KOEBEE ROCK PAINTINGS,~
~~~PRELIMINARY
ON THEREPORT
~
WESTERN
17
South African Archaeological Bulletin
South African Archaeolosgical Bulletin 48: 16-25. 1993
Table 1: Frequencies and percentages of male, female and indeterminate human figures in two samples recorded in the
EE ROCK PAINTINGS, WESTERNKoebee area. Data from sample 1and 2 are summated in the final two columns.
CAEPRELIM
ONRCA
THE~
INARYN
KOE
REPSORT
CAPE PROVINCE, SOUTH AFRICA*
,.
JEREMY HOLLMANN
s'8'3-
i
FEMALE FIGURES
SEX INDETERMINATE
i
\C~
,.- . „ *' 'TOTAL
} ,~ ~
a o rta yed%"
ive froam 50sites. erHupain ^s
in r hie portcdrco
species. Paintings of animals are limited tina restrictedmal
antelope.{
is antelope.
of which
of
rnetge
rangespecies
of species,, of
which the
the majority
majority is
-,--=
Symtbols, meteaphors and postures associated with San
dances,
occur. There are depictions
of healingalso
Thraeeictosohalndacs
a.~._aok..
fIk~,...
a complex fight' scene,
rufat
tailed sheep andriruasalsoceur
'
* * ' "
^-^
/ i
*...
Janus"~
Receivedn~
1993,~ Se. mber~~ 1992.~ rese
*Received
September 1992, revised January 1993
~rin~utabls
southern Drakensberg. M en are commonly depicted in
same sex 'processions' and groupings with hunting
equipment, in dance scenes, associated with animal
'\
and, less frequently, with therianthropes.
m
\
»images,
In one of the processions, painted on top of what are
probably the remains of two yellow
.... antelope,.- three men
1
*%
at~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~carry bows and/or quivers (Fig. 2). Seven carry whisks,
the !Kung use in ritual dances (Lee 1967; Marshall
,which
1969; Katz 1982). The men have the 'hookheads' so
widespread in the western Cape; traces of white on the
faces of some of the figures show that all the images were
.
...
probably originally bichrome. Some of the figures have a
'.
*
»penis.
~
32·*0
"
Although the area was explored by Godfrey and
Marjorie Hoehn in the 1960s (see also Van Riet Lowe
1956), the paintings of the Koebee River valley and
Fig. 1. Map showing the Koebee area and other localities
mentioned in the text.
surrounding mountainous highlands (Fig. 1) are under
researched compared with those in some other parts of
southern Africa. Humphreys er al. (1991) have described
an area to the east of the Koebee River, and rock art on the
Gifberg has been recorded by members of the Spatial
Archaeology Research Unit (SARU) of the University of
Cap Town
(Yates pers comm.). Areas south of the
Capeown
Ises.Yate
cmm.) Ares soth o the
Doring River have been extensively documented (e.g.
Yates
Yates et al. 1985)
1985).
The present survey located 50 painted sites in the
Koebee. Thirty-eight sites (sample 1) are on four
neiehbouring
neighbouring farms
farms approximately
approximately 55 km north
north of
of the
the
confluence of the Koebee and Doring rivers. Twelve sites
(sample 2) were recorded approximately 25 km north of
sample 1. All sites were plotted on 1:50 000 maps, and
notes and sketches were made at each site. Tracing was
necessary, particularly where environmental factors had
obscured much photographable detail (see Loubser & Den
Hoed 1991 for a discussion of tracing as a recording
method). The rock surfaces in question are, however, not
friable, and the chance of damage was considered
minimal. In addition to tracings. 35 mm colour slides and
black
nd whie
were
aken.(Vinnicombe
black and white phoograph
photographs
wereertaken.
taken.\
black
nd whie photographs were
features in c1975),
The Koebee
have paintings
certain fePakhuis
with rock art in other parts of southern Africa, but there
are also some differences. The significance of these
similarities and differences is not well understood; they
will have to be assessed in terms of the 'meanings' I
outline here and the specific historical trajectory of the
Koebee.
ae
-
b mnh
found. Many images that now appear to be monochrome
wereproabloriginally
orginllybichrome,
or,
were probably
bichrome
or, gossibly,
possibly,
polychrome (see Yates et al. 1985:70 for further
discussion).
, As in other areas, the paintings in the Kotbee are
characterized
by the
selective,
and
repetitive
nature'
of their
subject conventionalied
matter (Vinriucomber
1p76:5 nature of thersu9 ect mtter (VPn;lbcombe
t
1967; Vinnicombe
Pager 1971b; 1972;
Smits'Yates
1971;
1976:350;
see Maggs
Lewis-William~s
1972, 1974;
et
er
Vcl
l 1972T Yares o
Lew1s-Will8ms 1972s 1974; ins).
. 1985 for similar conclusions). The repetitive nature of
~~~~~~~~Koeb
~~case).
Patterns in Paintings
Most of the images are monochrome, red being the
most favoured colour. A small proportion are red and
white bichromes. No polychrome paintings and only a
very small number of yellow and black images were
%
SAMPLE 2
(12 SITES)
COUNT %
TOTAL
%
COUNT
103
111
214
44
16,8
18,1
34,9
7,2
35
22
57
11
14,3
9,0
23,3
4,5
138
133
271
55
16,1
15,5
31,6
6,4
355
613
57,9
100
177
245
72,2
100
532
858
62,0
1.00
"il
.TsL^cc
in this report derive from 50 sites. Humans are portrayed
:I
penises
bows/quivers
total male
breasts, steatopygia
no distiguishing
gender characteristics
MALE FIGURES
e/
"""**
Little systematic recording of rock art in the Koebee area
of the western Cape has been undertaken. Data presented
Introduction
CATEGORY
~.
,"
U.nrn,,..«.r.
^ ¥
ABSTRACT
-
,"
'
Rock Art Research Unit, Department of Archaeology
University of the Wirtwatersrand, Wits, 2050
SAMPLE 1
(38 SITES)
COUNT
the art over extensive areas is consonant with the notion of
a 'pan San cognitive system' (McCall 1970; Lewisthat is, 'aa set of conYates
et
~Villiams
Wllms 1981a;
1
te
e al.
a 1985),
15
nshape
Let and perceptions of the world that unif all ock art,
ritual and trance experiences of
and
the
mythology
prehistoric andcontemporary San" (tYates et el. 1985:70).
S
(
. 950
.indicate
Gender in the Koebee rock art
Researchers elsewhere in southern Africa have noted
that the paintings 'reflect a distinctly masculine bias
(Vinnicombe 1976:245; se also Pager 197a, 1971b,
1976:245; see also Pager 1971a, 1971b,
^ ^a similar bias in the
and Maggs (1967) recorded
area 60 km south of the Koebee. Quantitative data
from the Koebee (see Table 1) also show numerical male
dominance. Paintings of naked males comprise 16,1% of
humans; it is assumed that figures with bows and/or
quivers (15,5% of total) also represent men (see, however,
Solomon 1989 for argument that this is not always the
Figures with breasts account for approximately
6,4 % of human figures. The ratio of male:female figures
identified by the criteria given approaches 5:1.
Apart from certain dance scenes, men and women are
generally depicted in separate groups. This appears to be a
characteristic of San rock art; Vinnicombe (1976:352)
comments on "the repeated association of mun with
hunting equipment and women with digging stick." in the
sex groupings and 'processions', sometimes with digging
sticks. Paintings of steatopygous females (Fig. 3) have
s
been interpreted as connoting concept of nakedness
symbolically associated with "eland mating, girls' puberty,
fat, potency, goodness and social harmony" (Yates et al.
Lewis&Fig. 11; see also Biesele 1978:923-924;
1985:79.~."~
...
I
Williams 1981a:41-53;
Solomon 1989 for related
discussion). Paintings of women with sticks are also
common in the Koebee, occurring in mixed dance scenes
and in smaller all-female groups. The postures of some of
these women suggest that they are dancing (see Bleck
1935:12 for ethnography relating to dances and sticks).
The significance of the relationship between female and
-
\
.(
'
l
D
.
'
.,
~.2
%
Parkington has observed that in paintings of men in the
Cedarberg "penises are commonly depicted, often
exaggerated and sometimes attended by scrota" (1989:14).
In the Koebee. figures with semi-erect penises (Fig. 2),
'infibulation' (Fig. 4) and disproportionately long
penises/emanations from the groin (Figs 5 & 9) were
penises/emanations from
the groin (Figs 5 & 9) were
found. These figures occur in healing dances, (two
instances), and in 'processions' and groupings of male
figures (three instances).
As is the^ase elsewhere in the western Cape (Yates et
nl. 1985:79) and the southern Drakensberg (Vinnicombe
1976:246), women are often depicted in a 'clapping
posture' (Vinnicombe 1976:246 & 310; Biesele 1978:927;
Lewis-Williams 1981a:76) in dance scenes, and in same
F
2 Processon of male figures Note the scklike
h aklk
rcsinowhich five ae
upon
of theiue.Nt
figures are superimposed.
Itthsbe
has been suggested
that paintins
hssr a of this sort may
htpitnso
ugse
imply directionality, being read from left to right
(Solomon 1989). Areas enclosed by dotted lines
rock flakes. Solid: red; stippled: yellow;
white: unshaded, enclosed by solid line. Scale in this
and subsequent redrawings is in centimetres.
male images needs to be examined. Solomon (1989) agrees
with earlier writers that the art is dominated by a
masculinist principle, but cautions; ,ht this cannot simply
be inferred from quantitative data. She proposes a gender
taxonomy that
that organises
organises 'rock
"rock art,
art, narrative,
narrative, material
material
culture and spatial organisation" (1989:94) and argues that
the masculine:feminine opposition was used to make
statements about central concepts of fertility, prosperity
and order. Solomon suggests that, "overall the metaphors
and taxonomy are implicated in the differential valuation
and positioning of men and women in the San symbolic
order, to asymmetrical valuations of the genders, and
hence to ideology" (1989:76-77).
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~taxonomy
South African Archaeological Bulletin
18
South African Archaeological Bulletin
SouthAfrian
,H^B& F W *7Pig.
-recalls
^H^^Mf~f
5^ff^~~
;HdI~
:
C
~~
^Wistrokes
If-shoulder
Fig. 4. Male dancers. One figure holds a whits stick and
there are white 'bars' across their erect penies. Similar
are around the buttocks and emanate from the
rhelgia
5. Healing dance. The inverted figure on the right
descriptions of San dance participants who turn
somersaults, reportedly as a result of fiercely boiling
potency. Paintings similar to the two horizontal figures
in the centre of the dance scene have been interpreted
as copulation, but the healing context depicted here
u
suggests that the images might relate to healing
practices observed amongst the !Kung: healers
maximize their contact with patients by lying on top of
them (Katz 1982). Stippling represents varying
densities of red paint.
of the right-hand figure. The langitudinal
tracks of white dots on the torsos may represent sweat,
which the !Kung believe to have magical/healing
·
Fig. 3. Steatopygous woman with stick. Note the white
paint at the wrist, elbow, waist, knees and ankles,
Note
the odepiction ofa dance
properties.
epciratlves
o prpris
aon
noeth
c rattles around
their calves/
which probably represents ornamentation. There are
two enigmatic white dots above the figure's head. Stip-'
'/y'
Animal Images
pled areas represent faint traces of red paint.
Although there
, cr j ,Jff
. i. .
i *. ..
r ,.
longitudinal tracks of dots on the torsos,
the
sprays of dots
frm th
around
thebuttocks ando th lineo eaie
she
a
ro un d
and
""*''"ttock~~~~nd
Shamanism he line emanating romthe
of the right-hand figure have been 'endered in
an Sham
Healingansmshoulder
The importance of healing dances in contemporary and
while paint.i
.
historical San societies is well documented (e.g. Lee 1967;
In the second group (Fig. 5), at least five of the images
Marshall 1969; Biesele 1978; Katz 1982). Lewis-Williams
have been rubbed or smeared (see below). Five of the
has referred to the '/Xam preoccupation with medicine
figures have their arms raised in what the ethnography
men' (1981a:75), and the /Xam ethnography shows that
suggests is a dance posture (cf. Fig. 4). Seven have
/Xam 'sorcerers' were feared and respected for their
unrealistically long, penises/emanations from the groin.
powers (Bleek & Lloyd 1911; Bleek n.d. 1935 & 1936).
Two have short, knobbed sticks in their raised hands that
Developing her account of the 'asymmetrical
might be dance rattles. The extreme right-har.d figure is
valuations of the genders', Solomon (1989; see also
depicted upside down and is about twice the size of thei
Parkington 1989) has argued that access to trance states
others; marked variation in size is a characteristic of many
rock paintings in the western Cape (cf. Yates et al. 1985:
and the ability to heal was largely male dominated.
Indeed, at least two scenes from the Koebee suggest that
fig. 3). A red line, now rather faded, is associated with the
predominantly men are depicted in the role of
predominantly
men are depicted in the role of
midriff of the inverted figure (see Lewis-Williams 1981b;
healerlshaman.
Dowson
1989).
,
U~~~owson
D.,-..,
., , ..
First, the three figures in Fig. 4 are part of a row of
In addition to such dance groups, several images in the
eight similar figures. All three are portrayed in postures
Koebee are of the kind that have been dascribed as
adoptedand
by dance
participants
that are sometimes adopted by dance participants that
in theare sometimes
"conceptual
visionary
forms translated into graphic
Kalahari (Lee 1967:32; Schadeberg & Hulme 1982).
representations" (Lewis-Williams 1981a:75). Figure 6, for
Similar postures can be seen in rock paintings throughout
example, depicts a reclining figure with a disprothe subcontinent (e.g. Stow 1930: plate 55; Lee &
portionately large arm connected by a thin red line to the
Woodhouse 1970:102 & 174; Lewis-Williams & Dowson
eared figure to the right (see also Fig. 10). The line seems
to emanate from the top of a very small hookhead. San
1989:39,42). The figures have long, thin necks, very
ethnography identifies this part of the body as the area
and
bulk
to
the
length
relative
and
short
arms
heads
small
from which shamans' spirits leave their bodies on out-ofof their torso, a 'distortion' that may be related to the
body travel (Marshall 1969:377; for /Xam accounts of
feelings of elongation !Kung healers say they experience
while in an altered state of consciousness (Lewis-Williams
out-of-body travel see Bleek 1935:23, 30-31, 1936:142
143). South of the Doring River, human figures connectedof
& Dowson 1989:77; Solomon 1989 associates elongation
by similar lines have been interpreted as representing out-travel
with masculinity). Several features, such as the lines
penises
travel
erect(Yates
(Ypaintings
the travel
theaof-body
'infibulation'), the
across the erect penises (so-called
'infibulation'),
of-body
et
el. 1985:78).(soecallred
~~~~~~~~~~~~~Healing
of
ano
iamls
/
/soemgtepc
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~healer/shaman.
~9S9).
~et
Vi~
\
v
Fig. 6. A set of image comprising a paint patch, or
'palette', and a small reclining figure connected by a
line to a larger therianthropic figure holding a whisk
in each hand. The images (see 'a' in Fig. 10) are part
a larger, confict scene and may depict out-of-body
as described in San ethnography. lhe paintings
eof
~~~~~~~~~~aacross
are proportionately fewer animal
in Maggs's (1967)
in Magga's (1967)
(1976)
wester
Cape sample and
Vinnicombe's
Drake
sites, all nsberg
three have certain patterns in
common Paintings of humans outnumber animals by
hu
woter
an
by
alm osmt ',5
i tho
,swe
Table 2 compares
Vfrnncesos ail
isp
recorded
,
Tn e K2b
c
ear
fr'q uenies
Ma
woa
im rn
p e sample and Vinnicombe's
MsgssD(6s erter
ape
e speaesVsombnate
numerically in all three samples. Paintings of eland and
nueily
i althe a m shalf of antelope depictions
hten
th Koetea Similar
a
ronortion prevail in the other two
te Koebe. Siil opotiontsreva
nt foth th f
sample Pitins of sa
to p
out or 4 %of
s
proporton very close
a
t
to that recorded by Maggw.
rm etr
aests(t
7
&Sealy983
table
e
1967:102; Maggs & Sealy 1983:44 table 1; Yates
al. 1985:73 & 79), the proportion of elephant paintings
in the Koebee is far higher than in the Drakensberg.
rded
the Koebee
paintings of felines were recorded in the Koebee
(see also Maggs 1967), although I was told of such a
p
asnowweaway
felties differentiates the two western Cape samples from
feline
.1_
n of te southern Drakensberapwhere 37
th ok aof teins wern recorded (Vr, h
mbe
r
recorded (income
p
1976:364).
A eature that seems to distinguish the Koebee from
Maggss (1967) western Cape sample is the high number
of fat-tailed sheep (see Manhire er al. 1986:22). Although
they occur at only three sites, afte smallantelope and
eland sheep are the most numerous category of animal
a fuarther 13 sheep-like
~~~~~~~~~~~~images
in the Koebee sample than
images in the Koebee sample than
^\
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Mag
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~No
South African Archaeological Bulletin
South African Archaeological Bulletin
and Bushmen' (Nienaber & Raper 1977:726,
1980:528-530). Nienaber and Raper (1980:530) suggest
that 'Koebee' be translated as 'place of fighting'
(oorlogsplek).
The presence of paintings of sheep in a dance scene
(Fig. 7) has apparently not hitherto been recorded in the
Cape (see Manhire et al. 1986:26 & 29) and
suggests that domestic stock had become increasingly
important conceptually and ritually to the San of this area.
In addition, a painting on the nearby Gifberg of a tall
figure pointing towards a sheep (Fig. 8) suggests that these
animals were implicated in San magical practices (see
Lewis-Williams & Dowson 1989:48 for a discussion of
Table 2. Frequencies of animal species depicted in rock art as recorded in samples from the western Cape and southern"Hottentots
Drakensberg.
KOEBEE 1 + 2
50 sites
COUNT
>riANIMAL
TYPE
27
78
105
Eland
Other antelope
Total antelope
Baboon
Elephant
Feline
11,0
31,7
42,7
16
14
0
6,5
5,7
0
10 6
10,6 26
0,4
2,4
12
W. CAPE
(MAGGS 1967)
46 sites
COU~INTr
DRAKENSBERG
(VINNICOMBE 1976)
150 ,ites
V6western
COUNT
80
136
216
18,6
31,6
50,2
848
1002
1850
8
40
0
5
49
5
37
7
0
1
17
1,9
9,3
0
1,.2
,
0
0,2
3,9
10
44
N/A
125
18
430
29,0
4,3
100
sIS
786
3606
26
~~~~~~~~~~~~Sheep
Warthog
Possible canine
possible equid
1
6
3
Unidentifiable
Other species
TOTAL
75
0
246
30,5
0
100
·
'- ~ ~': · ,f-":......
;- .*=';'..k~
;:~'%
-igure
a
.re^
.t...· 7 :=..~.
:r.
~.-
."^^"TK;*^
" ,:-|®' ~,~:
'
" '~ ~'^
','/~
''--"
-a-"
-,''-
;e .
'.-'
--
~?~Sla.a_:',
- -T
.^
~l~'t.-'^
.:5
,it'
^^
''
....
'."~.has -
. N
the'
. :-' ',.-5
". ,~:~,:
A
.
-
' ,iX.
i.
'Paint patches', or 'palettes', may be related to
smearing. They were noted at six sites from sample 1;
none was recorded from sample 2 . At two sites, patches
seem to be part of 'sets' of images (see Lewis-Williams
1992b for a definition and discussion of'sets') that include
depictions of humans in postures that signify al:ered states
of consciousness (see Fig. 6). Another group includes a
'palette', a kaross-clad figure, an ithyphallic figure and
:.
-
.
,.'^
,
...
"'
'e
-
."",.~
5
'*)
'.Fi..
...
,!.
-i ',,--.·-,~
.;
.reas
'~~~~~~~~~~
'Kobee'inkit o rlatonsips etwen he an nd tepantigs
heir right, centreou arguablysen.
7.Ft-tie
~ ~~~~~~~~t
presrvaion.
aining' suges
Teseep tha th Kobee
a arcored
furthsit butwerenot
animls wre
classified as such, owing to their incomplete state of
preservation). The sheep paintings suggest that the Koebee
artists were in close contact with people who kept
domestic stock, although the exact and no doubt changing
nature of this contact is unclear (see for example
-p
.
:
.*
"*
*'
.. "''
-all.
t
"
[..~--
..-
''
^^"^
.-. _
.'-:
'T:"'"
8 ...
Pantn
'
fro'' '"h Gieg .......
ng a'
:algr
fat-taldsep
mle ua
toad a"
,
-
'
..
A.
--'·
wthn'"yo"-eshe' bde....tig ae
sugstv of trnc stte., Te "-aopgus
pos-~~
-
^
1",.
"-~
',:"-.-/.^:-' ~,A:.^j:i
*.*:'--^s
.I:~'.--f' ,
".~'-r::
t^'a.-' 2
.~.:
*'".-,- .*': ".-.
.
re an
C~varin shade ofc~
r...
eitedcapig
'._,
.: :.ie.,, 'pinin
'
.rj'.'.
.
..
..
~.,; 1~. h figure
-C_~
Fig.
Fig.s7.Ft
in
e ts
c tale
entre ot ade soene Aimm
figoure at lower left is depicted in the 'arms-back'
posture suggestive of trance states. The steatopygous
women to its right are depicted clapping. The figure
',-_.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~:
?
-. '
.
:~::.
woe
oisrih
...
-.
,
~~ ~ ~
Paint Patches
-'~i·
.. \¶L"
.-.....
....
.
1,3
0,1
pointing). Commenting on paintings of sheep in Zimbabwe, Huffman has argued that the San considered them
1,0
potent because of their fatness: "sheep
Qparticularly
0,2
are not likely to be simple scenes of new people
,~~~~~~~~~~paintings
0,3
but complex statements about the control of potency"'
(Huffman 1983:51). Solomon (pers. comm.) suggests that
1,2
sheep were implicated in San fertility beliefs, and a
N/A
painting of a steatopygous woman and four fat818si 22,7qui~,Koebee
22,
tailed sheep could thus be interpreted as equating women
and sheep by virtue of their 'fatness'.
21,9
100
*..
.
· t-~~~~b&
23,5
27,8
51,3
recorded in sample 2. In total, some 67 images were
identified as smeared. I did not include paintings that
could have been affected by non-human factors, such as
water. With the exception of only two animal-like images,
all the smeared paintings are of human beings (see Fig. 9).
It appears that individual images and groups of images
were selected for this treatment; I did not encounter whole
panels that have been smeared. Yates &Manhire (1991:9)
have argued that smearing was a ritual practice peformed
either by the creators of the images, their contemporaries
or their descendants. It is, however, not clear what significance was attached to the practice.
.
thair
ediately
stestopygous, has a penis. Note the unpainted areasre
within many of the sheep's bodies. Paintings are in
varying shades of red and white.
Parkington et a). 1986; Smith et al. 1991; Schnire 1992).
Two of the many explanations for the Khsoekhoen name
'Koebee' link it to relationships between the San and the
Khoekhoen. One report suggests that San raided
Khoekhoen livestock and then retreated into the Koebee;
the other refers to the Koebee as a gathering place for
hat"hav
ben dlibrFig. b.cPainyingyfofmhethecisboseedhowtngCaetall avebee
pointing towards a fat-tailed sheep. A smaller human
are
pailn in
tog
the
eto
for
S ern adRpitngfinger
Smeared images, defined by Yates & Manhsire as
paintings that "have been deliberately obscured by
smearing of the pigment' (1991:3), are widespread in the
western Cape (see also Yates et al. 1990). Smeared images
were noted at eight Koebee sites in sample 1; none was
smears of paint. No instances of rubbing were
detected. Yates & Manhire (1991:4,8) noting that 'a great
many' of the patches observed in the Cederberg have 'been
rubbed, suggest that the patches form an integral part of
image assemblages and "that they were positioned within
compositions to be used ... in an interactive capacity'.
South African Archaeological Bulletin
South African Archaeological Bulletin
*
~~~
-%.~
~
~
~
~ %:2rr
~*%.f,~*-'
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~?:S
'I r
.v'
:.
. .
~~~,
r-.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~r
,~~~~~
'b:~~~~~~~~~~~~~anig
Rise
Fig. 9. Smeared figure. The image must have been
deliberately smeared, because the surrounding images
are relatively clear. A long penis or emanation fringed
Handprints
'Plain' and/or 'decorated' handprints were found at ten
of the sites recorded (see Manbire & Parkington 1983:32
for definitions and distributions in the western Cape of the
two types). They are relatively common in the western
Cape and in the Waterberg (north-western Transvaal); they
are much rarer in the south-eastern mountains (Van
Rijeses 1984;128).
Images
of Conflict
The striking painting shown in Fig. 10 seems to depict
a conflict or fight (it was first copied by Marjorie Hoehn
in the early 1960s). It draws together a number of the
themes I have discussed and points to the conceptual unity
of the Koebee art.
Conflict scenes in southern African rock art have often
been interpreted as literal records ofpart/cular events (see
Campbell 1986:256-257 for discussion). In many cases,
however, there are elements in the paintings that defy
literal interpretation (Campbell 1986; see also Yates er al.
1985:78 & figs lOa & lOb; Lewis-Williams & Dowson
1990:5-6 & fig. 2; Yates et al. 1990:52, for discussions of
the well-known Veg en vlug 'conflict' scene at Sevilla in
the western Cape). In the Koebee scene, two opposing
groups are depicted (Fig. 10). A group of eleven fairly
well preserved figures, nine of whom hold bows, are to
e ndwie
in
198:2)
with white dots can be seen on the left-hand figure,F.
who carries a quiver and is decorated with white paint.
Paintings in red and whitees
-~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~heads;
the left; there is also a supine figure. This grotp faces a
larger group of 23 figures, at least eight of whom are
similarly holding bows (traces of a bow painted in white,
held by a ninth figure, can also be discerned). Eleven of
the 23 figures in the right hand group have hook-heads
while all eleven of those to the left have 'solid' r-eads.*Veg
The two groups appear to be focused around a large
and imposing figure with human feet and hands and animal
ears or horns, or, possibly, a headdress of some sort (Fig.
11; marked 'b' in Fig. 10). It is sitting and holding a staff.Frans
To its right a smaller 'eared' figure holds a tod. Three
similar figures are painted elsewhere at the site.
Immediately above the 'eared' figure is a sa:iall patch
of pigment which strongly resembles a small human figure
with what appear to be extremely elongated amd spindly
arms and legs that extend downwards over the large sitting
figure and end in an indistinct mass of pigment below
(Fig. 11). This may be another of the elongated bodies
associated with San curing dances,
Above and to the left of the 'eared' figure two figures
appear to be 'restraining' a third that is betveen them
(Fig. 12; marked 'c' in Fig. 10). A bow lies at their feet.
This group is similar to one in the Drakensberg that
Campbell (1986:260 & fig. 1A) suggests may refer to the
careful regulation of 'boiling' energy that has been
observed at !Kung healing dances (see Biesele 1978; Katz
1982 for discussion of the regulation of this energy).
Accounts of healing amongst the /Xam also refer to the
necessity of restraining medicine men and women, who
may enter a frenzy (Bleek 1935:2).
10. C
sn
A th
th tre he olid
lge
therianfl ic
. figure in
ha
ve solid
centre
theanthropic figure inthe
eleven of those to the right have hook-heads.
Images marked a, b and c are reproduced separately to
show greater detail. Red and white.
The images of out-of-body travel discussed above (see
Figs 6 & 10) also form part of the 'conflict scene'. The
themes of conflict and out-of-body experiences as depicted
in the panel seem to have been conceptually related - the
en Vlug' paintings also incorporate images of
anti this suggests that they are the product of a widespread
belief system.
and out-of-body
conflict travel - and suggest that such
fight scenes have deeper and more complex associations
than literal interpretations allow,
uys Wiese and Peter Rau first put me in touch with
local landowners. Messrs Botha and Basson generously
accommodated me and allowed me access to their land.
Kotze, Johannes Perrang, John Basson, Johnny
Phillips
the
and Boks and Van Zyl families guided me to
paintingsh Nic Swart spent weeks in the
field
with me,
His
and
debat
ing the images.
photographing
companionship and help in checking and redrawing the
tracings are gratefully acknowledged. Duncan Miller,
Shirley-Ann Pager and Thomas Dowson encouraged me to
write about the Koebee. David Lewis-Williams took an
active interest in my work and provided valuable feedback
whilst I was writing this report. I am grateful to Tony
Manhire and Royden Yates of SARU for showing me sites
on the Gifberg, especially the painting reproduced in Fig.
8. Anne Solomon kindly discussed aspects of her work
with me. Thanks to Godfrey and Marjorie Hoehn for the
opportunity to compare notes and redrawings, as well as to
Tony Humphreys and the two referees for their suggestions. Financial contributions were made by the late
Tatiana Dubrova and the Rock Art Research Unit of the
University of the Witwatersrand. The Rock Art Research
Unit is funded by the Centre for Science Development and
the University of the Witwatersrand.
Agreeing with numerous writers on southern African
rock art, art historian Nettleton (1984:67) notes 'that in
practically no reputable studies of so-called pre-literate art
has the art for art's sake motive been found to be valid for
the image making activities of so-called primitive peoples.
... In most of these societies making art is a ritual activity,
hedged around by sanctions and prohibitions and couched
in terms of conventional iconography and style." The Koebee paintings bear out this understanding. Smearing and
the so-called 'palettes' both suggest that paintings were
considered to be potent in their own right. Moreover, the
artists' concern with dancing and supernatural potency is
evidenced by the use of metaphors and symbols, many of
which have been linked to San experiences of altered states
of consciousness. Over and above these associations, the
art seems to have been implicated in the negotiation of
gender relations. The Koebee images therefore follow
conventions that obtain elsewhere on the sub-continent,
Acknowledgements
South African Archaeological Bulletin
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Fig. 12. Images of restraint (detail from Fig. 10), such as
this, may refer to the regulation of potency during
j.
hio
heln dancea Th babe shap in* th adso
atnai
t
tt
gr1cNettleton,
may-represfaen na
mide
would
probably;not
noticed
a reply had
idl Ir
probably
r~ not
pp have
have
oabeen
been
nru.·r~s
noticed
had tathe
the
paintings not been traced. A bow liea at the feet of the
paint
not
ing
been
s
traced.
A
bow
lies
the
feet
thesother
Humiddleys,
Aigure.JRedandB
wt.Nienaber,
middle figure.
Red and white.
Donng~River south-Research
·igradas
~e
.
ter
ofZigureabove.
Schadeberg, J. & Hulme, G. 1982. The Kalahari Bushmen
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Schrire, C. 1992. The archaeological identity of hunters
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Fig.HufmNienaher,
lrsalrgrtis
extend·:
~~~~~~art
erd Afigre
ed
hunting and mating in Bushman thought. Ohio
University Papers in International Studies, Africa
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T.M. O'C. 1967. A quantitative analysis of the
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~~~~~~~~',''~
~~~~~'"
M
'~~~~I~~~~ bt~~~~
4 =A,
^
-r
I
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-,^^^^^^'^i,~~
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/^|fr4-J^A^^l^C••
';
t Note
imbe
Fig. 11. Detail of Pig. 10, showing the large 'eared'
figure and a similar, smaller figure to its right. Note
the figure above the 'eared' figure's head; its limbs
extend downwards over the large sitting figure.
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^