..
The Asian-American
.
•
3.1A
Movement
In the late 1960s, large numbers of Asian Americans, particularly college students, began to
protest a long history of discrimination. Since the 1850s, racist impulses had fueled antiAsian immigration laws, harsh working conditions, laws prohibiting marriage between
whites and Asians, school segregation, laws against Asians owning property, and racist
violence. In addition, during World War II, those of Japanese ancestry, including many
American citizens, were interned in barren camps because they were considered a national
threat. Inspired by the "Black Power" civil rights movement, large numbers of Asian
Americans organized in the 1960s to change their status in society. They calledfor Asian
studies programs in U.S. colleges, the development of a united Asian-American community,
community-based programs to revitalize urban Asian ghettos, and an end to racism,
especially negative stereotyping of Asians in the media. In the following excerpt from an
article called "Yellow Power!" that appeared in an underground Asian-American newspaper
called Gidra, author Larry Kubota explains the meaning of "Yellow Power."
Yellow Power must become a revolutionary force and align itself with the oppressed
[crushed by unjust use of power] people of the Third World [developing countries]. Only
by changing society in total can Asians and other alienated [left out] people survive and
determine their own destinies.
However, there is one thing that must never be forgotten: Yellow Power must not be used
to obtain a larger piece of an "action" that is degrading and unhumanistic. In a land that
preaches democracy but practices oligarchy [rule by a few people] and where people are
separated into favored "establishment" and culturally deprived and alienated mass,
fundamental changes in the social order are called for.
Yellow Power is a call for all Asian Americans to end the silence that has condemned
[forced] us to suffer in this racist society and to unite with our Black, Brown, and Red
brothers of the Third World for survival, self-determination [power to decide one's own
government], and the creation of a more humanistic society.
We must search our souls for the flame of the Asian warriors who fought for their people and
their pride without fear of death. In the words of one such warrior, "Let the enemy touch
your skin and you cut into his flesh; let him cut into your flesh and you pierce into his bones;
let him pierce into your bone and you take his life."
© Teachers' Curriculum Institute
The Civil Rights Movement
139
.
•
3.1A
The Black Panthers
The Black Panther Party for Self-Defense was founded in Oakland, California, in 1966 by
two young black activists, Huey Newton and Bobby Seale. The two college-educated activists
were frustrated with the mainstream civil rights movement's emphasis on integration and
nonviolence. They argued that the movement was ineffectual, and that it had failed to relieve
the poverty and powerlessness faced by many urban blacks. They founded the organization
in response to VI/hatthe black community perceived as systematic harassment and brutality
by the predominantly white Oakland Police Force. Arming themselves for self-defense, the
Panthers followed police officers and monitored their actions. They also established
programs-including
afree hot-breakfast program for children, and summer school to teach
black history and pride-to cure the social and economic ills afflicting African Americans in
Oakland. In the following document, entitled "What We Want-What We Believe," which
was printed weekly in the Black Panther Party newspaper, the Black Panthers spell out the
10 goals of their organization.
1. We want freedom. We want power to determine the destiny of our Black Community.
2. We want full employment for our people.
3. We want an end to robbery by the CAPITALIST of our Black Community.
4. We want decent housing, fit for shelter of human beings.
5. We want education for our people that exposes the true nature of this decadent [indulgent
and decaying] American society. We want education that teaches us our true history and
our role in the present day society.
6. We want all black men to be exempt from military service.
7. We want an immediate end to POLICE BRUTALITY and MURDER of black people.
8. We want freedom for all black men held in federal, state, county and city prisons
and jails.
9. We want all black people when brought to trial to be tried in court by a jury of their peer
group or people from their black communities, as defined in the Constitution of the
United States.
10. We want land, bread, housing, education, clothing, justice and peace. And as our
major political objective, a United Nations-supervised plebiscite [direct vote] to be
held throughout the black colony in which only black colonial subjects will be allowed
to participate, for the purpose of determining the will of black people as to their
national identity.
140
The Civil Rights Movement
© Teac hers' Curriculum Institute
The Chicano Youth Movement
.-1wide array of Chicano (Mexican American) or "brown power" youth organizations aimed
at bettering the lives of Mexican Americans were created in the late 1960s and early 1970s.
These organizations were made up principally of either youth on college campuses or those
living in the urban barrios (neighborhoods) of the American southwest. For example, the
90 chapters of the paramilitary Brown Berets, fashioned after the Black Panthers, included
former gang members who committed themselves to the "service, education, and defense" of
TheChicano community. Another of these organizations, the Mexican American Youth
Organization (MAYO), was founded in Texas i711969. MAYO advocated direct and
confrontational action to create change in Mexican Americans' status in American society.
J1AYO and other youth organizations initiated school boycotts, led demonstrations, and
participated in marches to bring attention to the disadvantaged position of Mexican
Americans and build unity among them. In the following list of membership requirements,
J.fAYO leaders detail the commitment and solidarity required of MAYO members.
L A sincere desire to help La Raza [the Race] as well as self ...
,
A basic knowledge of what the movement is about. Romantic people and people out for
kicks or publicity are not helping any. This movement is serious business-not a game.
3. No qualms of being labeled a militant; radical; or other names for fear of losing job,
prestige, etc.
-1-. A desire to put La Raza first and foremost. Can't belong to other political groups or owe
allegiance to other philosophies-Young
Democrats, Republicans, communists, etc.
5. Believe that all Chicanos have every right as human beings and that they are not inferior
to any race or nationality.
6. Courage to follow orders as well as give them. When ordered to attack directly, must do
so and he who gives orders must be ready to lead.
7. Believe in the unity of the Chicano, La Raza Unida-not
public-all internal problems to be solved at meetings.
I
criticize other Chicanos in
8. Owe allegiance to no man but the idea of justice for all the Raza-no
super Chicanos.
idols, saviors,
9. Support all fellow MAYO's in time of crisis. Wherever there is trouble everyone goes.
All go to Del Rio, Kingsville, etc.
10.Age should be no factor-but
must have the ability to think young.
11. An alert and open mind with a closed mouth.
12.Knowledge of what one is saying, a desire to study, learn and articulate.
, ~ Teachers' Curriculum Institute
The Civil Rights Movement
141
3.1A
The Gay Liberation Movement
Since the early 1970s, the gay community has become an increasingly vocal force fighting
for civil rights and societal acceptance. The gay liberation movement started most notably
with the Stonewall riots in 1969, in which hundreds of gay men and lesbians took to the
streets of New York City to protest decades-long police harassment of homosexuals. The
event, which became known simply as "Stonewall," brought about a major shift in attitudes
among gay and lesbian Americans, who began to mobilize to demand equal rights and
societal acceptance. "Gay Pride" demonstrations and parades were held in major cities,
and a newspaper, The Advocate, promoted gay rights issues. In 1977, the gay community
made a breakthrough when Harvey Milk, an openly gay man, was elected to the Board of
Supervisors in San Francisco, California. Milk, along with Mayor Dan Moscone, was
assassinated by unstable San Francisco supervisor Dan White on November 27,1979. The
following excerpt, from "Learning from Harvey Milk" by Jim Rivaldo and Dick Pabich,
details the lessons that gay activists can learn from Milk's philosophy, some of which the gay
liberation movement adopted.
The election of an open homosexual to public office dealt a crushing blow to perhaps the
most durable barrier of prejudice ... Harvey's experiences and accomplishments spell out
clearly the new course gay politics must take.
Harvey Milk spoke out forcefully on the need for lesbians and gay men to seize control of
our lives, to hold public office and to participate in the decisions that affect us. He learned
well from the lessons of the civil rights and anti-war movements: When you're right, keep
pushing; don't be afraid to offend those more interested in decorum [proper appearance] than
in justice. We must fight our own battles on our own terms.
Harvey also had a parallel message for lesbians and gay men: While we cannot depend on
our friends to carry the struggle for us, we must never lose sight of the fact that the eventual
success of our struggle depends on our ability to make non-gay people see that our interests
are their interests.
The greatest potential for achieving this is in the formation of a coalition between gay people
and the Blacks, Asians, Latinos and Filipinos who are engaged in their own struggles for an
end to discrimination. Harvey also saw activists in the feminist, labor, senior and disabled
movements as natural allies in the struggle for gay rights.
Harvey called for others to follow his example-to involve themselves as openly gay people
in their neighborhoods and communities-to
demonstrate the vital, constructive roles we
play in the everyday life of the City [of San Francisco]. The myths and fears about lesbians
and gay men, and the discrimination that results, fall away in the face of reality. But a key
element in this reality is the necessity to come out [declare one's sexual orientation], openly
and proudly.
© Teachers' Curriculum Institute
The Civil Rights Movement
143
.
•
3.1A
The Native-American Movement
Inspired by the African-American civil rights movement, Native Americans organized the
"Red Power" movement to seek civil rights in the late 1960s and early 1970s. During the
1950s and 1960s, Native Americans had the lowest income, the worst health, the highest
suicide rate, the shortest life expectancy, and the highest unemployment of any minority
group in the United States. Native-American activists sought to draw attention to these
conditions by suing the federal government for the return of native lands and organizing
several demonstrations in which they demanded Indian autonomy and a return of control
over lands lost because of broken treaties. In 1969, 78 Indians occupied Alcatraz Island in
San Francisco Bay; in 1972 the militant American Indian Movement (AIM) occupied the
Bureau of Indian Affairs in Washington DC; and in 1973, 200 armed AIM members took
control of the village of Wounded Knee in South Dakota, the site of an 1890 massacre of
Indians. The following excerpt, from the proclamation "TO THE GREAT WHITE FATHER
AND ALL HIS PEOPLE" written by activists who occupied Alcatraz Island, highlights the
plight of Native Americans.
We, The Native Americans, re-claim the land known as Alcatraz Island in the name of all
American Indians by right of discovery .... We will purchase said Alcatraz Island for twentyfour dollars [$24] in glass beads and red cloth, a precedent set by the white man's purchase
of a similar island [Manhattan] about 300 years ago .
. . .We feel that this so-called Alcatraz Island is more suitable for an Indian Reservation, as
determined by the white man's own standards. By this we mean that this place resembles
most Indian reservations in that:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
It is isolated from modern facilities, and without adequate means of transportation.
It has no fresh running water.
It has inadequate sanitation facilities.
There are no oil or mineral rights.
There is no industry and so unemployment is very great.
There are no health care facilities.
The soil is rocky and non-productive; and the land does not support game [animals].
There are no educational facilities.
The population has exceeded the land base.
The population has always been held prisoners and kept dependent upon others.
Further, it would be fitting and symbolic that ships from all over the world, entering the
Golden Gate [the strait between San Francisco Bay and the Pacific Ocean], would first see
Indian land, and thus be reminded of the true history of this nation. This tiny island would be
a symbol of the great lands once ruled by free and noble Indians.
144 The Civil Rights Movement
© Teachers' Curriculum Institute
United Farm Workers
In the early 1960s, Cesar Chavez began mobilizing migrant farm laborers, particularly
Mexican and Mexican-American farmworkers, to speak out against decades of exploitation.
Chavez, a migrant worker, established a union called the United Farm Workers (UFW) and
organized nonviolent protests against the low wages, unsafe working conditions, and long
hours typical in migrant farm labor. He also organized boycotts against growers for whom
the laborers worked, most notably against grape growers in Delano, California. By 1970, he
had successfully won recognition of the UFW by most of the growers in California. In the
following excerpt from the introduction to the book Forty Acres, Chavez describes the
philosophy that guided him and his organization through almost a decade of struggle.
I have always believed that, in order for any movement to be lasting, it must be built on
the people. They must be the ones involved in forming it, and they must be the ones that
ultimately control it. It is harder that way, but the benefits are more meaningful and lasting
when won in this fashion ... To try and change conditions without power is like trying to
move a car without gasoline. If the workers are going to do anything, they need their own
power ... Once they achieve a victory, they can make use of their power to negotiate and
change things for the better.
During the course of our struggle, we have come to realize that the poor and disadvantaged
will not make the gains they need only by political action ... A grape grower in Delano has
one vote. We have a thousand votes to his one vote. But the grower can pick up a telephone,
call Washington, and make himself heard. He has more power than we do. We have begun
to ask why. Obviously, he has more power because has the economic power. If we had
economic power, our thousand votes would count a thousand times more than any
individual's vote. Economic development is a must for our membership.
I am often asked if our youth, especially the young Mexican Americans, will choose the way
of violence to make the necessary changes in our society. I don't think [so]. .. we must be
vitally concerned about educating people to the significance of peace and nonviolence as
positive forces in our society ... we must focus our attention to bring about the necessary
changes in our society through nonviolent means.
People are not going to turn back now. The poor are on the march: black, brown, red,
everyone, whites included. We are now in the midst of the biggest revolution this country
has ever known.
© Teachers' Curriculum Institute
The Civil Rights Movement
145
·
•
3.1A
White Civil Rights Activists
During the course of the African-American civil rights movement of the 1960s, many
whites--especially northern liberals, ministers, and college students-supported
and
participated in the struggle to establish equal rights for all Americans. Whites joined in
demonstrations, sit-ins, and voter drives. Perhaps the most notable example of white
activism was the 1964 "Freedom Summer" campaign. During that summer, close to 1,000
volunteers, mainly white college students, went to Mississippi to register African-American
voters. Despite the constant threat of violence, these volunteers helped register almost a
million new voters that summer. They also taught in "freedom" schools and worked in
community centers. In the following letter from Letters from Mississippi, edited by
Elizabeth Sutherland, a volunteer explains why she felt compelled to join the "Freedom
Summer" campaign.
To my brother,
Last night, 1 was a long time before sleeping, although 1 was extremely tired. Every shadow,
every noise-the bark of a dog, the sound of a car-s-in my fear and exhaustion was turned
into a [Klansman's] approach .... 1 tried consciously to overcome this fear. To relax, 1 began to
breathe deep, think the words of a song, pull the sheet up close to my neck ... still the tension.
Then 1 rethought why 1 was here, rethought what could be gained in view of what could be
lost. .. 1 remembered Bob Moses saying he had felt justified in asking hundreds of students to
go to Mississippi because he was not asking anyone to do something he would not do ....
1 became aware of the uselessness of fear that immobilizes an individual. Then 1 began
to relax ....
Anyone who comes down here and is not afraid 1 think must be crazy as well as dangerous to
this project where security is quite important. But the type of fear that they mean when they,
when we, sing "we are not afraid" is the type that immobilizes ... The songs help to dissipate
the fear ... when they are sung in unison, or sung silently by oneself, they take on new
meaning beyond the words or rhythm .... There is almost a religious quality about some of
these songs, having ... to do with the miracle that youth has organized to fight hatred and
ignorance. It has to do with the holiness of the dignity of man.
Please be considerate of Mom and Dad. The fear 1just expressed, 1 am sure they feel much
more intensely without the relief of being here to know exactly how things are .... They said
over the phone "Did you know how much it takes to make a child?" and I thought of how
much it took ... to be a Negro in Mississippi twelve months a year for a lifetime. How can
such things as a life be weighed?
With constant love,
Heather
146
The Civil Rights Movement
© Teachers' Curriculum Institute
·
•
3.1A
The Women's Movement
During the late 1960s and early 1970s, an increasing number of women organized to
demand equal rights and recognition of women's secondary status in American society.
Supporters of the Equal Rights Amendment [ERA] became greater in number and organized
demonstrations and began lobbying in Congress for legislation banning discrimination on
the basis of sex. Feminists [activists for women's rights] also sought access to education and
employment opportunities, and pushed for improved healthcare, childcare facilities, access
to legal and safe abortion, and shared parenting. In 1966, author and feminist Betty Friedan
co-founded the National Organization for Women [NOW], which became an important venue
for bringing attention to women's issues. In the following excerpt from NOW's Statement of
Purpose [l966}, Friedan outlines the beliefs of the organization and its strategy for
achieving change.
We, men and women who hereby constitute ourselves as the National Organization for
Women, believe that the time has come for a new movement toward equality for all women
in America, and toward a fully equal partnership of the sexes .... We organize to initiate or
support action, nationally, or in any part of this country, by individuals or organizations, to
break through the silken curtain of. .. discrimination against women.
There is no civil rights movement to speak for women, as there has been for Negroes and
other victims of discrimination. The National Organization for Women must therefore begin
to speak.
We believe that the ... protection guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution to the civil rights of all
individuals, must be effectively applied and enforced to isolate and remove patterns of sex
discrimination, to ensure equality of opportunity in employment and education, and equality
of civil and political rights and responsibilities on behalf of women, as well as for Negroes
and other deprived citizens.
We believe that this nation has a capacity ... to innovate new social institutions which will
enable women to enjoy true equality of opportunity and responsibility ... [such] as a
nationwide system of child care centers.
We reject the current assumptions that a man must carry the sole burden of supporting
himself, his wife, and family .... We believe that a true partnership between the sexes
demands a different concept of marriage, an equitable sharing of the responsibilities of
home, children and of the economic burdens of their support.
NOW will hold itself independent of any political party in order to mobilize the political
power of all women and men intent on our goals. We will strive to ensure that no party,
candidate, President, senator, governor, congressman, or any public official who betrays
or ignores the principle of full equality between the sexes is elected or appointed to office.
© Teachers' Curriculum Institute
The Civil Rights Movement
147
Student Information
_
The Disabled Rights Movement
During the late 1960s and early 1970s, people with disabilities began a movement to achieve
equality, independence, and inclusion for the disabled. One of their primary aims was to
make public services and accommodations
available to people with disabilities. For
example, in 1962 Ed Roberts successfully enrolled as the first quadriplegic student at the
University of California at Berkeley. Despite protests from some university officials, Roberts
persuaded the university to allow him to make the third floor of the school's hospital his
dorm room. Roberts' and others' actions paved the way for other disabled persons to obtain
access to facilities and services open to most other American groups. Throughout the 1970s
and 1980s, the disabled rights movement gathered momentum. One organization that was
especially important was American Disabled for Accessible Public Transit (ADAPT), which
started out by calling for wheelchair lifts on buses. One of ADAPT's founders, Wade Blank,
promoted the use of direct-action confrontations to achieve civil rights for the disabled. The
following excerpt, from the article "Wade Blank's Liberated Community" by Laura Hershey,
describes Blank's reasoning for this approach.
Blank ... said, "My members are into confrontation. We'll tell somebody what we want,
and we'll talk about it once or twice, but that's it. Then we deal with you. Either we'll shut
you down or whatever." Confrontation worked, Blank believed, because it took society's
fears ... and turned them to a new use. He described how he learned this strategy. In the late
1960s, Blank helped a Midwestern black community obtain water and sewage services from
an indifferent government. The black leaders, who wanted to get along and avoid making
waves, refused to challenge the responsible authorities. So Blank went to the local pool hall
and recruited several dozen black teenagers. He outfitted them in dark sunglasses and leather
jackets. "They looked bad," he recalled. They piled into a van and paid a visit to their
U.S. senator. The action brought almost immediate results, in the form of a federal project to
construct the needed reservoir. "All that was," Blank expounded, "was taking their blackness
and making it even more mysterious and threatening to the white person, and going up and
intimidating a senator."
Years later, Blank remembered the technique and applied it in a new way: "So I said, 'Well,
if that's true, then people being in wheelchairs has the same mystique to it, so let's take
25 wheelchairs and go out and surround a bus and hold it, and see what happens.' Barn! Just
like magic. It worked. Total power. Police couldn't move the wheelchairs, because they
were afraid. The mayor said, 'Don't arrest disabled people.' We win."
Direct action was not only effective, Blank said, it was also empowering. "This is very
therapeutic, blocking buses. I mean, it's like giving your finger to the white man." Anger
wasn't a dirty word to Blank; it was a powerful force, which ADAPT actions harnessed as a
force for change. "Anger is the root of advocacy movements," he said once. "Oppression
[crushed by unjust use of power] breeds anger."
142
The Civil Rights Movement
© Teachers' Curriculum Institute