals and wounding many more can certainly constitute an attack upon a NATO member. So, after the United States, the UK, Germany, France and other leading NATO members offer their ridiculous non-sequitur excuses why they can't ... umm ... er ... invoke Article 5, and the international media swallows it all without any indigestion, Turkey demands that Israel should at least lose its formal association with NATO as a member of the Mediterranean Dialogue. This too is dismissed with scorn by the eminent NATO world powers on the grounds that it would constitute a victory for terrorism. And anti-Semitism of course. [For complete article reference links, please see original at www.killinghope.org here.] Turkey then withdraws from NATO. Azerbaijan and five other Central Asian members of NATO's Partnership for Peace with Turkic constituencies do the same. NATO falls into a crisis. Remaining member countries begin to question the organization's policies as never before ... like please tell us again why our young men are killing and dying in Afghanistan, and why we send them to Kosovo and Iraq and other places the Americans deem essential to their endlessly-threatened national security. When Vice President Biden tells the eminent conservative-in-liberal-clothing pseudo-intellectual Charlie Rose on TV that "We have put as much pressure and as much cajoling on Israel as we can to allow them [Gaza] to get building materials in," 1Rose for once rises to the occasion and acts like a real journalist, asking Biden: "Have you threatened Israel with ending all military and economic aid? ... Have you put the names of Israeli officials on your list of foreigners who can not enter the United States and whose bank accounts in the US are frozen, as you've done with numerous foreign officials who were not supporters of the empire? ... Since Israel has committed both crimes against the peace and crimes against humanity, and since these are crimes that have international jurisdiction, certain Israeli political and military personnel can be named in trials held in any country of the world. Will you be instructing the Attorney General to proceed with such an indictment? Or if some other country which is a member of the International Criminal Court calls upon the ICC to prosecute these individuals, will the United States try to block the move? ... Why hasn't the United States itself delivered building materials to Gaza?" When Israel justifies its murders on the grounds of "self-defense", late-night TV comedians Jay Leno and David Letterman find great humor in this, pointing out that a new memoir by China's premier at the time of the 1989 Tiananmen Square violent suppression defends the military action by saying that soldiers acted in "selfdefense" when they fired on the democracy activists. 2 When Israel labels as "terrorists" the ship passengers who offered some resistance to the Israeli invaders, the New York Times points out that the passengers who resisted the 9-11 highjackers on the plane which crashed in Pennsylvania are called "heroes". (As an aside, it's worth noting that the United States uses 9-11 as Israel uses the Holocaust ” as excuse and justification for all manner of illegal and violent international behavior.) Meanwhile, the Washington Post reminds its readers that in 2009 Israel attacked a boat on international waters carrying medical aid to Gaza with former congresswoman Cynthia McKinney aboard; and that in 1967 Israel attacked an American ship, the USS Liberty, killing 34 and wounding about 173, and that President Johnson did then just what President Obama is doing now and would have done then ” nothing. And finally, Secretary of State Clinton declares that she's had a revelation. She realizes that what she recently said about North Korea when it was accused of having torpedoed a South Korean warship applies as well to Israel. Mrs. Clinton had demanded that Pyongyang "stop its provocative behavior, halt its policy of threats of belligerence towards its neighbors, and take irreversible steps to fulfill its denuclearization commitments and comply with international law." 3 She adds that the North Korean guilt is by no means conclusive, while Israel doesn't deny its attack on the ship at all; moreover, it's not known for sure if North Korea actually possesses nuclear weapons, whereas there's no uncertainty about Israel's large stockpile. So there you have it. Hypocrisy reigns. Despite my best fantasizing. Is hypocrisy a moral failing or a failure of the intellect? When President Obama says, as he has often, "No one is above the law" and in his next breath makes it clear that his administration will not seek to indict Bush or Cheney for any crimes, does he think that no one will notice the contradiction, the hypocrisy? That's a callous disregard for public opinion and/or a dumbness worthy of his predecessor. And when he declares: "The future does not belong to those who gather armies on a field of battle or bury missiles in the ground", 4does it not occur to him at all that he's predicting a bleak outlook for the United States? Or that his conscious, deliberate policy is to increase the size of America's army and its stockpile of missiles? Comrades, can the hypocrisy and the lies reach such a magnitude that enough American true believers begin to question their cherished faith, so that their number reaches a critical mass and explodes? Well, it's already happened with countless Americans, but it's an awfully formidable task keeping pace with what is turned out by the mass media and education factories. They're awfully good at what they do. Too bad. But don't forsake the struggle. What better way is there to live this life? And remember, just because the world has been taken over by lying, hypocritical, mass-murdering madmen doesn't mean we can't have a good time. Bad guys and good guys In Lahore, Pakistan, reported the Washington Post on May 29, "Militants staged coordinated attacks ... on two mosques of a minority Muslim sect, taking hostages and killing at least 80 people. ... At least seven men armed with grenades, highpowered rifles and suicide vests stormed the mosques as Friday prayers ended." Nice, really nice, very civilized. It's no wonder that decent Americans think that this is what the United States is fighting against ” Islamic fanatics, homicidal maniacs, who kill their own kind over some esoteric piece of religious dogma, who want to kill Americans over some other imagined holy sin, because we're "infidels". How can we reason with such people? Where is the common humanity the naive pacifists and anti-war activists would like us to honor? And then we come to the very last paragraph of the story: "Elsewhere in Pakistan on Friday, a suspected U.S. drone-fired missile struck a Taliban compound in the South Waziristan tribal area, killing eight, according to two officials in the region." This, we are asked to believe by our leaders, is a higher level of humanity. The United States does this every other day, sending robotic death machines called Predators flying over Afghanistan and Pakistan, to send Hellfire missiles screaming into wedding parties, funerals, homes, not knowing who the victims are, not caring who the victims are, many hundreds of them by now, as long as Washington can claim each time ” whether correctly or not ” that amongst their number was a prominent infidel, call him Taliban, or al Qaeda, or insurgent, or militant. How can one reason with such people, the ones in the CIA who operate the drone flights? What is the difference between them and a suicide bomber? The suicide bomber becomes one of the victims himself and sees his victims up close before killing them. The CIA murderer bomber sits safely in a room in Nevada or California and pretends he's playing a video game, then goes out to dinner while his victims lay dying. The suicide bomber believes passionately in something called paradise. The murderer bomber believes passionately in something called flag and country. The State Department's Legal Advisor justifies the Predator bombings as ... yes, "selfdefense". 5 Try reasoning with that. These American drone bombings are of course the height of aggression, the ultimate international crime. They were used over Iraq as well beginning in the 1990s. In December 2002, shortly before the US invasion in March, the Iraqis finally managed to shoot one down. This prompted a spokesman for the US Central Command, which oversees US military operations in the Middle East, to call it another sign of Iraqi President Saddam Hussein's "campaign of military aggression." 6 This particular piece of hypocrisy may have actually been outdone by Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld's comment about the US flights and bombings over Iraq during that period: "It bothers the dickens out of me that US and British pilots are getting fired at day after day after day, with impunity." 7 Send me a stamped self-addressed envelope for a copy of the revised edition of "An arsonist's guide to the homes of Pentagon officials". When politicians misbehave. By speaking the truth. The German president, Horst Koehler, resigned last week because he said something government officials are not supposed to say. He said that Germany was fighting in Afghanistan for economic reasons. No reference to democracy. Nothing about freedom. Not a word about Good Guys fighting Bad Guys. The word "terrorism" was not mentioned at all. Neither was "God". On a trip to German troops in Afghanistan he had declared that a country such as Germany, dependent on exports and free trade, must be prepared to use military force. The country, he said, had to act "to protect our interests, for example, free trade routes, or to prevent regional instability which might certainly have a negative effect on our trade, jobs and earnings". "Koehler has said something openly that has been obvious from the beginning," said the head of Germany's Left Party. "German soldiers are risking life and limb in Afghanistan to defend the export interests of big economic interests." 8 Other opposition politicians had called for Koehler to take back the remarks and accused him of damaging public acceptance of German military missions abroad. 9 As T.S. Eliot famously observed: "Humankind can not bear very much reality." What is the opposite of being a conspiracy theorist? David Remnick, editor of the New Yorker magazine and former Washington Post reporter, has a new book out, "The Bridge: The Life and Rise of Barack Obama". In the three pages Remnick devotes to Obama's 1983-4 employment at Business International Corporation in New York he makes no mention of the well-known ties between BIC and the CIA. In 1977, for example, the New York Times revealed that BIC had provided cover for four CIA employees in various countries during earlier years of the Cold War; 10BIC also attempted to penetrate the radical left, including Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). 11 Did Remnick not think it at all interesting and worthy of mention that the future president worked for more than a year with a company that was a CIA asset? Even if the company and the CIA made no attempt to recruit Obama, which in fact they may have done? It's this kind of obvious omission that helps feed the left's conspiracy thinking. Because Remnick has impeccable establishment credentials the book has been widely reviewed. But none of the many reviewers has seen fit to mention this omission. And the way it works of course is that if it's not mentioned, it didn't happen. And if you mention such a thing, you're a pathetic conspiracy theorist. Like me, who discussed it in the January edition of this report. 12 Spam, myself and my readers As some of you now know, someone hacked into my website and used my address book to send out emails to many of the readers of this report. The emails indicated that they had been sent by me and directed people to a website which sells handbags, shoes and watches. What bothers me the most about this incident is that several of my readers believed that it was actually me who had sent out the emails, that I was peddling handbags, shoes and watches. The only thing I sell are books. But I think these readers have now learned something about spam. And hopefully about me. Oh, by the way, can I interest any of you in some nice T-shirts, hats, or sunglasses? Notes 1. Charlie Rose Live, June 2, 2010 program ?? 2. Associated Press, June 4, 2010 ?? 3. State Department press conference, May 24, 2010 ?? 4. Talk given in Moscow, July 7, 2009, text released by the White House ?? 5. National Public Radio, March 26, 2010 ?? 6. Washington Post, December 24, 2002 ?? 7. Associated Press, September 30, 2002 ?? 8. London Times Online, May 31, 2010 ?? 9. Associated Press, May 31, 2010 ?? 10. New York Times, December 27, 1977, p.40 ?? 11. Carl Oglesby, "Ravens in the Storm: A Personal History of the 1960s Antiwar Movement" (2008), passim ?? 12. William Blum, The Anti-Empire Report, January 3rd, 2009 ?? BBC Summary of World Broadcasts August 7, 1981, Friday 'Literaturnaya Gazeta' on US Chemical and Germ Weapons for Afghanistan SOURCE: (a) Tass in English 1503 gmt 5 Aug 81 Text of report of 'Literaturnaya Gazeta' article of 5th August, ''Gases and bacilli for export'' SECTION: Part 1 The USSR; A. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS; 3. THE FAR EAST ; SU/6795/A3/1; LENGTH: 350 words 'Literaturnaya Gazeta' writes today [5th August] that ''the malicious liars in Washington have to this day no proof, nothing except gossip, about the alleged use of chemical weapons by Soviet troops in Afghanistan''. ''And this is natural because the Soviet government was the initiator of the international ban on any types of chemical and bacteriological weapons'', the newspaper stresses commenting on a statement by US Secretary of State Alexander Haig about an alleged use of chemical weapons by the Russians in Afghanistan. ''The inspection proposed by Mr Haig might be started, say, in Kabul, with the stockpile of captured American arms that were taken from Afghan counterrevolutionaries. I was recently shown there hand grenades with CN gas, the latest specimen of the CIA's contraband arms supplies to the rebels. Perhaps Mr Haig is actually prepared to make an inspection and to tell us frankly in what way CIA agents are taking chemical weapons to Afghanistan? ''And here is another object for inspection by Mr Haig - American hand-grenades with CS-517 gas captured from the rebels. Such grenades were used twice by them. Once near the city of Herat last year and then in the area of Gazni last spring. These grenades have distinct factory markings: ''Made at the Federal Laboratory in Salisbury, Pennsylvania, USA.'' But inasmuch as Mr Haig is making so much noise over, we agree to inspect any time, even tomorrow, the secret chemical arsenal in Pennsylvania and other sources of supply of such weapons to the Afghan bandits'', the dispatch says. A group of staff members of the Maryland University, who have been in Pakistan for several months now, are busy with mysterious laboratory tests at the scientific medical centre in Lahore. Professor B. Lodh, the noted Pakistani scientist, accuses the visiting American experimentalists in Lahore of ''testing on people new means of chemical and germ warfare''. ''So, in accordance with Mr Haig's wishes, there are many places, like the abovementioned one, worthy of ''verification measures'', the newspaper says. The Press Trust of India September 3, 2008 Wednesday Obama's mother may have spent five years in Pakistan SECTION: NATIONWIDE INTERNATIONAL NEWS LENGTH: 399 words DATELINE: Islamabad Sept 3 US Presidential hopeful Barack Obama's mother Ann Dunham may have spent five years in Pakistan, working as an employee of the Asian Development Bank, about 15 years ago. In a story headlined "Obama's mother stayed in Pakistan for five years", leading Urdu newspaper 'Daily Waqt' reported that Dunham was hired as a consultant by the Asian Development Bank and travelled often from Lahore to Gujranwala. "Ann Dunham lived in Pakistan for five years. During this time, Barack Obama also visited his mother and stayed for a few months. Ann Dunham was hired as a consultant by the Asian Development Bank for Pakistan's Agricultural Development Bank's Gujranwala Agricultural Development Programme. This programme began in 1987 and ended in 1992," the report said. Obama's Pakistan connection was widely speculated in both the local and international media since his infamous remark last year that if elected as President, he may send troops to Pakistan to hunt down terrorists. According to the daily, Dunham monitored funds received for the agricultural programme from the Asian Development Bank and trained mobile credit officers of the local agricultural bank. "She stayed for five years in Hilton International Hotel (now Avari Hotel) in Lahore and after returning from Pakistan, she died from cancer within three years," the report said. Obama himself has been citing his 1981 visit to Pakistan in a bid to counter rivals' accusations that he lacks foreign policy experience. "Mr Obama visited Pakistan in 1981, on the way back from Indonesia, where his mother and half-sister, Maya Soetoro-Ng, were living. He spent about three weeks there... Staying in Karachi with the family of a college friend, Mohammed Hasan Chandoo, but also traveling to Hyderabad, in India," a report in the New York Times quoted his campaign manager as saying. Obama is believed to have had a number of Pakistani friends during his college days, and it was that friendship that brought him to Pakistan. In Obama's memoir "In dreams from my father", he talks of having a Pakistani roommate when he moved to New York, a man he calls Sadik, who "had overstayed his tourist visa and now made a living in New York's high-turnover, illegal immigrant work force, waiting on tables". During his years at Occidental College, Obama befriended Wahid Hamid, a fellow student who was an immigrant from Pakistan and travelled with Obama there. The Sunday Times (London) January 28, 2007 Secrets of Obama family unlocked BYLINE: Michael Sheridan Jakarta and Sarah Baxter Washington SECTION: OVERSEAS NEWS; News; Pg. 25 LENGTH: 1296 words WHEN Barack Obama, America's newest presidential hopeful, was hit by allegations that he had attended a radical Islamic madrasah school as a boy in Indonesia, the claims spread like a virus through the media and internet. It was a lie -the school was barely more religious than British church schools - but it was also a sign that Obama's chances of winning the presidency depend to an unusual degree on his life story and character. The race is on to define the gifted but little-known senator for Illinois and The Sunday Times can reveal that his heritage is far more diverse and astonishing than anything American voters have heard so far. Obama, 45, has two half- sisters, one living in Britain, and five surviving halfbrothers, the eldest of whom converted to Islam, and whose stories span the globe. Nobody was more surprised to hear that Obama had reportedly been educated in a madrasah than Julia Suryakusuma, a close friend of his mother until her death from ovarian cancer in 1995. Suryakusuma, 53, one of Indonesia's most outspoken feminist writers, has fearlessly taken on extremist Muslim clerics in print. Last week she described Ann Dunham, Obama's mother, "as a liberal and a humanist", who learnt to speak fluent Indonesian and adored the culture. "She was interested in religions but didn't follow one. She was a free thinker," Suryakusuma said. "She was a pioneer and when she came to Indonesia she was ensnared and enchanted." On the coffee table in her cool modern house in Jakarta, full of the beautiful Indonesian fabrics and carvings which captivated her friend, lies an album of photographs which record the happy times. There is Dunham, pale-skinned, jolly and frizzy-haired, celebrating with her friends at an art gallery opening or a drinks party, wearing the baggy, free-flowing clothes often favoured by bohemian western women in Asia. She always seemed to be laughing. "You know Ann was really, really white," smiled Suryakusuma, looking through the album, "even though she told me she had some Cherokee blood in her. I think she just loved people of a different skin colour, brown people." Dunham was from Wichita, Kansas, but her parents moved to Hawaii in search of a better life. According to Obama, a distant ancestor was a "full-blooded Cherokee". Dunham's first marriage was to a Kenyan student, also called Barack Obama, but he left the family to study at Harvard and returned to Africa. She went on to marry Lolo Soetoro, another foreign student, and moved to his native Indonesia with six-year-old Barack in 1967, after the new dictator Suharto summoned the country's citizens home. Soetoro became a government relations consultant with a big US oil company. "He changed when he came back to Indonesia," Suryakusuma recalled. "Men can be a certain way when they are in the West and when they come back they are sucked into their own culture." In his memoir, Dreams from My Father, first published in 1995, Obama does not conceal the estrangement between his mother and stepfather as Soetoro made compromises with Indonesia's power elite. They divorced and he died decades later of a liver complaint. At 10, Obama returned to Hawaii, where he lived with his grandparents and attended an elite private school. His mother went back to Indonesia with Obama's half-sister Maya, now a professor at the University of Hawaii, and became an expert on the "feminine crafts", such as weaving and basket-making, practised by the women of Java. Suryakusuma recalled that Dunham called her son "Berry" -Barry with an Indonesian lilt. "We were both mothers and we talked about how difficult it was for a mother to separate herself and send her child away, but she was really concerned about Barry's education." She first met Obama when he came to visit his mother as a young adult. "She was so proud of him. I remember she was glowing with pride when he became the first black president of the Harvard Law Review. "You know, having a white mother and a black father and coming to Indonesia," Suryakusuma reflected, "I could see he had the same kind of empathy with people that his mother had." Obama's multi-hued heritage has put a distance between him and the AfricanAmerican community, which has been reluctant to claim him as a "brother". America's white community, in contrast, has embraced Obama as a hopeful affirmation that the fabled melting pot can transcend race. With his middle name Hussein (like Saddam) and surname Obama (like Osama), he is a rare and exotic figure in American politics. "I believe the American electorate is ready to support leaders who embody the American dream despite their differences. In doing so, we affirm ourselves as a tolerant people," said William Galston, a senior fellow in public policy at the Brookings Institution in Washington. Yet there are details in Obama's life that have yet to be subjected to full scrutiny. It may not be the information itself that matters, according to Galston, but "how Obama talks about the facts as they emerge and handles questions and controversies". The Chicago Sun-Times columnist Lynn Sweet was the first to spot in 2004, when Obama burst on the national stage at the Democratic party convention, that his memoir, Dreams from My Father, contained "composite" characters and changed names. "Except for public figures and his family, it is impossible to know who is real and who is not," she pointed out. Obama admitted as much in his introduction, saying he had altered characters "for the sake of their privacy". As with the revelation that he took cocaine in his youth, he appears to have been candid about potential areas of controversy. Obama's African family is particularly complicated. By his own account, his father never really left Kezia, his first wife, in Kenya. She bore Obama Sr two children, Roy and Auma, who now works in social services in Berkshire. They were separated, Obama's mother claimed, but "it was a village wedding and there was no document that could suggest a divorce". His own father and mother's wedding in Hawaii may not have been properly documented either. "How and when the marriage occurred remains a bit murky, a bill of particulars that I have never quite had the courage to explore," Obama writes in his memoir. After his father left Ann and two-year-old Barack to study at Harvard, he went to Africa with another American woman, Ruth, who became his third wife. She bore him two sons in Kenya, one of whom died in a motorcycle accident, but Obama Sr continued to see Kezia. "Traditionally, she was still his wife," a relative explained. Kezia went on to bear two more sons, Abo and Bernard. Although their paternity is disputed by some relatives, Obama Sr regarded them as his own. Later in life, he fathered another son, George, by a young Kenyan woman. After his parents split up, Obama saw his father only once before learning that he had died in a car crash in Kenya in 1982. eldest brother Roy moved to America and went on to convert to Islam. Obama, in contrast, became a committed Christian while he was working as a community activist in Chicago. Last week he denounced the reports that he was educated in a madrasah as a "ludicrous" smear. Larry Sabato, professor of political science at the University of Virginia, believes Obama's richly textured African and Indonesian background will attract voters, no matter how controversial it is. "America loves a success story -the new generation that rises from the sins and misfortunes of the older generation," Sabato said. In Indonesia, Suryakusuma said she could still feel the "warm" presence of Obama's mother Ann. "She would be so proud if she knew about Barry, so proud to think that her little boy would be running for president of the United States." Additional reporting: Dewi Loveard in Jakarta Xinhua General News Service SEPTEMBER 28, 1991, SATURDAY pakistan prime minister meets afghan mujahideen leaders LENGTH: 205 words DATELINE: islamabad, september 28; ITEM NO: 0928180 pakistan prime minister nawaz sharif today had an intensive discussion with afghan mujahideen leaders on the situation in afghanistan with both the sides stressing the need for an early political solution of the afghanistan issue, the official associated press of pakistan (app) reported. during the meeting which lasted three hours and was held in lahore, 265 kms southeast of islamabad, all the afghan mujahideen leaders spoke on the current situation in afghanistan and particularly referred to the need for an early political settlement of the issue, pakistan foreign secretary shehryar khan was quoted as saying in lahore. the mujahideen leaders appreciated pakistan's support to mujahideen and affirmed the need for unity at this "critical time" in the discussions, shehryar khan said. it was agreed at the discussions that a delegation, representing afghan mujahideen and to be led by sibghatuallah mujaddadi, president of the afghan interim government based in peshawar, pakistan, will be in new york tomorrow (september 29) in connection with the u.n. general assembly session, where the members of the delegation would meet the foreign ministers and in particular the soviet foreign minister, shehryar khan said. United Press International February 15, 1993, Monday, BC cycle Afghan president said to offer to step down BYLINE: BY ANWAR IQBAL SECTION: International LENGTH: 618 words DATELINE: ISLAMABAD, Pakistan Another peace delegation left Pakistan on Monday for Kabul for talks with the warring Afghan factions amid reports that President Burhanuddin Rabbani has agreed to step down. Diplomatic and Afghan sources in Islamabad said Rabbani agreed to resign his office, but not immediately, as demanded by his rival Gulbadin Hekmatyar. The dispute is one key issue behind a series of clashes between the various mujahideen groups who have continued to fight each other since last April, when they won a 13-year war against a Soviet-installed government. The sources said Rabbani now is proposing that he stay in power for another year before he resigns, thereby giving the nine main mujahideen parties time to finalize a future administrative setup and to hold the elections demanded by Hekmatyar's Hezb-i-Islami party. Rabbani earlier had insisted that he should be allowed to complete the two-year term to which he was elected. Most mujahideen groups, however, have refused to recognize the consultative council that elected Rabbani in December to a two-year term after he completed an initial four-month term. A Hezb-i-Islami spokesman denied a report from Kabul that Hekmatyar had agreed to let Rabbani rule for another year. ''As far as we are concerned, he is an illegitimate ruler and we want him to quit as precondition for our talks with his Jamiyat-i-Islami party,'' the spokesman said. Hekmatyar previously agreed to give Rabbani's party an equal share with other parties in any future administrative setup, but he is unwilling to recognize Rabbani as the sole ruler. Rabbani, who appears to be losing his military grip on Kabul, asked one of Hekmatyar's allies in Pakistan, the religious Jamaat-i-Islami party, to negotiate a peace between him and Hekmatyar. The Jamaat chief, Qazi Hussain Ahmad, flew Monday to Kabul with an eight-member delegation on a plane sent by the Afghan government. The peace talks come during a cease-fire that took effect Monday. Rabbani's special envoy, Syed Noorullah Emad, traveled from Kabul to accompany the negotiators and returned from Pakistan with them. The Jamaat-i-Islami developed close ties with several Afghan mujahideen groups during their 13-year war against the Soviet army and the Soviet-installed Communist regime in Kabul. Qazi had a lengthy meeting with the U.S. ambassador in Pakistan, John F. Monjo, before his departure for Kabul. Sources in his Jammat-i-Islami party said Monjo, who drove to Qazi's headquarters in Lahore, indicated a change in U.S. Afghan policy during the talks. The United States previously was unwilling to accept Hekmatyar as a major partner in any government in Kabul because of his fundamentalist beliefs. But the U.S. attitude apparently changed after Rabbani failed in a Jan. 19 offensive to oust Hekmatyar from the area surrounding Kabul. The U.S. goverment also observed a change in Hekmatyar's attitude toward other moderate Afghan groups, including the former Communist militia of Gen. Rasheed Dostum, the sources said. Hekmatyar previously refused to have any dealings with Dostum because of his association with the former Communist regime. But he now appeared willing to negotiate a future arrangement with him, diplomatic sources in Islamabad said. The warring factions in Kabul officially observed the truce which took effect Monday morning to help the peace talks, although fighting stopped in most places by Saturday night. The truce was negotiated by Gen. Hameed Gul, former chief of Pakistan's military intelligence, who supervised training and arms supplies to the Afghan guerrillas during their war against the Soviet army. The Associated Press July 12, 1980, Saturday, PM cycle Rebels Claim to Kill 18 Soviets in Afghan Fighting SECTION: International News LENGTH: 447 words DATELINE: ISLAMABAD, Pakistan Anti-communist Afghan rebels today claimed to have killed 18 Soviet troops, arrested five others and destroyed one helicopter, three tanks and three other military vehicles in four separate attacks in Afghanistan. Informed diplomatic sources here said small scale guerrilla activity was going on in areas mentioned by the rebels but each incident could not be independently confirmed. The Islamic Alliance for Liberation of Afghanistan, a five-party grouping of the Moslem rebels fighting Afghanistan's Marxist government and the Kremlin's 6 1/2 month intervention in their homeland, said 11 Soviets were killed and one helicopter was shot down in Ghazni City, capital of the southeastern province of Ghazni. It said the Mujahideen rebels, or freedom fighters, killed seven Soviets and seized five others in the town of Korbagh, in Parwan province north of the Afghan capital of Kabul. There, three military vehicles were destroyed, the rebels said. At a farm in Nangarahar province, located close to Afghanistan's eastern border with Pakistan, the rebels destroyed one Soviet tank, the group said, adding that fighting continued today at Jalalabad, the provincial capital. The group said that in the southeastern province of Paktia, rebels captured two tanks which were in a good condition but because the rebels are not trained to man tanks they were set afire. Meanwhile, the Soviet Communist Party newspaper Pravda, in a dispatch from Kabul, quoted Afghanistan's defense minister as saying the government's armed forces in recent months had considerably improved its "combat capacity" because of help from the Kremlin. The Soviets poured some 80,000 Red Army troops into Afghanistan in December to help the Marxist Kabul government in its two-year fight against the rebels. Afghan Defense Minister Mohammad Rafi was quoted as saying the army enjoyed "active support" from the population and had dealt "heavy blows" against rebel forces. His comments ran counter to Western reports out of Afghanistan this week that the rebels were being joined by thousands of defecting Afghan army troops who brought with them sophisticated Soviet-made small arms. Meanwhile, the Pakistan National Alliance, a group of five banned opposition parties, said their country had become "a graveyard, and the nation is completely paralyzed" because of the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and a ban on political activities in Pakistan. The group, meeting in Lahore, 180 miles southeast of here, warned Pakistani President Gen. Mohammed Zia ul-Haq that if democracy was not returned to the country within six weeks it would launch a nationwide agitation to remove his government. The Economist March 7, 1992 Changing spies BYLINE: FROM OUR PAKISTAN CORRESPONDENT SECTION: World politics and current affairs; ASIA; Pg. 34 (U.K. Edition Pg. 66) LENGTH: 308 words DATELINE: LAHORE CYNICS sometimes call Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence agency (ISI) the Invisible Soldiers of Islam -- and with reason. Under Zia ul Haq, ISI generals covertly fuelled the Afghan jihad (holy war) against the Kabul government while disabling democratic opposition in Pakistan. Why then was the ISI's head, Major-General Asad Durrani, sacked on March 1st? Presumably because the ISI was failing to implement the government's new policy of support for the United Nations peace plan for Afghanistan. Last December, the ISI failed to persuade its Afghan mujahideen clients to release Russian prisoners of war. Superficially, Lieutenant-General Javed Nasir, appointed on March 3rd to replace General Durrani, fits the ideological mould. He belongs to the Tableeghi Jamaat (Association of Missionaries) and is "a rigid preacher of Islam". The difference is that he will toe the government line. Some describe the appointment by the prime minister, Nawaz Sharif, as "a balancing act". Recently, Mr Sharif has come under fire from the Jamaat-i-Islami, a fundamentalist Muslim partner in the ruling coalition, for "selling out" to the United States by freezing Pakistan's nuclear programme and supporting the UN plan. General Nasir's Islamic credentials may reassure the Jamaat that Pakistan has not abandoned hardline Afghan groups like Gulbuddin Hikmatyar's Hizbe Islami. The appointment should also end the ISI's feud with the Intelligence Bureau, a civilian agency directly answerable to the prime minister. The bureau's head, Imtiaz Ahmed, considered General Durrani too close to General Mirza Aslam Beg, who as army chief defiantly criticised the sending of Pakistani troops in 1990 to help America in the Gulf war. Just as General Beg's meddling led to his sacking, so too with General Durrani. General Nasir has been warned. IPS - Inter Press Service November 6, 2008 Thursday PAKISTAN-U.S.: OBAMA 'WILL BE GOOD' FOR MUSLIM NATION BYLINE: Beena Sarwar LENGTH: 939 words DATELINE: KARACHI, Pakistan, Nov 6 2008 The most-watched polls ever in the world had their share of attention in Pakistan. The nation was glued to news updates, TV talk shows, call-ins from Pakistanis living in the United States and speeches by President-elect Barack Hussein Obama. Chatter in tea-stalls and living-rooms continues to be dominated by the U.S. presidential elections. The constant barrage of information streaming in from dozens of television channels in multiple languages has ensured that "even an illiterate person has been educated about these elections," said Abdul Jabbar, a driver. "This is the first time that someone with a dark skin has come into a position of such power. Everyone is happy about it," Jabbar added. Repairmen gathered by a broken elevator in an upmarket Karachi apartment building on the evening of Nov 4 seemed elated. "He will be the first black president of the U.S.," said one, indicating newspaper items to his colleagues as they squatted on the floor over cups of sweet, milky tea. Electric light from the broken elevator's open shaft illuminated the Urdu daily Aaj Kal that he held open. They looked at a picture of Obama superimposed over an image of the White House. A repairman poked his head out of the elevator shaft to take a look. "I think this will be good for Pakistan," he said. Many Pakistanis hope Obama's Muslim heritage will make him more understanding of their culture, even though the president-elect has consciously distanced himself from this heritage, even dropping the use of his middle name, Hussein. As a student in Lahore told a TV reporter, explaining why Obama's election has given hope after eight years. "He has some cells of Muslim blood." Another student disagreed, saying that while Obama may be good for the United States, "it doesn't make much difference to Pakistan." There has been interest here about Obama's "Pakistan connection," stemming from a college friend whom he mentions in his memoir Dreams From My Father. He is also reported to have traveled to Pakistan in 1980 (when his mother Ann Dunham worked here with a micro-credit finance project ) and in 1981 to visit a college friend. "Pakistanis grudgingly share the global excitement of Mr. Obama's victory," contends Islamabad-based political analyst Nasim Zehra, "Grudgingly, because many have not forgotten his campaign rhetoric of possibly attacking Pakistani territory to combat terrorism." Former newspaper editor and ambassador to Washington Maleeha Lodhi, currently a Fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School, told a TV anchor that such rhetoric may perhaps have been an attempt to "act and sound tough on Afghanistan and Pakistan" since Obama had opposed the war in Iraq. However, as Zehra points out, Pakistanis, who have a greater understanding of the complexity of the terrorism problem and bear the high costs of this violence, "found resolve to attack their territory both aggressive and na?ve." As many as 3,000 military and paramilitary and many more thousands of civilians have been killed over the last five years as the "war on terror" has escalated. "This notwithstanding, Pakistanis at the same time hope for and expect Obama, as president, to be more patient, wiser and more multilateralist in the conduct of U.S. foreign policy. There is also expectation in Pakistan that behind his combative electioneering rhetoric exists a more informed outlook that will determine America's choices," Zehra said. victory speech both sober and thoughtful. He also indicated his willingness to reach out and dialogue rather than use force. As he said in Chicago on the night of Nov. 4, "the true strength of our nation comes not from the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity, and unyielding hope." Obama's priorities were also indicated by his positive references to the working poor, to women, the importance of building schools and creating jobs, and the acknowledgement that "we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers". The U.S. elections also reinforce the importance of the electoral process, a lesson that many consider necessary for Pakistan to learn, given that its democratic process has constantly been interrupted by governments being toppled under a constitutional amendment introduced by a military dictator, or by military rule itself. Asked by a Pakistani reporter if the United States stood at a "moral crossroads" given the policies of the past eight years and the change that has been promised, a commentator responded with words that have consonance here: "That's why we have elections. That is the beauty of the democratic process. People were not happy with the previous policies, and the people have spoken." Americans of Pakistani origin participated enthusiastically in the Obama campaign. They included Omar Ali, a medical doctor in Illinois, who observed that the campaign "mobilized more people than any U.S. campaign in history, and they were friendly, enthusiastic, fair-minded and diverse Whites, Indians, Pakistanis, Christians, Muslims, people of every group America at its best." "I think he is very smart, and his campaign was probably the best-run campaign history, so I have no doubt he will be competent and will pick good people and get them to do good work," added Ali in a message sent to an e-mail list. "Having said all that, I know he will be president of the United States, not some new The Australian May 15, 2003 Thursday All-round Country Edition Fighting terror on a shoestring SOURCE: MATP BYLINE: Greg Sheridan, Foreign editor SECTION: FEATURES-TYPE- FEATURE; Pg. 13 LENGTH: 973 words Underfunding ASIS and ASIO betrays a serious lack of intelligence in this budget WANT to hear something spooky? An extremely well informed foreign gentleman (no need to be more specific) told me recently his Government hardly thought it worthwhile to maintain a dedicated liaison effort with the Australian Secret Intelligence Service. The reason? ASIS is just so tiny that it is not a real organisation. It does some good work in South-East Asia, but even there it is far from comprehensive and, in the eyes of professionals in this field, has never reached critical mass. ASIS is the nearest Australia has to a Central Intelligence Agency. It collects foreign intelligence. It is a front-line agency for preventing terrorist attacks against Australia. Its budget last year was $60 million. Just to give you an off-the-wall comparison, that is about the same as the East-West Centre, an academic think-tank you've probably never heard of, dedicated to improving US-Asia-Pacific relations, located at the University of Hawaii. We don't have anything like the resources of the US, but this is ridiculous. ASIS's budget for this coming year will increase to $79 million. That is a big improvement but it is still far short of what is needed. When most of your personnel operate overseas you don't buy a big capacity for $79 million. The situation is even worse for the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation. Its budget last year was $85 million. The Government's Budget documents are, as usual, a model of opacity, based no doubt on Soviet precedents in the concealment of information. But ASIO's operating budget now appears to be $95 million. This is just totally inadequate to the task. The Government has increased defence expenditure to more than $15 billion in 2003/04, including all the one-offs such as funding the war on Iraq. This takes defence spending close to 2 per cent of Gross National Product. This is highly necessary and is justified mainly by the war on terrorism. But as the terrible suicide bombing in Saudi Arabia this week, in which an Australian was killed, shows, the threat of mass terrorism, carried out by al-Qa'ida or similar groups, is still very strong. The armed forces play a crucial role in the fight against terrorism. But they cannot stop a September 11, a Bali bombing, or the type of attack we saw in Riyadh this week. The most likely way to stop such an action is through intelligence, domestic and foreign. In other words ASIO, and to a lesser extent ASIS, are the front-line agencies in the war against terrorism. This column has supported the Government's attempts, thwarted in the Senate, to modestly increase ASIO's powers so that it can combat terrorism more effectively. But much more important is to give ASIO more resources. During the long Cold War, the primary threat to Australia, and the world, was a devastating nuclear exchange. ASIO played its role in limiting this threat by countering espionage by the Soviet Union. Its work today involves the far more difficult and diffuse task of preventing al-Qa'ida agents or sympathisers, or agents or sympathisers of similar groups, from conducting mass terrorism against Australia. Yet ASIO today is much smaller than during the Cold War. According to people who monitor al-Qa'ida linked web sites and other al-Qa'ida related communications, Australia appears in this chatter, as an enemy, all the time. In fact analysts are frankly surprised at the frequency and prominence of Australia in these communications. That means, as NSW Premier Bob Carr among others has pointed out, that the likelihood of a terrorist attack in Australia is actually very high. Additional commandos in the army, new refuelling aeroplanes -- these are all welcome and necessary, but they are far less likely to stop a terrorist action than effective work by ASIO. At the same time, all of ASIO's traditional tasks, and most of the traditional threats, need to be dealt with. Australia has recently re-established relationships with North Korea and Libya. North Korea has a history of using its diplomatic network for drug-smuggling, seeking to acquire weapons of mass destruction technology and terrorism. Libya has a record of using its diplomatic network for WMD technology and terrorism. Indeed when it last had an embassy here it actively recruited Arab-speaking Australians to fight in a terrorist brigade, which is one of the reasons it was asked to leave. On balance, and notwithstanding this history, it is probably still a good idea to resume these diplomatic relationships, to try to talk Pyongyang out of its nuclear madness, and to try to make a buck out of Libya. But both these embassies surely will require extensive watching by ASIO. And watching, whether embassies or potential terrorists, is extremely labourintensive. There are numbers of Australians who have received explosives training in al-Qa'ida terrorist camps. Professional intelligence people would scoff at the idea of watching such people around the clock. ASIO doesn't have the manpower and it's a waste of resources. That is really bureaucrat-speak because it is not a waste of resources if such surveillance stops someone from conducting an act of mass terrorism. This is where the structure of Australia's counter-terrorist effort is wonky. Daryl Williams is politically weak. Because there is no single co-ordinating body, and certainly no single senior cabinet minister responsible for counter-terrorism overall, no one is really fighting for the resources ASIO needs. More bureaucratically powerful agencies such as Defence make sure their part of the intelligence effort is well funded. But the needs of the nation remain unmet. There is a serious lack of intelligence in this budget. Copyright 1998 THE STATESMAN (INDIA) November 29, 1998 Are not all wars stupid? SECTION: Pg. News The epic wars of ancient times seem to have been fought over what Herodotus, the world's very first historian, calls "Woman-stealing". As it happens, he was not thinking of the Ramayana, which, of course, is a prime example of his assumption. His Histories is confined to a somewhat narrow corner of the world of which the centre was Greece and its boundaries a circle of about two hundred miles. In Ramayana, Ravana, the King of Sri Lanka, abducts Rama's beautiful wife, Seeta, leaving Rama no option but to do his duty as a Kshatriya, to invade Sri Lanka to rescue his wife. He raises a vast army, builds a bridge across the strait that separates Sri Lanka from India, defeats Ravana's army. Thousands of soldiers die and suffer wounds and much havoc is caused to Ravana's capital and its environs. And so the beautiful Seeta is rescued, but only to be discarded. For Rama says to her: "We cannot live together, any more. How can a Kshatriya take back a wife who has lived so long in a stranger's house?" The wars over "woman-stealing" about which Herodotus writes are not much different. Io, the daughter of a Greek KIng, was beautiful. One day she heard that a foreign ship had arrived at a nearby port. So she went to take a look at the goods the ship had brought for sale. That was when, "suddenly the Phoenician sailors ... made a rush, bundled her aboard the ship, which cleared at once and made off." The Greeks, for their part, soon went on a princess-raiding expedition of Egypt. Almost as though in exchange for their Io, they brought back the daughter of some Egyptian king, Medea. It is these raids and counter-raids for stealing beautiful princesses that are said to have worked on the mind of a young man called Paris, the son of Priam, "to steal himself a wife from Greece." Paris had heard of a ravishingly beautiful princess called Helen. He carried out a raid into her father's realm and managed to abduct Helen. And thus began the Greek version of Ramayana: the Trojan War. What better cause to fight a war than a beautiful woman? But Rama's attitude to Seeta after her rescue seems to bear out Herodotus' common sense advice: "It seems stupid, after the event, to make a fuss over it. The only sensible thing is to take no notice.' Sensible? But what tribal chief, whether Greek or Phoenician, would remain sensible when some hooligans had kidnapped his daughter? Even if he was aware that there was no real prospect of rescuing the stolen girl unravished - or indeed alive. There was honour to be satisfied, an insult avenged. They were red-blooded men swayed by emotions. And stupid? - But are not all wars stupid? What was America's rationale for going into Vietnam or Britain's into the Falklands? - or Soviet Russia's into Afghanistan? DECLARED AIMS At least, in those prehistoric times, they fought wars for declared aims. Not, as they do today, promote secret wars in distant countries in pursuit of strategic aims. Such as the Secret Wars which are the subject of Bob Woodward's book, Veil, which covers the activities of the American C I A, through the eighties. But let me begin by pointing out what Bob Woodward, intentionally or otherwise, has omitted from his book. I went through its index and found no entry either for "Encounter" or "The East-West Centre". Encounter was a monthly magazine published in London, and in the sixties and seventies, it had come to be regarded as "required reading" for those of us who professed to be liberal intellectuals. Its scholarship and literary merit was of a very high order. It was edited by Stephen Spender, one of Britain's most renowned poets, and men and women of formidable talents were among its regular contributors. And the East West Centre in Honolulu was an institution where scholars from the East and the West forgathered, discussed issues, held classes and seminars. It turned out that both Encounter and the East West Centre were funded by the CIA, to promote its own strategic pursuits, and that discovery horrified many people who had earlier been full of praise for them. PUT OFF Personally I don't see why they should have been so put off. After all if the C I A spends some of its money to support a highbrow magazine which, left to its own resources, had little chance of surviving? - well, why not? good for the C I A! Then again, who but Uncle Sam has the sort of money to spend on treating scholars from third-world backyards to all-expenses-paid holidays to enable them to mingle with their counterparts from the richer lands? But then subtle persuasion is not the C I A's style. The "Agency" believes in strongarm tactics, what the Americans call, "Kicking ass". Swing the sledgehammer ... and bang! Their rough and ready methods often create unforeseen fissures and reverse resentments. And there is growing evidence that this is what has happened to the network of agents they created in the wild hills that divide Baluchistan and the Frontier Province of Pakistan. Here the Pathans and the Baluchi have been nursing tribal feuds for centuries. It was across their divide that the C I A built up its network of killer agents. They had to do this through a sister service, Pakistan's own I S I. The Americans poured in money, the gadgetry, the weapons, the knowhow; the I S I did the recruiting and training. The combined efforts produced an elite corps of secret agents, the equals of the Hamas or the Hizbulla in the arts of sabotage, arson, assassinations. For ten years it worked without a hitch. Then the cold war stopped. The C I A pulled out its forces from Pakistan. The flow of dollars suddenly ceased. And here were these hundreds of men, highly trained, with neither control nor targets for the skills. The old feuds reasserted themselves. Baluchis, Pathans found their own patrons. There were others who were only too ready to take them on, and give them tasks that were tailor-made for their skills. In January 1993, one of these men, Mir Aimal Kansi, loitered near the gate of the C I A's headquarters in Virginia. It was time for the offices to open. Presently a blue Volkswagen drove up and paused for a red light. Kansi pulled out his AK-47 and blew off the head of its driver, Frank Darling, who even though a C I A agent, had worked in Karachi in a civilian capacity. Then Kansi fired more point-blank shots at the waiting cars, killing four C I A agents and wounding another. Then he walked away to his parked car and drove off. That same night, he took a PIA flight to Karachi. Two years later, another killer squad killed three C I A workers in Karachi, who, too were working under cover, but of course they were known to their killers. A C I A veteran, Victor Machet, now retired, said in an interview: "We did some pretty dirty things together in Afghanistan." Well, it looks as though others too have learned to play the same games. Osama Bin Laden does not have to lok far for trained super-commandos. www.consortiumnews.com/2010/020110a.html Vietnam Replay on Afghan 'Defectors' By Douglas Valentine February 1, 2010 After waging an eight-year “dirty war” against the Taliban, the U.S. government is acknowledging that the “insurgent” enemy is part of the “fabric” of Afghan society and is encouraging low- and mid-level Taliban defectors to switch sides. Share this article ShareThis emailEmail printPrinter friendly U.S. and NATO officials are offering bribes drawn from a billion-dollar “Peace and Reintegration Trust Fund” to get Taliban fighters to defect. Taliban leaders have condemned the buyout strategy as a “trick” and warn that offers of reconciliation will be futile unless all foreign troops leave Afghanistan. Meanwhile, back in the United States, the gesture toward “peace” has resonated well with opinion leaders and with elements of the U.S. public tired of war. But there is a darker side to such “reconciliation” plans. In the past, defector programs have been essential parts of brutal U.S. pacification efforts. For example, the so-called Chieu Hoi “Open Arms” program in Vietnam is touted by U.S. military strategists as having produced positive results by offering “clemency to insurgents.” But even the publicity surrounding the “Open Arms” program had an offensive, propaganda component, seeking to make “pacification” of the Vietnamese countryside appear more humane. Indeed, defector “amnesty” or “clemency” or “open arms” programs had little to do with genuine “reconciliation,” but rather were just one component of the overall, aggressive CIA intelligence and counterinsurgency operations. Former CIA Director William Colby told me that CIA political action teams in Vietnam (like Provincial Reconstruction Teams in Afghanistan) employed defectors whose job was to “go around the countryside and indicate to the people that they used to be Vietcong and that the government has received them and taken them in, and that the Chieu Hoi program does exist as a way of VC currently on the other side to rally.” Defectors “contact people like the families of known VC,” Colby said, “and provide them with transportation to defector and refugee centers.” Managing Language Master spy Colby, who died in 1996, would certainly have agreed that information management – language – is the essence of political warfare in general and defector programs in particular, not just aimed at the indigenous population in the field but also at the American body politic back home, which starts to see the war in a kinder, gentler light. The first step in this process is concocting a slogan that appeals to the sensibilities of the target audiences – and particularly Americans – which is why defectors programs are given names like “amnesty” or “clemency” or “open arms.” Such cleverly crafted slogans may have no basis in reality. Instead, by appealing to American (if not Vietnamese or Afghan) sensibilities, these slogans serve as the first step in creating an aura of necessity around the violent repression of those Vietnamese or Afghans who won’t do the “reasonable” thing and come over to the American side. Apart from using Madison Avenue-style slogans, the CIA also garners public approval by composing and planting distorted articles in foreign and domestic newspapers. The stories often portray the CIA’s operations as pleasant-sounding Civic Action programs that are advertised as fostering freedom, patriotism, brotherhood, democracy. In CIA jargon, this manipulation of language is called “black propaganda” and is the job of political and psychological (PP) warfare officers in the covert action branch. “PP” officers played a major role in packaging the Phoenix Program for sale to the American public as a program designed "to protect the people (of Vietnam) from terrorism." Intelligence Potential Despite the warm and fuzzy language, these intelligence programs also have a nasty side. The CIA launches a covert action program like the Taliban defector program only if it is seen to have “intelligence potential,” such as collecting information on an enemy's political, military and economic infrastructure. And defectors have superlative “intelligence potential.” Not only are defectors valued for their ability to sap the enemy's fighting strength and morale, but having worked on the inside, they can provide accurate and timely intelligence on enemy unit strength and location. They also can serve as guides and trackers, and after defecting, many are immediately returned to their area of operations with a reaction force to locate hidden enemy arms or food caches. Others defectors, after being screened and interrogated by security officers, are turned into double agents. Defectors who return to their former positions inside enemy military units or political organizations are, as Colby explained, provided with a "secure" means of contacting their CIA case officer, to whom they feed information leading to the arrest or ambush of enemy cadres, soldiers, and secret agents. Defector programs also provide CIA “talent scouts” with cover for recruiting criminals into counter-terrorist and political action programs. Burglars, arsonists, forgers and smugglers have unique skills and no compunctions about conducting brutal interrogations. In Vietnam, the entire 52nd Ranger Battalion of the South Vietnamese Army was recruited from Saigon prisons. With President Barack Obama’s Afghan “surge” providing cover for more expansive covert actions, CIA political and psychological warfare experts are moving to the forefront of the occupation; and their Provincial Reconstruction Teams are at the forefront of this “intelligence” surge, which explains why the Taliban defector buyout program is being launched now. [See Consortiumnews.com’s “Afghan ‘Dirty War’ Escalates.”] A Case Study Already, under cover of Civic Action, the CIA has been waging “a dirty war” against the Taliban using black propaganda, defectors, criminals, assassinations, selective terror, indefinite detention and a slew of other devious tactics disguised as bringing freedom and democracy, but in fact providing internal security for President Hamid Karzai and his corrupt regime. The CIA refined these practices in Vietnam, where it waged clandestine political and psychological warfare, often working within the U.S. Information Service (USIS). Ostensibly, the U.S. Information Agency had as its raison d'être the promotion of the "Amer-ican way." In its crusade to convert the world into one big happy Chamber of Commerce, the USIS employed all manner of “media,” from TV, radio and satellites to armed propaganda teams, wanted posters, and selective terror. Frank Scotton, a CIA officer under cover with the USIS, played a large role in political and psychological operations (psyops) in Vietnam. A graduate of American University's College of International Relations, Scot-ton received a government graduate assistantship to the East-West Cen-ter at the University of Hawaii. According to legendary CIA officer Lucien Conein, it was there that Scotton was recruited into the CIA. About the CIA-sponsored East-West Center, Scotton said, "It was a cover for a training program in which Southeast Asians were brought to Hawaii and trained to go back to Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos to create agent nets." After arriving in Vietnam in 1961, and initiating his vast agent net, Scotton turned his attention to “energizing" the Vietnamese through political action that advanced American policies. Finding Assets In looking for individuals to mold into unilateral political cadres, Scotton turned to the CIA's defector program, which in April 1963 was placed under cover of the Agency for International Development and named the Chieu Hoi (Open Arms) amnesty program. There Scotton found the raw material he needed to prove the viability of CIA political action and psywar programs. In Pleiku Province, Scotton worked with Vietnamese Special Forces Captain Nguyen Tuy (a graduate of Fort Bragg's Special Warfare Center who commanded the Fourth Special Operations De-tachment) and Tuy's case officer, U.S. Special Forces Captain Howard Walters. As part of a pilot program designed to induce defectors, Scotton, Walters and Tuy set up an ambush deep in Vietcong territory and waited until dark. When they spotted a VC unit, Scotton yelled in Vietnamese through a bullhorn, "You are being misled! You are being lied to! We promise you an education!" Then, full of purpose and allegory, he shot a flare into the night sky and hollered, "Walk toward the light!" To his surprise, two defectors did walk in, convincing him and his CIA bosses that "a deter-mined GVN unit could contest the VC in terms of combat and propaganda." Back in camp, Scotton told the VC defectors that they had to divest themselves of untruths. “We said that certainly the U.S. perpetrated war crimes, but so did the VC. We acknowledged that theirs was the stronger force, but that didn't mean that everything they did was honorable and good and just," Scotton said. (Today, you could substitute Taliban for VC.) The chief of CIA covert action programs, Tom Donohue, recognized the value of intelligence obtained through defectors, and authorized the establishment of Chieu Hoi programs in each of South Vietnam’s provinces. In typical CIA style, there was nothing in writing, and nothing went through the central government. The CIA’s security officer would oversee the Chieu Hoi Program in the provinces. If a defector had potential, the province security officer put him on an airplane and sent him to the central CIA re-indoctrination center, where he was plied with special attention and wowed with CIA gadgetry. The food was spectacular, full of protein, and the bullets weren’t flying. Reeducation and Brainwashing The training was vigorous, but the defectors were treated well, receiving medical care for infections while putting on weight. Other defectors would explain the beauty of the American Way, and other applicable lessons of the day. This brainwashing is "precisely" what political warfare is all about: Having been selected into a "special" program and given "special" treatment, defectors are taught the corporate sales pitch, cross-trained as interchangeable parts for efficiency, then given one last motivational booster shot of schmaltz. Scotton called his program “motivational indoctrination.” While sounding almost comical – brimming with the over-the-top enthusiasm of an Amway convention or a religious revival – these programs, in reality, were deadly serious business. Today, they are conducted secretly at high-security CIA bases in Afghanistan. All defector debriefing reports are certainly sent to the CIA station in Kabul for analysis and collation. Translations are, typically, never considered accurate unless read and confirmed in the original language by the same person, but that rarely happens. The defector program also will likely be exploited by Taliban secret agents, just as the Chieu Hoi program was penetrated in Vietnam. According to Douglas McCollum, who monitored the Chieu Hoi program in three provinces in Vietnam, “It was the biggest hole in the net. They'd come in; we'd hold them, feed them, clothe them, get them a mat. Then we'd release them, and they'd wander around the city for a while, and then disappear.” Defectors and Phoenix In June 1967, the CIA’s Chieu Hoi defector program was incorporated within its newly established Phoenix Program, as it was organized by CIA officer Nelson Brickham, who appreciated Chieu Hoi as "one of the few areas where police and paramilitary advisers cooperated." The Phoenix program was designed to coordinate all intelligence programs in South Vietnam so the CIA could better identify and neutralize Viet Cong political cadre. As Brickham said, “My motto was to recruit them; if you can't recruit them, defect them (that's Chieu Hoi); if you can't defect them, capture them; if you can't capture them, kill them." Brickham also emphasized that Chieu Hoi was a means for the CIA to develop “unilateral penetrations unknown to the [South Vietnamese] police." In other words, if the CIA follows a similar approach in Afghanistan, the Taliban defector buyout program would be conducted unilaterally by the CIA, apart from the Karzai government. From 1967 onwards, all "rallied" VC cadre were included in Phoenix neutralization statistics, and by 1969 more than 100,000 defectors had been processed through 51 Chieu Hoi centers. The Phoenix Program sought to resolve the “revolving door syndrome” by arranging through the SIDE (Screening, Interrogation and Detention of the Enemy) Program the construc-tion of permanent detention facilities; a registration system coordinated with Chieu Hoi programs; and judicial reform aimed at the rapid disposal of pending cases, as devised by Robert Harper, a lawyer on contract to the CIA. Through Phoenix, the CIA also began a policy of offering Chieu Hoi status to informers. From the language of the Phoenix reports, one could easily think that the Chieu Hoi program was a great success. But many Chieu Hoi defectors simply regurgitated the American line in order to win amnesty, make a quick visit to their families, enjoy a few home-cooked meals, and then return to the war for independence, fat and rested. Genuine Chieu Hoi defectors were pariahs who were not accepted back in their villages. Jim Ward, the senior CIA officer in charge of Phoenix in the Delta (1967-1969) described the Chieu Hoi defection process as follows: Upon arriving at the Chieu Hoi center, the defector was "interviewed" and, if he had information on the Vietcong infrastructure (VCI), was sent to the CIA’s Province Interrogation Center; if he had tactical military information, he was sent to military interrogators. Next came political in-doctrination, lasting from 40-60 days, depending on the individual. "They had a formal course," said Ward. "They were shown movies and given lectures on democracy." Upon graduation each was given an ID card, a meal, some money, and a chance to repent. Psy-War Despite his praise for the Chieu Hoi program, Ward said that "Amer-icans should have been targeted only against the North Vietnamese and left the South Vietnamese forces to handle the insurgency," even though such a strategy would have precluded Phoenix. The same lesson applies in Afghanistan. In the eight-plus years of occupation, the U.S. and NATO forces have come to be viewed by many Afghanis as occupiers responsible for the deaths of thousands of innocent civilians. So, the United States must rely on psychological ploys, rather than any appeal to nationalism, to win the Afghanis over to the American Way of doing things. That is how rewards and bounty programs have become business as usual. That is why the U.S. is instituting a defector program, with a publicity campaign managed in the field by psyops teams replete with radios, leaflets, posters, banners, TV shows, movies, comic books falling from planes, and loudspeakers mounted on trucks to spread the word – much as happened in Vietnam. On Jan. 22, 1970, 38,000 leaflets were dropped over three villages in Go Vap District. Addressed to specific VCI members, they read: "Since you have joined the NLF, what have you done for your family or your village and hamlet? Or have you just broken up the happiness of many families and destroyed houses and land? Some people among you have been awakened recently, they have deserted the Communist ranks and were received by the GVN and the people with open arms and family affection. “You should be ready for the end if you remain in the Communist ranks. You will be dealing with difficulties bigger from day to day and will suffer serious failure when the ARVN expand strongly. You had better return to your family where you will be guaranteed safety and helped to establish a new life." Similar psyops leaflets will be aimed at creating defectors in Afghanistan. The Taliban will be portrayed as a socially disruptive force that will inevitably lose. But the Americans can only reach the "people" only through "media" like leaflets and loudspeakers – an indication of just how far removed the CIA is from the reality of life in Afghanistan’s rural villages. And while the CIA relies on cartoons to sell itself, the Taliban go from person to person, proving that technology was no substitute for human contact. Ultimately, the United States was defeated in Vietnam for just this reason. Though packaged as a new initiative, the Taliban defector buyout program simply heralds a replay of the Vietnam experience in Afghanistan – nothing new in the grim world of counterinsurgency. Douglas Valentine is author of The Phoenix Program, which is available through Amazon, as well as The Strength of the Wolf and the new book Strength of the Pack. http://www.dawn.com/2011/02/14/%E2%80%98it%E2%80%99s-happeningfaiz%E2%80%99.html ‘It’s happening, Faiz’ By Naomi Lazard | InpaperMagzine February 14, 2011 Faiz Ahmed Yasser Arafat With friend Yasser Arafat I met Faiz in 1979 when he was 68. It was in Honolulu. We had both been invited to what was billed as a writer’s conference. We were from several countries, some Americans, and the others from countries lining the shores of the Pacific Ocean, Japan, the Philippines, Malaysia and others. Faiz didn’t fit any of these criteria. I never knew what brought him there. But that question had no importance and never came up. We were guests of the East-West Center, which I understood to be a quasiCIA cold war institution designed to keep track of Pacific Basin political maneuvers. Within a very short time it was clear Faiz was the group’s vital centre. At the East-West Center there were lots of meetings, lots of talk about crosspollination between cultures. We were there to cross-pollinate each other. It was 25 years ago in February; it is now the 25th anniversary of the beginning of our translation project. It was a condensed and intense time. Faiz left after six weeks. Bhutto was executed while we were in Honolulu. Faiz was greatly affected. Bhutto’s trial and execution cast a terrible pall over all our time there. But beyond politics, national villainy and disasters, what happens when a supremely gifted, immensely endowed, highly articulate artist suddenly appears in the midst of aspiring writers struggling to find their voices and their way? I was there and know the answer. This man from the ancient culture on the other side of the world entered that curious so-called inter-cultural writers’ workshop like a blast of enlightenment in the form of an elderly, soft-voiced, short, rather stout eminence. It was obvious he was eminent. He was also highly amused by the proceedings, given to frequent bursts of throaty infectious laughter. The proceedings, the venue itself, were, to an objective eye, amusing. The building, sited within a park-like area (it’s hard to get away from the verdant Hawaiian landscape) was without windows. You could not look outside from any room at the Center; the rooms were sealed against daylight. Something else — we were there during the rainy season. It rained everyday, sometimes hard. Nevertheless, the sprinkler system was never adjusted for the weather. In the intervals the rain abated for a while, day or night, the well-functioning sprinklers caught you, wherever you were, with their drenching spray. It was also clear that his eminence and I shared a keen disregard for the nonsensical proceedings. Every time I looked at him he was laughing too. So it was laughter that drew us together. It was poetry that sealed the bond. I read the translation of his work by Victor Kiernan. I saw at once his poetry was of the highest order. I compared it to the great contemporary poets of our time, Pablo Neruda, Nazim Hikmet, Elytis and George Seferis. The idea took root in me that I must translate these poems into English. This was a voice that must be heard in the West. At that time what was known in the United States about Islam was almost totally negative. I was convinced that this beautiful poetry was needed, not only for its own sake, but as tonic and antidote. Faiz was willing. We started the project that became the purpose and occupation of our time in Hawaii. It could be done because, though I was ignorant of Urdu and semi-literate in the cultures of India and Pakistan, Faiz was perfectly bilingual. Faiz’s poems had music and a humanity I couldn’t resist. They literally inhabited me, they sang in my consciousness. The quality of truth in his poetry is embedded in the spirit that animates it. It was the truth that hit me with the force of a blow to the heart. This is the power of art. This is what came out of that writers’ conference in Honolulu in 1979 — the poems that Faiz and I worked on together; I, finding the contemporary English idiom, Faiz, the control, reading my English and letting me know if I had succeeded in finding the meaning, music, feeling tone for his Urdu. This was a process we developed in Honolulu, surrounded by the parking lot architecture, mainly for four wheeled vehicles, not for the two-legged creatures that drove them. I believe our translations were the single body of work that emerged from that cross-pollination of souls. For me the four years spent working with Faiz, finding what equivalent I could for his poems, were the most rewarding years of my life. It was an experience I treasure to this day. Faiz didn’t live to see the book of his selected poems the Princeton University Press published in 1987. I called it The True Subject after something he told me he had learnt studying to be a Sufi — that the loss of the beloved is the true subject of poetry. Now we come to the crossroads of the present. Immense political upheavals are shaking rulers in their boots. Dictators are falling like ninepins, one after another. It is enough to gladden the heart of even the staunchest of cynics. It’s happening, Faiz, it’s happening. The rotten systems are being blasted away by the will of the people. Yesterday the Tunisians, today the Egyptians, tomorrow..? –The writer is an eminent American poet who has published several collections of poetry. The True Subject, her translation of Faiz’s poetry was first published in 1987 by Princeton University Press M2 PRESSWIRE August 21, 2000 CIA Director of Central Intelligence names Deputy Director for Intelligence, Associate Deputy Directors for Intelligence LENGTH: 553 words Director of Central Intelligence George J. Tenet announced today the appointment of Winston P. Wiley as CIA's new Deputy Director for Intelligence. Wiley succeeds John E. McLaughlin, who was appointed Acting Deputy Director of Central Intelligence on June 29, 2000. Wiley has served as Associate Deputy Director for Intelligence (ADDI) since July 1997. Wiley holds a B.A. in economics from The American University and a M.A. in Public Administration from the John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University. Before joining the CIA, Wiley spent three years in the Army Security Agency as a Russian linguist. Wiley has held a wide range of analytic and senior managerial positions in the Directorate of Intelligence, including Chief, Persian Gulf Task Force. Wiley also served as the Deputy Chief, DCI Counterterrorist Center, and then Chief, DCI Counterterrorist Center prior to being named ADDI. Tenet also announced today the selection of Jami Miscik to succeed Wiley as ADDI. Miscik, a native of Redondo Beach, California, joined the CIA in 1983 as an economic analyst after receiving a BA in political science and economics from Pepperdine University and a MA in International Studies from the University of Denver. Miscik completed a rotational assignment to the National Security Council as Director for Intelligence Programs and, upon returning to CIA, was named Executive Assistant to the DCI. She was subsequently appointed Deputy Director of the DCI's Nonproliferation Center and then Director of the Office of Transnational Issues, Directorate of Intelligence. Additionally, Tenet announced the appointment of Martin C. Petersen to the new position of ADDI for Strategic Planning and Programs. Petersen, a native of Lynwood , California, received a BA in political science with high distinction from Arizona State University and a MA in Asian Studies from the East-West Center, University of Hawaii. Petersen served with the US Army in Vietnam. During his CIA career, Petersen held a series of analytic and senior managerial positions dealing with East Asia, including Director of the Office of East Asian Analysis. Following the reorganization of the Directorate of Intelligence in 1997, Petersen was chosen as the first Director of the Office of Asian Pacific and Latin American Analysis. In 1999, Petersen became Director of Strategic Programs, Directorate of Intelligence. In making the announcements today, Tenet said: " I have asked Winston, Jami, and Marty to continue to pursue the DI's objective of providing the best possible intelligence support to senior policymakers, the Congress, the diplomatic, military, and law enforcement communities as well as to other national customers." "The key to securing this objective is a focus on meeting the needs of the customer, the continued development of substantive expertise, and building strong alliances and partnerships with collectors, other communities of analysts, and experts outside the intelligence community," Tenet added. ((M2 Communications Ltd disclaims all liability for information provided within M2 PressWIRE. Data supplied by named party/parties. Further information on M2 PressWIRE can be obtained at http://www.presswire.net on the world wide web. Inquiries to [email protected])). The National Journal OCTOBER 14, 1995 Pinched Pitchmen BYLINE: DICK KIRSCHTEN SECTION: FOREIGN POLICY; Pg. 2529; VOL. 27, NO. 41 LENGTH: 3640 words Earlier this year, the U.S. Institute of Peace, a federally financed Washington think tank, was targeted for the ultimate peace dividend: Abolition. The institute is one of several tiny agencies now on Capitol Hill's chopping block that were created during the Cold War to export democracy and expand American engagement overseas through innovative and essentially nongovernment channels. A Congressional Budget Office (CBO) report released in February pegged the institute and three kindred agencies--the Asia Foundation, the East-West Center and the North-South Center--as entities that ''could be eliminated without directly affecting U.S. foreign policy.'' Government auditors also have their knives out for the somewhat larger National Endowment for Democracy (NED), which operates in the private sector to support activities--such as those of Chinese dissident Harry Wu--toward which official U.S. diplomacy turns a blind eye. A forthcoming General Accounting Office analysis is expected to question whether the endowment's functions are duplicated by the Agency for International Development (AID), which spends six times as much through its own recently created Center for Democracy and Governance. All of these agencies are being squeezed by a Republicanled drive to reorganize and consolidate America's foreign policy bureaucracy to adapt to the changed realities of the post-Cold War era. The GOP initiative is driven in part by pressure to reduce the deficit and in part by the desire to take preelection potshots at President Clinton's handling of international affairs. Though minuscule compared with cutbacks in defense and foreign aid, the hits being absorbed by modestly budgeted democracy-building programs are alarming to scholars who believe that the spread of democracy and open markets is vital to future U.S. security interests. Because democracy promotion was a conspicuous theme in Clinton's 1992 campaign and is frequently proclaimed as a pillar of his Administration's foreign policy, it's tempting bait for ''the Republican sharks already circling in the 1996 electoral waters,'' said Thomas Carothers, a former State Department lawyer who's now a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Carothers, writing in the Washington Quarterly, warns that GOP critics ''may incorrectly associate democracy promotion with what they perceive as a misguided muddle of 'feel good' tendencies in the Clinton Administration's foreign policy, such as multilateralism and humanitarianism, rather than recognizing it as a solidly bipartisan policy component that took shape under Republican Administrations.'' American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research scholar Joshua Muravchik, a self-styled Reagan Democrat and forceful proponent of projecting American ideals abroad, said in an interview that ''a kind of diluted isolationism'' was expected to take root in the United States after ''so many years of carrying the big burdens of the Cold War.'' But Muravchik, author of Exporting Democracy: Fulfilling America's Destiny, published in 1992, lamented pending cuts in international broadcasting and pro-democracy programs. ''These are the programs that I especially cherish: the instruments of U.S. political engagement with the world and for spreading our ideas and doing political battle,'' he said. At the Washington office of RAND, the California-based think tank that's partly financed by the government, political scientist Graham Fuller, a former vice chairman of the CIA's National Intelligence Council, said democracy building in much of the Third World requires a long-term commitment. ''Ultimately the world will move toward a greater degree of democratic practice and democratic participation and, indeed, needs to,'' he said. ''But the process of getting there is going to be extremely painful for most of the countries involved.'' Fuller said efforts to export Western ideology will face ''sharp rejection in societies that feel threatened.'' But he added that programs that teach the mechanics of democracy at the grass-roots level, such as the NED's, should be continued. ''Information is the most powerful weapon available on the global scene for bringing about change.'' SURVIVING AMBUSHES When Winston Lord, the State Department's top Asia hand, was invited to Capitol Hill this summer to discuss U.S. security policy toward East Asia and the Pacific, he beat the drums for a high-profile American military and diplomatic presence in the region. But he also put in a plug for a less official and far less expensive form of engagement. Stressing the Administration's commitment ''to champion humane values and the movement toward more open societies'' in the region, he urged Congress to ''fully support nongovernmental organizations, such as the National Endowment for Democracy and the Asia Foundation, which are often better-placed than governments to foster positive change.'' In a $ 1.6 trillion federal budget, the nongovernment agents of public diplomacy and democracy building are small potatoes. The NED, the Institute of Peace, the Asia Foundation and the two regional centers together receive less than $ 100 million. Nonetheless, although appropriations for 1996 are not yet final, it's readily apparent that Congress does not have in mind full support for such agencies. The NED is looking at a $ 4 million--or 12 per cent--cut from its 1995 budget of $ 34 million. But that's a far cry from the $ 48 million budget that Clinton proposed--but did not get-for the agency in 1993. No stranger to congressional ambushes, the endowment escaped narrow brushes with extinction in the Democratic-controlled House in 1991, and again in 1993. Hostility toward the NED runs particularly high at the Cato Institute, a libertarian think tank that's in fashion among Washington's newly empowered conservatives. And even National Review magazine, the bible of the right wing establishment, snipes from time to time that the International Republican Institute, a subsidiary of the NED, is poorly managed. A November 1993 Cato Institute report argued that ''promoting democracy is a nebulous objective that can be manipulated to justify any whim of the special-interest groups-the Republican and Democratic Parties, organized labor and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce--that control most of (the) NED's funds.'' It added that ''the end of the Cold War has nullified any usefulness that such an organization might ever have had.'' Despite such criticism, the NED maintains bipartisan backing on Capitol Hill that includes support from the new Republican leadership. And its budget is faring much better this year than those of the four smaller agencies tagged by the CBO as candidates for elimination. The Asia Foundation, after a Senate subcommittee proposed zeroing out its budget, is braced for a reduction of at least a third from its 1995 spending level of $ 15 million. A House panel proposed cutting $ 5 million from the Institute of Peace's 1995 budget of $ 11.5 million; but allies in the Senate restored the cut, and a final spending level is to be worked out in conference. Congress is also seeking to phase out federal support for the university-based East-West and North-South Centers, which foster contacts between U.S. scholars, journalists and business leaders and their counterparts in Asian and Pacific nations and Latin America. Congress created the East-West Center in Hawaii in 1960 as a nonprofit educational center. The North-South Center, located in Miami, came into being in the mid-1980s. House appropriators this year bushwhacked the East-West Center's 1996 budget request of $ 20 million (down from $ 24.5 million in 1995), proposing no funds at all. In the Senate, however, $ 10 million was approved. The North-South Center, which received $ 4 million in 1995, will take a 75 per cent cut to $ 1 million for 1996. The drive led by Senate Foreign Relations Committee chairman Jesse A. Helms, R-N.C., to eliminate the U.S. Information Agency (USIA) and AID as independent agencies and fold them into the State Department casts even greater uncertainty over the future of U.S. efforts to directly engage foreign audiences and support pro-democracy dissidents. In addition to their own activities in that field, USIA and AID also bankroll grants for the smaller, independent agencies. Concern about duplication and unnecessary overhead predates Helms's campaign to consolidate international activities within a streamlined State Department. In 1993, the U.S. Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy, chaired by Tom C. Korologos, who now heads USIA's oversight board for international broadcasting, called for better coordination of the government's democracy promotion activities. ''There is much to be done, and there are good reasons for diversity,'' the public diplomacy commission reported. And it added that ''the partnership between public and private organizations in democracy assistance is uniquely American and a valuable asset.'' But the Korologos panel hastened to add that a scattershot approach can also produce problems. ''Commissioners also find inadequate coordination, program duplication and worthwhile projects hampered by insufficient resources. All too often, agencies with host country contacts and experiences in promoting democracy do not receive democracy assistance funds, while those that do lack experience and contacts.'' USIA director Joseph D. Duffey, in an interview, suggested that such criticisms are dated. ''Mistakes have been made,'' he said, but he insisted that lessons have been learned. In an era when fewer resources will be available for democracy promotion, he argued that the government will be able to spend its money more wisely. AID's administrator, J. Brian Atwood, a former director of the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs, one of the NED's four ''core'' subsidiaries, denied in an interview that there is any overlap between his agency's democracy programs--currently budgeted at $ 200 million a year-and NED activities. ''There have been concerns recently, as we go through this period of great budget pressures, that maybe there is duplication,'' he said. ''The General Accounting Office has raised this issue, and certainly (Rep.) Ben Gilman (R-N.Y., chairman of the House International Relations Committee) has raised it.'' In a Sept. 15 letter to Gilman, Atwood promised to develop guidelines to improve coordination between AID and the NED and submit them for the House committee's review by next February. Atwood's letter endorsed the continued independence of the NED, which, he noted, ''has been able to act in some instances where the U.S. government, for foreign policy reasons, prefers not to become directly involved in providing assistance.'' He added that the NED can act more quickly than governmental bureaucracies and described its small grants as ''seeds'' that larger organizations, such as AID, can later ''nourish'' with increased financial support. AFTER THE CREST, A CRASH The 1980s were exciting times. A wave of democratic transitions swept across Latin America, Africa and Asia and crested in Central Europe as the Soviet empire came apart at the seams. Now, though, much of the glamour has disappeared from the democracy promotion business. What ''only a few years ago seemed like a pioneering venture, has become an established form of international assistance,'' the NED declared in a 1992 strategy document addressing the new needs of the post-Cold War era. If democracy building is an institutionalized tool of American foreign policy, it has also become a legitimate target for congressional fine-tuning and oversight. The brunt of such attention, for example, is now being felt at the Free Trade Union Institute, the NED subsidiary run by the AFL-CIO. When the NED and its four operational auxiliaries were formed in 1984, organized labor, by dint of its long involvement in international affairs and overseas organizing, was better prepared than its sister institutes to immediately channel support to pro-democratic forces, such as Poland's Solidarity movement. As a result, the labor institute over the years has dispensed a disproportionate amount of NED grants. Now, however, Congress has stipulated that the NED distribute funds equally to each of its subsidiary institutes. ''That hurts,'' said Paul J. Somogyi, the labor institute's executive director, who said that the equalization, ''coupled with the over-all $ 4 million reduction in the NED budget, implies an immediate 52.6 per cent cut in our programs.'' He acknowledged that cuts were inevitable, but said ''it would have helped if (they) had been spread out over a couple of years.'' NED president Carl Gershman, in an interview, acknowledged that ''clearly, the surge of democracy that we saw in the '80s has now ebbed.'' In fact, he added, because of the difficulties that were to be expected in the consolidation of new democracies, the world is now seeing ''a reverse wave'' in which fledgling democracies are suffering setbacks. ''A country like Russia doesn't make a transition to democracy just because the old regime fell apart,'' Gershman noted. Because many factors militate against smooth transitions to market economies and open societies, democracy assistance is needed now more than ever, he argued. ''The issue in the '90s is predominantly the need to consolidate the gains of the '80s.'' Gershman denied that, as some critics maintain, the endowment seeks to impose American values on other nations and cultures. ''Democracy, as we understand it, is not something that is purely an American idea,'' he said. ''Nor do I accept the notion that there are cultures that are inherently undemocratic.'' The endowment, he counters, provides ''meaningful support, encouragement and solidarity'' to individuals in closed societies who seek it. ''This is not a form of social engineering where we go out and try to reshape other people's priorities.'' The Carnegie Endowment's Carothers, however, cautions that there are limits to what the United States can accomplish in the area of democracy promotion and a danger of building expectations that cannot can be fulfilled. He contends that ''pro-democracy rhetoric has been badly overused,'' both by the Clinton Administration and the Republican Administrations that preceded it. During the 1980s, Carothers wrote, Americans ''got in the habit of taking far too much credit'' for the emergence of new democracies. ''Lost in the excitement,'' he added, was ''the fact that in most regions, U.S. efforts to promote democracy were largely responses to--rather than causes of--democratic transitions.'' Noting that ''democratization is deeply troubled in Russia, (and proceeding) much slower than expected in Eastern Europe,'' he argues that the Clinton Administration finds itself at risk of being held to blame for ''events that are only marginally subject to U.S. influence.'' Carothers argues ''there is not much case to be made that the United States can or should be doing much more than it currently is to promote democracy abroad.'' Gershman and his allies just hope that Congress will permit them to do as much. PR Newswire October 21, 2003 Tuesday First-Ever, Asia-Pacific Region, Homeland Security Summit Convenes in Hawaii SECTION: FINANCIAL NEWS LENGTH: 437 words DATELINE: HONOLULU Oct. 21 Top government leaders, senior business executives, and security, technology and anti-terrorism experts will meet at the Inaugural Asia Pacific Homeland Security Summit & Exposition in Honolulu, Hawaii, at the Hilton Hawaiian Village from November 19-21, 2003. The Summit is being organized by the State of Hawaii in collaboration with the U.S. Pacific Command, the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies, the US-ASEAN Business Council, the East West Center, and the Pacific Basin Economic Council. More than 500 attendees are expected. The Summit will provide information for government and corporate leaders to develop strategies to meet the new security challenges, such as critical infrastructure protection, promoting secure commerce and trade, defending against weapons of mass destruction and protecting the public's health. "The Summit will enhance awareness of cultural sensitivities that have to be taken into consideration when managing security issues throughout Asia-Pacific," said Governor Linda Lingle. Confirmed speakers include Admiral Thomas Fargo, Commander of U.S. Pacific Command (PACOM); The Honorable James Woolsey, former head of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and vice president of Booz Allen Hamilton; Wong Kan Seng, Singapore's Minister of Home Affairs; Ambassador Crecensio Arcos, Director of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security's Office of International Affairs; Lieutenant General William Lennox, Superintendent of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point; and world renown Al-Qaeda and terrorism expert, Dr. Rohan Gunaratna of Singapore's Institute of Defense & Strategic Studies. Also in attendance will be His Excellency Mr. Ong Keng Yong, Secretary General of ASEAN and all ten ASEAN Ambassadors to the U.S. The Summit will be an ideal forum for developing solutions to public and private sector security threats in the Asia-Pacific region. Sessions are designed to maximize participant interaction, stimulate new ideas and innovative approaches through keynote addresses, plenary forums, and roundtable discussions. Complete details are available at www.scd.state.hi.us/summit . The Australian May 15, 2003 Thursday All-round Country Edition Fighting terror on a shoestring SOURCE: MATP BYLINE: Greg Sheridan, Foreign editor SECTION: FEATURES-TYPE- FEATURE; Pg. 13 LENGTH: 973 words Underfunding ASIS and ASIO betrays a serious lack of intelligence in this budget WANT to hear something spooky? An extremely well informed foreign gentleman (no need to be more specific) told me recently his Government hardly thought it worthwhile to maintain a dedicated liaison effort with the Australian Secret Intelligence Service. The reason? ASIS is just so tiny that it is not a real organisation. It does some good work in South-East Asia, but even there it is far from comprehensive and, in the eyes of professionals in this field, has never reached critical mass. ASIS is the nearest Australia has to a Central Intelligence Agency. It collects foreign intelligence. It is a front-line agency for preventing terrorist attacks against Australia. Its budget last year was $60 million. Just to give you an off-the-wall comparison, that is about the same as the East-West Centre, an academic think-tank you've probably never heard of, dedicated to improving US-Asia-Pacific relations, located at the University of Hawaii. We don't have anything like the resources of the US, but this is ridiculous. ASIS's budget for this coming year will increase to $79 million. That is a big improvement but it is still far short of what is needed. When most of your personnel operate overseas you don't buy a big capacity for $79 million. The situation is even worse for the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation. Its budget last year was $85 million. The Government's Budget documents are, as usual, a model of opacity, based no doubt on Soviet precedents in the concealment of information. But ASIO's operating budget now appears to be $95 million. This is just totally inadequate to the task. The Government has increased defence expenditure to more than $15 billion in 2003/04, including all the one-offs such as funding the war on Iraq. This takes defence spending close to 2 per cent of Gross National Product. This is highly necessary and is justified mainly by the war on terrorism. But as the terrible suicide bombing in Saudi Arabia this week, in which an Australian was killed, shows, the threat of mass terrorism, carried out by al-Qa'ida or similar groups, is still very strong. The armed forces play a crucial role in the fight against terrorism. But they cannot stop a September 11, a Bali bombing, or the type of attack we saw in Riyadh this week. The most likely way to stop such an action is through intelligence, domestic and foreign. In other words ASIO, and to a lesser extent ASIS, are the front-line agencies in the war against terrorism. This column has supported the Government's attempts, thwarted in the Senate, to modestly increase ASIO's powers so that it can combat terrorism more effectively. But much more important is to give ASIO more resources. During the long Cold War, the primary threat to Australia, and the world, was a devastating nuclear exchange. ASIO played its role in limiting this threat by countering espionage by the Soviet Union. Its work today involves the far more difficult and diffuse task of preventing al-Qa'ida agents or sympathisers, or agents or sympathisers of similar groups, from conducting mass terrorism against Australia. Yet ASIO today is much smaller than during the Cold War. According to people who monitor al-Qa'ida linked web sites and other al-Qa'ida related communications, Australia appears in this chatter, as an enemy, all the time. In fact analysts are frankly surprised at the frequency and prominence of Australia in these communications. That means, as NSW Premier Bob Carr among others has pointed out, that the likelihood of a terrorist attack in Australia is actually very high. Additional commandos in the army, new refuelling aeroplanes -- these are all welcome and necessary, but they are far less likely to stop a terrorist action than effective work by ASIO. At the same time, all of ASIO's traditional tasks, and most of the traditional threats, need to be dealt with. Australia has recently re-established relationships with North Korea and Libya. North Korea has a history of using its diplomatic network for drug-smuggling, seeking to acquire weapons of mass destruction technology and terrorism. Libya has a record of using its diplomatic network for WMD technology and terrorism. Indeed when it last had an embassy here it actively recruited Arab-speaking Australians to fight in a terrorist brigade, which is one of the reasons it was asked to leave. On balance, and notwithstanding this history, it is probably still a good idea to resume these diplomatic relationships, to try to talk Pyongyang out of its nuclear madness, and to try to make a buck out of Libya. But both these embassies surely will require extensive watching by ASIO. And watching, whether embassies or potential terrorists, is extremely labourintensive. There are numbers of Australians who have received explosives training in al-Qa'ida terrorist camps. Professional intelligence people would scoff at the idea of watching such people around the clock. ASIO doesn't have the manpower and it's a waste of resources. That is really bureaucrat-speak because it is not a waste of resources if such surveillance stops someone from conducting an act of mass terrorism. This is where the structure of Australia's counter-terrorist effort is wonky. Daryl Williams is politically weak. Because there is no single co-ordinating body, and certainly no single senior cabinet minister responsible for counter-terrorism overall, no one is really fighting for the resources ASIO needs. More bureaucratically powerful agencies such as Defence make sure their part of the intelligence effort is well funded. But the needs of the nation remain unmet. There is a serious lack of intelligence in this budget. The Oregonian (Portland, Oregon) April 28, 1990 Saturday Correction Appended FOURTH Edition DEFENSE WITNESS SAYS HE MET BRENNEKE IN PAKISTAN BYLINE: JOHN PAINTER JR., of the Oregonian Staff< SECTION: LOCAL STORIES; Pg. D01 LENGTH: 797 words Saturday, April 28, 1990 CORRECTION: Published correction ran 4/29/90: A defense witness in the federal false declaration trial of self-proclaimed CIA agent Richard J. Brenneke testified Friday that he first met Brenneke in 1967 at the Royal Thai Air Base in U Taphao, Thailand, and again in 1980 at the airport in Lahore, Pakistan. Some editions of The Oregonian reported Saturday that defense witness William Northrop first met Brenneke in Pakistan. DEFENSE WITNESS SAYS HE MET BRENNEKE IN PAKISTAN Summary: Testimony indicates the defendant may have been running arms to Afghanistan A defense witness in the trial of self-proclaimed CIA contract agent Richard J. Brenneke said Friday that he first met Brenneke in 1967 as he was ``transporting cargo into the Lahore airport'' in Pakistan. William M. Northrop, himself accused of conspiring to illegally sell arms to Iran in a case the government dropped in 1986, said he didn't know for sure what the cargo was. But Northrop said he knew where it was headed. It was destined for the ``demilitarized zone between Afghanistan and Pakistan for delivery to the Mujahideen Afghan rebels.'' The rebels were conducting a guerrilla war against Soviet troops then occupying their homeland. Northrop said that he was ``99.9 percent sure that Brenneke was involved in an American-sanctioned operation'' and the inescapable impression was that Brenneke was running arms to the rebels. Northrop, an American who also holds Israeli citizenship, said at the time he was ``running Jews out of Iran.'' ``I had eight refugees I desperately needed to get out of Pakistan,'' he said, and at the International Lahore Hilton, he and Brenneke struck a deal. Northrop said he provided Brenneke with two passes into the border demilitarized zone and Brenneke had the refugees flown from Lahore to Rome. At the time, Brenneke was traveling on a Swiss passport ``issued in the name of Hans Heinker or something like that,'' Northrop said. Northrop also testified that he knew Brenneke had CIA connections in Switzerland. The Brenneke case has drawn widespread attention because Brenneke has contended in court that top eagan campaign officials, including George Bush, negotiated secretly in Paris with Iran to delay the release of 52 American hostages until after the 1980 presidential election. Brenneke is accused of lying about his CIA ties and about those he named as allegedly attending the meeting in Paris. Earlier in Brenneke's trial, a CIA personnel man, Eldon I. Hatch, testified that the agency could find no record of Brenneke's employment. In a 1988 court case, Brenneke named Bush, who was a vice-presidential candidate in the fall of 1980; William J. Casey, the late CIA director who then was managing the Reagan-Bush campaign; and Donald P. Gregg, who then was a CIA agent assigned to President Carter's national security staff. Gregg served as Vice President Bush's national security adviser and is now is the U.S. ambassador to South Korea. Iran released the hostages Jan. 20, 1981, the day Bush and Ronald Reagan were sworn into office. If convicted of lying in the earlier case, Brenneke, a West Linn consultant and writer, could be sentenced to five years in prison and fined $10,000. Denver defense lawyer Michael Scott failed to get admitted as evidence a number of affidavits that were prepared for the ``brokers of death'' federal prosecution, which was dismissed after the key witness died in England. The brokers of death affidavits were supposed to show the jury that the CIA had lied in the past about its records and employees, thereby casting doubt on Hatch's testimony and the government's case against Brenneke. However, U.S. District Judge Malcolm F. Marsh ruled the documents were irrevelant and hearsay. He refused to allow the jury to see the affidavits or to hear testimony on them from Northrop, one of the 17 defendants in the New York prosecution, U.S. vs. Samuel Evans. The defendants in the 1986 brokers of death case were charged with trying to sell more than $2 billion worth of American-made arms to Iran. Brenneke remained in the coronary care unit in St. Vincent Hospital and Medical Center on Friday and did not attend the trial, at which only Northrop testified. Marsh recessed the case until 8:30 a.m. Tuesday, when Brenneke is expected to take the stand briefly to identify an exhibit. He will be followed by Richard V. Allen, a former national security adviser to President Reagan. Allen appeared briefly at the Brenneke trial Friday. Marsh said Allen should appear Tuesday, but if Brenneke remains in the hospital, the trial likely will be recessed until he is discharged. Brenneke was hospitalized Tuesday night with chest pains. He has a history of heart problems. FEDERAL JURY ACQUITS BRENNEKE BYLINE: JOHN PAINTER JR., of the Oregonian Staff < SECTION: LOCAL STORIES; Pg. A01 LENGTH: 984 words Saturday, May 5, 1990 FEDERAL JURY ACQUITS BRENNEKE Summary: The Lake Oswego businessman declares ``justice was done'' upon being cleared after accusations of lying to a federal judge claiming to be a contract agent of the CIA A federal jury in Portland on Friday unanimously acquitted Lake Oswego businessman Richard J. Brenneke of lying to a federal judge about his CIA connections. The eight-woman, four-man jury reached a verdict shortly before 5 p.m. and by 5:10 p.m., it was all over. ``Hand over your verdict to the bailiff,'' U.S. District Judge Malcolm F. Marsh said to jury foreman Mark Christoff. Marsh then read the not-guilty verdict. Brenneke, 48, and his two lawyers, Michael Scott of Denver and Richard H. Muller of Portland, were visibly relieved. Scott slumped in his chair and Brenneke slouched forward, bent his head and laid his spectacles on the counsel table. The government had accused Brenneke of lying in court in Denver in 1988 when he said he had worked as a contract agent for the CIA and that he knew of a 1980 meeting in Paris where top Reagan campaign Enhanced Coverage Linking Reagan campaign -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days figures, including George Bush, made a deal with representatives of Iran to delay the release of 52 American hostages until after the election. He also was charged with three other related counts. Assistant U.S. Attorney Thomas M. O'Rourke of Denver hurriedly strode from the courtroom after the verdict and refused to comment. Brenneke left the courtroom with Scott, went into a nearby men's room and let out a couple of loud victory whoops. In the lobby, Muller said: ``Justice was done. You never want to sell the common sense of your fellow Americans short.'' Outside, facing a wall of cameras and reporters, Brenneke's first act was to borrow a reporter's cellular phone and call his wife to tell her of his acquittal. As he dialed, he exclaimed: ``I feel great! The system works and I feel great. ``Come here! Come here!'' Brenneke yelled at his lawyers. They closed in and he put an arm around them. ``I got two of the finest lawyers in the world and they're standing right here,'' he said. ``They're happy, we're pleased, we told the truth. We told the truth all along and by God, it was believed.'' Scott said Brenneke was going to have a T-shirt made that would say, ``I Survived A Bush-wacking.'' In its indictment, the federal government also claimed Brenneke lied when he said William Casey, the late CIA director and then-campaign manager for Ronald Reagan, Enhanced Coverage Linking Ronald Reagan, -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days and Donald Gregg, who was a CIA agent at the time assigned to the Carter White House and now the U.S. ambassador to South Korea, were at the Paris meeting. Brenneke, who lives in West Linn and runs a Lake Oswego consulting business, was in Denver to appear on behalf of a friend, Henrich Rupp, who was being sentenced for bank fraud. Brenneke also said Rupp worked for the CIA and was accused in the indictment of lying about that. The government called a number of witness, including Gregg, who said he was spending a weekend on the Deleware shore when Brenneke said he was in Paris. Other witnesses said both Bush and Casey did not leave the United States the weekend of Oct. 18-19, 1980. A CIA witness testified the agency had no record of Brenneke or Rupp as employees. Asked how much the case had cost him, Brenneke replied, ``Everything I have except my integrity and my knowledge. I haven't quit. This is just the start. We're gonna tell the truth. We're gonna tell the truth.'' ``Read his book,'' interjected Scott. The Denver lawyer said the jury's verdict did not mean that witnesses such as Gregg and Richard V. Allen, Reagan's national security adviser and now a consultant, lied under oath at the trial or that Bush did secretly travel to Paris. The verdict ``means that the jury did not find my client guilty,'' Scott said. During the course of the trial, Brenneke appeared to surprise even his own lawyers when he asserted he never saw Bush in Paris and that his earlier statements were merely the relaying of reports by others. He also said he did not believe the reports of Bush being in Paris were true. In Washington, D.C., Stephen Hart, deputy White House press secretary, declined to comment on the case. Brenneke said his wife wasn't present at trial because she ``couldn't take it and because of the threats made against us I didn't want her here.'' Brenneke said there had been threats made against him, his wife and other people, but he declined to elaborate. ``Honey, it's me. I just have been found not guilty,'' Brenneke said to his wife, Ann, after being connected by phone. A shout of joy could be heard through the receiver. ``I'm standing on the courthouse steps,'' he said, his voice breaking, ``with a whole bunch of people in front of me and I had to call you and tell you. Say a prayer and say thanks. The system works, dear.'' Brenneke said he hoped the case was over. ``I hope that we have said what we wanted to say in the courtroom. I hope the government understands that I'm not guilty.'' The trial was briefly delayed last week when Brenneke was hospitalized with chest pains. He had open-heart surgery in March 1989. Outside the courthouse, Brenneke repeatedly said, ``Read my book,'' and avoided some specific questions about the case. In his closing argument, O'Rourke, the prosecutor, portrayed Brenneke as a rejected CIA job applicant who wanted to be a CIA agent, operating on ``the fringes,'' trying to make arms deals, trying to get into intelligence gathering, but always reduced to playing at the edges of action, never getting involved in the real thing. Scott argued that the defense produced abundant evidence that the CIA, as well as the U.S. Customs Service, used Brenneke's services around the world, which lent credibility to Brenneke's other assertions. ILLUSTRATION: Color Photo of Richard J. Brenneke B&W Photo of Richard J. Brenneke by Steve Dipaola of the Oregonian Staff Africa News July 9, 2000 Kenya Politics; The Kenyatta Succession Race In The 1960s Was Intense And Deadly BYLINE: Ken Opala, The Nation (Nairobi) SECTION: NEWS, DOCUMENTS & COMMENTARY LENGTH: 2676 words Nairobi - The President's advanced age complicated Kenya's politics, then polarised along Oginga Odinga and Tom Mboya rivalry. The key question was: What will happens with Kenya without Kenyatta? Butere MP Martin Shikuku was concerned. But the politicos stayed clear of the matter. "Mr. Shikuku expressed opinion that Kanu Parliamentary Group should consider how the future of the country would be governed if Mzee happened to be absent. No discussions took place on this subject," according to minute 9/67 of September 1967. The battle was overbearing, uncomfortably hovering over the Cabinet. Tom Mboya, Oginga Odinga, Njoroge Mungai and Mbiyu Koinange were accused of openly jostling for power. A second subterrenean force, shrewd and powerful, drew Munyua Waiyaki, Njoroge Mungai, Bildad Kaggia, Ochieng Oneko and Dennis Akumu. A third column of two influential but secretive men; Charles Njonjo and Bruce Mackenzie - had its own idea on Kenyatta's replacement. It was thus a fluid moment. And the war showed in acrimonious letters that flew in the Cabinent. The Succession spokes revolved around Odinga and archrival Mboya, whose eventful life was cut short by an assassin in July 1969. Mboya, killed at the age of 39, was first among All the President's Men. "Mboya was very very clever. He knew what he was doing. The chap was smart," says Dr Munyua Waiyaki, a former minister in both Kenyatta and Moi governments. Waiyaki opposed Mboya in the1960 elections. Earlier, he had been an official of Mboya-led Nairobi Progressive Congress, before he co-found Kanu. He recalls how Mboya was opposed to Kanu but later hijacked it when it emerged it had national appeal. For instance, the secretary general post was earmarkd for Njoroge Mungai but Mboya placated the would be Kanu leader James Gichuru to support him (Mboya). Mboya was a political genius. At times, President Kenyatta, aware of his foreign influence, gave him the carte blanche to shape Kenya's history. He dispensed with Oginga Odinga, a key figure in freedom struggle and a man who almost singlehandedly, fought for Kenyatta's release from detention. The power battle between Mboya and Odinga was dramatic, an anti-climax of sorts. Its climax was the fall-out between Odinga and Kenyatta. At the centre was the CIA who bankrolled programmes aimed at filling gaps in the political landscape that could pave way for communism. In terms of ideology, Mboya and Odinga were world's apart. The former was sly and shrewd while Jaramogi was principled. But the differences hardly stopped there. Whereas Mboya was avowed anti-communist, his rival described capitalism as "imperialism". Mboya was the epic organiser, tactician, a conservative. Odinga had the ethnic appeal, a radical. Perhaps their meeting point was their ethnicity and area of origin, Nyanza, and that both were ambitious. "Mboya wanted the presidency. The rivalry a question of success, nothing personal between the two," says Dr Waiyaki. Politics is not Christianity. One gains swathes of support by being shrewd and cunning. This was Mboya's philosophy, a major departure from Odinga's belief that politics is religion: to win, play it true and right. Unfortunately, Odinga's fate was sealed by forces outside Kenya: CIA. "Total void" hardly appears in the dictionary of political leadership. Indeed, Odinga's dispension nurtured a new concept on Kenya's political landscape. Koinange was now the shaker and pusher. "Kenyatta, after being subjected to the manipulation by Odinga and Mboya, was forced to abandon the Luo camp and opted for his own tribe," says John Keen. Koinange, Njoroge Mungai and Njonjo formed a new triumvirate. The fight between Mboya and Koinange was protracted, silent and never spilt over into public. Indeed, 31 years since Mboya's killing and 19 since Koinange's death, little has ever emerged about their bitter battle to control their space close to Kenyatta. Sunday Nation investigations reveal political intrigues that defined the Succession battle. Kenyatta was torn between two dominant forces Odinga and Mboya. "By 1965, Parliament was torn right in the middle between the conservatives (Mboya's camp) and radicals (Odinga's)," says Keen, who was himself radical. Mwai Kibaki, a moderate, attributed Kanu wrangles to "lack of party policy," he said in a paper on reorganisation of the party. Kenyatta, afraid the conflict would break the party, refused to call party elections between 1963 and 1966. The central party machine remains weak. There were two Kanus A and B and a number of branches were bogged down in wrangles. Kanu held chiefly because of loyalty to Kenyatta. To many of his friends, Kenyatta was hardly in control. A number of statements attributed to Kenyatta ended up embarrassing him. For example, circumstances surrounding Joseph Murumbi's resignation as VP almost turned an embarrassment to Kenyatta. Murumbi, Daniel arap Moi's predecessor, was Kenya's second vice president. He replaced Jaramogi Odinga who had resigned the same year following a a systematic plot by Mboya and those in the Cabinet opposed to communism, to clip his powers. After bruising over the intended resignation for two months, Kenyatta made a public statement to allay fears Murumbi's decision was political. It was because of poor health, he told Kenyans. "Mr. Murumbi informed the President that the strain of continuing poor health was making it physically difficult for him to perform to the satisfaction of his high standards, the onerous official and social duties attached his office. He therefore expressed the wish to be relieved of his post of vice president as soon as could be conveniently arranged. Mr. Murumbi pledged himself to continue as a staunch supporter of the government and Kanu, " said the official statement, september 20, 1966. This disgusted Murumbi. He had written a letter to Kenyatta on July 21,1966 asking to resign on August 31 asking to venture in commerce, and had got a job as the chairman of Rothmans Pall Mall (Kenya) Ltd, an international tobacco- maker. The statement disgusted Murumbi. He telephoned Kenyatta on the night the statement was made, complaining that it misrepresented him threatened to spark a state of anxiety within the public. Kenyatta was forced to retract two days later. "Although the damage has already been done by the first statement, I hope that things will now be all right as a result of the correction," Murumbi later wrote to Kenyatta. But in a personal letter to a friend, British MP Leslie Hale, three months later, Murumbi said he "plunged" out of politics because things were going wrong. He fell short of saying Kenyatta was not in control. "One is that I had for sometime made up my mind that I had had enough of politics and, secondly, things in Kenya are not going the way they should and I am afraid that people outside have got a false impression of the stability of this country. "Thirdly, I think we have thrown overboard all our soocialist principles and we will have to pay dearly for this in the long run." Observers were convinced the succession battle was beyond Kenyatta' s handling. Old age was only helping to complicate his fight for political longevity at State House. Indications were apparent the Cabinet was at war with itself. Probably the biggest but yet unknown feud drew Mboya and Koinange, the man who later emerged the ultimate power-broker in the Kenyatta government. In Kiambu, his home, Koinange was referred to as kanyoi (razor) and in the corridors of power, he was equalled to Kissinger, in reference to the all- powerful Secretary of State of United states, Henry Kissinger The battle between the two was was steep, personal and bordered on the ridiculous. "Koinange did the running of the government. But he never came to the forefront. Of course, Mboya was uncomfortable with this," according to Waiyaki. Sometime in May, 1964 during a meeting on the federation of east african countries, which resulted in EA Community's formation, Mbiyu Koinange kept the delegation waiting for him for hours at the airport. Mboya who was in the group that waited. He was appalled, so he complained to Kenyatta. Koinange came to know of the correspondence. In a letter to Kenyatta a couple of days later, he wrote: "My Dear Prime Minister. You will have received a letter from Thomas Mboya, the Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs referring to the recent East African Federation meeting at Kampala, Uganda, and my being unable to attend. "Sir, you know my loyalty to you personally, to our Kanu party; of my loyalty to Kenya and latterly my loyalty to our new Indepdent Council of Ministers. My loyalty is beyond doubt, therefore my Prime Minister, 1 frankly feel that there is no need for me to reply to this Mr. Mboya's letter. It is unfortunate, ill-timed, egoistic and if I may say so, an irresponsible letter which is skillfully designed by one of my colleagues to endanger good working spirit among us." To attack Mboya was to provoke him, as Murumbi would say later. Koinange's letter opened a can of worrns. Mboya, known for his knack for sarcasm, went for the jugular. "I regret to have to say that the contents of the letter are nothing but irrelevant, nor do they even pretend to dispute the facts stated in mine the fact that we waited for Mr. koinange for more than three hours and the fact that he made no effort to send a message about his "illness". Mboya Kenyatta that he was ready to have the issue discussed in the Cabinet. But he dismissed Koinange. "In regard to Mr. Koinange's loyalty and his attitude to Federation, this is really his own problem and nothing to do with me or the letter I wrote to you. " The quarrel and power wrangles hardly stopped there. About two years later, Koinange was on the warpath, accusing his colleague of usurping the powers of other Cabinet members. The issue was the intention of the government to buy residence for its ambassador in New York. Mboya had asked the government to allocate funds towards this cause. In a letter to Mboya, Koinange argued that the ambassador should have followed the "correct" procedure; deal directly with the Office of the President. "As for your part, brother, you should have confined your suggestions to your colleague in the Office of the President, who in turn should have brought up the matter to the foreign affairs committee." He said President Kenyatta appointed Joseph Murumbi, the VP, to preside over the meetings of the foreign affairs committee. "The President has not yet terminated this appointment. It is out of place for you to have suggested that our colleague, the Minister for Finance J. S Gichuru should arrange for a meeting of the Foreign Affairs Committee . .. this definitely interferes with the appointment made by the President and should, therefore, be avoided." This letter, dated December 16, 1966 was copied to the entire Cabinet. A fortnight later, Mboya replied, in his characteristic sarcasm. "I believe that my views reflect the feeling of most ministers and I have no hesitation in writing that this matter should be discussed among ministers with the Minister of Finance in the chair . . . I am glad that Mr. Murumbi has responded to my letters very positively and without any of the interpretations which you somehow manage to read into the letter," said Mboya. The battle revolved around the top seat. Koinange, after years in the doldrums as he watched Mboya and Odinga dominate the post-independence politics, seized on Odinga and Murumbi' s departure to assert himself. A former Energy Minister says Koinange was powerful. You could not see how manipulated Kenyatta. He was one of the smartest men "I have ever met." He was so sharp he could undercut friends and foes alike. But other contenders had different brand for Kenya's most schematic politician. "Kangaroo" was the name Murumbi and Kenyatta had for Mboya. Murumbi was convinced Mboya had set in motion events to grab the presidency. In a letter to Kenyatta dated May 15, 1965 discussing reorganisation of Kanu at the Coast, Murumbi said: "Kangaroo, for reasons known to himself, has entrusted the reorganisation to Ronald Ngala. It is apparent that the latter wishes to use this opportunity to strengthen his own position at the Coast, especially now that the executive powers of the regional assembly has been reduced to nil. What is dangerous is that Ngala is mobilising support from his old Kadu clique, European, Asians and African." He asked that someone from the headquarters should join Coast PC Mwai Mathenge to supervise the exercise to prevent Ngala from conducting the polls to his advantage. The letter continued: (Ngala and Mboya) are, so far as it is discernible, politically opposed. Perhaps to say that they are "politically opposed" is not right. A better explanation would be to say that they are political rivals. But as you know, there are no limits to which Kangaroo will stoop to try to gain alliances to further his own political ambitions. "It would appear that kangaroo and Ronald Ngala have reached some secret arrangement that if Ngala is allowed to secure control of the Coast, he will support Kangaroo to achieve some of the many ambitions he is trying to foster. " Murumbi asked the President that the reorganisation of the party branch be closely supervised to prevent the two from achieving their ends. "Both are cunning, ruthless and ambitious men." In another undated letter to Kenyatta, Murumbi warned that Kanu should not look at Paul Ngei alone as a threat. "He is a real threat only because he is being propped up by Mboya. The real menace is the link that will emerge between them after the elections. Mboya's strategy may look complex but is logical and follows from all we know him." It was Mboya who had written to Kenyatta on March 17, 1965 asking the President to arrange a Kanu party conference for Mombasa in ten-day's time " to ensure harmonious and effective integration . . . and thus pave way for effective branch elections The Cabinet could hardly fathom Mboya's plot. John Keen, Kanu's organising secretary, whose brief was also to organise the party's meetings, was concerned that he was being shortcircuited. In February 1966, he circulated a letter among MPs drawing attention to problems of party organisation, especially delays in convening delegates conference. Keen attacked Mboya as the person responsible for the delay. lronically, Murumbi thought Keen was a fox. He told Kenyatta that Keen was the most disloyal member of the party and that he should be sacked immediately. "He has openly and repeatedly attacked the President and other leading officials of the party it is clear that John Keen is not working for the party but working in support of a number of candidates being backed and financed by Mboya. "It is true that in a number of cases, we sabotaged the party from within in the hope that Kenya comes up with a true socialist, nationalistic government," says Keen It was during the same time that Murumbi complained to Kenyatta of the existence of a "fifth-columnist element within Kanu who are out to wreck it and destroy your personal leadership." In a letter to Kenyatta, Murumbi observed that whereas the Kanu constistutionn stipulated that single person could hold two positions within the party, and further that the secretary general was to be a full time official of the party, "the fact is that T.J Mboya is not only secretary general but also minister for Labour and chairman of the Nairobi branch." The emerging of Koinange could hardly contain the Mboya phenom. Mboya was still the first among equals in the List of All the President's Men. Discontent in the Cabinet was apparent. "It got to a level that Kenyatta was listening to Mboya too much," says Dr Munyua Waiyaki. "The party started falling apart in the latter years." Probably this is why Mboya had to go. . Africa News July 11, 2004 Sunday Kenya; How CIA Thwarted Odinga's Quest for Political Power BYLINE: The East African Standard LENGTH: 845 words Three days after the first batch of students reported to Lumumba Institute, Western intelligence - but mainly the US Central Intelligence agency - delivered a small note to Jomo Kenyatta through US ambassador William Attwood. If the institute was to have any meaning, it had to axe the Russians from running the Lumumba Institute and its control taken away from Odinga and his allies. Although politically Kenya was masquerading as non-aligned it was known that Tom Mboya, one of the CIA's pointmen, and a bevy of US-trained politicians who had just entered the government - and led by Dr Julius Gikonyo Kiano - were sympathetic to the capitalist West.The West knew it was too early for Odinga to come out and confront Jomo Kenyatta before he had trained the party cadres. The chairman of the Lumumba Institute, Mr B. M. Kaggia , walking near the statue of Patrice Lumumba accompanied by the secretary and registrar B. F. F. Oluande Koduol. But Odinga was surprised when on March 25, Narok East MP Justus ole Tipis gave notice of a motion urging the government to take over Lumumba Institute and place it under the Ministry of Education "like any other institute". Tipis also wanted a new board appointed "with no political mandate". The communists - Russians and Chinese - in the city panicked. Two student leaders, Mr David Munyendo (secretary general) and Mr G Mwitumi (chairman), were immediately dispatched to the city centre from Lumumba Institute to issue a "strong" press statement: "We wonder why [Tipis] has not moved such a motion calling upon the government to take over the bus services or Kenya Breweries." Behind this confrontation were lecturers at Lumumba Institute. Odinga had recruited a close ally, Mr Oluande Koduol as the new registrar. A graduate of India's Aligarl University, Koduol was the perfect match for the job. He started off by organising seminars but was always restless. "He didn't look like a serious man," says Wanguhu Ng'ang'a, some 40 years later. The first salvo against capitalism was fired on April 8, when Koduol invited Mr Okello Odongo, an Assistant Minister for Finance, to the institute to deliver a speech that was to test the waters and lay the groundwork for the bitter feud between Odinga and Mboya. It was here that Odongo said: "Uhuru would be meaningless if economic power was never transferred." Tom Mboya hit back at Odongo and Odinga in a lengthy article publsihed in the local papers. He wanted the institute closed and from then on the plot to inject Communism into Kenyan politicians started to face a major test. Odinga's allies had to do their best to save the institute from a possible closure. Even Mr Ronald Ngala, the Kilifi South MP, demanded openly that the government either take over the institute or just close it. Although Odinga did not quickly show his face, his loyal lieutenant, Mr Luke Obok, harsly criticised Ngala, saying: "If Mr Ngala is upset by the presence of some Russian teachers on the staff of the institute, as a good nationalist he should also demand and agitate the nationalisation of several other institutions in Kenya which are run and controlled by Americans, the British, Germans and Israelis." The institute's student leader, Mr David Munyendo also defended the two Russians, saying they "were not teaching foreign ideologies. They teach principles ..." It was Munyendo who did the dirty work, saying what the West did not want to hear. "We know the Lumumba Institute is a stab in the back of neo-colonialism and capitalists who would like to see the institute in the hands of an administration that has American Peace Corps and CIA," he said. "American and British bootlickers are ganging up to defeat the institute". That was on April 29, just a month after they had registered as students. At a meeting held on April 30, 1965 at the institute, it was agreed that students marshal support and attend the parliamentary debate on April 31 and listen to the private members motion moved by Tipis. Mboya was prepared for them and he said he was worried that "the country had started to see things which had completely distorted the original intention of President Kenyatta". Although he never mentioned Odinga by name, Mboya said it was "bad" that "someone should begin to transform the institute into a place where party officials and organisers began to think they were a class above others the moment they took studies there, thus departing from the policies of Kanu, its manifesto and its leaders." It was a clear reference to the Communist nature of the training the students were undergoing. Mr Waira Kamau, the Githunguri MP, and one of the registred students, warned that "as an insider if the government will not take over the institute, not long will pass before there is fire and bloodshed in the country". With those warnings, the private members motion by Tipis was passed and Lumumba Institute was to be registered under the Ministry of Education and its syllabus vetted. The Communist plot was now on its knees. Africa News July 2, 2000 Kenya Politics; CIA Plotted Odinga's Removal From Office BYLINE: Ken Opala, The Nation (Nairobi) SECTION: NEWS, DOCUMENTS & COMMENTARY LENGTH: 2548 words Nairobi - Political intrigues forced the founding President, Mzee Jomo Kenyatta, to abandon a very good friend and ally in the struggle for independence, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga. Fresh information dug up by the Sunday Nation reveals that the Central Intelligence Agency, fearing the socialist-leaning and Odinga's growing influence in the first years of Independence, cut a deal with Kenyatta to dump his Vice-President. Jaramogi Odinga's Western-leaning Cabinet colleague and arch rival, Tom Mboya, a most shrewd tactician, was picked to spearhead the scheme. Sunday Nation investigations have revealed that contrary to the common belief that Odinga and Kenyatta fell out because of the former's political ambition, it was the Americans who sealed Odinga's political fate in mid- 1960s. In June, 1964, a month after Odinga and fellow Cabinet Minister Joseph Murumbi returned from a trip to the Soviet Union and China, which had been sanctioned by Kenyatta to seek weapons to combat the Shifta threat, the American Ambassador to Kenya, William Attwood, called for emergency talks with Kenyatta, then the Prime Minister. The possibility of Kenya -- a strategic point in America's push for capitalism in Africa -- becoming communist was unsettling. Kenya was considered the gateway to the landlocked East and Central African countries. Kenya could be used as a conduit for arms to CIA-backed groups fighting communist regimes. Conversely, the Eastern bloc would have preferred to use Nairobi to channel weapons to socialist groups. The country was, therefore, a soft underbelly for ideological punches. Odinga was seen as a diehard communist while it was believed that the elderly Kenyatta could be easily manipulated. It was against this background that it was feared Kenya tottered on the brink of a communist takeover. Just before Independence, John Keen, had planned to form the Communist Party of Kenya. He had consulted with Odinga and Pio Gama Pinto, the young Goan politician who been detained during emergency and who, like Mboya, was very shrewd. A year before Independence, Keen had led a delegation of the African Parliamentary Group to East Germany and the Soviet Union to help quell disturbances between Luos and Kikuyus studying there. In the delegation were John-Marie Seroney, Munyua Waiyaki, George Nthenge, George Githii and Peter Areman. Keen, a former assistant minister now retired from politics, told the Sunday Nation last week: "I knew the effort (to create a Communist party) would be against the hill because of the Americans and the British. Naturally, I had a number of recruits but Odinga and Pinto were at the helm." Ambassador Attwood had firm instructions from his bosses in Washington to move fast to stem the Soviet and Chinese influence in Kenya. After discussions with Kenyatta, it was agreed that international labour unions bankrolled by the CIA would stop funding Mboya and his Kenya Federation of Labour. Then, the American Federation of Labour and the International Confederation of Trade Unions (ICFTU) were heavily subsidising the operations of the KFL, Cotu's precursor, whose secretary general was Mboya. The CIA, through the ICTFU, gave the KFL $1,000 a month, a huge sum of money those days. For Kenyatta, the talks with Attwood were opportune. He was wary of Mboya, darling of the West and friend of American President John F. Kennedy. "For balance, Kenyatta assured (the Ambassador) that Russian and Chinese aid to the leftist leader, Odinga, would also end," says RAMPART, a report on CIA operations in Africa, whose copy Vice-President Joseph Murumbi made available to Kenyatta. Part of the deal was that Kenyatta should soon drop Odinga, then perceived to be in the payroll of the Soviets and the Chinese. The Americans, Mboya and fellow Cabinet Minister Bruce Mackenzie, the only ranking white in the Kenyatta government, embarked on a mission to cut Odinga down to size. Two years later, a sequence of events consigned him to political limbo. One man who was clearly happy with Odinga's near political demise was Ambassador Attwood. In 1967, at the end of his tour of duty, he quipped: "Odinga and the demagogues were out of office. The men moving up... were unemotional, hardworking and practical-minded," he was quoted by RAMPART, as saying. The demagogues referred to were Odinga's allies Bildad Kaggia, Achieng Oneko, Munyua Waiyaki, John Keen and Denis Akumu. The feud between Odinga and Mboya went beyond mere political ambition. It was the local part of the larger Cold War between Communist Russia and Capitalist America. Odinga's successful trip to the USSR and China in April/May 1964 sent ripples within the CIA and America, in general. "They believed those arms (which the Odinga/Murumbi team managed to acquire) were to be used by those sympathetic to the Communist structure of government against Kenyatta's government," Keen recalls. "They were mere fears." But in Kenya's first coalition government of 1962, the colonial regime refused to appoint Odinga as a minister because of his perceived communism- leaning ideology. "... Jomo Kenyatta wanted me to be a minister in the coalition government but the British government adamantly refused," he said in a paper, "Let the People of Kenya Africa and the World Know", published on June 28, 1962. But he added: "It is currently apparent that socialist education in Russia has generated faster progress than capitalist education in America." During April/May 1964, "Odinga was chosen to visit the Soviet Union because the communists thought 'one day (he) might occupy the highest seat," Alan Hutchinson wrote in his book, China's African Revolution. Chinese and Soviet efforts to expand communism in Africa started as the continent began emancipating itself from colonialism. Between 1963 and February 1964, Chinese embassies were established in Zanzibar, Kenya, Burundi, Tunisia and Congo (Brazzaville)....they often became points of contact, not just between the Chinese government and the government of the country concerned but also for establishing contacts much further afield," says lan Geig in his book, The Communist Challenge to Africa: an Analysis of the Contemporary Soviet and Chinese Policies. As the CIA asserted itself in Africa, the Communists declared an all-out war. At one time, Information and Broadcasting Minister Achieng Oneko and his Somali counterpart, Ali Mohamed Hirawe, were invited to China because they were in a strategic position to influence the information flow in favour of China. This strategy worked well in Somalia and Tanzania where broadcast organs were instructed not to carry stories damaging China, according to Geig. Intelligence reports reveal that a cell of Chinese spy agents was discovered in Kenya in 1965. They were allegedly involved in an arms smuggling operation. The arms were later linked to Odinga. The same year, Gama Pinto was assassinated. He was an avowed critic of the "imperialist" West and the week before, he had decided to resign his parliamentary seat to go and join socialist forces fighting for liberation in Angola and Mozambique. His death shocked Odinga and devastated Murumbi. At his funeral, Odinga said Pinto was killed because of his ideology. Murumbi, who was very close to Pinto, resigned from the government the following year, upset that someone who fought so hard for Kenya's emancipation could be killed because of his beliefs. Three months after Pinto's death, Kenyatta made it clear that Kenya had no room for communism. The statement took many by surprise as Kenya was supposed to be a middle-of-the-road country. "...to us communism is as bad as imperialism ... it is a sad mistake to think that you can get more food, more hospitals or schools by crying "communism"," Kenyatta said in his Madaraka Day speech in 1965. "It is naive to think that there is no danger of imperialism from the East. In world power politics, the East has as much designs upon us as the West and would like us to serve their own interests. This is why I reject communism. I speak plainly on this subject today because time has come for us to do so in order to leave no room for confusion," Kenyatta stressed. This was a direct affront on Odinga who, the previous year, had negotiated with Russia and China huge assistance to Kenya. In 1966, the Defence Minister claimed 180 Kenyan students in the East were receiving military training not authorised or sponsored by the government. Of these, 70 were in Bulgaria and the rest in East Germany, USSR and Egypt. He demanded that the training be discontinued. But in a confidential letter to Kenyatta dated May 8, 1965, Murumbi had asked the president to post a "student adviser" to Moscow with instructions " to keep an eye" on all students from Kenya in the USSR and other satellite states. "You will excuse me if I have taken up a matter which is rightly under the portfolio of the Ministry of Education, but I am doing so because of the political implications involved by the presence of our students in foreign countries," Murumbi. The number of students in Bulgaria reached 206 in 1973. British writer Geig argues that Mboya's assassination was engineered by the communists. "The assassin of Mboya ... was found to have been granted commission in the Bulgarian army after receiving (military) training." That there was so much fear that Odinga was out to subvert the government was evident when on April 26, 1966, a Kanu Parliamentary Group meeting at Harambee House expressed fear of insurgents seeping in through Lake Victoria and through Namanga. "(Kenyatta) revealed that the government would be putting a patrol boat in Lake Victoria very soon, that the Ministry of Home Affairs will take the necessary steps to erect gates across all roads suspected to be capable of permitting subversive elements," said an item in the minutes of the meeting chaired by Kenyatta. The fear was that Tanzania would ferry arms to Odinga through Namanga border point and Lake Victoria. By 1974, about 930 Soviet diplomats had been stationed in Africa. Kenya had 39, at least 13 of them suspected to be KGB agents. There is no information to link Odinga to the Communist spy cells in East Africa. Those close to him in the 1960s claim that though he used to get funds from the East, he never used his links to plot against Kenyatta's government. However, the Parmat report reveals, "the chief beneficiary (of CIA's programme in Kenya) was Tom Mboya." As the trade union boss, Mboya was an ideal candidate for ClA's purposes. Kenyatta, says the report, was not "considered sufficiently safe." Mboya allegedly joined the CIA jetset, travelling around the world on funds released by CIA conduits, among them the Africa Bureau and the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, "which played a key role in Kenya. Mboya later became ICFTU's regional representative. It is noteworthy that though Americans used trade unions to infiltrate Africa, they did not have a tradition of labour organisation. In fact the US does not have a Labour Party. In a confidential letter to Kenyatta dated June 25, 1964, the secretary- general of Kenya Federation of Progressive Trade Unions, Ochola Ogaye Mak'Anyengo, lambasted the ICTU. "(It is) a neo-colonialist agent and its operation in Africa is to the detrimental of our people." He claimed that the ICFTU had funds for special missions to disrupt governments and influence policy. He asked Kenyatta to close its Nairobi office. "We are sure that a lot of money is being poured into East Africa and particularly, Kenya, by the ICTU, not to help organise workers but to build certain individuals for the purpose of carrying on their plans and aims." Kenyatta never responded. Three months later, Mak'Anyengo, Akumu and other trade unionists petitioned Kenyatta again. "In August 1962 (KFL) secretary general Peter Kibisu was publicly issuing insulting statements against you. It should be noted that Kibisu was not alone in the campaign." (On a number occasions, KFL youths frustrated Kenyatta when he tried to address public rallies upon his release from detention). It was alleged that between January 1,1959 and August 31,1961, KFL received Sh288,573.30 from the ICFTU and Sh300,304 from American Federation of Labour. Last week, Akumu, a former Member of Parliament, said Mboya had always been bankrolled by the Americans. In the early 1960s, Akumu said, Mboya received $40,000 from ClA-backed Peace With Freedom organisation for the publication of the weekly Mfanyi Kazi newspaper in both English and Swahili. According to the RAMPART report, in 1964, when the USSR and Russia pledged assistance to Nairobi, CIA communication in Kenya went into overdrive. "... 1964 also brought dangers of "political instability" serious enough to make radio communications with the Nairobi Embassy eighth highest on the State Department roster for the year." The Americans had realised that Odinga was becoming more influential on the international scene than Mboya. To counter this, the Americans decided to placate Kenyatta and possibly accommodate him as much as possible. Then, Kenyatta was closer to Odinga than Mboya. But "he was torn right in the middle between the two forces of might," says Keen. The Americans promised Kenyatta as much as $100 million in aid in three years compared to China's $5.3 million pledge to Odinga for 1964 -1969. Both Mboya and Odinga were considered stooges of the superpowers. "This is a case of one being declared guilty by association," Mboya said of his alleged links with the CIA. He said his association with international labour unions was neither personal nor clandestine. But a letter dated June 11, 1964, to Mboya from Robert Gabor, director Peace with Freedom Inc, a ClA-backed lobby, says: "I shall make ... arrangements to ship the necessary printing equipment before my departure so that there will not be a long delay starting the weekly newspaper and probably the start of the publishing. "I will stay in East Africa for approximately one month and I hope this will give us enough time to discuss all the details of our various projects and to get them underway. I would like to visit Kampala, Dar es Salaam and Lusaka." "Knowing that Mboya was close to the Americans, Odinga had to find his own powerbase," says Keen. "Naturally, he had to chose the East." By 1967, the Americans were firmly in control in Kenya. The British were not left out in the ideological scramble for Kenya. They had their pointmen within the Cabinet, among them Daniel Moi, Bruce Mackenzie, Charles Njonjo and James Gichuru. When Odinga arrived with the Soviet assistance, Agriculture Minister Bruce Mackenzie and Finance Minister James Gichuru immediately left for UK to solicit funds. On June 3, 1964, Britain announced a Pounds60.6 million package in military and financial aid. Of the amount, Pounds36.1 million was a gift and Pounds224. 5 in long term loans. "We feel only Britain could be so generous," a government statement said. *Next week, read about Jaramogi Oginga Odinga's trips to Moscow and Beijing and the shipload of soviet arms that were uncovered in Mombasa. The Nation (Nairobi) March 13, 2010 Saturday CIA Documents Offer Insights Into How the Cold War Shaped Politics in Kenya [analysis] BYLINE: Murithi Mutiga LENGTH: 1705 words DATELINE: Nairobi The 2012 General Election is shaping up as a contest between Raila Odinga and a loose coalition with one objective: stopping Mr Odinga from becoming president. Declassified Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) documents indicate the politics of the 1960s were similarly shaped by the efforts of Jaramogi Odinga, Raila's father, to succeed Jomo Kenyatta and the determined campaign of a loose coalition of rivals to stop him. The documents record strategies used by the anti-Odinga camp and offer profiles of the key players involved. The 1960s tactics, including efforts to whittle down the elder Odinga's allies in Parliament, constitutional changes aimed at weakening the opposition and dirty tricks including the planting of a consignment of arms in Mr Odinga's office, are almost exactly the same those animating the political scene today. The CIA recorded that the anti-Odinga alliance was unlikely to survive because it did not have a solid ideological base. "Because the moderate alliance is inter-tribal, it would have a hard time uniting behind one candidate unless it was simply a compromise to block Odinga. The longer Odinga remains outside government, however, without the prestige and patronage of office, the dimmer his threat will appear," the dispatches say. The CIA carefully monitored the succession battle because the agency shared an interest in keeping Jaramogi from the presidency because of his links with Communist countries. In its memos to Washington spread over several months in 1966, the CIA recorded the relative strengths and weaknesses of the various candidates in the battle to take the reins of power in the post-Kenyatta era. Mr Odinga is consistently cast in negative light in the reports. This is not surprising because the CIA believed Mr Odinga was receiving financial support from the Soviet Union and China, two of America's great rivals at the time. The reports concede that he had a "strong popular following" but insist that Mr Odinga drew the bulk of the financial muscle that helped him put together a formidable political machine from the Soviet Union and China. The dispatches to Washington form an important historical record due to their efforts to explain the divisions in Cabinet which contributed to the ethnic polarisation which remains a challenge to Kenya today. Mr Kenyatta used Tom Mboya, Mr Odinga's Luo rival, because he recognised his brilliance as a political tactician despite the fact that Mr Kenyatta did not trust Mr Mboya. The papers also offer insights into a little-known alliance formed to manage the Kenyatta succession. Called the Kenya Group, the alliance brought together Kenyatta's inner circle under Mr Mboya's leadership. It successfully marginalised Mr Odinga and his allies in an attempt to clear the way for one of the group to take power. Mr Mboya is cast in the memos as intelligent and popular due to his background in trade unionism, but he is also described as having "driving ambition and an arrogant manner," traits that had "earned him many personal enemies". The declassified documents offer never-before-published insights into how the Cold War shaped internal politics in Kenya and ultimately decided the Kenyatta succession. They also reveal the extent to which the CIA monitored the activities of the key leaders in Mr Kenyatta's government. Here are excerpts from the memoranda that are housed at the Lyndon Baines Johnson Library in Texas. "(In 1963), Kenyatta's reputation as leader of the Mau Mau insurgency a decade earlier, the consideration he earned during nine years of detention by the British, and his role in presiding over the final steps to freedom, lent him a status unmatched among most Africans, but contributed to the unease of the economically important European and Asian communities. His ability to manage the day-to-day problems of an independent government remained to be tested. Odinga, the leader of the Luo, was the only other figure with a strong popular following. Apart from his tribal position, he had established a power base largely through astute dispensation of Communist funds supplied by both Moscow and Peking (Beijing). An estimated 1,000 or more men in reasonably important positions in the government, civil service and trade unions owed personal allegiance to Odinga, who either had sent them to study in Communist countries or supplied them with regular financial aid. Several key Members of Parliament owed their positions to him. For a long time, Kenyatta tried to remain above the factional and tribal disputes within his government. Even after his "kitchen Cabinet," loyalists with whom he had associated since Mau Mau days convinced him that Odinga was becoming a threat to Central Kenya hegemony, Kenyatta refrained from direct action for fear of losing the support of the Luo and precipitating a tribal struggle. When Kenya became a Republic in December 1964, however, Kenyatta as new president took his first move against Odinga. He moved Odinga up to the new vicepresidency where he enjoyed less real authority and no right of automatic succession. At the same time, Kenyatta moved his fellow Kikuyu into key Cabinet posts. Mr Odinga's influence nevertheless spread, his organisation grew and he was widely regarded as Kenyatta's heir apparent. By exploiting the discontent of the masses and the frustration of the backbenchers in Parliament, Odinga lieutenants had built a sizeable following by early 1965 among the dominant Kamba tribe which dominated the military and, even a faction of the Kikuyu in addition to the Luo. They appeared to have substantial support in Parliament and although they were a minority in the Cabinet, they were setting the pace there. While Kenyatta and his senior ministers remained silent and inactive in the face of the government growing unrest and disunity in the country and increasing opposition to the government, a number of second and third-echelon leaders began to coalesce into what eventually became known as the Kenya Group. These younger, progressive leaders were disturbed by the effectiveness of Communist propaganda and the failure of the country's leadership to present any effective resistance to Odinga's bid for power. Many of them were being undermined in their own constituencies and feared that Odinga would pick them off one by one. They felt that the apathy and divisiveness of the older ministers were permitting Odinga to capture the party by default. Their initial discussions were limited to plans for working together and supporting each other in their own constituencies against Odinga's attacks. As the discussions continued, the group began to assume shape and direction, attracting other energetic, constructive elements of varying tribes, all anxious to unite against the common danger - Odinga. In late February 1965 while the KG (Kenya Group) was still in early gestation, the Odinga political forces received a crippling blow - the assassination of Pio Gama Pinto, a dedicated Communist, and their principal brain and paymaster. It has never been determined who was responsible for his liquidation but, following this loss, Odinga's power eroded steadily. Two months later, in April 1965, the KG moved into action. Parliament's defeat of two Odinga-backed candidates for legislative offices impressed Kenyatta with the opposition to Odinga. A parliamentary debate on arms smuggling from Communist countries further revealed the pent-up resentment toward the extremists. When the army seized a cache of Communist-supplied arms in the basement of Odinga's office, Kenyatta finally seemed to realise the seriousness of Odinga's threat. As coup rumours swirled around Nairobi, and British troops stood by at his request, Kenyatta for the first time openly attacked an Odinga lieutenant - as it happened a Kikuyu whose disloyalty challenged Kenyatta's authority in tribe as well as government (Bildad Kaggia, a freedom fighter who was an ally of Jaramogi Odinga). In a rapid succession of events, Kenyatta sent back a shipment of arms supplied by Moscow under terms humiliating to Kenya, and Parliament approved government take-over of the new Soviet-supported Lumumba Institute (now named the Pan African Christian College) which Odinga had helped establish as a political training centre for Kanu cadres of his own selection. A Kanu party convention at which the KG hoped to force a direct confrontation was postponed for nearly a year, however, as Kenyatta gradually restricted the extremists while trying to preserve tribal balance and unity. When the convention was finally held in March (1966), the victory was sealed. Steamroller tactics planned and executed by Mboya and a few KG members removed all the extremists from party office. Odinga, who had been the single party vice-president, refused to run for one of seven regional vice-presidencies established under a revised party constitution. A month later, on April 14, Odinga resigned from both government and Kanu to form an open opposition party. Following his course were some 30 MPs, including the minister for Information (Achieng Oneko) and two assistant ministers. Kenyatta moved forcefully to prevent Odinga's new Kenya People's Union from gaining momentum. Police kept Odinga's men under surveillance and seized the passports of many. Kenyatta also acted to cut off Odinga's external financial support. Eleven communist diplomats and newspapermen known to have channelled funds to Odinga were expelled. Kenyatta warned the Soviet and Chinese ambassadors that he would sever diplomatic relations with their countries if further assistance were provided to Odinga. The Soviet ambassador was told he would be held responsible for such activity by the Eastern European embassies. "Kenyatta and his moderate alliance will remain under constant pressure, however well they have used their prestige and authority against Odinga. They will hear continuing charges that they have made Kenya a stooge of the US and Britain, and may find attention turning increasingly to the country's economic and social problems. Young Kanu leaders, in particular, unless they see greater astuteness among government officials than they have seen in the past, will be vulnerable to the lures of an Odinga by another name." The Washington Post April 23, 1978, Sunday, Final Edition CIA Oil Figures Raise Some Eyebrows; CIA Oil Figures Raise Eyebrows Among Experts BYLINE: By Richard Harwood and J. P. Smith, Washington Post Staff Writers SECTION: First Section; A1 LENGTH: 2209 words This is a story about the Central Intelligence Agency and the domestic energy policies of the American government. It begins, in a public sense, last April, when President Carter revealed in a television appearance that he had received "disturbing" new findings about world energy supplies. There is less oil and gas available in the world, he said. than the government had previously believed. It was therefore imperative that an energy bill be passed "to cut down the waste of energy." His fears were underscored eight months later, on Christmas Day, when The New York Times reported that Saudi Arabia, with its oceans of oil, may have far less productive capacity than previously believed. This information, said the Times, came from "leading energy experts." It was, in fact, the CIA which had raised the alarm about the Saudis, and it was the CIA that had provided Carter with the ammunition for his warning. Carter acknowledged his debt to the CIA during his television appearance. In so doing, he also acknowledged the dependence of the White House and of the Congress on the CIA in the formulation of domestic energy policies. For good or ill, the CIA is the government's most important single source of international energy information, including estimates of how much is out there and how much is available to the United States. This may seem both unfortunate and sinister to the agency's critics. It is an inevitable and sensible role for the agency in the minds of others including the respected international energy expert at the Library of Congress, Herman Franssen. "The CIA." he says "probably has the best act in town. Nobody else can do it; the only other source would be the companies." Energy Secretary James R. Schlesinger Jr. says the CIA's role in making estimates of foreign oil capacity in connection with the domestic energy plan is to be expected, "given that the CIA has been at work for years on the question of estimating . . . the trends in foreign capacity and foreign intentions with regard to production." "What falls outside of the traditional compass of the intelligence community is that this has gone public," Schlesinger says. There is another question about the CIA and energy policy, however. It is directed at the agency's capabilities and the quality of its work. Specifically, there is widespread doubt in the energy community about the validity of the CIA report cited by the president last April and about the CIA report cited by the Times in December. Theheart of the April report was a CIA prediction that the Soviet Union would be importing up to 3.5 million barrels of oil per day by the mid 1980's. Previously, the assumption had been that the Soviets would continue to be self-sufficient in meeting their oil and gas needs. The CIA's revisionist analysis is now under serious challenge by West European intelligence agencies by the Library of Congress, by a number of major oil companies, by the Soviets and, somewhat surprisingly, by Schlesinger. The same is true of the revisionist analysis of the Saudi oil fields, prepared by the CIA's Bureau of Economic Research. Classified secret and never released expect in the form of a leak to The New York Times. The response to the Times' version of the CIA's Saudi report has ranged from ridicule to astonishment. The critics include the State Department, the General Accounting Office, the Arabian American Oil Co. (Aramco), the Saudi government and, to a lesser extent, Schlesinger. In summary, the CIA claimed that the Saudi oil fields were, in effect, wearing out, partly because of mismanagement, and that their ability to produce oil was far less than previously believed. This revisionist conclusion may have been reflected in the unexplained gyrations that began appearing in December in the CIA's biweekly reports on world oil supplies. In November, the agency estimated the productive capacity of the Saudi fieldsat 11.5 million barrels a day. In December that estimatewas cut to 10.5 million barrels. In January it was cut to 8.8 million barrels. These vanishing millions of barrels of oil baffled consumers of the CIA's intelligence reports. They were further baffled in February, when the CIA again shifted gears and reported Saudi capacity at 10.5 million barrels. This upward revision, according to Schlesinger, was "a result of certain articles in The Washington Post," articles that had reported the gyration in the agency's estimates and had further reported that between November and February the CIA had lopped 5 million barrels a day off the "surplus production" capability of the 13 members of OPEC (Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries). The confusion sowed by all this in the international oil community carried a special irony, since that community is heavily populated with present and former CIA people. Schlesinger, a CIA director of the Nixon administration. They include: Walter McDOnald, former director of the CIA's energy analysis section, who is now a Schlesinger aide as deputy assistant secretary of energy for international affairs. Frank Pagnotta, another Schlesinger aide, who worked for the CIA's deputy director. Philip Woodside, the international oil specialist for the General Accounting Office, who spent more than a decade with the CIA as an oil analyst in the Middle East and Latin America. George W. Cave, the CIA station chief in Saudi Arabia, who is a former Aramco employe. Raymond H. Close, the former CIA station chief in Saudi Arabia, who retired from the agency last year and now works for the Saudis. There are, in addition, scores of known or suspected CIA operatives, alumni and cooperators with an abiding interest in oil. Two of the best known and most respected in international oil circles are Mike Ameen of the London office of the Mobil Oil Corp., and Jack Bridges, a former congressional aide who now works for the Saudis as director of the King Faisal Foundation with offices in Northern Virginia. They ritually deny CIA ties, but there is no doubt that they have CIA contacts and intimate relationships with the Saudis. This web of relationships is nothing new in the oil business. For years, the CIA and the international oil companies have worked closely together out of a community of interest. Frank Jungers, board chairman of Aramco until last year, is candid on that point: "For years out there [in Saudi Arabia] we had a good relationship with the agency, partly because I thought it would make things easier." He said the industry-wide practice was to maintain "liaison" with the CIA. But involvements sometimes were more direct. Ashland Oil, for example, said it was surprised to find some years ago that the CIA was using the company as a cover for an agent operating abroad. The agency also maintains a network of clandestine contacts with foreign nationals operating state-run oil companies. It may be coincidence, but the CIA compound in Saudi Arabia is located directly across the street from the Ministry of Petroleum and Minerals. These contacts have paid off frequently. Years before the Mexican government made public its extensive oil finds in Chiapas and Tabasco, the CIA circulated top-secret reports that Mexico was sitting on billions of barrels of oil. These reports grew out of contacts with Petroleous Mexicanos (Pemex) the state oil company. With the rise of new technologies, the CIA has developed other information sources. Spy satellite systems track the movement of oil tankers, conduct aerial surveys, photograph drilling operations and collect geographic evidence of mineral and oil deposits. Its agents have also cooperated with the U.S. Geological Survey. Then there is the time-honored drudge work, the collection of data from thousands of technical publications, newspapers, journals and radio broadcasts. From all these sources - spies, friends, satellites and statistical tomes - come the special CIA studies and the biweekly energy estimates that are circulated to senior officials in the White House, the State Department, the National Security Council, the Energy and Treasury departments and congressional committees. This is the data that is crucial to government planning and domestic policymaking in the energy field. The dependence on the CIA in these matters is reflected in the comment of an Energy Department official who concedes, "The department simply does not have the kind of people on hand to verify the CIA analysis." It is reflected in a recent comment by CIA Director Stansfield Turner: "I'm just so proud of what we have contributed in the past nine months to the public debate on major issues." He was talking about enrgy. "I intend to keep on with this program," he said. "I will be criticized sometimes for supporting the administration's policy and sometimes for not supporting it." His agency's contribution to the "debate" on energy is correct in the sense he intended and in the narrower sense that a lot of the "debate" swirls around the accuracy of the CIA's Soviet and Sauid studies. James Akins, the former U.S. ambassador to Saudi Arabia, is something of an energy expert himself. He is a former director of the State Department's Office of Fuels and Energy. He describes the CIA's woeful analysis of the Saudi oil fields as "absolutely pernicious." What is more, he said, it "gives the Saudis the perfect excuse to cut production" at a time when U.S. officials are pressuring the Saudis to increase production capacity to avert a worldwide oil supply shortage in the next four or five years. His skepticism grows, in part, out of a personal experience. While in the State Department some years ago, Akin says, he headed off a classified CIA report forecasting a world tanker shortage. He thought the analysis was questionable. Time proved him right. There is a glut of tankers in the world today, and tanker prices and shipping costs are at their lowest level in decades. This skepticism infects the Saudis and the Americans who run their oilfields. Abdul Aziz Turki, the deputy petroleum minister, said, "We in the Ministry of Petroleum found no reason to reply to such reports because they are ridiculous and obviously untrue." The Saudi minister of planning, Hisham Nazer, laughed at the report, while sarcastically telling an American visitor, "How am I to say this is not true if it comes from your mighty CIA?" The most rigorous dissent from the CIA's reported Saudi conclusions came from former CIA operative Philip Woodside, in a report for the GAO. Woodside toured the Saudi fields in December, and upon his return reported that he found no uncommon problems, no evidence of mismanagement and no technical obstacles to much higher levels of production. The CIA has not replied to these criticisms. It has not released its Saudi report or publicly acknowledged its existence. Schlesinger talks about the report with the caveat that what he is talking about is "hypothetical." So the controversy over the report's validity is one-sided and, in that circumstance, produces much speculated about the agency's motives and integrity. In the past and in other areas of study, the CIA's reputation for objective and sensible analysis has been relatively good. But in this energy arena, charges are glying about the "political motivation" of the agency. At the time the CIA's Saudi study was reported in the Times, Sen. Frank Church (DIdaho) wa accusing the agency - in another connection - of tailoring its facts to its needs. "We found," he said, "that the CIA was reporting the facts that they wanted to find." On oil production, he said, the agency "tended to accept a level of production that they'd hoped for without weighing other information." A more common allegation is that the agency has produced gloomy data to give political support to the Carter energy program. Asked about the shifting view of Saudi production in the CIA report, and administration official said, "There is certainly a political element in it." And there even have been suggestions that the agency downgrades the oil capacity of the Saudi in order to influence the three-pronged relationship between the United States, Israel, and the Arabs. No one has produced any evidence to support these allegations, and Schlesinger rejects them vehemently. "That's ridiculous," he says. "In my experience I can recall only rare circumstances in which they deviated only slightly from what they regarded as the objective truth or could be referred to as [their having] political motivations. I just don't think that that's part of it. The agency can be wrong as everybody else in this area, but by and large they've done pretty good work." What has changed, as Schlesinger has noted, is the public emergence of the CIA as a contributor to domestic policymaking in the field of energy. Its role in this area in the past was not talked about, and it was thus not a vulnerable target for examination. That changed last April when President Carter waved the CIA report before the television cameras in support of his energy proposals. He opened the question that has yet to be answered fully: how good are the CIA estimates? The Times (London) August 8 1986, Friday Times Diary: Liquidating Sukarno BYLINE: PHS SECTION: Issue 62530. LENGTH: 342 words Amazing revelations from the other side of the Atlantic. In a book to be published this autumn, The CIA: A Forgotten History (Zed Books), the American author William Blum reproduces part of a sensational 1962 CIA report which suggests Supermac and JFK talked about 'liquidating' the troublesome President Sukarno of Indonesia. The author of the CIA report, which has been declassified under the American Freedom of Information Act, states: 'I have concluded from the impressions I have received in conversations with Western diplomats that President Kennedy and PM MacMillan agreed on the following matters in their recent meeting and will attempt to carry these things out. ' He goes on: 'They agreed to liquidate President Sukarno, depending upon the situation and available opportunities. (It is not clear to me whether murder or overthrow is intended by the word liquidate).' Sadly for history, the name of the CIA officer who penned this extraordinary report has been deleted. It apparently refers to a meeting between the leaders in Washington from April 27 to 29, 1962. At the time, Sukarno was vehemently opposed to a British-backed plan to create a Malaysian Federation, consisting of Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak, North Borneo and British-protected Brunei. CIA mischief in the abortive 1958 coup to overthrow Sukarno is well documented. It is not known if any Anglo-US action was taken following the supposed discussion. Sukarno eventually lost power to General Suharto in 1967. He died of natural causes three years later. Lord Stockton was not available for comment this week, but his grandson, Alexander, tells me that a check on the private papers at his home, Birch Grove, has revealed 'no such items' on the Kennedy-Macmillan agenda. One of the most highlyplaced M16 officers at the time assures me he had no knowledge of the alleged discussion. Nor does he believe that liquidate could have meant bumping Sukarno off. 'However, they might well have discussed the best way of getting rid of this awkward fellow. ' The Washington Times October 28, 2009 Wednesday Top donors rewarded with White House perks; Offered access to bowling alley, briefings, movie theater BYLINE: By Matthew Mosk THE WASHINGTON TIMES SECTION: A, PAGE ONE; Pg. 1 LENGTH: 2423 words During his first nine months in office, President Obama has quietly rewarded scores of top Democratic donors with VIP access to the White House, private briefings with administration advisers and invitations to important speeches and town-hall meetings. High-dollar fundraisers have been promised access to senior White House officials in exchange for pledges to donate $30,400 personally or to bundle $300,000 in contributions ahead of the 2010 midterm elections, according to internal Democratic National Committee documents obtained by The Washington Times. One top donor described in an interview with The Times being given a birthday visit to the Oval Office. Another was allowed use of a White House-complex bowling alley for his family. Bundlers closest to the president were invited to watch a movie in the red-walled theater in the basement of the presidential mansion. Mr. Obama invited his top New York bundler, UBS Americas CEO Robert Wolf, to golf with him during the president's Martha's Vineyard vacation in August. At least 39 donors and fundraisers also were treated to a lavish White House reception on St. Patrick's Day, where the fountains on the North and South Lawns were dyed green, photos and video reviewed by The Times and CBS News also show. Presidential aides said there has been no systematic effort to use the White House complex to aid fundraising, though they acknowledge the DNC has paid for some events at the presidential mansion. Many guests at the White House not only had fundraising connections, but also have personal friendships with the president, Mr. Obama's aides said. "Contributing does not guarantee a ticket to the White House, nor does it prohibit the contributor from visiting," said Dan Pfeiffer, deputy White House communications director. "This administration has across the board set the toughest ethics standards in history. As a result, we have reduced special-interest influence over the policymaking process to promote merit-based decision-making," he added. But veteran Washington observers say the Obama-era perks still carry shades of the so-called "donor maintenance" programs of past administrations, when Bill Clinton rewarded fundraisers with White House coffees and overnight stays in the Lincoln Bedroom and George W. Bush invited "Pioneers" to Camp David or his Texas ranch. And the donor access raises questions about the fervor of Mr. Obama's stated commitment to clean up what he once called the "muddy waters" of Washington, where political cash is exchanged for access, ethics experts said. "Once you start trading money for access, you set up a situation where donors eventually say, 'Well, actually I have another favor to ask,' " said Scott Thomas, a former Democratic appointee to the Federal Election Commission. "It starts setting up that relationship. If you help with the money, we'll do something nice for you. And that is a slippery slope." Democratic Party officials told The Times that there is "absolutely no correlation" between fundraising and attendance at White House events. "I don't think it's surprising that people that support the president do go to functions at the White House and have other access, but there are many, many more Americans who attend events and town halls and other things at the White House every single day," DNC spokesman Brad Woodhouse said. Only select members of the public, however, were provided access to a series of invite-only briefings by senior administration officials organized by the DNC. Over the summer, for instance, one of Mr. Obama's deputy chiefs of staff, Jim Messina, flew to Los Angeles and San Francisco to provide in-person briefings to a small collection of top donors to explain the administration's plan for tackling health care legislation and counter the rising tide of opposition at town-hall meetings. In another, a group was briefed by one of Mr. Obama's top economic advisers, Austan Goolsbee. And festive events at the White House, such as parties thrown to celebrate Cinco de Mayo and July Fourth, were underwritten in part or in full by the DNC. Guests lists for those functions have not been made public. Menu for access The DNC has presented a menu of exclusive access opportunities to top givers, according to internal DNC documents provided to potential donors and obtained by The Times. Top-tier donors gain membership to the DNC's National Finance Committee or to the ultra-exclusive National Advisory Board, both of which meet four times a year, including this week at the Mandarin Hotel in Washington. "They have an opportunity to meet senior members of the Obama Administration and senior members of Congress, and to hear from political analysts and policy experts," according to the internal DNC documents. Mark Gilbert, a Florida businessman who raised more than $500,000 for Mr. Obama, said he gets regular e-mails from the White House on topics that interest him - in his case, economic policy - and he occasionally joins special conference calls for Mr. Obama's political supporters. The calls are frequently timed to follow up on a major news development out of the White House. "Any time something major takes place, they follow it up with a conference call with someone who was involved with the policy decision," Mr. Gilbert said. "Anything that has to do with the Treasury, I get an e-mail." Mr. Gilbert said the same practice was routine during the presidential campaign, and it helped Mr. Obama's supporters feel like partners. "I think they're doing a very good job keeping people up to date, trying to keep people well-informed," Mr. Gilbert said. A senior party official involved in devising the DNC program, who spoke only on the condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak to the press, said the party took pains to design it so access to senior officials would be tightly controlled. Supporters would have the chance to meet party leaders. But the DNC wanted to rule out requests to pair donors with officials on specific issues. The paramount objective, the official said, was to avoid putting party leaders in the position of being asked to deliver on a specific request. Rewards for those who supported the president's 2008 campaign have been doled out in less formal ways. Two top bundlers, for instance, described invitations to bring their families to the private bowling alley at the Eisenhower Executive Office Building, adjacent to the White House. Both spoke on the condition they not be named because they did not want to damage their relationship with the White House. The White House said such invitations could have come through any of scores of staff members, and could have occurred without any input from the president or his senior aides. In interviews, top Obama donors described different methods for arranging such perks. Some said they contacted Reggie Love, the president's personal assistant, to request appointments or White House access. Others said they arranged meetings through regional finance directors at the DNC. "Many people know Reggie because they met him on the trail over the two years he traveled with the president, which is why they reach out to him, but that is not exclusive to donors," a White House official said. The courtship of top donors is overseen by Rufus Gifford at the DNC in consultation with White House political director Patrick Gaspard, party officials confirmed. Their activities are not new to presidential politics. But they offer a contrast to the public face of the president's fundraising operation, which has always focused on its efforts to reach out to grass-roots supporters who send small-dollar donations through the Internet. Muddy waters Presidents have run into trouble using the White House to entertain political donors in the past, most notably in 1997, when it was discovered that Mr. Clinton had used White House coffees, overnight stays in the Lincoln Bedroom and rides aboard Air Force One to cultivate and reward political support. Mr. Clinton said the sleepovers were justified because the guests were not only donors, but also close friends. "The Lincoln Bedroom was never sold," Mr. Clinton said at the time. President George W. Bush rewarded his 246 "Pioneers," who raised at least $100,000, with perks that included overnight stays at the White House and Camp David, parties at the White House and Mr. Bush's Texas ranch, state dinners with world leaders and overseas travel with U.S. delegations to the Olympics and other events, according to a 2004 review by the Associated Press. As a presidential candidate, Mr. Obama acknowledged he suffered "from the same original sin of all politicians, which is we've got to raise money," but said that he would fight against donor influence if sent to the White House. "The argument is not that I'm pristine, because I'm swimming in the same muddy water," Mr. Obama said during a campaign appearance. "The argument is that I know it's muddy, and I want to clean it up." Democratic officials said they think it is important to note that Mr. Obama's efforts to reward major donors are, in their view, on a far smaller scale than those of any other recent president. "I would say that from our reckoning, our research, there are fewer donors getting fewer things, whatever you may call them, from this White House than from any White House in memory," Mr. Woodhouse said. Since taking office, Mr. Obama has pledged that his administration will be "the most open and transparent administration in history" and has agreed to make public the names of those who sign into White House visitor logs, though a request from The Times for logs that show visits from his top 45 bundlers has so far gone unfilled. Requests for guest lists to various White House events, such as a recent cocktail reception surrounding the celebration of the Pittsburgh Penguins' National Hockey League Stanley Cup victory or the Latin music concert last week, have also been denied repeatedly. Doling out ambassadorships The most traditional aspect of the Obama administration's continued outreach to donors has involved the time-honored practice of doling out ambassadorships to his most prolific financial benefactors. The task of matching up bundlers to foreign posts was overseen by Chicago lawyer David Jacobson, who served during the campaign as the deputy to finance chairwoman Penny Pritzker, several of Mr. Obama's ambassadors said in interviews. Shortly after Mr. Obama's election, Mr. Jacobson was assigned the title of special assistant for presidential personnel. From that perch, he approached top bundlers and asked them to provide him with their top six choices for foreign postings. Mr. Jacobson eventually returned to most of the bundlers with word of their postings. For young music executive Nicole Avant, that meant the Bahamas. For veteran political fundraiser Alan Solomont, it was Spain. A request for comment from Mr. Jacobson was routed to the White House. For a number of supporters who began the 2008 race in the camp of a rival candidate, there have been other rewards. When Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton prepared to lead a delegation to El Salvador to attend the inauguration of President Mauricio Funes, she invited one ambassador, two diplomats, three congressmen, and McAllen, Texas, construction company executive Alonzo Cantu. Mr. Cantu also happened to be a major fundraiser for her primary campaign. He later contributed to Mr. Obama's general election bid. Still others have been invited to sit on a wide array of presidential commissions and advisory panels. Several top bundlers, including Ms. Pritzker and Mr. Wolf, sit on the president's Economic Advisory Board, which has been helping him navigate the nation's financial crisis. This fall, top bundlers Andres Lopez and Abigail Pollak were tapped to join the Commission to Study the Potential Creation of a National Museum of the American Latino. With many of the president's top bundlers now serving in ambassadorships, and therefore unable to help with a 2012 re-election bid, the DNC has started the process of recruiting a new round of top givers. The DNC began cultivating these donors this summer, when Mr. Obama's health care legislation was facing strong opposition from vocal opponents at town-hall meetings. The president's top political advisers took commercial flights to California, paid for by the DNC, for meetings with key donors in Los Angeles and San Francisco. Top White House advisers told about 25 DNC donors in Los Angeles to remember that Mr. Obama "has been counted down or out and surprised people" before, said one bundler who attended a California meeting, but spoke on the condition he not be named. The most exclusive access to the president has been reserved for Mr. Obama's losest friends, many of whom also served as donors and bundlers during his campaign. When the president hosted a Ramadan banquet at the White House, he invited three top fundraisers, Hasan Chandoo, Wahid Hamid and Lutfi Hassan. Mr. Chandoo and Mr. Hamid, who both raised between $100,000 and $200,000 during the campaign, had been college roommates of Mr. Obama's. Marty Nesbitt, who bundled between $50,000 and $100,000, and John Rogers, who bundled more than $500,000, have both spent time with Mr. Obama in the White House, including joining the president in the White House movie theater, which Mr. Obama's aides said is nothing surprising. As with past administrations, Democratic officials have made plain that the president views the access provided to close friends as something different from any sort of orchestrated program to reward political donors. "Many of the people mentioned in this story have been friends and associates of the Obamas for decades - including college roommates and family friends whose relationships predate and are separate from the president's career in public service," Mr. Pfeiffer said. Also as with previous administrations, however, it can often be difficult to distinguish between a president's friends and his financial backers. Several of those interviewed said they only met Mr. Obama by virtue of their efforts to assist his Senate and presidential campaigns. "No, they're not all friends," said Lanny Davis, a Washington Times columnist and a Democratic lawyer who helped the Clintons respond to allegations about Lincoln Bedroom guests back in the 1990s. "They are supporters of the Democratic Party who are generous with their financial support, and without them we would not be able to compete against our Republican opponents." The Story of Barack Obama's Mother By Amanda Ripley / Honolulu Wednesday, Apr. 09, 2008 Each of us lives a life of contradictory truths. We are not one thing or another. Barack Obama's mother was at least a dozen things. S. Ann Soetoro was a teen mother who later got a Ph.D. in anthropology; a white woman from the Midwest who was more comfortable in Indonesia; a natural-born mother obsessed with her work; a romantic pragmatist, if such a thing is possible. "When I think about my mother," Obama told me recently, "I think that there was a certain combination of being very grounded in who she was, what she believed in. But also a certain recklessness. I think she was always searching for something. She wasn't comfortable seeing her life confined to a certain box." (See pictures of the world reacting to Obama's win.) Obama's mother was a dreamer. She made risky bets that paid off only some of the time, choices that her children had to live with. She fell in love—twice—with fellow students from distant countries she knew nothing about. Both marriages failed, and she leaned on her parents and friends to help raise her two children. "She cried a lot," says her daughter Maya Soetoro-Ng, "if she saw animals being treated cruelly or children in the news or a sad movie—or if she felt like she wasn't being understood in a conversation." And yet she was fearless, says Soetoro-Ng. "She was very capable. She went out on the back of a motorcycle and did rigorous fieldwork. Her research was responsible and penetrating. She saw the heart of a problem, and she knew whom to hold accountable." Today Obama is partly a product of what his mother was not. Whereas she swept her children off to unfamiliar lands and even lived apart from her son when he was a teenager, Obama has tried to ground his children in the Midwest. "We've created stability for our kids in a way that my mom didn't do for us," he says. "My choosing to put down roots in Chicago and marry a woman who is very rooted in one place probably indicates a desire for stability that maybe I was missing." Ironically, the person who mattered most in Obama's life is the one we know the least about—maybe because being partly African in America is still seen as being simply black and color is still a preoccupation above almost all else. There is not enough room in the conversation for the rest of a man's story. (See pictures of eight months of Obama's diplomacy.) But Obama is his mother's son. In his wide-open rhetoric about what can be instead of what was, you see a hint of his mother's credulity. When Obama gets donations from people who have never believed in politics before, they're responding to his ability—passed down from his mother—to make a powerful argument (that happens to be very liberal) without using a trace of ideology. On a good day, when he figures out how to move a crowd of thousands of people very different from himself, it has something to do with having had a parent who gazed at different cultures the way other people study gems. It turns out that Obama's nascent career peddling hope is a family business. He inherited it. And while it is true that he has not been profoundly tested, he was raised by someone who was. In most elections, the deceased mother of a candidate in the primaries is not the subject of a magazine profile. But Ann Soetoro was not like most mothers. Stanley Ann Dunham Born in 1942, just five years before Hillary Clinton, Obama's mother came into an America constrained by war, segregation and a distrust of difference. Her parents named her Stanley because her father had wanted a boy. She endured the expected teasing over this indignity, but dutifully lugged the name through high school, apologizing for it each time she introduced herself in a new town. During her life, she was known by four different names, each representing a distinct chapter. In the course of the Stanley period, her family moved more than five times—from Kansas to California to Texas to Washington—before her 18th birthday. Her father, a furniture salesman, had a restlessness that she inherited. She spent her high school years on a small island in Washington, taking advanced classes in philosophy and visiting coffee shops in Seattle. "She was a very intelligent, quiet girl, interested in her friendships and current events," remembers Maxine Box, a close high school friend. Both girls assumed they would go to college and pursue careers. "She wasn't particularly interested in children or in getting married," Box says. Although Stanley was accepted early by the University of Chicago, her father wouldn't let her go. She was too young to be off on her own, he said, unaware, as fathers tend to be, of what could happen when she lived in his house. (Read "Obama's Half Brother Makes a Name for Himself in China") After she finished high school, her father whisked the family away again—this time to Honolulu, after he heard about a big new furniture store there. Hawaii had just become a state, and it was the new frontier. Stanley grudgingly went along yet again, enrolling in the University of Hawaii as a freshman. Mrs. Barack H. Obama Shortly before she moved to Hawaii, Stanley saw her first foreign film. Black Orpheus was an award-winning musical retelling of the myth of Orpheus, a tale of doomed love. The movie was considered exotic because it was filmed in Brazil, but it was written and directed by white Frenchmen. The result was sentimental and, to some modern eyes, patronizing. Years later Obama saw the film with his mother and thought about walking out. But looking at her in the theater, he glimpsed her 16year-old self. "I suddenly realized," he wrote in his memoir, Dreams from My Father, "that the depiction of childlike blacks I was now seeing on the screen ... was what my mother had carried with her to Hawaii all those years before, a reflection of the simple fantasies that had been forbidden to a white middle-class girl from Kansas, the promise of another life, warm, sensual, exotic, different." (Read "The Five Faces of Barack Obama") By college, Stanley had started introducing herself as Ann. She met Barack Obama Sr. in a Russian-language class. He was one of the first Africans to attend the University of Hawaii and a focus of great curiosity. He spoke at church groups and was interviewed for several local-newspaper stories. "He had this magnetic personality," remembers Neil Abercrombie, a member of Congress from Hawaii who was friends with Obama Sr. in college. "Everything was oratory from him, even the most commonplace observation." Obama's father quickly drew a crowd of friends at the university. "We would drink beer, eat pizza and play records," Abercrombie says. They talked about Vietnam and politics. "Everyone had an opinion about everything, and everyone was of the opinion that everyone wanted to hear their opinion—no one more so than Barack." The exception was Ann, the quiet young woman in the corner who began to hang out with Obama and his friends that fall. "She was scarcely out of high school. She was mostly kind of an observer," says Abercrombie. Obama Sr.'s friends knew he was dating a white woman, but they made a point of treating it as a nonissue. This was Hawaii, after all, a place enamored of its reputation as a melting pot. But when people called Hawaii a "melting pot" in the early 1960s, they meant a place where white people blended with Asians. At the time, 19% of white women in Hawaii married Chinese men, and that was considered radical by the rest of the nation. Black people made up less than 1% of the state's population. And while interracial marriage was legal there, it was banned in half the other states. When Ann told her parents about the African student at school, they invited him over for dinner. Her father didn't notice when his daughter reached out to hold the man's hand, according to Obama's book. Her mother thought it best not to cause a scene. As Obama would write, "My mother was that girl with the movie of beautiful black people playing in her head." (See behind-the-scenes pictures of Obama on Inauguration day.) On Feb. 2, 1961, several months after they met, Obama's parents got married in Maui, according to divorce records. It was a Thursday. At that point, Ann was three months pregnant with Barack Obama II. Friends did not learn of the wedding until afterward. "Nobody was invited," says Abercrombie. The motivations behind the marriage remain a mystery, even to Obama. "I never probed my mother about the details. Did they decide to get married because she was already pregnant? Or did he propose to her in the traditional, formal way?" Obama wonders. "I suppose, had she not passed away, I would have asked more." Even by the standards of 1961, she was young to be married. At 18, she dropped out of college after one semester, according to University of Hawaii records. When her friends back in Washington heard the news, "we were very shocked," says Box, her high school friend. Then, when Obama was almost 1, his father left for Harvard to get a Ph.D. in economics. He had also been accepted to the New School in New York City, with a more generous scholarship that would have allowed his family to join him. But he decided to go to Harvard. "How can I refuse the best education?" he told Ann, according to Obama's book. (See pictures of Obama's convention week journey.) Obama's father had an agenda: to return to his home country and help reinvent Kenya. He wanted to take his new family with him. But he also had a wife from a previous marriage there—a marriage that may or may not have been legal. In the end, Ann decided not to follow him. "She was under no illusions," says Abercrombie. "He was a man of his time, from a very patriarchal society." Ann filed for divorce in Honolulu in January 1964, citing "grievous mental suffering"—the reason given in most divorces at the time. Obama Sr. signed for the papers in Cambridge, Mass., and did not contest the divorce. Ann had already done things most women of her generation had not: she had married an African, had their baby and gotten divorced. At this juncture, her life could have become narrower—a young, marginalized woman focused on paying the rent and raising a child on her own. She could have filled her son's head with wellfounded resentment for his absent father. But that is not what happened. When her son was almost 2, Ann returned to college. Money was tight. She collected food stamps and relied on her parents to help take care of young Barack. She would get her bachelor's degree four years later. In the meantime, she met another foreign student, Lolo Soetoro, at the University of Hawaii. ("It's where I send all my single girlfriends," jokes her daughter Soetoro-Ng, who also married a man she met there.) He was easygoing, happily devoting hours to playing chess with Ann's father and wrestling with her young son. Lolo proposed in 1967. Mother and son spent months preparing to follow him to Indonesia—getting shots, passports and plane tickets. Until then, neither had left the country. After a long journey, they landed in an unrecognizable place. "Walking off the plane, the tarmac rippling with heat, the sun bright as a furnace," Obama later wrote, "I clutched her hand, determined to protect her." (See pictures of Michelle Obama's hair.) Lolo's house, on the outskirts of Jakarta, was a long way from the high-rises of Honolulu. There was no electricity, and the streets were not paved. The country was transitioning to the rule of General Suharto. Inflation was running at more than 600%, and everything was scarce. Ann and her son were the first foreigners to live in the neighborhood, according to locals who remember them. Two baby crocodiles, along with chickens and birds of paradise, occupied the backyard. To get to know the kids next door, Obama sat on the wall between their houses and flapped his arms like a great, big bird, making cawing noises, remembers Kay Ikranagara, a friend. "That got the kids laughing, and then they all played together," she says. Obama attended a Catholic school called Franciscus Assisi Primary School. He attracted attention since he was not only a foreigner but also chubbier than the locals. But he seemed to shrug off the teasing, eating tofu and tempeh like all the other kids, playing soccer and picking guavas from the trees. He didn't seem to mind that the other children called him "Negro," remembers Bambang Sukoco, a former neighbor. At first, Obama's mother gave money to every beggar who stopped at their door. But the caravan of misery—children without limbs, men with leprosy—churned on forever, and she was forced to be more selective. Her husband mocked her calculations of relative suffering. "Your mother has a soft heart," he told Obama. As Ann became more intrigued by Indonesia, her husband became more Western. He rose through the ranks of an American oil company and moved the family to a nicer neighborhood. She was bored by the dinner parties he took her to, where men boasted about golf scores and wives complained about their Indonesian servants. The couple fought rarely but had less and less in common. "She wasn't prepared for the loneliness," Obama wrote in Dreams. "It was constant, like a shortness of breath." (See pictures of how Obama prepares a speech.) Ann took a job teaching English at the U.S. embassy. She woke up well before dawn throughout her life. Now she went into her son's room every day at 4 a.m. to give him English lessons from a U.S. correspondence course. She couldn't afford the élite international school and worried he wasn't challenged enough. After two years at the Catholic school, Obama moved to a state-run elementary school closer to the new house. He was the only foreigner, says Ati Kisjanto, a classmate, but he spoke some Indonesian and made new friends. Indonesia has the world's largest Muslim population, but Obama's household was not religious. "My mother, whose parents were nonpracticing Baptists and Methodists, was one of the most spiritual souls I ever knew," Obama said in a 2007 speech. "But she had a healthy skepticism of religion as an institution. And as a consequence, so did I." In her own way, Ann tried to compensate for the absence of black people in her son's life. At night, she came home from work with books on the civil rights movement and recordings of Mahalia Jackson. Her aspirations for racial harmony were simplistic. "She was very much of the early Dr. [Martin Luther] King era," Obama says. "She believed that people were all basically the same under their skin, that bigotry of any sort was wrong and that the goal was then to treat everybody as unique individuals." Ann gave her daughter, who was born in 1970, dolls of every hue: "A pretty black girl with braids, an Inuit, Sacagawea, a little Dutch boy with clogs," says Soetoro-Ng, laughing. "It was like the United Nations." (Watch a slideshow of Joe Klein's exclusive interview with Obama.) In 1971, when Obama was 10, Ann sent him back to Hawaii to live with her parents and attend Punahou, an élite prep school that he'd gotten into on a scholarship with his grandparents' help. This wrenching decision seemed to reflect how much she valued education. Ann's friends say it was hard on her, and Obama, in his book, describes an adolescence shadowed by a sense of alienation. "I didn't feel [her absence] as a deprivation," Obama told me. "But when I think about the fact that I was separated from her, I suspect it had more of an impact than I know." A year later, Ann followed Obama back to Hawaii, as promised, taking her daughter but leaving her husband behind. She enrolled in a master's program at the University of Hawaii to study the anthropology of Indonesia. Indonesia is an anthropologist's fantasyland. It is made up of 17,500 islands, on which 230 million people speak more than 300 languages. The archipelago's culture is colored by Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim and Dutch traditions. Indonesia "sucks a lot of us in," says fellow anthropologist and friend Alice Dewey. "It's delightful." Around this time, Ann began to find her voice. People who knew her before describe her as quiet and smart; those who met her afterward use words like forthright and passionate. The timing of her graduate work was perfect. "The whole face of the earth was changing," Dewey says. "Colonial powers were collapsing, countries needed help, and development work was beginning to interest anthropologists." (See behind the scenes photos of Obama.) Ann's husband visited Hawaii frequently, but they never lived together again. Ann filed for divorce in 1980. As with Obama's father, she kept in regular contact with Lolo and did not pursue alimony or child support, according to divorce records. "She was no Pollyanna. There have certainly been moments when she complained to us," says her daughter Soetoro-Ng. "But she was not someone who would take the detritus of those divorces and make judgments about men in general or love or allow herself to grow pessimistic." With each failed marriage, Ann gained a child and, in one case, a country as well. Ann Dunham Sutoro After three years of living with her children in a small apartment in Honolulu, subsisting on student grants, Ann decided to go back to Indonesia to do fieldwork for her Ph.D. Obama, then about 14, told her he would stay behind. He was tired of being new, and he appreciated the autonomy his grandparents gave him. Ann did not argue with him. "She kept a certain part of herself aloof or removed," says Mary Zurbuchen, a friend from Jakarta. "I think maybe in some way this was how she managed to cross so many boundaries." In Indonesia, Ann joked to friends that her son seemed interested only in basketball. "She despaired of him ever having a social conscience," remembers Richard Patten, a colleague. After her divorce, Ann started using the more modern spelling of her name, Sutoro. She took a big job as the program officer for women and employment at the Ford Foundation, and she spoke up forcefully at staff meetings. Unlike many other expats, she had spent a lot of time with villagers, learning their priorities and problems, with a special focus on women's work. "She was influenced by hanging out in the Javanese marketplace," Zurbuchen says, "where she would see women with heavy baskets on their backs who got up at 3 in the morning to walk to the market and sell their produce." Ann thought the Ford Foundation should get closer to the people and further from the government, just as she had. (See pictures of Obama's daughters at Inauguration.) Her home became a gathering spot for the powerful and the marginalized: politicians, filmmakers, musicians and labor organizers. "She had, compared with other foundation colleagues, a much more eclectic circle," Zurbuchen says. "She brought unlikely conversation partners together." Obama's mother cared deeply about helping poor women, and she had two biracial children. But neither of them remembers her talking about sexism or racism. "She spoke mostly in positive terms: what we are trying to do and what we can do," says Soetoro-Ng, who is now a history teacher at a girls' high school in Honolulu. "She wasn't ideological," notes Obama. "I inherited that, I think, from her. She was suspicious of cant." He remembers her joking that she wanted to get paid as much as a man, but it didn't mean she would stop shaving her legs. In his recent Philadelphia speech on race, in which he acknowledged the grievances of blacks and whites, Obama was consciously channeling his mother. "When I was writing that speech," he told nbc News, "her memory loomed over me. Is this something that she would trust?" When it came to race, Obama told me, "I don't think she was entirely comfortable with the more aggressive or militant approaches to African-American politics." (See pictures of the world reacting to Obama's win.) In the expat community of Asia in the 1980s, single mothers were rare, and Ann stood out. She was by then a rather large woman with frizzy black hair. But Indonesia was an uncommonly tolerant place. "For someone like Ann, who had a big personality and was a big presence," says Zurbuchen, "Indonesia was very accepting. It gave her a sense of fitting in." At home, Ann wore the traditional housecoat, the batik daster. She loved simple, traditional restaurants. Friends remember sharing bakso bola tenis, or noodles with tennis-ball-size meatballs, from a roadside stand. Today Ann would not be so unusual in the U.S. A single mother of biracial children pursuing a career, she foreshadowed, in some ways, what more of America would look like. But she did so without comment, her friends say. "She wasn't stereotypical at all," says Nancy Peluso, a friend and an environmental sociologist. "But she didn't make a big deal out of it." Ann's most lasting professional legacy was to help build the microfinance program in Indonesia, which she did from 1988 to '92—before the practice of granting tiny loans to credit-poor entrepreneurs was an established success story. Her anthropological research into how real people worked helped inform the policies set by the Bank Rakyat Indonesia, says Patten, an economist who worked there. "I would say her work had a lot to do with the success of the program," he says. Today Indonesia's microfinance program is No. 1 in the world in terms of savers, with 31 million members, according to Microfinance Information eXchange Inc., a microfinance-tracking outfit. While his mother was helping poor people in Indonesia, Obama was trying to do something similar 7,000 miles (about 11,300 km) away in Chicago, as a community organizer. Ann's friends say she was delighted by his career move and started every conversation with an update of her children's lives. "All of us knew where Barack was going to school. All of us knew how brilliant he was," remembers Ann's friend Georgia McCauley. (See pictures of Obama in Asia.) Every so often, Ann would leave Indonesia to live in Hawaii—or New York or even, in the mid-1980s, Pakistan, for a microfinance job. She and her daughter sometimes lived in garage apartments and spare rooms of friends. She collected treasures from her travels—exquisite things with stories she understood. Antique daggers with an odd number of curves, as required by Javanese tradition; unusual batiks; rice-paddy hats. Before returning to Hawaii in 1984, Ann wrote her friend Dewey that she and her daughter would "probably need a camel caravan and an elephant or two to load all our bags on the plane, and I'm sure you don't want to see all those airline agents weeping and rending their garments." At his house in Chicago, Obama says, he has his mother's arrowhead collection from Kansas—along with "trunks full of batiks that we don't really know what to do with." In 1992, Obama's mother finally finished her Ph.D. dissertation, which she had worked on, between jobs, for almost two decades. The thesis is 1,000 pages, a meticulous analysis of peasant blacksmithing in Indonesia. The glossary, which she describes as "far from complete," is 24 pages. She dedicated the tome to her mother; to Dewey, her adviser; "and to Barack and Maya, who seldom complained when their mother was in the field." In the fall of 1994, Ann was having dinner at her friend Patten's house in Jakarta when she felt a pain in her stomach. A local doctor diagnosed indigestion. When Ann returned to Hawaii several months later, she learned it was ovarian and uterine cancer. She died on Nov. 7, 1995, at 52. (See pictures of Obama in Russia.) Before her death, Ann read a draft of her son's memoir, which is almost entirely about his father. Some of her friends were surprised at the focus, but she didn't seem obviously bothered. "She never complained about it," says Peluso. "She just said it was something he had to work out." Neither Ann nor her son knew how little time they had left. Obama has said his biggest mistake was not being at his mother's side when she died. He went to Hawaii to help the family scatter the ashes over the Pacific. And he carries on her spirit in his campaign. "When Barack smiles," says Peluso, "there's just a certain Ann look. He lights up in a particular way that she did." After Ann's death, her daughter dug through her artifacts, searching for Ann's story. "She always did want to write a memoir," Soetoro-Ng says. Finally, she discovered the start of a life story, but it was less than two pages. She never found anything more. Maybe Ann had run out of time, or maybe the chemotherapy had worn her out. "I don't know. Maybe she felt overwhelmed," says Soetoro-Ng, "because there was so much to tell." —With reporting by Zamira Loebis and Jason Tedjasukmana/Jakarta Florida Times-Union (Jacksonville) January 16, 2010 Saturday Student name was Obama; he wasn't on a Fulbright; FACT: His citizenship is not in question and he wasn't foreign student. BYLINE: CAROLE FADER SECTION: Pg. A-4 LENGTH: 759 words Times-Union readers want to know: Is it true that President Barack Obama, Enhanced Coverage Linking Barack Obama, -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days under the name Barry Soetoro, received financial aid from a Fulbright scholarship as a foreign student at Occidental College, and that the Supreme Court has agreed to hear a case involving his citizenship? And, is it true that a federal judge has ordered Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days to prove his eligibility to be president in court on Jan. 26? These chain e-mails, more attempts to prove that Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days is not a natural-born citizen qualified to be president, just keep circulating through area in-boxes. If you put stock in the first e-mail, you've been April Fooled. The second claim is just plain false. Let's take a closer look at e-mail No. 1. As pointed out by the fact-checking sources snopes.com and FactCheck.org, the email is dated April 1, 2009. As in April Fool's Day. It's a hoax. Although the e-mail begins with the tag "AP," making it seem as if it came from The Associated Press, it did not. FactCheck.org contacted the news organization and received this statement: "The story purported to be from The Associated Press on April 1 is fake." Here are the other giveaways, as listed by snopes.com, a well-respected Web site that confirms or debunks rumors and urban legends, and FactCheck.org, a nonprofit, nonpartisan, fact-finding project of the Annenberg Public Policy Center of the University of Pennsylvania: - The e-mail purports that a group, Americans for Freedom of Information, released the college transcripts. At the time, there was no such group (although someone has since registered a Web site with that name that makes fun of the people who think it really exists). Besides, Obama's Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama's -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days transcripts from Occidental College in Los Angeles have never been released, neither by Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days nor the college. - Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days attended Occidental for two years as an undergraduate student under the name Barry Obama, Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama, -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days not Soetoro (his stepfather's surname). FactCheck.org and Snopes.com quote Occidental's director of communications, Jim Tranquada, as saying that public documents at the time list him as Barack Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Barack Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days and that "all of the Occidental alumni I have spoken to from that era [1979-81] who knew him, knew him as Barry Obama. Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama. -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days " - Fulbright scholarships are given for foreign student study in the U.S., but almost always for graduate work. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days was an undergraduate at Occidental and, although he was on scholarship according to the Los Angeles Times Enhanced Coverage Linking the Los Angeles Times -Search using: * Company Profile * News, Most Recent 60 Days * Company Dossier and Boston Globe, it was not a Fulbright. - There's no evidence, according to the fact-checking sources' research into newspaper archives and databases, that Britain's Daily Mail or any other major UK newspaper published a front-page article, "Obama's Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama's -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days Eligibility Questioned" as the e-mail says. - The U.S. Supreme Court declined without comment to hear a lawsuit challenging Obama's Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama's -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days eligibility on Dec. 8, 2008, according to a report in The Washington Post and other media outlets. There are currently no eligibility cases scheduled before the court. - The e-mail also makes reference to Gary Kreep of the United States Justice Foundation's release of results of its investigation into Obama's Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama's -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days campaign spending, showing that he spent $950,000 with 11 law firms in 12 states to block disclosure of his personal records. In reality, there is no record of any such investigation and Gary Kreep responded to an inquiry by saying that the e-mail was a hoax. Another variation of the e-mail includes a photo of Obama, Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama, -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days his stepfather, mother and sister, along with a registration form for Barry Soetoro from the St. Francis of Assisi School in Indonesia, snopes.com reports. The form, ostensibly completed by Obama's Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama's -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days stepfather, Lolo Soetoro, lists a nationality of "Indonesian." Just because his father listed him as such, however, doesn't mean Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days was a citizen, according to the Indonesian government. Besides, the same form shows that the birthplace of Barry Soetoro is Honolulu, which makes him a U.S. citizen from birth regardless of what his alien parent's nationality was. E-mail No. 2 asks for prayers for U.S. District Court Judge David Carter, who, it claims, refused to hear Obama's Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama's -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days request for dismissal and set a court date for Jan. 26 for Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days to "release his birth certificate in a timely manner." In truth, Carter had already dismissed the case (Barnett v. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days ) in an Oct. 29, 2009, order, according to the U.S. Party/Case Index, a database of court records and documents. [email protected], (904) 359-4635 Corcoran monica January 18 2009 WANT SOMETHING CHECKED OUT? If you see or hear about something that needs a Fact Check, e-mail [email protected] Pakistan Times Obama’s Larkana Connection Submitted by Azhar Masood on July 10, 2008 http://www.pak-times.com/2008/07/10/obamas-larkana-cnnection/ United State’s Democratic presidential candidate Barack Obama has a connection with Larkana, city of Bhuttos of Pakistan. In 1981 Obama as a student visited Larkana for a partridge hunting session. His host was one Hasan Chandio. City of Larkana was renamed. Its original name before the raj was Chandka. Chandios are still considered be the biggest landlords of Sindh. During his visit to Pakistan he stayed in Hasan Chandio’s residence and later he traveled to interior Sindh for partridge hunting. In Sindh partridge hunting is considered as a symbol of good hospitality. Hasan Chandio is Obama’s Pakistani friend who lives in Westchester County of New York. Obama also made friends with another Sindhi currently Chairman of Senate Muhammadmian Soomro who hails from Shikarpur hardly one hour’s drive from Larkana. He lived at Muhammad Ali Society residence of Ahmad Mian Soomro father of Chairman Senate Muhammadmian Soomro. While tracing this story this scribe found from Time Magazine that Obama’s mother was a regular visitor of Pakistan and she had little knowledge of Urdu. Officially Barack Obama has so far not made his Pakistani connections public but he was quoted by Soomro that in Pakistan he came to know about Sunni and Shia sects. Time Magaine The Story of Barack Obama's Mother By Amanda Ripley / Honolulu Wednesday, Apr. 09, 2008 Each of us lives a life of contradictory truths. We are not one thing or another. Barack Obama's mother was at least a dozen things. S. Ann Soetoro was a teen mother who later got a Ph.D. in anthropology; a white woman from the Midwest who was more comfortable in Indonesia; a natural-born mother obsessed with her work; a romantic pragmatist, if such a thing is possible. "When I think about my mother," Obama told me recently, "I think that there was a certain combination of being very grounded in who she was, what she believed in. But also a certain recklessness. I think she was always searching for something. She wasn't comfortable seeing her life confined to a certain box." (See pictures of the world reacting to Obama's win.) Obama's mother was a dreamer. She made risky bets that paid off only some of the time, choices that her children had to live with. She fell in love—twice—with fellow students from distant countries she knew nothing about. Both marriages failed, and she leaned on her parents and friends to help raise her two children. "She cried a lot," says her daughter Maya Soetoro-Ng, "if she saw animals being treated cruelly or children in the news or a sad movie—or if she felt like she wasn't being understood in a conversation." And yet she was fearless, says Soetoro-Ng. "She was very capable. She went out on the back of a motorcycle and did rigorous fieldwork. Her research was responsible and penetrating. She saw the heart of a problem, and she knew whom to hold accountable." Today Obama is partly a product of what his mother was not. Whereas she swept her children off to unfamiliar lands and even lived apart from her son when he was a teenager, Obama has tried to ground his children in the Midwest. "We've created stability for our kids in a way that my mom didn't do for us," he says. "My choosing to put down roots in Chicago and marry a woman who is very rooted in one place probably indicates a desire for stability that maybe I was missing." Ironically, the person who mattered most in Obama's life is the one we know the least about—maybe because being partly African in America is still seen as being simply black and color is still a preoccupation above almost all else. There is not enough room in the conversation for the rest of a man's story. (See pictures of eight months of Obama's diplomacy.) But Obama is his mother's son. In his wide-open rhetoric about what can be instead of what was, you see a hint of his mother's credulity. When Obama gets donations from people who have never believed in politics before, they're responding to his ability—passed down from his mother—to make a powerful argument (that happens to be very liberal) without using a trace of ideology. On a good day, when he figures out how to move a crowd of thousands of people very different from himself, it has something to do with having had a parent who gazed at different cultures the way other people study gems. It turns out that Obama's nascent career peddling hope is a family business. He inherited it. And while it is true that he has not been profoundly tested, he was raised by someone who was. In most elections, the deceased mother of a candidate in the primaries is not the subject of a magazine profile. But Ann Soetoro was not like most mothers. Stanley Ann Dunham Born in 1942, just five years before Hillary Clinton, Obama's mother came into an America constrained by war, segregation and a distrust of difference. Her parents named her Stanley because her father had wanted a boy. She endured the expected teasing over this indignity, but dutifully lugged the name through high school, apologizing for it each time she introduced herself in a new town. During her life, she was known by four different names, each representing a distinct chapter. In the course of the Stanley period, her family moved more than five times—from Kansas to California to Texas to Washington—before her 18th birthday. Her father, a furniture salesman, had a restlessness that she inherited. She spent her high school years on a small island in Washington, taking advanced classes in philosophy and visiting coffee shops in Seattle. "She was a very intelligent, quiet girl, interested in her friendships and current events," remembers Maxine Box, a close high school friend. Both girls assumed they would go to college and pursue careers. "She wasn't particularly interested in children or in getting married," Box says. Although Stanley was accepted early by the University of Chicago, her father wouldn't let her go. She was too young to be off on her own, he said, unaware, as fathers tend to be, of what could happen when she lived in his house. (Read "Obama's Half Brother Makes a Name for Himself in China") After she finished high school, her father whisked the family away again—this time to Honolulu, after he heard about a big new furniture store there. Hawaii had just become a state, and it was the new frontier. Stanley grudgingly went along yet again, enrolling in the University of Hawaii as a freshman. Mrs. Barack H. Obama Shortly before she moved to Hawaii, Stanley saw her first foreign film. Black Orpheus was an award-winning musical retelling of the myth of Orpheus, a tale of doomed love. The movie was considered exotic because it was filmed in Brazil, but it was written and directed by white Frenchmen. The result was sentimental and, to some modern eyes, patronizing. Years later Obama saw the film with his mother and thought about walking out. But looking at her in the theater, he glimpsed her 16year-old self. "I suddenly realized," he wrote in his memoir, Dreams from My Father, "that the depiction of childlike blacks I was now seeing on the screen ... was what my mother had carried with her to Hawaii all those years before, a reflection of the simple fantasies that had been forbidden to a white middle-class girl from Kansas, the promise of another life, warm, sensual, exotic, different." (Read "The Five Faces of Barack Obama") By college, Stanley had started introducing herself as Ann. She met Barack Obama Sr. in a Russian-language class. He was one of the first Africans to attend the University of Hawaii and a focus of great curiosity. He spoke at church groups and was interviewed for several local-newspaper stories. "He had this magnetic personality," remembers Neil Abercrombie, a member of Congress from Hawaii who was friends with Obama Sr. in college. "Everything was oratory from him, even the most commonplace observation." Obama's father quickly drew a crowd of friends at the university. "We would drink beer, eat pizza and play records," Abercrombie says. They talked about Vietnam and politics. "Everyone had an opinion about everything, and everyone was of the opinion that everyone wanted to hear their opinion—no one more so than Barack." The exception was Ann, the quiet young woman in the corner who began to hang out with Obama and his friends that fall. "She was scarcely out of high school. She was mostly kind of an observer," says Abercrombie. Obama Sr.'s friends knew he was dating a white woman, but they made a point of treating it as a nonissue. This was Hawaii, after all, a place enamored of its reputation as a melting pot. But when people called Hawaii a "melting pot" in the early 1960s, they meant a place where white people blended with Asians. At the time, 19% of white women in Hawaii married Chinese men, and that was considered radical by the rest of the nation. Black people made up less than 1% of the state's population. And while interracial marriage was legal there, it was banned in half the other states. When Ann told her parents about the African student at school, they invited him over for dinner. Her father didn't notice when his daughter reached out to hold the man's hand, according to Obama's book. Her mother thought it best not to cause a scene. As Obama would write, "My mother was that girl with the movie of beautiful black people playing in her head." (See behind-the-scenes pictures of Obama on Inauguration day.) On Feb. 2, 1961, several months after they met, Obama's parents got married in Maui, according to divorce records. It was a Thursday. At that point, Ann was three months pregnant with Barack Obama II. Friends did not learn of the wedding until afterward. "Nobody was invited," says Abercrombie. The motivations behind the marriage remain a mystery, even to Obama. "I never probed my mother about the details. Did they decide to get married because she was already pregnant? Or did he propose to her in the traditional, formal way?" Obama wonders. "I suppose, had she not passed away, I would have asked more." Even by the standards of 1961, she was young to be married. At 18, she dropped out of college after one semester, according to University of Hawaii records. When her friends back in Washington heard the news, "we were very shocked," says Box, her high school friend. Then, when Obama was almost 1, his father left for Harvard to get a Ph.D. in economics. He had also been accepted to the New School in New York City, with a more generous scholarship that would have allowed his family to join him. But he decided to go to Harvard. "How can I refuse the best education?" he told Ann, according to Obama's book. (See pictures of Obama's convention week journey.) Obama's father had an agenda: to return to his home country and help reinvent Kenya. He wanted to take his new family with him. But he also had a wife from a previous marriage there—a marriage that may or may not have been legal. In the end, Ann decided not to follow him. "She was under no illusions," says Abercrombie. "He was a man of his time, from a very patriarchal society." Ann filed for divorce in Honolulu in January 1964, citing "grievous mental suffering"—the reason given in most divorces at the time. Obama Sr. signed for the papers in Cambridge, Mass., and did not contest the divorce. Ann had already done things most women of her generation had not: she had married an African, had their baby and gotten divorced. At this juncture, her life could have become narrower—a young, marginalized woman focused on paying the rent and raising a child on her own. She could have filled her son's head with wellfounded resentment for his absent father. But that is not what happened. S. Ann Dunham Soetoro When her son was almost 2, Ann returned to college. Money was tight. She collected food stamps and relied on her parents to help take care of young Barack. She would get her bachelor's degree four years later. In the meantime, she met another foreign student, Lolo Soetoro, at the University of Hawaii. ("It's where I send all my single girlfriends," jokes her daughter Soetoro-Ng, who also married a man she met there.) He was easygoing, happily devoting hours to playing chess with Ann's father and wrestling with her young son. Lolo proposed in 1967. Mother and son spent months preparing to follow him to Indonesia—getting shots, passports and plane tickets. Until then, neither had left the country. After a long journey, they landed in an unrecognizable place. "Walking off the plane, the tarmac rippling with heat, the sun bright as a furnace," Obama later wrote, "I clutched her hand, determined to protect her." (See pictures of Michelle Obama's hair.) Lolo's house, on the outskirts of Jakarta, was a long way from the high-rises of Honolulu. There was no electricity, and the streets were not paved. The country was transitioning to the rule of General Suharto. Inflation was running at more than 600%, and everything was scarce. Ann and her son were the first foreigners to live in the neighborhood, according to locals who remember them. Two baby crocodiles, along with chickens and birds of paradise, occupied the backyard. To get to know the kids next door, Obama sat on the wall between their houses and flapped his arms like a great, big bird, making cawing noises, remembers Kay Ikranagara, a friend. "That got the kids laughing, and then they all played together," she says. Obama attended a Catholic school called Franciscus Assisi Primary School. He attracted attention since he was not only a foreigner but also chubbier than the locals. But he seemed to shrug off the teasing, eating tofu and tempeh like all the other kids, playing soccer and picking guavas from the trees. He didn't seem to mind that the other children called him "Negro," remembers Bambang Sukoco, a former neighbor. At first, Obama's mother gave money to every beggar who stopped at their door. But the caravan of misery—children without limbs, men with leprosy—churned on forever, and she was forced to be more selective. Her husband mocked her calculations of relative suffering. "Your mother has a soft heart," he told Obama. As Ann became more intrigued by Indonesia, her husband became more Western. He rose through the ranks of an American oil company and moved the family to a nicer neighborhood. She was bored by the dinner parties he took her to, where men boasted about golf scores and wives complained about their Indonesian servants. The couple fought rarely but had less and less in common. "She wasn't prepared for the loneliness," Obama wrote in Dreams. "It was constant, like a shortness of breath." (See pictures of how Obama prepares a speech.) Ann took a job teaching English at the U.S. embassy. She woke up well before dawn throughout her life. Now she went into her son's room every day at 4 a.m. to give him English lessons from a U.S. correspondence course. She couldn't afford the élite international school and worried he wasn't challenged enough. After two years at the Catholic school, Obama moved to a state-run elementary school closer to the new house. He was the only foreigner, says Ati Kisjanto, a classmate, but he spoke some Indonesian and made new friends. Indonesia has the world's largest Muslim population, but Obama's household was not religious. "My mother, whose parents were nonpracticing Baptists and Methodists, was one of the most spiritual souls I ever knew," Obama said in a 2007 speech. "But she had a healthy skepticism of religion as an institution. And as a consequence, so did I." In her own way, Ann tried to compensate for the absence of black people in her son's life. At night, she came home from work with books on the civil rights movement and recordings of Mahalia Jackson. Her aspirations for racial harmony were simplistic. "She was very much of the early Dr. [Martin Luther] King era," Obama says. "She believed that people were all basically the same under their skin, that bigotry of any sort was wrong and that the goal was then to treat everybody as unique individuals." Ann gave her daughter, who was born in 1970, dolls of every hue: "A pretty black girl with braids, an Inuit, Sacagawea, a little Dutch boy with clogs," says Soetoro-Ng, laughing. "It was like the United Nations." (Watch a slideshow of Joe Klein's exclusive interview with Obama.) In 1971, when Obama was 10, Ann sent him back to Hawaii to live with her parents and attend Punahou, an élite prep school that he'd gotten into on a scholarship with his grandparents' help. This wrenching decision seemed to reflect how much she valued education. Ann's friends say it was hard on her, and Obama, in his book, describes an adolescence shadowed by a sense of alienation. "I didn't feel [her absence] as a deprivation," Obama told me. "But when I think about the fact that I was separated from her, I suspect it had more of an impact than I know." A year later, Ann followed Obama back to Hawaii, as promised, taking her daughter but leaving her husband behind. She enrolled in a master's program at the University of Hawaii to study the anthropology of Indonesia. Indonesia is an anthropologist's fantasyland. It is made up of 17,500 islands, on which 230 million people speak more than 300 languages. The archipelago's culture is colored by Buddhist, Hindu, Muslim and Dutch traditions. Indonesia "sucks a lot of us in," says fellow anthropologist and friend Alice Dewey. "It's delightful." Around this time, Ann began to find her voice. People who knew her before describe her as quiet and smart; those who met her afterward use words like forthright and passionate. The timing of her graduate work was perfect. "The whole face of the earth was changing," Dewey says. "Colonial powers were collapsing, countries needed help, and development work was beginning to interest anthropologists." (See behind the scenes photos of Obama.) Ann's husband visited Hawaii frequently, but they never lived together again. Ann filed for divorce in 1980. As with Obama's father, she kept in regular contact with Lolo and did not pursue alimony or child support, according to divorce records. "She was no Pollyanna. There have certainly been moments when she complained to us," says her daughter Soetoro-Ng. "But she was not someone who would take the detritus of those divorces and make judgments about men in general or love or allow herself to grow pessimistic." With each failed marriage, Ann gained a child and, in one case, a country as well. Ann Dunham Sutoro After three years of living with her children in a small apartment in Honolulu, subsisting on student grants, Ann decided to go back to Indonesia to do fieldwork for her Ph.D. Obama, then about 14, told her he would stay behind. He was tired of being new, and he appreciated the autonomy his grandparents gave him. Ann did not argue with him. "She kept a certain part of herself aloof or removed," says Mary Zurbuchen, a friend from Jakarta. "I think maybe in some way this was how she managed to cross so many boundaries." In Indonesia, Ann joked to friends that her son seemed interested only in basketball. "She despaired of him ever having a social conscience," remembers Richard Patten, a colleague. After her divorce, Ann started using the more modern spelling of her name, Sutoro. She took a big job as the program officer for women and employment at the Ford Foundation, and she spoke up forcefully at staff meetings. Unlike many other expats, she had spent a lot of time with villagers, learning their priorities and problems, with a special focus on women's work. "She was influenced by hanging out in the Javanese marketplace," Zurbuchen says, "where she would see women with heavy baskets on their backs who got up at 3 in the morning to walk to the market and sell their produce." Ann thought the Ford Foundation should get closer to the people and further from the government, just as she had. (See pictures of Obama's daughters at Inauguration.) Her home became a gathering spot for the powerful and the marginalized: politicians, filmmakers, musicians and labor organizers. "She had, compared with other foundation colleagues, a much more eclectic circle," Zurbuchen says. "She brought unlikely conversation partners together." Obama's mother cared deeply about helping poor women, and she had two biracial children. But neither of them remembers her talking about sexism or racism. "She spoke mostly in positive terms: what we are trying to do and what we can do," says Soetoro-Ng, who is now a history teacher at a girls' high school in Honolulu. "She wasn't ideological," notes Obama. "I inherited that, I think, from her. She was suspicious of cant." He remembers her joking that she wanted to get paid as much as a man, but it didn't mean she would stop shaving her legs. In his recent Philadelphia speech on race, in which he acknowledged the grievances of blacks and whites, Obama was consciously channeling his mother. "When I was writing that speech," he told nbc News, "her memory loomed over me. Is this something that she would trust?" When it came to race, Obama told me, "I don't think she was entirely comfortable with the more aggressive or militant approaches to African-American politics." (See pictures of the world reacting to Obama's win.) In the expat community of Asia in the 1980s, single mothers were rare, and Ann stood out. She was by then a rather large woman with frizzy black hair. But Indonesia was an uncommonly tolerant place. "For someone like Ann, who had a big personality and was a big presence," says Zurbuchen, "Indonesia was very accepting. It gave her a sense of fitting in." At home, Ann wore the traditional housecoat, the batik daster. She loved simple, traditional restaurants. Friends remember sharing bakso bola tenis, or noodles with tennis-ball-size meatballs, from a roadside stand. Today Ann would not be so unusual in the U.S.A single mother of biracial children pursuing a career, she foreshadowed, in some ways, what more of America would look like. But she did so without comment, her friends say. "She wasn't stereotypical at all," says Nancy Peluso, a friend and an environmental sociologist. "But she didn't make a big deal out of it." Ann's most lasting professional legacy was to help build the microfinance program in Indonesia, which she did from 1988 to '92—before the practice of granting tiny loans to credit-poor entrepreneurs was an established success story. Her anthropological research into how real people worked helped inform the policies set by the Bank Rakyat Indonesia, says Patten, an economist who worked there. "I would say her work had a lot to do with the success of the program," he says. Today Indonesia's microfinance program is No. 1 in the world in terms of savers, with 31 million members, according to Microfinance Information eXchange Inc., a microfinance-tracking outfit. While his mother was helping poor people in Indonesia, Obama was trying to do something similar 7,000 miles (about 11,300 km) away in Chicago, as a community organizer. Ann's friends say she was delighted by his career move and started every conversation with an update of her children's lives. "All of us knew where Barack was going to school. All of us knew how brilliant he was," remembers Ann's friend Georgia McCauley. (See pictures of Obama in Asia.) Every so often, Ann would leave Indonesia to live in Hawaii—or New York or even, in the mid-1980s, Pakistan, for a microfinance job. She and her daughter sometimes lived in garage apartments and spare rooms of friends. She collected treasures from her travels—exquisite things with stories she understood. Antique daggers with an odd number of curves, as required by Javanese tradition; unusual batiks; rice-paddy hats. Before returning to Hawaii in 1984, Ann wrote her friend Dewey that she and her daughter would "probably need a camel caravan and an elephant or two to load all our bags on the plane, and I'm sure you don't want to see all those airline agents weeping and rending their garments." At his house in Chicago, Obama says, he has his mother's arrowhead collection from Kansas—along with "trunks full of batiks that we don't really know what to do with." In 1992, Obama's mother finally finished her Ph.D. dissertation, which she had worked on, between jobs, for almost two decades. The thesis is 1,000 pages, a meticulous analysis of peasant blacksmithing in Indonesia. The glossary, which she describes as "far from complete," is 24 pages. She dedicated the tome to her mother; to Dewey, her adviser; "and to Barack and Maya, who seldom complained when their mother was in the field." In the fall of 1994, Ann was having dinner at her friend Patten's house in Jakarta when she felt a pain in her stomach. A local doctor diagnosed indigestion. When Ann returned to Hawaii several months later, she learned it was ovarian and uterine cancer. She died on Nov. 7, 1995, at 52. (See pictures of Obama in Russia.) Before her death, Ann read a draft of her son's memoir, which is almost entirely about his father. Some of her friends were surprised at the focus, but she didn't seem obviously bothered. "She never complained about it," says Peluso. "She just said it was something he had to work out." Neither Ann nor her son knew how little time they had left. Obama has said his biggest mistake was not being at his mother's side when she died. He went to Hawaii to help the family scatter the ashes over the Pacific. And he carries on her spirit in his campaign. "When Barack smiles," says Peluso, "there's just a certain Ann look. He lights up in a particular way that she did." After Ann's death, her daughter dug through her artifacts, searching for Ann's story. "She always did want to write a memoir," Soetoro-Ng says. Finally, she discovered the start of a life story, but it was less than two pages. She never found anything more. Maybe Ann had run out of time, or maybe the chemotherapy had worn her out. "I don't know. Maybe she felt overwhelmed," says Soetoro-Ng, "because there was so much to tell." —With reporting by Zamira Loebis and Jason Tedjasukmana/Jakarta International The News http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=144397&Cat=9&dt=11/1 /2008 Capital suggestion Dr Farrukh Saleem Sunday, November 02, 2008 The man who became a senator at the age of 43 and the senator who would now become the president at the age of 47. Obama is a graduate of Columbia University and Harvard Law School. He has been a civil rights lawyer, a community organizer and an academic (he taught constitutional law at University of Chicago Law School for 12 years). America has been holding presidential elections for the past 224 years but this 56th quadrennial presidential election is unique in more ways than one. This is the first time that an African-American has been nominated by a major American political party as their presidential nominee. This is the first time that two sitting US senators are running against each other. This is the first time that the Republicans and the Democrats have nominated nominees who were both born outside the continental Untied States; Obama was born at Kapi’olani Medical Centre for Women & Children in Honolulu , Hawaii , and McCain in the Panama Canal Zone (up until 1999, the zone was administered by the US under a perpetual lease). If and when Obama wins, Senator Joe Biden would be America’s first Roman Catholic vice-president. Interestingly, Barack Obama II has a Jacobabad connection. The man who would be the president of the United States and Muhammed Hasan Chandio, a financial consultant who now lives in Armonk in the town of North Caste in Westchester County, are college friends (Chandio is a Baloch tribe in Sindh). In 1981, at the age of 20, Obama visited Karachi and stayed with Hasan Chandio’s family. Exactly 27 years ago, Obama was hosted by the Honourable Ahmad Mian Soomro at his Muhammad Ali Society residence. Obama then went on to Jacobabad on a partridge hunting trip and was once again Ahmad Mian Soomro’s guest. Intriguingly, in 1981 the Soviet-Afghan war was at its peak and the US Department of State had a warning for Americans travelling to Pakistan. There is speculation that Obama who at that time also travelled under his Muslim name of Barry Soetero may have travelled to Pakistan using an Indonesian passport. For the record, Barack Obama Jr was born to Barack Obama Sr, a black Kenyan, and Ann Dunham, a white American. Barack Obama Sr and Ann Dunham were divorced when their son was two. Obama Sr met his son only once after the divorce (Obama Sr died in a car accident in 1982). Ann Dunham later married Lolo Soetoro, an Indonesian Muslim (Obama’s mother died of ovarian cancer in 1995). Barack is married to Michelle and the two have two offspring, Malia Ann and Natasha. Obama recently stated that he learnt the Sunni-Shia distinction while he was in Pakistan. Does he also know that Jacobabad has a literacy of 23 per cent, the lowest in Sindh? And that illiteracy and crimes of honour are correlated? And that Jacobabad has the highest rate of crimes of honour; an average of 90 honour killings a year (Hyderabad has a literacy rate of 44 per cent and an average of five honour killings a year)? How would America’s Jacobabad policy be under an Obama administration? To be certain, America is a nation-state with multiple centres of power and America’s foreign policy is the result of a process — not a person. The White House is a centre of power and so is the Department of State, the Department of Defence, the intelligence community, the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, the media and the think-tank community. All these centres of power interact and also fight turf wars. America’s Pakistan policy is — and will be — the consequence of this interaction as well as the interdepartmental turf battles. Obama has said a lot between February 2007, when he announced his presidential campaign, and now. I consider most of that as rhetoric part of a political campaign to entice American voters. In the meanwhile, all of America’s power centres have been interacting and infighting to determine America’s direction in South Asia. Based on what is being leaked to the media by America’s intelligence community, the additional combat brigades being ordered by CENTCOM and a whole host of other factors it appears that an Obama administration — or McCain for that matter — will be expanding the South Asian war theatre. The writer is an Islamabad-based freelance columnist [email protected] April 1, 2009 Final Nail In Obamas Lack Of US Citizenship Coffin? AP- WASHINGTON D.C. - In a move certain to fuel the debate over Obamas qualifications for the presidency, the group Americans for Freedom of Information has released copies of President Obamas college transcripts from Occidental College. Released today, the transcript indicates that Obama, under the name Barry Soetoro, received financial aid as a foreign student from Indonesia as an undergraduate at the school. The transcript was released by Occidental College in compliance with a court order in a suit brought by the group in the Superior Court of California. The transcript shows that Obama (Soetoro) applied for financial aid and was awarded a fellowship for foreign students from the Fulbright Foundation Scholarship program. To qualify, for the scholarship, a student must claim foreign citizenship. This document would seem to provide the smoking gun that many of Obamas detractors have been seeking. The news has created a firestorm at the White House as the release casts increasing doubt about Obamas legitimacy and qualification to serve as president. When reached for comment in London, where he has been in meetings with British Prime Minister Gordon Brown, Obama smiled but refused comment on the issue. Meanwhile, White House press secretary Robert Gibbs scoffed at the report stating that this was obviously another attempt by a right-wing conservative group to discredit the president and undermine the administrations efforts to move the country in a new direction. Britain's Daily Mail has also carried the story in a front-page article titled, Obama Eligibility Questioned, leading some to speculate that the story may overshadow economic issues on Obamas first official visit to the U.K. In a related matter, under growing pressure from several groups, Justice Antonin Scalia announced that the Supreme Court agreed on Tuesday to hear arguments concerning Obamas legal eligibility to serve as President in a case brought by Leo Donofrio of New Jersey. This lawsuit claims Obama's dual citizenship disqualified him from serving as president. Donofrios case is just one of 18 suits brought by citizens demanding proof of Obamas citizenship or qualification to serve as president. Gary Kreep of the United States Justice Foundation has released the results of their investigation of Obamas campaign spending. This study estimates that Obama has spent upwards of $950,000 in campaign funds in the past year with eleven law firms in 12 states for legal resources to block disclosure of any of his personal records. Mr. Kreep indicated that the investigation is still ongoing but that the final report will be provided to the U.S. attorney general, Eric Holder. Mr. Holder has refused to comment on the matter. The Globe and Mail (Canada) January 12, 2008 Saturday 'He told us he was an African prince. We believed him'; An aura of leadership so surrounds Barack Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Barack Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days that in the past week U.S. election observers were practically ready to crown him 11 months in advance. But where did his charisma come from? Jessica Leeder and Rod Mickleburgh go to Chicago and Hawaii to discover the makings of the man who may become the first American black president BYLINE: Jessica Leeder and Rod Mickleburgh SECTION: FOCUS; PROFILE: THE MAN WHO WOULD BE PRESIDENT; Pg. F1 LENGTH: 4380 words Even in the face of creeping gentrification, Chicago's far South Side is a gritty, dismal place. Low-rise buildings stretch for kilometres across crumbling sidewalks that front shuttered stores long mummified by rusted metal grates. Some churches keep their doors locked all day; visitors must ring the bell. Call a cab and it rarely shows up. In the 40 or so blocks that make up the city's most hardscrabble neighbourhood, public transportation is scarce. But few people walk, not wanting to chance being hassled in a place where even U.S. postal workers leer at women passing by. The streets were rougher still in 1985, when a caramel-skinned 23-year-old some called "Babyface" arrived from New York to help tackle social issues hobbling the community. Although he could not have realized it at the time, his arrival marked the beginning of an ambitious journey for someone who had been raised mostly in Hawaii. He looked like an African American, but with a mother from Kansas and father from Kenya, Barack Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Barack Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days did not really know what it meant to be black in urban America until he reached Chicago. He decided to get to know his new surroundings - on foot. Rev. Alvin Love, head pastor at Lilydale First Baptist Church, was sitting in his office when "Barack rang the doorbell. I looked out the window. I didn't see a car. I go down, I see this skinny guy with big ears." The clergyman was surprised, but impressed. "The very fact that he was walking through the community said to me he was someone who, if he didn't know the community, at least was trying to get a feel for it - and wasn't afraid." Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days soon captivated Mr. Love with his novel ideas about how to mobilize people, how to knit together ethnic and religious groups that had never before co-operated. "He said to me, 'Your issues of unemployment and crime in the community are the same issues the Baptists are having and the African Americans are having. Let's put all the other things aside. If we're going to tackle issues ... let's see if there's a common ground for all of us.' "That really was unheard of. To actually just sit down over issues ... and do that with ethnics and Catholic priests, that was something." Over the years that followed, Mr. Love watched as Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days used the South Side almost like a laboratory as he honed what has, two decades later, become his trademark: an ability to solve problems by bridging what seem like insurmountable gaps between opposing factions. At the same time, he became steeped in African-American culture and found something he had searched for since childhood - a clear sense of his own identity. Now, at 47, Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days is threatening to eclipse the favoured Hillary Clinton for the Democratic Party's presidential nomination, a prize that could very well make him the first black person ever to reside in the White House. As one long-time adviser says, he's "made to be president ... This is an individual who transcends politics." PART 1: WHERE THE ROAD BEGINS AND ALMOST ENDS Barack Hussein Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days 's earliest memories of the country he wants to lead are set against a backdrop of the next best thing to paradise: tall, swaying palms and the pounding surf of Hawaii. To those who knew his mother, Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days 's birth was a surprise. Ann Dunham was raised largely in Kansas by working-class parents who eventually wound up moving to the 50th state. She was 18 and just starting out at the University of Hawaii in 1960 when she met a provocative Kenyan exchange student named Barack Obama. Enhanced Coverage Linking Barack Obama. -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days He already had a wife and child back home, but said he was divorced. The two fell in love and defied convention by running off to marry in secret. Six months later, on Aug. 4, 1961, Barack Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Barack Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days Jr. was born in Honolulu. But by the time he had turned 2, his parents' marriage had begun to fray. His father won a scholarship to Harvard University, but there wasn't enough money to bring his family along. So Ann stayed in Hawaii with young "Barry." A year later, the Obamas divorced. Many years later, Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days said the departure of his father affected him deeply. "Every man is trying to live up to his father's expectations, or make up for his mistakes," he told his biographer, David Mendell. "In my case, both things might be true." At the time, however, life was too much of a whirlwind for the loss to hit home. By the time Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days was 6, his mother had fallen in love with another exchange student. Lolo Soetoro, an Indonesian Muslim, was a budding businessman when he whisked the family off to Jakarta, young Barry's first brush with real poverty. Universal electricity had arrived only a few years earlier; many homes were just bamboo huts. There were few foreign families in their neighbourhood and Barry spent about four years there. When he was 10, his mother, concerned about his future, sent him back to Hawaii to live with his grandparents. He was enrolled at the elite Punahou School, a private institution north of Waikiki Beach on the outskirts of Honolulu where cars are banned and teachers traverse the lush 76-acre campus in golf carts. Other famous students over the years have included America Online co-founder Steve Case, eBay titan Pierre Omidyar and golfer Michelle Wie. The school was an easy five-block walk from his grandparents' 10th-floor apartment in a building that, since the launch of his presidential campaign, has been overrun with journalists. (Recently, one reporter was nabbed shimmying up an outdoor pole in an attempt to gain access to the upper floors.) In his memoir, Dreams from My Father: A Story of Race and Inheritance, Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days says his exploration of what it means to be black in America began at Punahou, which boasted a diverse student body but only a handful of black faces (even now only 2 per cent of Hawaiians are African-American). Annual tuition is about $15,000 although, like him, many students attended on scholarships. Still, there were no obvious signs that Barry had trouble fitting in. Yearbook pictures show a smiling, happy-go-lucky student. "He was a smart, active, funny guy ..." recalls Tom Kreiger, a fifth-grade classmate. "He told people he was an African prince. We believed him." In high school, however, cynicism and confusion over his racial identity intensified. He grew more rebellious, experimenting with drugs and allowing his grades to slip. "Pot helped, and booze; maybe a little blow when you could afford it," he wrote, adding: "Not smack, though." Basketball was a welcome distraction. Although Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days spent much of his time on the bench, Dan Hale, a teammate who now coaches basketball at the school, has vivid memories of how Barry would step in to break up fights when pickup games overheated. He seemed to dislike confrontation, others have said, but Mr. Hale remembers him as "an intellectual ... worldly," and says that playing basketball on a multiracial team likely "helped Barry see that it was possible for people from all walks of life to get along." And, in fact, Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days writes in his memoir that "at least on the basketball court, I could find a community of sorts, with an inner life all its own. It was there that I would make my closest white friends, on turf where blackness couldn't be a disadvantage." Even so, some of his old acquaintances say they were surprised to learn of the angst he was feeling. "I had no idea what he was going through," says Eric Kusunoki, his old home-room teacher. "He certainly never wore it on his sleeve. He was always very upbeat, very personal." According to Mr. Kusunoki, "We are all minorities here. We grow up pretty comfortable with each other. So I think Barry was able to experience more freedom than he might have had elsewhere, and thus he was able to be himself, work things out and develop more than he would have, otherwise." PART 2: SEEKING ANSWERS ACROSS THE WATER In his senior yearbook, Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days thanks the "choom gang" (chooming is island slang for smoking marijuana) and says in his memoir: "Junkie. Pothead. That's where I'd been headed: the final, fatal role of the young would-be black man." But somehow he kept his grades high enough to win a scholarship to Occidental College in Los Angeles, where he hung out in coffee houses, took part in rallies and developed the analytical mind he seemed to have inherited from his intellectual father. "He seemed to have gotten some purpose in life during those two years at Occidental," his grandmother, Madelyn Dunham, has suggested. Yet he soon tired of Occidental, and in 1981 transferred across the country to Columbia University in New York. There, while sharing an apartment on the Upper West Side, he received a call from an African aunt, who informed him that his father, by then an alcoholic, had died in a car accident. The news was a mighty blow even though the two had seen each other only once since the divorce - a visit his father made to Hawaii when his boy was just 10. After that, Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days spent much of his time at Columbia soul-searching. He took up jogging and lifting weights, and adopted a solitary lifestyle. "I spent a lot of time in the library. I didn't socialize that much. I was like a monk," he says in a 2005 Columbia alumni magazine. But by the time he graduated in 1983, Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days had finally chosen a career. "I decided to become a community organizer," he writes. "When classmates in college asked me just what it was that a community organizer did, I couldn't answer them directly. Instead, I'd pronounce on the need for change. ... Change won't come from the top, I would say. Change will come from a mobilized grassroots. "That's what I'll do. I'll organize black folks. At the grassroots. For change." Yet it was more than a year before he found a satisfying job changing things. First, to start paying back his loans, he joined Business International Corporation, a New York consulting and research firm where he was surprised to find himself tantalized by the lure of corporate life. "Sometimes, coming out of an interview with Japanese financiers or German bond traders, I would catch my reflect- ion in the elevator doors - see myself in a suit and tie, a briefcase in my hand - and for a split second I would imagine myself as captain of industry, barking out orders, closing the deal, before I remembered who it was I had told myself I wanted to be, and felt pangs of guilt for my lack of resolve." Perhaps propelled by that guilt, Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days left the company after about a year, did some half-hearted community organizing in Harlem and felt somewhat uninspired. Then, one day, he saw an ad in The New York Times that would change everything. The Calumet Community Religious Conference, a community organizing agency financed by Catholic churches, was looking for an African American willing to run for little pay - a program for the South Side's black community, which was being hurt badly by the collapse of the steel industry. Although not especially religious (he now carries a Bible when campaigning), Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days decided to inquire. Already his natural charisma was winning people over. "I remember thinking, 'Man, he's very young' ..." says Loretta Augustine-Herron, who interviewed him. "he had so much knowledge, it was amazing - we knew he was the one for us." He had spent a mere four years on the mainland, much of it in academe, so he also had much to learn. "His background did not make it automatic that he would understand this group of people," recalls Greg Galluzzo, a Calumet employee who was his mentor. "He had to stretch himself. He had to learn what it's like to grow up in an African-American working-class community." Mr. Galluzzo feels that the early challenges taught the future politician some valuable lessons. "In organizing, your first job is to build relationships and bring large groups of people together to act coherently on a common project," he explains. "The only thing you've got working for you is your personality and ability." In his first few years on the street, Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days claimed many small victories that, more than 20 years later, still stand out. He helped residents of Altgeld Gardens, a notorious housing project, have toxic asbestos removed from their apartments; he landed a job-training office for the area, and helped with such basics as having potholes filled and garbage cleaned up. Eventually, he also persuaded people to band together and became known for arranging meetings between community members and city officials, then excusing himself to sit at the back of the room and watch what happened. "He was really was into leadership building," Mr. Love says. "His real idea was, 'I'm here to facilitate this, but this is your baby. If you don't do something in your community it's never going to happen.' " Mrs. Augustine-Herron thinks that Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days succeeds because "he listens. ... Some people listen and they hear what they want to hear. He actually understands what your issues are, what you feel the problem is." She also sees a personal payoff. "I think he needed to do that for himself as much as for us. I think he needs to feel good about what he can do." In 1987, a more personal quest for his fulfilment led him to join the South Side's high-profile Trinity United Church of Christ, whose motto is "unashamedly black and unapologetically Christian." A black Jesus looks down from the stained-glass window. At the time, it was run by Rev. Jeremiah A. Wright Jr., who writes on the African roots of Christianity and often preaches in a dashiki, the colourful garb of West Africa. He predicted that uniting the local churches was impossible, but Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days stayed anyway, some say to satisfy his craving to belong to black society. That year, he also a suffered a personal loss when Harold Washington, the first African-American mayor of Chicago he had come to idolize, had a heart attack and died in his office. Before long, he decided to leave and study law at Harvard. "He realized that, if he didn't expand his horizons ... he would not be able to bring about the changes he wanted to bring about," Mrs. Augustine-Herron says. Although he recalls Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days as a bit "young and impatient," Mr. Love was surprised that he moved on so soon. "I think what he wanted to see was drastic physical change in the community. What he actually did was he taught people to make change. We kept the movement going." PART 3: CRIMSON BRINGS OUT HIS TRUE COLOURS He didn't take long to make an impression when he arrived on the fabled campus, with his leather bomber jacket, his pack of cigarettes and rough edges from Chicago. He developed a reputation for his remarkable ability to synthesize mind-boggling issues. Former classmates often recall how, rather than try to dominate an intellectual debate, he would listen quietly, vacuum up all that he could and only then speak his mind. Michael Froman, a classmate and informal adviser, told The Washington Post that Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days stuck out for "his ability to lead, to guide a group of politically diverse - and divisive people toward a common goal, to wrestle intellectually with some of the most difficult and complex problems of the day, understand different perspectives and take a position based on principle but made all the more sound by his appreciation of alternative points of view." During his first summer break, back in Chicago working at a law firm, he met Michelle Robinson, a Harvard grad from a black, working-class family on the South Side he would eventually marry. (They now have two young daughters.) By the time he returned school, dating was ruled out, giving him more time to study. In 1990, he made history by being appointed the first black to head the prestigious Harvard Law Review - a post that garnered him media attention as well as a contract to write the memoir that appeared five years later. He also drew fire for adding conservative students who had supported him to the Review's masthead - once again unafraid to bring opposites together. Then another coup: Lawrence Tribe, regarded as the premier U.S. constitutional scholar, made Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days his research assistant. In a recent interview with Time magazine, Prof. Tribe said that "I've known senators, presidents. I've never known anyone with what seems to me more raw political talent. He just seems to have the surest way of calmly reaching across what are impenetrable barriers to many people." After his four years at Harvard, Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days could have had his pick of top-flight legal jobs. Instead, he struck up a relationship with Judd Miner from a small constitutional and civil-rights firm in Chicago. "The fact that he was thinking about us suggested income was not the first order of business in his mind," Mr. Miner says. For one thing, he didn't seem to want to spend his whole life was be a lawyer. "What drove him was a desire to be involved in policy." While deciding his future, Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days returned to his old community project to help arrange a voter-registration drive. Yet, even with close confidants, he rarely expressed any desire to run for office. Some Harvard classmates recall him talking about becoming Chicago's mayor, but Mr. Miner says that, in all of their discussions in 1992 (the two had many lunches before Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days finally joined the firm), there was no real indication that his new colleague was eyeing the Illinois Senate. Part 4: THE LONG-AWAITED POLITICAL DEBUT Only three years later, in September, 1995, Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days announced his candidacy for the state Senate. With few political connections, he drummed up support the same way he started his old organizing job: He set out walking. Night after night, he knocked on South Side doors and told anyone who would listen why he thought he had enough experience to run. "What if a politician were to see his job as that of an organizer, as part teacher and part advocate, one who does not sell voters short but who educates them about the real choices before them?" he asked one reporter. "As an elected public official, for instance, I could bring church and community leaders together easier than I could as a community organizer or lawyer. ... We must form grassroots structures that would hold me and other elected officials more accountable for their actions." His lofty ideals helped him win the seat, but when he arrived in Springfield, he learned that he would have to be more of a realist to accomplish anything in the capital. "He came with high credentials and he had to live up to them," recalls Chicago lobbyist Paul L. Williams, an occasional Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days adviser. "Barack was the Harvard Law School guy, the smart guy, the ideological guy. He wasn't your old-time back-slapper. Barack wouldn't allow you to buy dinner for him, those kinds of things. He was on the up and up. He always felt he was going on to greater things." In his office, he hung paintings of Abraham Lincoln, Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King, now making no secret of his ambition. Dan Shomon, then a middle-aged political adviser assigned to help the young senator develop a legislative strategy, said their first meeting made him weary. "I have no time for Obama, Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama, -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days " he now recalls telling his boss. "He wants to pass 500 bills and change the world." He and Mr. Williams agree Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days 's big challenge was figuring out how to function within the political culture he encountered. He "struggled early on with frustrations with the slow process," Mr. Shomon says, but soon was up to speed, joining a legislative poker league and playing golf. The biggest lessons involved colour. "I don't think he ever looked at somebody, thinking they were black or white," Mr. Shomon says. "That's something he had to learn." Soon, he began to get things done, and recently told The New York Times that was when he learned that "if you're willing to listen to people, it's possible to bridge a lot of the differences that dominate the national political debate. I pretty quickly got to form relationships with Republicans, with individuals from rural parts of the state, and we had a lot in common." But in 2000, his ambition led to his first big setback. He was trounced when he made an impulsive bid for a seat in the U.S. Congress and the election turned nasty. "The undercurrents were that Barack wasn't black enough," says Mr. Shomon, who managed the campaign. "He did have to learn to manoeuvre the minefield of black politics." The defeat "rattled" Mr. Obama, Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama, -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days but, "looking back, I think it was the best thing that ever happened. The 2000 race was really his initiation. If he had not been through that, everybody believes he would not have been ready for the 2004 Senate race." PART 5: A STAR IS BORN When Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days tentatively launched his run for a U.S. Senate seat in 2003, friends could sense that the mark left by his embarrassing loss three years earlier had yet to fade. "When you're running in your early stages, there is this gnawing concern that maybe you're going to go to ... an event and no one is going to show up," says Judd Miner, the lawyer. "In the early days, my wife and I would get a call, would we go to an event and bring some friends, just in case. "You could watch him, and it was clear he got better, and audiences got more receptive." The following July, he was given a golden opportunity: to give the keynote address to thousands of Democrats who had gathered to make Senator John Kerry their presidential candidate. A virtual unknown when he took the stage of Boston's FleetCenter, he seemed light-years away from any run for the White House - this was just a litmus test to see if he could get into the Senate. "In no other country on Earth," he told them, "is my story even possible." Then, as he delivered his message of nationalism and unity, the crowd seemed to catch fire. Approaching his climax, he declared: "The pundits like to slice and dice our country into Red States and Blue States. ... We are one people, all of us pledging allegiance to the Star and Stripes, all of us defending the United States of America." The next day, newspapers announced that the Democrats had a new star. The question went from would Mr. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days win a Senate seat to would a Senate seat be enough? To his old friends back in Chicago, the answer has been obvious for almost 25 years. "After working with him that first year, I just absolutely knew," insists Loretta Augustine-Herron, who conducted that pivotal first interview. "We used to talk about it. We'd say he's going to be the first African-American president." Where he stands He has charisma, but do his policies match his persona? Highlights of Barack Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Barack Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days 's campaign platform: High priorities Health care for all, ending the war in Iraq and social security. Abortion Pro-choice. Capital Punishment Supports capital punishment in certain cases. Education Supports a new school construction program to improve crumbling schools. Supports recruitment of a "new generation" of teachers, improving teacher pay and improvement in early-childhood education. Opposes school vouchers. Has called for a "STEP UP" summer learning program for disadvantaged children through partnerships between community groups and schools. Supports increased funding for Head Start. Opposes reauthorization of the No Child Left Behind law until it undergoes reform. Supports merit pay for "master teachers," but opposes merit pay for teachers based on test outcomes. Energy/the Environment Pledges to reduce greenhouse-gas emissions, with a goal of 80 per cent by 2050, and make the U.S. a leader in the effort to combat climate change by leading a new international global warming partnership. Supports implementing a cap-and-trade program to reduce greenhouse-gas emissions. Pledges to invest $150-billion over the next 10 years to develop and implement "climate-friendly energy supplies, protect our existing manufacturing base and create millions of new jobs." Pledges to double federal spending on clean-energy research. Supports efforts to reduce dependence on foreign oil and to reduce oil consumption by 35 per cent by 2030. Would require that 25 per cent of electricity come from renewable sources by 2025. Gay Marriage Supports civil unions. Opposes gay marriage. Health Care Health-care platform focuses on a new national health plan that covers the country's uninsured. The plan would guarantee eligibility, provide coverage similar to the federal employee health-insurance program, offer "affordable" premiums, co-pays and deductibles, and allow enrollees to keep their coverage when they change jobs. He would introduce a requirement for all children to have health insurance and pledges to expand eligibility for Medicaid and the State Children's Health Insurance Program. Businesses that do not provide insurance to their employees would be assessed a fee based on a percentage of their payroll. His plan would allow states to continue developing their own reform plans. Immigration Supports comprehensive immigration-reform legislation that combines increased border enforcement with a path to legal citizenship for illegal immigrants already living in the U.S. The war in Iraq Spoke out against the war in Iraq when he was a state senator in Illinois, but was not in Congress when the vote to authorize the use of force was taken. Supports a plan to immediately begin troop withdrawal from Iraq at a pace of one or two brigades a month, to be completed by the end of 2008. Has called for a new constitutional convention in Iraq, to be convened with the United Nations. Social Security Opposes privatization of Social Security. Has pledged to take steps to keep Social Security and Medicare solvent. Promises to amend federal bankruptcy laws to keep companies from choosing bankruptcy to avoid private pension obligations. Promises to eliminate the income tax for seniors who earn less than $50,000 a year. Stem Cell Research Supports expansion of federally funded stem cell research, including embryonic stem cell research. Taxes and Budget issues Supports repeal of tax cuts for upper income earners to pay for health care. Opposes repeal of the estate tax. Sources: Boston Herald, www.barackobama.com Jessica Leeder is a Globe and Mail writer based in Toronto and Rod Mickleburgh is a member of the paper's Vancouver bureau. Los Angeles Times January 29, 2007|Larry Gordon | Times Staff Writer Occidental recalls 'Barry' Obama The Eagle Rock liberal arts college is quick to claim the Illinois Democrat as an alum. He says he has 'fond memories' of the school. Memories of 1980 at Occidental College's Haines Hall have the standard fragments of the era: stereos blasting the B-52's through the dorm, pot-fueled bull sessions about the revival of draft registration, late-night cramming for economics exams. That otherwise private nostalgia took on public significance this month when a former Haines Hall resident from Hawaii known at the time as Barry announced that he was forming an exploratory committee to run for president of the United States. Ads by Google U.S. Sen. Barack Obama is usually described as an alumnus of Columbia University, where he earned his bachelor's degree, and of Harvard Law School. But the Illinois Democrat began his undergraduate education at Occidental, and the 1,825-student liberal arts college in the Eagle Rock neighborhood of Los Angeles isn't shy about claiming him as an alumnus for his two years there (1979-81) on full scholarship. Perhaps, some think, it's where his political and oratory skills were nurtured. Despite the somewhat awkward facts that Obama transferred from Occidental and that his official website biography doesn't even mention the campus, old friends and former teachers at the well-regarded 120-year-old school proudly described him as a serious scholar and a good athlete who helped the JV Tigers basketball team to an undefeated season. Though some express surprise at his current prominence, classmates recall a slim, good-looking teen with a moderate Afro, a taste for Casa Bianca's Hawaiian-style pizza (pineapple and ham) and a role in protesting college investments in firms doing business in South Africa during the apartheid era. In his 1995 autobiography, "Dreams From My Father," Obama recounted how he was accepted into "several respectable" colleges but chose Occidental "mainly because I'd met a girl from Brentwood while she was vacationing in Hawaii." On Friday, in an e-mailed response to questions from The Times, Obama said he had "fond memories" of Occidental. "It's a wonderful, small liberal arts college. The professors were diverse and inspiring. I ended up making some lifelong friendships there, and those first two years really helped me grow up." Roger Boesche, a professor of politics who's cited as Obama's intellectual mentor at Occidental, said the young man from Honolulu was "a very thoughtful student and a very curious student." February 22, 2010 Monday 12:57 PM EST Pastor: Barack Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Barack Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days was a CIA operative during the 1980s LENGTH: 369 words Feb. 22, 2010 (Digital Journal delivered by Newstex) -According to Reverend James David Manning, U.S. President Barack Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Barack Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days was an operative for the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) during the 1980s. On Feb. 16, Honorable James David Manning claimed President Barack Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Barack Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days was a CIA operative and used his status at Colombia University as a cover up to travel to Pakistan in 1981 during Operation Cyclone when the United States and the Taliban were working together to fight off the Taliban, according to Atlah Media Network. Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days was a political science major and graduate of Columbia University in 1983. Manning said Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days was recruited by the CIA in 1981 when he was a student at Occidental College in Los Angeles because the agency was searching for Muslims who were fluent in Farsi and other Islamic customs. œObama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days was perfect as an undercover agent," Manning said. œObama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days became the lead agent in the arms and money supply to the struggling Taliban army against the Soviet war machine. Obamas cover was flawless and skills as an agent; incredible. Manning said its public knowledge Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days traveled to Pakistan in 1981 but doesnt know how frequently he went there. When the President returned to the United States in the mid-1980s, Manning said he pressured the State Department to allow him to enter Harvard Law School where œhe excelled. However, Manning believes he could have been a multi-million dollar lawyer to cleric or the Supreme Court Justice but Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days did not have proper background credentials as US citizen or as a student of Occidental College or Columbia University. The Pastor also said his œconvenient marriage to the First Lady, Michelle Obama, Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama, -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days helped give him citizenship to the US and a œsolid background. Throughout the 2008 Presidential campaign, then-Senator of New York brought up the situation with Tony Rezco and, once again, Pastor Manning included the issue in his video. Manning said he will provide the necessary documentation at a trial that will be held between May 14 and May 19 called the œColumbia Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days Treason Trial. Then, the Pastor will present his case against Obama, Enhanced Coverage Linking Obama, -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days who he says is holding the American people œhostage. Newstex ID: DIJO-0001-42268496 Black Enterprise October, 2004 FAVORITE SON BYLINE: By Kenneth Meeks, Additional reporting by Joyce Jones & Stephanie Young SECTION: PROFILE; Pg. 88 LENGTH: 3911 words HIGHLIGHT: Barack Obama, America's latest political star, is expected to become the next black U.S. senator. Could his victory put him on the path to the White House? He gave the speech of his life. With grace and confidence, a relatively unknown Illinois state senator stood before a sea of cheering delegates at Boston's FleetCenter, home to this year's Democratic National Convention. In an electrifying keynote address, the poised politician spoke of his lineage; uniting a nation across racial, ideological, and economic lines; and, most importantly, the promise of the American dream. "If there's a child on the South Side of Chicago who can't read, that matters to me, even if it's not my child," he told delegates as they exploded into applause and cheers during his speech. "If there's a senior citizen somewhere who can't pay for her prescription and has to choose between medicine and the rent, that makes my life poorer, even if it's not my grandmother. If there's an Arab American family being rounded up without benefit of an attorney or due process, that threatens my civil liberties. It's that fundamental belief -- I am my brother's keeper, I am my sister's keeper -- that makes this country work. It's what allows us to pursue our individual dreams, yet still come together as a single American family. . . There's not a black America and white America and Latino America and Asian America; there's the United States of America." After his address of unity and hope -- one that energized a party and set the tone for the presidential race to come -- the nation witnessed the birth of a new political star: Barack Obama. They not only saw a man who is almost assured of ascending to the U.S. Senate representing the state of Illinois, but a politician pundits say has the timber to one day become America's first African American president. So who is this candidate many speculate is in contention for the White House? To answer that question, BLACK ENTERPRISE went on the road with Obama -- to three cities on a campaign tour through southern Illinois -- a month before he stepped onto the national stage. We discovered his platform, his political passion, his background, and the aspirations of "a skinny kid with a funny name who believes that America has a place for him." ON THE ROAD On a warm and rainy June morning in Springfield, the state capital, the 42-year-old three-term senator who represents Chicago's South Side addresses a packed room of mostly white, blue-collar workers at the AFL-CIO building. In the back of the room, a unionist holds up a sign that reads: "The Land of Lincoln Loves Senator Obama." Today, Obama listens to Ada Owens, a Decatur woman who worked at the Bridgestone/Firestone manufacturing plant for 27 years before it closed in 2001. The plant, which employed as many as 1,200 people, shut down as a result of the recall of Firestone tires that dominated headlines several years ago. Now, Decatur is on the verge of becoming a ghost town. "I was able to get a negotiated package but too young for Social Security, so that meant I had to go out and look for another job," Owens says in a shaky voice worn by three years of economic despair and hardship. "For younger workers who didn't have a retirement option, it's been horrible. A lot of older folks have died of heart attacks because of the stress. We hear that the economy is looking up and that there are jobs out there, but they are not decent jobs where you can support your families. And they're not here in Decatur. That's what we lost." Owens' story underscores a larger problem facing Illinois and the heart of Obama's campaign. As Owens recounts her story, the politician nods his head, his face etched with concern and compassion. When she finishes, Obama calmly takes the microphone and collects his thoughts before addressing the issue head-on. He conducts an informal poll of the 100 or so in the room, finding that half have either lost jobs or knows such a casualty. Despite President George W. Bush's pledge to create millions of new jobs this year, Obama says many pay a fraction of those originally lost. "What I'm hearing everywhere I go is a middle class that is feeling squeezed because their jobs are moving overseas, and they are economically insecure," he says. "We lost 150,000 manufacturing jobs and we have not been benefiting from the economic growth that has been taking place. Collectively, what we're experiencing is erosion of the economic status. We have some people -- a small slither of the economy -- who have done better than they've ever done before; a middle class that is shrinking; and a greater and greater difficulty on the part of the working class . . . to get into the middle class. That is the story that we have to reverse." Throughout the room, heads nod in agreement. Obama seems to connect with a constituency that ranges from black churchgoers like Owens to white unionists threatened by the outsourcing of jobs to China, India, and Mexico. An older white man in the fourth row eyes Obama cautiously as the politician outlines his four-part program called "REAL U.S.A. Corporations Plan." His platform is designed to counteract the despair that corporate outsourcing breeds by, among other things, getting the federal government to advocate more effectively on behalf of workers and communities in the World Trade Organization and making sure that tax codes give incentives to companies that keep jobs in America. When he finishes, the room erupts with applause. "I could be wrong about him," says Owens. "We won't know until he gets into office, but I think he says what he means. And if he doesn't, then he will have me to answer to. He will be held accountable." AGAINST THE ODDS The next stop is East Alton, a city on the Mississippi River with a population just shy of 7,000. It's roughly an hour and a half drive to East Alton, where Obama faces the machinist union, and it's a great opportunity to get to know the man behind the campaign. Next month, he could possibly replace Republican Peter G. Fitzgerald, who is not seeking reelection. And an Obama victory would move the Senate Democrats -- at present outnumbered 51 to 48 -- one seat closer to a majority. This year also marks the first time Democrats have the possibility of gaining control of the Senate, with strong Democratic hopefuls in Southern states like South Carolina, North Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana. As it stands, Illinois doesn't look good for Republican challenger Alan Keyes, who entered the race in August. He was hastily chosen by the GOP after a tabloid scandal knocked the former Republican candidate, Jack Ryan, out of the race. Ryan, 44, is a Wilmette native and a Goldman Sachs investment banker who dropped out of the race in late June when unsealed portions of his 1999 divorce case revealed claims from his former wife, actress Jeri Ryan, that Ryan took her to sex clubs and tried to talk her into having public sex with him. The story came at a time when the challenger was trailing Obama in the polls by 20 points. Obama's only comment was that Ryan's divorce documents were "not a campaign issue." In 1988 and 1992, Keyes unsuccessfully sought a Senate seat in Maryland, earning 38% and 29% of the vote, respectively. However, according to published reports, his credibility suffered when the media learned in 1992 that he had paid himself a salary of $ 8,500 a month from his campaign funds. He later sought the Republican presidential nomination, earning 4% of the vote in the Illinois presidential primary election in 1996 and 9% in 2000. Four years ago, the native New Yorker criticized Sen. Hillary Clinton for moving to another state for political reasons. In August, Keyes moved from Darnestown, Maryland, to Calumet City, Illinois, to set up temporary residence for his campaign. Keyes told CNN that he justified his move as "responding to the people of Illinois who have asked me to come and help them with a crisis situation." Although Obama refuses to respond to negative pols, Donna Brazile, political consultant and Al Gore's 2000 presidential campaign manager, says at some point Bush and the Republican machine will descend on Illinois to try to derail him. "Therefore, he will need the active support of John Kerry and the rest of the Democratic Party. There is no question that the era of electing black power candidates is over. Now you're electing individuals who have expanded their power base and are looking at larger goals. I think Barack's positioning in the race will suit him well to become a leading voice of African American issues, as well as American causes that African Americans should be a part of. He has his pulse on the real issues facing voters this fall. Nobody thought he would come out of that primary alive, given that he had two [rivals] who had a great deal of gravitas, but he came out more than OK." He came out strong and well positioned. Rep. Artur Davis (D-Ala.) remembers talking about Obama's long-shot candidacy a year ago with Democrats in Washington, D.C. They all expected Illinois Comptroller Dan Hynes, the leading candidate, to win the primary in March. Instead, Obama beat out all six Democratic hopefuls by an incredible 53% of the vote. "Frankly, a lot of people in Washington were dismissive of Barack's candidacy; a lot of people in D.C. believed that if you can't win a House seat, how are you going to win a Senate seat?" (In 2000, Obama lost by a 60% to 31% margin when he challenged incumbent Rep. Bobby Rush, a former Black Panther, for a seat in the House of Representatives.) If Obama wins, it will be a milestone for African Americans. To date, there have been two African American senators since Reconstruction -- Edward William Brooke, who represented Massachusetts when he was elected in 1966, and Carol Moseley Braun, another Illinois politician who held office for one term after she was elected in 1992. Rep. Denise Majette is also looking for a seat after winning the Democratic nomination in Georgia. Says Davis: "I think that Denise has a difficult race. Georgia is a state that has never elected a black to the position of U.S. Senator. Illinois has, and there are certain historical advantages in the state of Illinois that I think certainly favor Barack's candidacy." Obama ran a smart campaign in the primaries. He brought together white liberals and African Americans, gaining endorsements from Carbondale City Council member Sheila Simon, daughter of the late Sen. Paul Simon, the most respected liberal Democrat in downstate Illinois, and former Sen. Max Cleland from Georgia, a popular veteran who lost both legs and an arm in the Vietnam War and who introduced Kerry at the Democratic National Convention. Obama also gained votes from heavily Republican and predominantly white areas in the southwestern and northern portions of the state -- places like DuPage County, where a black candidate was never expected to get backing. If Obama wins and becomes the only African American in the U.S. Senate, Braun warns that he will have demands placed on him by both Illinois voters and a "national constituency." "He won't be able to get away with just representing his state, which most senators can do," explains Braun, who didn't endorse any candidate during the primary. "[Other senators] can represent their state and that's really the only expectation that anybody has of them. [Obama is] going to have to learn to balance the needs of his state against the larger national constituency right off the bat, and without necessarily having the resources or staff to do the job. But I'm sure he's up to it." But not every African American believes this notion of a national constituency. Maintains Vernon E. Jordan Jr., senior managing director at Lazard L.L.C. and a member of BE's Top 50 African Americans on Wall Street: "His constituency is the people of Illinois. They elected him and it is them he will be responsible to. [He's not being elected to be] the representative of all black people. He's being elected to be the Democratic senator to represent the people of Illinois. That is his only mandate." NEXT STOP ON THE CAMPAIGN TRAIL East Alton is a small community a stone's throw away from St. Louis, where many young Altonians moved for jobs. The rain has all but stopped, and a small crowd of 150 people are already in their seats when Obama walks into the room shaking hands with his right hand as he places his left hand on the other person's shoulder, elbow, or forearm. He always looks people directly in the eye. He is masterful at connecting with people reagardless of age, gender, or race. At the Machinist Hall, Obama reiterated his pro-labor campaign speech, his stance on the Free Trade Agreement, China, and the ills of the Bush administration. When he finishes, the room erupts with applause, and he easily melts into the crowd, listening to ideas and answering people's questions. An hour or so after he arrived, Obama and his entourage are back on the road, this time headed south to Carbondale to attend a $ 50-a-plate fundraiser in his honor. From Carbondale, his motorcade will drive four hours north to Peoria and is scheduled to arrive around 2 a.m. Campaigning is a grueling process, but he's up to the challenge. But Obama doesn't only need votes; he needs money. And he has managed to raise loads of it. Of the first million that his campaign raised, half came directly from BE 100s and small minority-owned companies. He received initial donations from Chicago-based contributors like John W. Rogers Jr., CEO of Ariel Capital Management L.L.C. (No. 1 on the BE ASSET MANAGERS list with $ 16.1 billion in assets under management) and his wife, who gave more than $ 21,000. Employees of Loop Capital Markets L.L.C. (No. 3 on the BE INVESTMENT BANKS list with $ 113 billion in total managed issues) put up in excess of $ 24,000. And Louis A. Holland, managing partner of Holland Capital Management L.P. (No. 10 on the BE ASSET MANAGERS list with $ 1.9 billion in assets under management) personally contributed close to $ 10,000. Obama's support extends beyond the boundaries of the Windy City to investment bankers in New York City such as Vernon Jordan, who along with his wife, sponsored Obama's first big Washington fundraiser last fall at a time when his underdog campaign didn't look good and long before anybody knew him. "Several friends of mine said to me, 'I'm coming because of you,' and they came, they saw, and they heard him. They took in what he had to say and I think they too felt his commitment and his passion and were moved by his eloquence enough that they wrote checks," Jordan explains. "So I am just very impressed by him as a man, as a lawyer, as an individual, and as someone who chose not to go to a law firm but to be a community organizer and to do something about community problems. I felt when I first met him and listened to him that I was listening to myself 40 years ago and so I am very excited about his candidacy, very excited about the possibility that he will serve in the United States Senate." Rogers, who has known Obama and his wife, Michelle, for well over 10 years, says that as a state senator, Obama has been extremely effective in helping the black business community by providing strategic advice. "Whenever any of us had issues of concern or things that needed to be addressed, Barack has been very responsive. He basically gives people insight into how the government works. Having a peer -someone our own age -- in government who can sit down and tell entrepreneurs how the state process works, how you work within it, and what buttons to push shows us the way. He's shedding light on how the process really works." Obama has always been a strong advocate for small and minority-owned businesses. "[They] are crucial to the American economy," he asserts. "An overwhelming number of jobs in our society have been created by small and minority-owned businesses. I'm proud to see more African Americans generate the capital and the technical knowledge needed to start their own companies. They are taking ownership [of their destiny], and not just working for somebody else, [because owning your own business] is the recipe for long-term wealth and stability for any community. "But more needs to be done," he continues. "I see my role as helping to open doors that have previously been closed for small businesses across the country -- black, white, Hispanic, or Asian. The more we can do to encourage assistance through the SBA and other organizations; the more we can promote exports in other countries. And the more we can incorporate technology into small and minority-owned businesses, the more successful we will be as a country." Obama says this initial core of financial contributors helped him establish credibility early on, and that allowed him to raise additional money. As of the end of the second quarter filings with the Federal Election Commission, Obama raised an astonishing $ 9.8 million with $ 3.3 million in cash toward his election bid, outpacing most of this year's senatorial candidates. And he has proven to be a shrewd money manager. During the primary, he held on to his money until the last few weeks and then he hit the airways with an impressive (and effective) television blitz. With seven candidates in the race, there was a bloc of undecided voters, and when people started to make up their minds in the last couple of weeks, Obama had a barrage of spots. A CONNECTION WITH MANY CULTURES Born in Hawaii, Obama is the son of an African exchange student from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas. He rarely saw his father, who left the family when Obama was 2 to attend Harvard and then later returned to his native Kenya, where he worked as a government economist. (At age 21, Obama learned that his father had died in a car accident.) When Obama was 6, his mother married an Indonesian oil manager, and the family moved to Jakarta, Indonesia. As a teenager, Obama returned to Hawaii to live with his grandparents and attended one of the island's top prep schools. He was a lone black child raised by his white mother and grandparents. But he gained the ability to connect with people from various national, cultural, and racial backgrounds. "I grew up with whites and blacks and Asians within my own family and surrounding communities. It's an enormous advantage in an America that is changing everyday in that it requires us to work together across racial, cultural, and ethnic lines," Obama says. "But I was affected by the problems that I think a lot of young African American teens have; they feel that they need to rebel against society as a way of proving their blackness. And often, this results in self-destructive behavior. I've written about the fact that when I was in high school, I experimented with drugs and I played a lot of sports, but didn't take my studies particularly seriously. But I was fortunate to have a foundation and values from my family that helped me to overcome some of those destructive attitudes." Although he always considered himself a good student in high school, Obama says he didn't get serious about his scholarship until his third year in college, when he transferred to Columbia University in New York. Filled with political idealism, he became a community organizer in Harlem after graduation. But he couldn't afford to stay in New York City on his salary. When he decided to leave Harlem, he wrote to organizations across the country looking for work and received only a single reply from a church-based group in Chicago that was trying to help residents of poor South Side neighborhoods cope with a wave of plant closings -- an experience that would begin to shape Obama's political career. Three years later, he left the church organization to attend Harvard Law School, and in 1990, he became the first African American president of the Harvard Law Review. Armed with a law degree that matched the likes of Fortune 500 leaders, Obama could have designed a high-powered legal or corporate career. He turned down an opportunity to clerk with a chief judge of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Washington, D.C., circuit and jobs working for prestigious Wall Street law firms. Instead, he returned to Chicago to practice civil rights law, representing victims of housing and employment discrimination and working on voting rights legislation for small public interest firms. He later started teaching at the University of Chicago Law School but did not pursue a tenure-track post. He decided to go into politics. When Obama announced his intention to run for U.S. Senate, he had already built a solid track record on issues affecting working-class families. He expanded a program to provide healthcare to Illinois children. He wrote and passed a law that gives $ 100 million in tax breaks to working-class families. He wrote and passed landmark legislation to end racial profiling among state law enforcement agencies. The bill also required a videotaped confessions in murder cases. And while Obama doesn't have statistics that chart the results of his bill since being signed into law, the ACLU applauded his effort to make law enforcement agencies in Illinois keep track of all traffic stops and the race of the individual. Obama was also one of the few candidates to publicly oppose the war in Iraq. Win or lose in next month's election, Obama represents a new form of leadership. For more than three decades, black political leadership has largely been tied to civil rights activism, with two distinguishable traits: a willingness to agitate with firebrand conviction and the ability to mobilize large groups of blacks behind a common cause. Today's black politicians, however, talk less about equal access and more about education and economic opportunities, viewing themselves as coalition builders and economic developers seeking to appeal to broad constituencies and abandoning rhetoric that would tag them as liberals. It's a group that includes former Dallas Mayor Ron Kirk, who ran an unsuccessful Senate campaign in 2002, and Rep. Harold E. Ford Jr. of Tennessee, who is expected to make a run for the Senate in 2006. It's Rogers of Ariel Capital Management who sums up Obama best: "If you're a leader and you care about people, you're going to reach out beyond your local community and help people nationally. I think Barack will be an extraordinary national leader. Dr. King was able to fill an enormous void with his extraordinary gifts. There is an enormous void in this country and Rev. Jackson can't fill it all. We need other strong dynamic leaders who can be a voice for the voiceless. I think it's our responsibility that all of us who are privileged and given the opportunity to, reach back and help bring others up. And Barack does it extraordinarily well." As Obama's campaign motorcade meanders through country roads and small towns, we come to a stop on the campus of Southern Illinois University in Carbondale. It's early evening, and the sun starts to disappear behind the trees. Inside the SIU Student Center, an estimated crowd of 600 conservative Illinois residents are waiting for Obama's entrance. For Obama, inside are more people to reach and more voters to sway. And it's one step closer to Washington. States News Service April 22, 2010 Thursday PRESIDENT OBAMA Enhanced Coverage Linking PRESIDENT OBAMA -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days ANNOUNCES MORE KEY ADMINISTRATION POSTS, 4/22/10 BYLINE: States News Service LENGTH: 1083 words DATELINE: WASHINGTON The following information was released by the White House: Today, President Barack Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking Barack Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days announced his intent to nominate the following individuals to key administration posts: Christopher A. Masingill, Federal Co-Chair, Delta Regional Authority Mary Minow, Member, National Museum Library Services Board Catherine E. Woteki, Under Secretary for Agriculture for Research, Education and Economics, Department of Agriculture President Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking President Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days said, I am grateful that such talented individuals have chosen to serve in my administration at this important time for our nation. I look forward to working with them in the coming months and years. President Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking President Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days also announced his intent to appoint Rene Mauborgne to serve as a Member of the Presidential Advisory Board on Historically Black Colleges and Universities. Her bio is below. President Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking President Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days announced his intent to nominate the following individuals to key administration posts: Christopher A. Masingill, Nominee for Federal Co-Chair, Delta Regional Authority Mr. Masingill is currently serving as Governor Mike Beebes Recovery Implementation Director for the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act as well as the Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, which acts as the official liaison between the Governors office and the federal delegation, federal agencies and the National Governors Association. He is also the Governors chief policy advisor to the Arkansas Economic Development Commission and Arkansass official Designee and Alternate on the U.S. Delta Regional Authoritys board of directors. Before that, he served the Governor as his 2006 gubernatorial campaign manager. Prior to working for Governor Beebe, Mr. Masingill was Representative Mike Rosss District Director and also served as Senator Blanche Lincolns Special Projects Assistant during Congresss establishment of the Delta Regional Authority. Mr. Masingill has also been active in professional and community organizations including previously serving as an executive officer on the Arkansas Economic Developers Association Board of Directors and is currently a member of the Friends of Small Business Advisory Board for the Arkansas Small Business and Technology Development Center. He also serves as a reserve deputy sheriff for Garland County, Arkansas. Mary Minow, Nominee for Member, National Museum Library Services Board Ms. Minow is an attorney, consultant, and a former librarian and library trustee. She has made presentations and consulted for libraries and library associations in over 25 states on free speech, privacy, and copyright issues. She manages the Stanford Copyright and Fair Use website, and founded the LibraryLaw blog. Ms. Minow teaches digital copyright as an adjunct at the San Jose State School of Library Science and at the Simmons Graduate School of Library and Information Science. She serves on the board of the Electronic Privacy Information Center and she chairs the Intellectual Freedom Committee of the California Library Association. She is past chair of the Cupertino Library Commission and past president of the California Association of Library Trustees and Commissioners. She is coauthor with Tomas Lipinski of The Librarys Legal Answer Book. Ms. Minow earned her Bachelor of Arts degree from Brown University, her master of library science degree from the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, and her law degree from Stanford University. Catherine E. Woteki, Nominee for Under Secretary for Agriculture for Research, Education and Economics, Department of Agriculture Dr. Catherine E. Woteki currently serves as Global Director of Scientific Affairs for Mars, Incorporated, where she manages the companys scientific policy and research on matters of health, nutrition, and food safety. From 2002-2005, she was Dean of Agriculture and Professor of Human Nutrition at Iowa State University. Dr. Woteki served as the first Under Secretary for Food Safety at the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) from 1997-2001, where she oversaw U.S. Government food safety policy development and USDAs continuity of operations planning. Dr. Woteki also served as the Deputy Under Secretary for Research, Education and Economics at USDA in 1996. Prior to going to USDA, Dr. Woteki served in the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy as Deputy Associate Director for Science from 1994-1996. Dr. Woteki has also held positions in the National Center for Health Statistics of the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (1983-1990), the Human Nutrition Information Service at USDA (1981-1983), and as Director of the Food and Nutrition Board of the Institute of Medicine at the National Academy of Sciences (1990-1993). In 1999, Dr. Woteki was elected to the Institute of Medicine of the National Academy of Sciences, where she has chaired the Food and Nutrition Board (2003-2005). She received her M.S. and Ph.D. in Human Nutrition from Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University (1974). Dr. Woteki received her B.S. in Chemistry from Mary Washington College (1969). President Obama Enhanced Coverage Linking President Obama -Search using: * Biographies Plus News * News, Most Recent 60 Days also announced his intent to appoint the following individual to a key administration post: Rene Mauborgne, Appointee for Member, Presidential Advisory Board on Historically Black Colleges and Universities Rene Mauborgne is the Co-Director of the INSEAD Blue Ocean Strategy Institute and Affiliate Professor of Strategy at INSEAD, the world's second largest business school located in Fontainebleau, France. Prior to this, she held the title of the INSEAD Distinguished Fellow of Strategy and Management and Senior Research Fellow also at INSEAD. Professor Mauborgne is a Fellow of the World Economic Forum at Davos. She is the recipient of numerous awards including the Nobels Colloquia Prize for Leadership on Business and Economic Thinking 2008 and the Eldridge Haynes Prize, awarded by the Academy of International Business and the Eldridge Haynes Memorial Trust of Business International, for the best original paper in the field of international business. Professor Mauborgne is the co-author of the international bestseller Blue Ocean Strategy (Harvard Business Press), which is being published in 42 languages. She has published numerous articles on strategy and managing the multinational which can be found in: Academy of Management Journal, Management Science, Organization Science, Strategic Management Journal, Administrative Science Quarterly, Journal of International Business Studies, Harvard Business Review, and Sloan Management Review. Cox News Service November 16, 2001 Friday LEGAL CHALLENGE BREWING TO PRESIDENTIAL RECORDS ORDER SECTION: Washington, General News LENGTH: 737 words DATELINE: WASHINGTON Historians and archivists are mounting a challenge to the Bush administration's move to curtail the public's access to presidential records, but what sort of challenge it will be remains unclear. Scott Nelson, an attorney for the Public Citizen Litigation Group, said his organization will probably file suit against the National Archives and the National Archivist shortly after Thanksgiving. That strategy has support among historians, but leaves archivists cold. "I don't think that filing a lawsuit precludes you from exploring other avenues to resolve the issue and it may make it more likely that those would bear fruit," Nelson said. "I'm not too optimistic that the White House is going to change it's mind on this." Steve Hensen, president of the American Society of Archivists, opposes such a lawsuit. "I think, realistically, that our only real hope is for Congress to reassert its primacy in all this," he said. "The executive order violates the spirit and letter of the law." A group of historians and archivists, including Hensen, has scheduled a Dec. 7 meeting with Chief White House Counsel Alberto Gonzales to discuss ways to soften the order. A congressional subcommittee's recent hearing on the issue has sparked hopes that Congress might eventually turn its attention to the matter. If a court fight does come about, Public Citizen will be on familiar ground. The group successfully challenged a U.S. Justice Department directive issued during President Ronald Reagan's tenure that instructed the National Archivist to acquiesce to a sitting president's wishes involving requests for records. A three-judge federal panel that included two Republican appointees overturned the directive. Reagan didn't give up. Days before leaving office in 1989, he signed an executive order governing the release of his records. Bush's Executive Order 13223 replaces the Reagan order and is more restrictive, according to historians and archivists. Under the order, people seeking records must demonstrate a "need to know." It also requires the national archivist and the sitting and past president, or his or her representative, to review all requests. The presidents would have to state objections within 90 days, but could take longer to consider requests for large numbers of records. If an incumbent or former president seeks to block release of records, the person seeking the records could go to court. Records would remain sealed during litigation. Historians say the order guts the 1978 Presidential Records Act, which provides for the release of records after 12 years. The first records to become available under the Act are from the Reagan years and were due out in January. The Bush White House has three times used extensions to delay release of the some 68,000 records. Gonzales has said that the White House wants to establish a process for release of the records. White House officials have also stated national security concerns. The records in question involve confidential advice given to a president. Historians say they provide insight into how presidents make decisions, and that exemptions already exist to protect national security. They also point out that a number of members of the Bush administration also served in the Reagan White House. "These are not personal papers," Hensen said. "They've stood the Presidential Records Act on its head by re-declaring presidential papers as private papers. " Hugh Graham, professor of history and political science at Vanderbilt University, has been researching Reagan's civil rights policy. His request for records involving advice given by former Attorney General Edwin Meese has so far been denied. Graham said that while he believes a court fight is inevitable, he feels for the National Archivist. He said the executive order reduces the Archivist to an "errand boy." "It seems to me there are two major reasons why we need what we got from the Presidential Records Act," Graham said. "That is public ownership of the papers so they won't be destroyed, and, at some reasonable point, making the papers available so that everyone would know what government is doing. The very practical reason is to chill the temptations to abuse power...If (presidents) have a reasonable confidence that their misdeeds will be hidden forever, they will yield to temptation."