spatial dynamics of service activities in european metropolitan areas
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SPATIAL DYNAMICS OF SERVICE ACTIVITIES IN EUROPEAN METROPOLITAN AREAS: LESSONS FROM THE COMPARISON OF THE COMET CASE STUDIES COMET - WP8 report (part 2) report by the Comet Brussels' team M. Van Criekingen, C. Guisset, V. Biot, C. Vandermotten IGEAT - Université Libre de Bruxelles Brussels, Belgium 1 INTRODUCTION 1.THE COMET CASE STUDIES IN THE EUROPEAN CONTEXT 1.1. Typology of service activities in European cities 1.2. Evolutions of the global economic performances of European cities 2. SPACES OF TERTIARISATION : AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE SPATIAL DYNAMICS OF SERVICE ACTIVITIES IN EUROPEAN METROPOLITAN AREAS 2.1. Spatial dynamics of service activities: the seven comet case studies 2.1.1. Notes on method 2.1.2. Results 2.2. Spatial dynamics of service activities: lessons from a preliminary comparative assessment 2.3. Spatial dynamics of service activities: towards a typology of metropolitan centralities 2.3.1. Concept 2.3.2. Notes on method 2.3.3. Results SYNTHESIS AND CONCLUSION: PLANNING POLY-CENTRIC METROPOLITAN CONFIGURATIONS Cited references ANNEX +++ 2 INTRODUCTION Ongoing processes of globalisation and tertiarisation of European economies have large impacts on the spatial configuration of metropolises. A the intra-metropolitan scale, new configuration of centralities are emerging and consolidating, setting up new relationships between the inner city and new cores of service activities in out-of-core or suburban locations. This wave of change intensely challenge the traditional historically-asserted concentric shape of urbanisation in European metropolitan areas. The analyses of these spatial reconfigurations of metropolitan areas in Europe and the ways they challenge existing norms, frameworks and practices of urban planning and governance lies at the heart of Comet. In this part of the work, the focus is set on the identification of these spatial transformations in European metropolitan areas. Analysis results are basically elaborated from a comparison of the dynamics at play in the seven case studies brought together in the project. Such a comparative approach is relevant here in order to bring out, on the one hand, commonalities in trends of spatial change that may be valid beyond the seven Comet cases studies and, on the other hand, factors that influence the diversity of the processes in different urban contexts in Europe. This report is in two parts. In the first part, the seven Comet case studies are briefly contextualized within a panorama of European metropolises. Such an effort is a necessary background for possible subsequent generalization of results drawn out of these seven cities. Then, the second part is focused on the elaboration of the analysis results. In order to fulfil recommendations expressed by end- and governmental users during several project's meetings, the analysis has first been built upon the elaboration of synthetic, qualitative-innature and easy-to-compare cartographic pictures of the spatial patterns and evolutions of service activities in the seven case studies. The analysis has subsequently built on the comparison of these schematic maps in order to bring out relevant findings on the spatial processes that are currently reshaping European metropolitan areas. Finally, these findings are synthesised in order to fuel a reflection on how frameworks and practices of urban planning could possibly be adapted. 3 1. THE COMET CASE STUDIES IN THE EUROPEAN CONTEXT Contextualization of the seven Comet case studies has been achieved, on the one hand, with regard to the structure of the service sector in 43 major European cities and, on the other hand, with regard to the evolution of the global economic performances in 29 major European cities from the 1960s. The difference in the number of cities taken into account is due to different conditions of data availability. 1.1. Typology of service activities in European cities Methodology This typology has been built on the structure of the GDP of the service sector according to the categories of the SEC95 classification. Data are for year 2000. While the main focus is on the service sector, it has been found important to take also into account in the typology indications on the importance and nature of the industrial activities of each metropolitan area. To get an idea of the major contrasts in the composition of the service sector in the cities analysed, we submitted the data to a Principal Component Analysis. Regarding the results of this analysis we decided to classify the cities according to their specificities in the following sectors: Secondary, Financial services, Business and other services, public services and transport. Moreover, to get a better picture, we have grouped cities according to the importance of the capital intensive sectors (Energy, metallurgy, ore, chemistry, metallic and transport manufacturing). Gathering data First of all, we tried to harmonize as much as possible spatial entities. We have considered for each country of Europe to choose either NUTS2 or NUTS3 level. For cities where it was possible we tried to recompose a spatial area fitting as best as possible the limits of the cities according to the GEMACA report (e.g. the NUTS3 level breaking apart different parts of the cities). Hence, the spatial entities are as follow: Countries with NUTS2 level: Luxembourg, Belgium, Greece, Norway, Germany, Spain, Finland, Austria, Netherlands, Sweden & Portugal Countries with NUTS3 level: Denmark, UK, France, Ireland, Italy & Switzerland Recomposed entities: - London (Inner London, Outer London, Essex, Hertfordshire, Surrey, Thurrock) - Liverpool (Liverpool, East Merseyside, Halton and Warrington, Sefton, Wirral) 4 - Glasgow (Glasgow City, North Lanarkshire, Inverclyde, East Dunbartonshire, West Dunbartonshire, Renfrewshire, East Renfrewshire) - Manchester (Manchester South, Manchester North) - Copenhagen (Copenhagen, Copenhagen og Frederiksberg Kommuner) - Randstad Noord (Noord-Holland, Utrecht) Results All Comet case studies but Barcelona and Strasbourg have more than 80% of their GDP in the service sector and are therefore characterized by a largely tertiarised economic profile (table 1). Moreover, the peculiarity of Barcelona and Strasbourg has to be relativized since data here are for the whole region of Catalonia and the Bas-Rhin respectively. This feature mainly stresses the impacts of the de-industrialisation process that has affected most urban economies in Europe during the last decades. Within the service sector, a specificity in non-market public services is recurrent in Brussels, Berlin, Copenhagen and Strasbourg. In these cities, one quarter or more of the GDP in the service sector is produced by public services. This characteristic highlights the importance of pubic service provision at the national scale by capital cities and/or the provision of specific services by international public institutions (Brussels, Strasbourg). In addition, Vienna and Brussels show a specificity in financial services. However, this characteristic is mainly due to these cities' dominant position in their respective national context rather than to the presence of international financial service activities. The latter are much less developed in these two cities than in other European agglomerations ranked further up in hierarchies of world cities (e.g. London, Milan or Zurich). Finally, Copenhagen, Amsterdam and Barcelona show a common specificity in transport activities – a characteristic to be linked with their port functions. 5 table 1. Typology of service activities in European cities Poorly industrialized (a) Highly industrialized (b) Weakness of capital Capital intensive Weakness of capital Capital intensive intensive sectors sectors specificity intensive sectors sectors specificity (c) High financial specificity (e) Specificity in financial sector (e) & public services (f) Specificity in financial (e) & market services sectors (g) Specificity in market services sector (g) Luxembourg Stockholm Brussels Lisbon Other cities (c) (d) Z urich Milan London Paris Frankfurt Hamburg Dublin Berlin Specificity in market services (g) sectors & public services (f) Specificity in public services (f) (d) Vienna Madrid Athens Napoli Leeds Palermo Københavns Marseille Roma Randstad Z uid (Rotterdam) Strasbourg Antwerpen Hull Glasgow Manchester Randstad Noord (Amsterdam -Utrecht) Genova Barcelona Bologna Firenze Helsinki Oslo Bremen München Torino Düsseldorf Köln Lyon Birmingham Liverpool Newcastle Authors: Comet Brussels' team Notes Sectors of activity: (a) Mining, utilities & manufacturing producing less than 19 percent of the GDP (b) Mining, utilities & manufacturing producing more than 19 percent of the GDP (c) Energy, metallurgy, ore, chemistry, metallic & transport manufacturing sectors producing less than 74% of the industrial product (without construction) (d) Energy, metallurgy, ore, chemistry, metallic & transport manufacturing sectors producing more than 74% of the industrial product (without construction) (e) The financial sector produce more than 12% of the tertiary product (f ) The public sector produce more than 22% of the tertiary product (g) The Business and other services sectors produce more than 40% of the tertiary product Spatial entities: Barcelona = Catalonia, Strasbourg = Bas-Rhin, Marseille = Bouches-du-Rhône, München = Oberbayern, Frankfurt = Darmstadt, Randstad Zuid = Zuid-Holland, Zurich = North-East, Newcastle = Tyneside, Hull = City of Kingston upon Hull, Helsinki = Uusimaa (suuralue), Oslo = Oslo og Akerhaus, Lisboa = Lisboa e Vale do Tejo Underlined cities are the one where the transport sector produce more than 20% of the tertiary sector. They mainly are harbours. 6 Sources - GDP data for (a), (b), (e), (f), (g) and transport sector are from Eurostat, for year 2000 except for Switzerland (year 1995) and Italy where a disintegration from NUTS2 (based on year 2000) to NUTS3 (based on year 1995) has been made - GDP data for (d) and (d) are from eurostat 1995 except for UK and Greece (based on data of 1990) In essence, the sample of case studies brought together in Comet, though diversified, only shows a part of the diversity of European cities. Notably, there is no real first-order world city like London or Paris in the sample, nor cities with a heavy industrial past (e.g. Manchester). 7 1.2. Evolutions of the global economic performances of European cities Methodology and data Evolutions have been calculated on the GDP by inhabitants at NUTS2 or NUTS3 levels (source: OCDE 1960, 1973, 1982, 1990, Eurostat 1982, 1990, 2003). GDP by inhabitants have been expressed in purchasing power parities (ppp) and calculated relatively to the value for Europe – fixed at 100 – for each year (i.e. 1960, 1973, 1982, 1990 and 2003). Results Relative purchasing power parities for each time series for each city are ordered in table 2. Afterwards, table 3 displays the evolution of the relative purchasing power of each entity comparing to the evolution in the corresponding country (e.g. Belgium for Brussels, Germany for Berlin,…) and in the EU. Entities with constant relative purchasing power values are considered to evolve at a same rate than the EU. Therefore, they are in the column titled “€”. Entities that evolved better than EU are in columns tilted “+” and entities that evolved less are in the column titled “-”. The cities and countries are ordered, within the cells, by their evolution rate. 8 table 2. Purchasing Power Parities (ppp)*. Time series ppp1 203 1973 Hamburg Switzerland 177 Bremen 166 Stockholm 166 Kopenhagen 163 1960 Hamburg ppp1 188 1982 Hamburg ppp2 198 1990 Oslo og Akerhaus Paris 168 Oslo 167 Switzerland 157 Brussels 157 Paris Bremen 156 Bremen 153 Francfurt ppp2 183 ppp3 2003 Oslo og Akerhaus 199 Zurich 173 Hamburg 182 Luxembourg 186 Paris 170 Zurich 173 Hamburg 178 165 Paris 156 158 Vienna 155 154 Paris 158 Stockholm 150 Oslo 150 Vienna 150 Stockholm Düsseldorf 148 Düsseldorf 136 Francfurt 146 Brussels 149 München 154 Köln 146 Vienna 132 Vienna 146 Oslo 148 Brussels 152 London 140 West-Berlin 131 Switzerland 139 Bremen 148 Helsinki 148 Birmingham 138 München 131 München 137 München 146 Francfurt 147 München 137 Kopenhagen 131 West-Berlin 135 Milano 134 Zurich 146 Luxembourg 135 Francfurt 129 Milano 134 Helsinki 134 Norway + Oil 144 Oslo 132 Antwerpen 125 Düsseldorf 129 Switzerland 133 Bremen 140 Francfurt 131 Milano 125 Genova 128 Norway + Oil 127 Utrecht 135 Vienna 131 Rotterdam 124 Kopenhagen 127 Kopenhagen 126 Milano 135 Amsterdam 129 Luxembourg 122 Stockholm 126 Stockholm 125 London 125 Milano 129 London 122 Antwerpen 125 Luxembourg 124 Amsterdam 121 West-Berlin 129 Helsinki 120 Helsinki 124 Düsseldorf 124 Antwerpen 121 Genova 127 Genova 119 London 121 Düsseldorf 118 Germany – RDA 116 Rotterdam 125 Brussels 119 France 116 Antwerpen 121 Danmark 117 Germany - RDA 124 Amsterdam 118 Amsterdam 115 Amsterdam 118 Austria 113 Brussels 124 United Kingdom 122 Germany – RDA 116 London 113 Genova 116 Madrid 113 Sweden 115 Rotterdam 112 Roma 115 Rotterdam 111 Sweden Liverpool & Manchester Netherlands 121 Köln 113 Sweden 112 West-Berlin 114 Switzerland 111 118 France 113 Köln 112 Köln 114 Roma 110 116 Danmark 112 Luxembourg 111 France 111 Köln 109 Danmark 116 Netherlands 110 Danmark 107 Rotterdam 108 Genova 109 Helsinki 113 Utrecht 107 Austria 106 Sweden 107 Sweden 106 Utrecht 108 Belgium 106 Austria 106 Netherlands 106 Roma 107 United Kingdom 104 Liverpool & 104 Manchester Belgium 103 Roma 106 Danmark 106 Belgium 104 France 107 Netherlands 104 Belgium 104 Finland 104 Antwerpen 103 Barcelona 100 Italia 103 Finland 104 Germany 103 Belgium 97 Birmingham 99 Norway -Oil 101 Italia 102 France 102 Barcelona 101 Austria 95 Austria 98 Finland 100 Norway -Oil 101 Norway -Oil 91 Roma 98 Utrecht 100 Germany 100 Italia 87 Madrid 97 Netherlands 100 Italia 100 Finland 87 Finland 95 United Kingdom 100 Birmingham 98 Barcelona 85 Italia 93 Birmingham 97 Madrid 80 Norway -Oil Espana 58 Lisbon Portugal 38 Espana Greece 34 United Kingdom 96 Liverpool & 93 Manchester United Kingdom 101 Birmingham 88 86 Madrid 82 Madrid 95 Liverpool & Manchester Berlin 78 Barcelona 82 Utrecht 94 Lisbon 86 77 Espana 71 Barcelona 91 Athens 83 Portugal 55 Lisbon 70 Liverpool & Manchester 90 Espana 83 Greece 49 92 90 Athens 58 Lisbon 76 Greece 72 Portugal 53 Espana 76 Portugal 65 Greece 49 Portugal 56 Athens 50 Greece 47 *100 = Europe (15) - Açores, Madeira, Ceuta, DOM, RDA except Berlin (east and west) (1) OCDE (2) Eurostat & OCDE (3) Eurostat 9 table 3. Evolution of the relative purchasing power comparing to the evolution in the corresponding country and in the EU Evolution 1960-1973 (Belgium = B, Antwerpen = A, Brussels, Bxl) (Switzerland = CH, Zurich = Z) Evolution 1973-1982 € + Bxl AB CH - Evolution 1982-1990 € + - € AB Bxl Bxl AB CH Evolution 1990-2003 + - € + A B Bxl CH Z CH Z (Germany without RDA = RFA, Germany with ex-RDA = G, Berlin = Be (95-2003), West-Berlin = WB, K D H RFA Br M F WB Bremen = Br, Düsseldorf = D, Francfurt = F, Hamburg = H, Munchen = M, Köln = K) (Danmark = D, Kopenhagen = K) K D (Espana = E, Barcelona = B, Madrid = M) ( France = F, Paris = P) (Greece = G, Athens = A) (Italia = I, Genova = G, Roma = R, Milano = M) (Luxembourg = L) RG M D Br K RFA WB MHF WB H DK BME MF Be F Br D KHG DK BME PF F G G AG I GIMR G M D EBM FP L D Br K P EBM FP GA IM L R GR IM L L (Netherlands = N, Amsterdam = A, Rotterdam = R, Utrecht = U) ( Norway – Oil = N, Norway + Oil = No Oslo = O, Oslo og Akerhaus = Oa) AN N RUN A O O P L P St Sw St Sw B UK L L&M B L&M UK L (Austria = A, Vienna = V) VA (Portugal = P, Lisbon = L) (Finland = F , Helsinki= H) (Sweden = Sw, Stockholm = St) (United Kingdom = UK, Birmingham = B London = L, Liverpool & Manchester = L&M) RU HF H U RNA N ON AV AV RA Oa No V PL F F Sw H St L&M UK NU LB A LP F H Sw St L&M UK B L 10 Generally speaking, a basic contrast arises from the data when comparing the evolution of the economic performances of European cities in the 1960s and in the 1990s. During the first period (1960 – 1973), most metropolitan areas experienced a relative decrease of their GDP, both comparing to the European level and to their respective national level. This finding reflects spatial patterns of Fordist economic growth, with large-scale modern industrial premises developing in peripheral locations, notably in relation with needs for a large and cheap workforce. Concomitantly, the decline of traditional small-scaled industries has particularly affected inner cities since these activities where historically located in the core of the agglomerations. By contrast, an opposite statement has to be made for the last period (1990 – 2003), with most metropolitan areas experiencing a relative increase of their GDP, both comparing to the European level and to their respective national level. This opposite pattern mirrors postindustrial metropolisation trends, that is, an increasing concentration of fast-growing – mostly advanced service – activities in metropolitan areas, either in inner cities or in suburban spaces. Most cities analysed in the Comet project fit in this context, except Berlin. In the latter city, one has to take into account a very specific historical background given the process of reunification of the city following the fall of the wall. Figures of GDP for Berlin in 2003 stress that prospects of economic growth which where made by the early and mid-1990s were largely overestimated. For Amsterdam, Brussels, Barcelona and Vienna, economic growth occurred at a higher or similar rate than in their respective national context and at much higher levels. *** 11 2. SPACES OF TERTIARISATION : AN INVESTIGATION INTO THE SPATIAL DYNAMICS OF SERVICE ACTIVITIES IN EUROPEAN METROPOLITAN AREAS Analysis results have been elaborated here as the outcome of three consecutive steps. First, contemporary spatial patterns and dynamics of service activities have been described in the 7 Comet cities using a common framework for schematic representation. Second, a preliminary comparative assessment has been attempted on the basis of this material. Third, lessons from this assessment has motivate us to initiate the elaboration of a typology of metropolitan centralities. This research process and its results are presented below. 2.1. Spatial dynamics of service activities: the seven Comet case studies Following on recommendations made by the governmental- and end-users involved in the Comet project, schematic maps have been elaborated that depict in a basically qualitative way the processes of spatial restructuring currently at play. This effort has provided synthetic and easily comparable cartographic pictures of the main spatial dynamics of service activities in the seven case studies. Hence, the approach adopted here usefully complements the quantitative efforts developed elsewhere (see working package 5) since it directly take advantage of field knowledge, existing qualitative expertise and local specific data sources, therefore overcoming difficulties with collecting comparable data in 7 different national contexts. Each partner has drawn the schematic map of its own case study with reference to a common legend and has briefly commented it. These results are presented below. 2.1.1. Notes on method In order to allow fruitful comments with a real comparative dimension, it has be asked to each partner to refer to a common legend for the seven maps (fig.1). The basic layout of this common legend has been designed by the Brussels' team and further enriched by comments from the partners. It is composed of: I. Four flat colours: - orange to stress the main concentration of service activities (in varied sectors), possibly not corresponding with the most dynamic part of the city but where the largest stock of service jobs are concentrated; 12 - light yellow to point out zones were service activities are growing primarily in relation with middle-class households suburbanization (e.g. retail shops, health services, education facilities,…); - light grey to highlight old (de)industrialized zones, without important growth in service activities; - squared black lines to stress the zone(s) wherein highest problems of unemployment and social distress are met. II. Ellipses and arrows - ellipses to indicate the main areas where service activities are particularly growing (i.e. growth in the amount of jobs); - arrows to indicate the cases of growth fuelled (even partially but however significantly) by spatial re-localisation of activities from another part of the city – in contrast with zone of intrinsic growth, i.e. creation of new additional employment. These signs follow a colour code: blue for retail, green for wholesale trade, red for business services, magenta for finance and insurance, brown for transport and communication services, yellow for non-market services III. Limits and boundaries - relevant politico-administrative limits for spatial planning; - the four Comet zones; - main motorways. IV. Symbols - large-scale service-oriented development, i.e. large suburban office parks, urban redevelopment zones, with a distinction between existing schemes and projects not yet (fully) realized; - peak of land value for offices, i.e. the zone where office prices are the highest; - two lined zones to indicate the main retail centre and the main tourist area; - main airport(s); - railway station(s); - university(ies). Finally, major landmarks and/or natural barrier (e.g. river, mountain, forest, etc.) have been added to raise the readability of the map. 13 fig.1. Common legend for the schematic maps. 14 2.1.2. Results The seven schematic maps and corresponding individual comments are presented below. 1. Amsterdam (authors : Loek Kapoen) 2. Barcelona (authors : Jordi Vila, Jose-Luis Luzon) 3. Berlin (authors : Marie Bachmann, Anja Unkrig) 4. Brussels (authors : Mathieu Van Criekingen, Christophe Guisset, Christian Vandermotten) 5. Copenhagen (authors : Høgni Kalsø Hansen, Lars Winther) 6. Strasbourg (authors : Jörg Wendel) 7. Vienna (authors : Matthias Kranabether , Anita Poeckl , Kurt Mittringer , Andreas Hacker, Herbert Bork) 15 AMSTERDAM (map and comments by Loek Kapoen) During the 1970s the dynamics in the service sector in the Amsterdam region followed the suburbanisation to the north side of the city of Amsterdam and partly to the south side. Two main axis can be distinguished to the north side, one in the direction of Purmerend and Hoorn (north-east axe) and one in the direction of Zaanstad and Alkmaar (north-west axis). This development was related to a national policy of suburbanisation in so called growth cities. In the southern direction the development of the service sector concentrated near Amsterdam in Amstelveen. At the same time a new district of Amsterdam was build in the south east part, outside the historical city boundary. The service sector followed in the 1980s and 1990s, but is still under development. Especially the finance and insurance services (mainly headquarters) relocated from the inner city to the southern part of Amsterdam. A new large retail centre is recently built in the Amsterdam South-East district with a lot of leisure elements in it (Amsterdam Arena near the relocated stadium of the AJAX soccer team). This development followed the national spatial concept of ‘compact cities’. Although situated in the municipality of Haarlemmermeer the largest development of the service sector (mainly business services) occurred during the 1990s around the national airport Schiphol, near the south-west boundary of Amsterdam. One cannot say that there is relocation of services in this area; rather there is a clustering of services in the suburban belt. Also in the edge of the core city Amsterdam this clustering can be found around the highway ring. Where there was a great shortage of land suitable for new houses in the city of Amsterdam a whole new area is under development in the new province of Flevoland, consisting of new land. Almere, as the main city (Lelystad being the capital city) has to become the fifth city of the Netherlands. Due to a lack of employment a lot of commuters are daily travelling to Amsterdam and Haarlemmermeer. The Amsterdam-Almere corridor at the eastern side of Amsterdam will be of great importance in the near future. The inner city lost its position as main centre for different economic sectors, especially for business services finance and insurance and transport and communications services. The inner city is still of great importance as a centre for culture, shopping, leisure and specific small-scale business activities, like start-ups in graphic design and multimedia. Also education services are of great importance, while the University of Amsterdam is located in the inner city. The second university, called the Free University (with Christian background) is situated at the edge of second zone in the South of Amsterdam. The large-scale service-oriented development is situated in the so-called ‘South Axis’, which is not really an axis but rather a corridor alongside the road ring of Amsterdam. Here the highest prices are paid for a square meter floor space. Finally the map shows an industrialized zone form the west side of Amsterdam to the North Sea, related to sea port 16 function of Amsterdam and the iron and steel industry near the North Sea. An old industrial zone can be found north of Amsterdam (Zaanstad). fig. 2 authors: Loek Kapoen and Amsterdam Comet team 17 BARCELONA (map and comments by Jordi Vila, Jose-Luis Luzon) The map is designed to show the most significant processes of the dynamics of the service sector, which are modifying some of the economic activity location patterns. The former activity location patterns were very much related to industrial activity, land availability and historical and historical location preferences. A certain congestion of the city has forced planners in the last years to create new land devoted to host either industrial and service activities, or new residential areas, and to find a redefinition for the existing old activity areas. Two main axis of development can be recognised in the map. The Llobregat River Axis and the Besòs River Axis. The Llobregat axis is illustrated by the projects around the airport and the huge industrial site that follows the river. One of the main projects intended to transform this area is the Delta Plan. Mainly logistic, but also quaternary activities are proposed for this area. The Besòs Axis is highly representative for the dynamics of the service sector, with huge multipurpose projects such as the 22@, the Forum of Cultures 2004 and the new development around the new High-Speed Train station of La Sagrera. The zone indicated, according to the legend, as an old de-industrialised zone is the area known as Poblenou. This area used to be one of the largest industrial site of Catalonia until the crisis in the 1980’s when it began to loose industrial enterprises. This process led to use the old factories as warehouses and mainly logistic activities took over the place. After the Olympics, in 1992, Barcelona started recovering the seafront for service activities and also for housing and leisure activities. This renovation was planned to finish by the redefinition of Poblenou as a knowledge dense activity sector, according to an amendment of the Metropolitan Master Plan that has zoned it as 22@ district of activities, promoting a mixed use the sector. The culmination of the process is expected to start after the Forum of Cultures 2004 has transformed this area into a prestigious and appealing site for knowledge dense activities to settle and for new neighbours with higher incomes. On the other hand, suburbanization follows an own pattern and tends to locate on axis between the different cities that form the Metropolitan agglomeration of Barcelona. 18 fig. 3 authors: José Luis Luzon and Jordi Vila 19 BERLIN (map and comments by Marie Bachmann and Anja Unkrig) Due to the unification of Germany and the decision to make Berlin the capital an exceptional situation existed in Berlin since the beginning of the 1990ies. Radical changes began and both parts of the city - East and West Berlin – were affected by these changes. Until the fall of the Wall a suburbanisation out of Berlin-West was not possible (border) and a suburbanisation out of Berlin-East could not occur due to state control and communist housing policy. As Berlin has a huge urban area, a lot of development happened within the city limits (outer districts). The suburbanisation process comprises almost only the function “housing” and “retail” in the neighbouring federal state Brandenburg. The whole agglomeration is in a process of “delayed development” and adapts the infrastructure (upgrading routes of transport, telecommunication etc.) to that development. As a polycentic agglomeration Berlin has several centres: City West and City East are linked by the newly built centre Potsdamer Platz and the new Government Precinct. The main concentration of service activities is located in the Inner City where the peaks of land value for offices (City West Kurfürstendamm, Potsdamer Platz / Leipziger Platz, City Ost Friedrichstrasse / Gendarmenmarkt / Pariser Platz / Unter den Linden, Hackescher Markt) are. The main suburbanisation axes with overall growth of local household services and the old (de-)industrialized zones persist and extend along the railway line (S-Bahn). The main green spaces within the city of Berlin are forest areas in Grunewald, Spandau and Tegel and outside the city limits between the axes of settlement. The axes of settlement already ran traditionally and historically star-like to the hinterland. Most of the main areas of dynamics in the different services activities arose and expanded within the districts of the Inner City. Dynamic areas of business services are located in both Centres of the Inner City (West and East), at Potsdamer Platz, the Government Precinct, at urban neighbourhoods with young population in the East part of the city (waterfront development MediaSpree, Hackescher Markt, Prenz-lauer Berg etc.) and often in conjunction with technology centres (e.g. Adlershof, Buch). Outside the Inner City companies of the branches retail, non-market services (R&D!), wholesale trade as well as transport and communication services evolved. Near to the city limit of the urban area two major areas of R&D and business enterprises were developed: Adlershof (“City of Science, Technology and Media”) and Buch (Biomedical ResearchCampus). There are only a few major/significant relocations in the case of Berlin: Companies of the branches wholesale trade and transport & communication services shifted from outer areas within the urban area of Berlin towards suburbia. 20 As a result of the catch up of economical development a lot of large-scale service-orientated development happened in the agglomeration Berlin. Some of the large-scale serviceorientated development already exists (Potsdamer Platz, OberbaumCity, Adlershof and several technology centres) and some of the large-scale service-orientated development is project up to now (waterfront development MediaSpree, City-West Zoo-Fenster, new main railway stations Lehrter Bahnhof and Papestrasse, new airport Schönefeld). The main retail areas of Berlin are located in the City West (Kurfürstendamm, Wilmersdorferstr.), City Ost (Friedrichstr.) and some subcentres (Schlossstr., Karl-Marx-Str., Müllerstr., Historic Spandau). Also the main tourist areas are located in the City West (Memorial Church, KaDeWe) and the City Ost (Nikolai District, Unter den Linden, Friedrichstr., Checkpoint Charlie). Other main tourist areas are the quarter of the Museum Island and Hackescher Markt as well as Potsdamer Platz and Brandenburg Gate / Federal Chancellery. Outside from Berlin the regional capital Potsdam has to offer a lot of tourist areas (Old Town, Dutch Quarter, Sanssouci Palace). Main dynamics displayed on the schematic map are: - inside the Berlin city boundaries: - double-cored Inner City with the new linkage Potsdamer Platz - new Government Precinct in the middle of the Inner City - waterfront development (MediaSpree, Osthafen) - infrastructure changes at the edge of Inner City (new main railway stations, airport Tempelhof to be closed in near future) - in the outer districts several technology centres, two of the three main universities (Free University, parts of the Humboldt University), research establishments (Adlershof, Buch) - in the close periphery (i.e. outside the boundaries of the federal state Berlin): - regional capital Potsdam with university - research establishment (Golm) and several technology centres (Luckenwalde, Hennigsdorf, Potsdam) - new airport Berlin Brandenburg International ( Schönefeld) - regional distribution centres near to nationwide routes of transport in the West (Wustermark), the South (Großbeeren) and the East (Freienbrink) of Berlin 21 - in more distant suburbs: - almost none suburbanisation of service industry - retail development in the small and medium-sized towns (e.g. Nauen). Sources: Gemeinsame Landesplanung Berlin-Brandenburg (1998), Gemeinsam planen für Berlin und Brandenburg, Gemeinsame Landesplanung Berlin-Brandenburg (1998), Raumordnungsbericht 1998, Senatsverwaltung für Stadtentwicklung Berlin (1998), Flächennutzungsplan Berlin, Senatsverwaltung für Stadtentwicklung Berlin (1998), Dienstleistungsstandort Berlin, Senatsverwaltung für Stadtentwicklung Berlin (2000), Stadtentwicklungsplan Gewerbe, Senatsverwaltung für Stadtentwicklung Berlin (2001), Bürostandort Berlin, Senatsverwaltung für Stadtentwicklung Berlin (2004), Homepage („Große Projekte in Berlin“, „Entwicklungsgebiete“, „Bodenrichtwerte“, „Flächenmonitoring 1990-2000“, „Atlas zur Stadtentwicklung“, „Monitoring Soziale Stadtentwicklung 2000“) Senatsverwaltung für Wirtschaft und Technologie Berlin (2002), Wirtschafts- und Arbeitsmarktbericht Berlin 2002 22 fig. 4 24 BRUSSELS (map and comments by Mathieu Van Criekingen, Christophe Guisset and Christian Vandermotten) Since the 1980s, spatial decentralization has become a main evolution trend for service activities in the Brussels' metropolitan area. This trend has problematic impacts on the economy of the Brussels Capital Region since firms establishment and job creation most largely take place outside the Brussels' constricted politico-administrative boundaries (i.e. approximately corresponding to the Comet-delimited zone 2), in Flanders or in Wallonia. This highlights a situation of intra-metropolitan spatial competition between the Brussels' core city and the Walloon and Flemish suburbs, with each of the three regional authorities implementing projects to capture new service activities (e.g. ongoing developments in Tour & Taxis – see WP9). Decentralization is first noticeable in suburbanisation axis that are extending in radiating lines from the core city along main motorways. Dynamics in these axes are basically made of a global rise in household services activities (e.g. health, education, retail, leisure) that is going hand in hand with the continuation of middle-class suburbanization or even the ageing of earlier cohorts of suburbanized households (e.g. increasing demand for health services). The global decentralization pattern of service activities in Brussels is not much a matter of relocation of enterprises from the central city to the suburbs. Only the wholesale trade sector – most often resting on road logistics activities – displays such a pattern of net transfer from central to peripheral location, especially towards areas where large plots well connected to motorways and the ring road are available. Finance and insurance activities also display a relocation trend but on shorter distances inside the Brussels Capital Region, i.e. from the inner city to the city's Southern-Eastern upper-middle-class neighbourhoods (e.g. offices in prestigious buildings along large tree-lined avenues). Rather, the global spatial decentralization pattern in Brussels results in essence from the capture of large portions of the intrinsic growth in service activities in nearby-suburban areas to the detriment of the inner city. Generally – except for the wholesale trade and financeinsurance sectors, the total number of jobs is increasing in all four zones of the Brussels metropolitan area since the 1980s, but with higher rates in the suburban belt (zone 3) and/or the fringe (zone 4). In Brussels' suburbs, the Zaventem-airport area is particularly appealing in this respect for a wide range of firms in business services (e.g. accountancy, consultancy), transport and communication (e.g. ICT firms), high-technology industries – including headquarters and retail (e.g. large retail warehouses like IKEA). These firms take advantage of the development by private real-estate investors – often with public financial support – of brand- 25 new fully-equipped office parks in highly accessible locations (i.e. close to the airport and at the intersection of the motorways to Antwerp and to Liège with the Brussels' ring road). Significant developments are a few in more distant peripheral locations except for Leuven and Louvain-la-Neuve where developments are largely linked to the presence of universities (e.g. spin-offs) and for some development in pharmaceutics and biomedical industries in Walloon Brabant (not shown on the map). Nevertheless, Brussels' inner city remains indisputably the main concentration of service jobs in the whole metropolitan territory, but showing contrasted sector evolutions. Some sectors are clearly declining (i.e. by firms closure or relocation), traditional industries and wholesale trade in particular. The traditional retail sector is also loosing jobs in the central city – especially in western neighbourhoods – since it has to face both the decline of the purchasing power of the Brussels population and the increasing competition from large suburban outlet premises as well as from up-market centres which are developing in the core of little cities in Flemish or Walloon Brabant. Nevertheless, specialized shops and leisure activities are still growing in the main retail centre in the inner city (e.g. large department stores, trendy boutiques or restaurants) as well as local ethnic shops in several central neighbourhoods. However, most service jobs in the Brussels Capital Region are in non-market sector. This sector is generally stable (e.g. European, national and regional administrations, health services) but with strategic multiplying effects on the business service sector, especially specialized firms whose activity is linked to the proximity of the EU institutions (e.g. international law firms, non-governmental organisations, representation offices). Finally, the map highlights the quasi absence of any significant growth dynamic in service activities in the old de-industrialized axis of the Senne Valley – except for a large retail area at the south-western edge of the Brussels Capital Region which is mainly used by commuters. Issues of unemployment, social distress and environmental decay are particularly severe in the central part of this axis, within the Brussels Capital Region. 26 fig.5. 27 COPENHAGEN (map and comments by Høgni Kalsø Hansenn and Lars Winther) The dynamics of the service sector is illustrated on the schematic map. There is an overwhelming concentration of service activities in zone 1 and 2 including the main retail and tourist areas of the city. In zone 3, as the map reveals, there are several specialized concentrations of service activities. In the northern axes of Copenhagen business services, retail and wholesale centres are located. In the two western axis of suburbanization finance and insurance concentrate as a result of relocation of activities in the 1980s from zone 1 together with retail and wholesale in the south-western axis. Transportation and communication services are located closer to the city centre with a concentration towards the southern axis of the city. Thus, a specialization between the main axes of Copenhagen can be observed. Two important facts can be observed. First of all, there is stability in the main concentrations of service activities due to there size in the past decades. Second, this stability eclipses the fact that there are important patterns of growth and decline. For instance the high growth rates of business services in zone 3 and 4 in the 1980s; the decline of non-market services in zone 1 in the 1980s and the growth in zone 4 in the 1990s; and the decline of transport and communication services in zone 1 and 2 in 1980s. 28 fig. 6 Copenhagen Schematic map of the main dynamics in the service sector Zone 1 Zone 3 Zone 2 Zone 4 Høgni Kalsø Hansen & Lars Winther 29 STRASBOURG (map and comments by Jörg Wendel) Basically it is to note that, due to Strasburg shows a clear decentralized structure however on a small scale it was very difficult to generalize and schematise the economic and settlement structures of Strasbourg. Most dynamics are observable within the perimeter of the Communauté urbaine de Strasbourg (CUS) and even within the city limits of Strasbourg itself. Therefore the most projects and “main areas of dynamics” are situated within a small perimeter and thus the map looks probably a little overloaded. To keep the map comparable to the maps of the other COMET study areas the fringe has been integrated, even if it is of small relevance for this investigation. Actually nearly the entire zone 3 and large parts of the fringe are suburbanized. But in evidence there are four main corridors of sub-urbanization. The southern oriented one, including Illkirch-Graffenstaden follows the toll free highway coming from Basel and Mulhouse. This corridor is elongated in northern direction, still following the highway. The third one is oriented to Obernai and western directions. Here Entzheim as a emerging growth pole and the international airport are located. The last one towards Offenburg as the German counterpart of Strasbourg is yet not strongly developed, however it will get ever more important. One of the delimiting factors for the delimiting factors of suburbanization are the floodplains, at the same time they are important green belts, offering pleasant working and living conditions, especially for high qualified employees. There are two main old (de)industrialized zones at Strasbourg. The first one at the western city limits of Strasbourg. Here, traditionally the breweries are located. The second and more important is the harbour zone. Here also newer industries like General Motors are located. Therefore also some kind of re-industrialization is observable. As Strasbourg is characterized by a multitude of small-scaled spaces also the areas of unemployment and social problems are scattered all over Strasbourg and the CUS. It is of note, that the most of these areas are concentrated in the rim immediately adjacent to the city limits. The comet zone-1 is still the main concentration area of service activities. This zone is not yet characterized by slow growth and overall stagnation. Some of the most dynamic areas (e.g. the European Quarter) are located in zone-1. It is of interest, that due to the small scale of Strasbourg and due to the high density of historic sites the main tourist centre covers nearly the whole zone-1. The main retail centre overlaps nearly complete with the tourist centre. The universities are spread all over Strasbourg and the CUS. Their traditionally locations are at the edge of the city centre. However, nearly two decades ago new institutes, technical colleges and research institutes have been established at the new campuses at Schiltigheim and Illkirch-Graffenstaden. The main station of Strasbourg is not yet a high 30 speed train station. But the TGV will stop definitely in 2006 at a new station relatively close to the old one. Therefore there are several new projects planned for the zone between this two stations. There is already a certain dynamic in the service-sector observable. At present Offenburg is the only high-speed train station (ICE) within the region. The former military airport at Entzheim is now an emerging freight and passengers airport, serving destinations all over Europe, due to the EC function of Strasbourg. Within the Strasbourg city limits the most dynamic areas are the “Quartier Gare”, the “Les Halles” and the so called “European axis” crossing Strasbourg from north to south (“Quartier Européenne” and the planned “Passages de l'Etoile”, “Hôpital Civil”, “Plain des Bouchers” etc.).The most dynamic areas outside of Strasbourg are the Parc d’Innvoation d’IllkirchGraffenstaden (case study area at WP9) in the south, the Àeroparc at Entzheim, and the Espace Européen de l'Entreprise at Schiltigheim. In consideration of the extraordinary dynamic at Illkirch-Graffenstaden on the German side of the agglomeration a technologypark with good connexion to the Parc d’Innovation is planned. Relocation of business activity is not observable for all businesses and does not point out significant trends. As already mentioned above, there is a planned relocation of non-market services and related business services, in consequence of the new campuses at IllkirchGraffenstaden and Schiltigheim observable. Alike there are relocations to Entzheim (Airport) and insignificant relocations of most business branches to the medium-sized business-parks which are nearly evenly distributed al over the Strasbourg and the CUS. 31 fig.7. author: Jörg Wendel 32 VIENNA (map and comments by Kranabether Matthias, Poeckl Anita, Mittringer Kurt, Hacker Andreas, Bork Herbert) - Retail: The most dramatic activity in this sector has been taking place over the last three decades: Retail activity has been re-locating from the inner city districts towards the northeast edge of the city (e. g. Flugfeld Aspern) and especially into the suburbanisation axis just south of the city. This re-localisation is shown on the map by the blue arrows leading out from the inner parts of the city. Also very significant are the efforts made by city planners to create new urban retail activities and avoid the loss of consumers who shop in the core city. An example of these efforts is the revitalisation of the Wiener Gasometer. In this context, the proximity of research centres or universities to each other in Vienna should lead to the growth of a young and urban oriented class of consumers. A negative development of activities can be observed in smaller, less important shopping streets. - Wholesale trade: Wholesale trade businesses are mostly situated in the south and southeast areas of the core city. Re-location trends in this branch are hardly noticeable. Rather than moving, nearly all existing units seem to be growing in the original established locations. - Business services: In Vienna, business service enterprises are located in particular districts of the core city, such as, for example, the 18th or the 19th district and not only in the inner city. Also higher-standard suburban locations are possible. There is no sign of major spatial re-localisation in this sector. - Finance and insurance: Most enterprises are located in the inner city or near the inner city and tend to expand their activities without re-locating to another area of the city. The most finance and insurance businesses are located outside the inner city in office districts such as, for example, the Wienerberg-City in the 10th district. - Transport and communication: Since the fall of the Iron Curtain, this branch has been growing very fast. All existing businesses and facilities tend to be located in the southern part of Vienna near major expressway interchange points that are ideal for quick access to other regions of Austria and neighbouring countries in the East. An example of enterprises in this branch that are expanding include the multi-facility Port of Vienna on the Danube River, the Vienna International Airport at Schwechat and freight logistic forwarders in the southern suburban area. - Non-marketing services: There is not much recent activity in this branch, included all U.N. departments that are located in Vienna. The removal of the regional government of Lower Austria from Vienna to St. Poelten (visualised with the yellow arrow) already took place in the 1980s. 33 fig.8 Authors: Kranabether M., Poeckl A., Mittringer K., Hacker A., Bork H. 34 2.2. Spatial dynamics of service activities: lessons from a preliminary comparative assessment A series of statements have been taken out from the comparison of the above-presented schematic representations. Since this material is basically qualitative in nature, the statements taken out of the comparative analysis of the latter are basically qualitative ones as well. Actually, they have been critically discussed by the partners as hypotheses to be validated. These comments have subsequently led to new developments structured around the building up of a typology of metropolitan centralities (see 2.3.). In column 1, the table 4 shows the statements brought out of the comparative assessment of the schematic maps. In column 2 to 8, the validity of each of these statement is evaluated in a rough binary fashion ("yes"/"no") for each city involved in Comet. This compilation has been collectively elaborated with regard to each partner's expertise of their own agglomeration. Berlin Brussels Copenhagen Strasbourg Vienna #1. Decentralization has become a main evolution trend for tertiary activities since the 1980s even if the inner city remains the main concentration of service activities in the metropolitan area. Y N Y Y N Y #2. Decentralization of service activities is primarily a matter of suburban zones capturing the largest portions of the intrinsic growth in service activities over the whole metropolitan area rather than a matter of relocation of existing enterprises from the central city towards the suburbs. This implies a model wherein service jobs are increasing in the whole metropolitan area but at higher rates in the suburbs than in the central city. Y N Y Y Y Y Amsterdam Barcelona Table 4. (coding: Y for yes, N for no, empty cell for unclear situations) #3. The areas that are most appealing for service growth are in nearby suburbs (i.e. in locations immediately adjacent to the core city limits) rather than in more distant ones. N Y N Y Y Y Y #4a. The areas that are most appealing for service growth are in zones wellconnected to major road infrastructures and an international airport. Y Y Y Y Y N Y #4b. Connection to railways nodes is less influential in this respect. Y Y N Y N Y Y #5. The general spatial pattern of service sector development in the metropolitan area is a fragmented / concentrated one, i.e. service activities develop and concentrate on particular spots rather than spreading homogeneously in the whole metropolitan space. Hence, a 3-(or 4-)zones concentric model of the metropolitan area only very partially grasps such spatial pattern of development. Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y N N Y Y N #6. When transfer of activities from the central city towards the suburbs occurs, it is primarily the result of public-planned relocation schemes rather than purely market-led developments. 35 #7. The fact that the peak of land value for office spaces remains in central locations demonstrates the absence of a pattern of general decline of service activities in the central city in parallel to the rise of new suburban locations for service activities. Such a pattern of transfer of the peak of land value for office N space out of the traditional inner city has been observed in several US cities, with suburban areas turning into "edge cities" where land values became higher than the ones in the traditional inner city. In sum, the "edge city" model appears to be irrelevant for European metropolitan areas. Y Y #8a. Most of the decentralization in the service sector is linked to the ongoing development of residential suburbanisation since the latter goes hand in hand with a global rise in household services activities (e.g. health, education, retail, leisure). N Y N #8b. The pattern of development in household services activities take place along corridors. N Y Y Y Y N Y #9a. Significant growth dynamics in service activities are generally absent in old (de)industrial(ized) axes or zones where serious problems of unemployment are faced N Y Y Y N N #9b. When developments occur in these axes or zones, they are most often planned large-scale schemes designed to turn these areas into appealing sites for new knowledge-dense activities and/or for middle- to high-income households and customers. Y Y N Y Y Y Y Y Y #10a. The largest share of the general growth in business service activities is captured by suburban areas rather than by the inner city. N N N Y Y Y Y #10b.Developments of business service activities outside the inner city are most often in conjunction with the implementation of large-scale projects (e.g. large fully-equipped suburban office parks). N Y Y Y Y Y Y #11a. The retail sector is growing fast in out-of-core or suburban locations as large outlet premises are multiplying along main road axis N Y Y Y Y N Y #11b. This development set strong pressure on traditional retail business in the core city. This does not mean, however, the demise of retail in the inner city since concomitant development of specialized shops (e.g. trendy boutiques), leisure activities and/or ethnic shops (e.g. phone shops) is occurring concomitantly in central neighbourhoods. Y Y Y Y Y Y #12. Patterns of relocation towards the suburbs are most apparent for wholesale trade and transport activities. Since these sectors are now closely linked to road and air logistics activities and infrastructures, areas well connected to the main motorways and airports are most appealing for these activities. Y Y Y Y Y Y Y #13. Finance and insurance activities display some relocation trends towards suburban areas : while strategic decisional functions remain in the inner city, back offices functions are developing in the suburbs. Y Y Y N Y Y Y #14a. National and regional non-market public services (i.e. administrations) show little – if any – growth dynamic and remain largely concentrated in the inner city. Y Y Y Y Y Y Y Y N Y N Y #14b. International non-market public services show strong growth rates and has large influence on dynamics in the service sector. #15a. Development in R&D activities are more linked to the activities of transnational companies than to spin-off effects from universities. Y Y N Y Y Y Y #15b. R&D activities are most developing close to university campuses. N Y Y Y N N Y #16a. Service firms looking for prestigious locations mainly remain in the historic inner city. N Y Y N Y Y #16b. Outside of the historic inner city, these firms favour traditionally wealthy residential areas rather than newly-created office spots. N Y Y Y N Authors: collective elaboration by the Comet partners 36 Actually, nearly none of the initial statements has been found to be completely verified in all the seven cases studies. Main sources of divergences between cities lies in different urban historic background (e.g. the impacts of the fall of the wall in Berlin), economic bases (e.g. harbour cities, capital cities,…), politico-institutional structures (e.g. bi-national metropolis like Strasbourg, metropolises of Federal States like Brussels and Berlin), the inherited spatial structure (e.g. poly-centric vs. mono-centric urban structures) or the size of the metropolitan areas. Moreover, comparison of spatial patterns of service activities based on the 3-zones model (inner city / rest of core city / suburban area) has been found problematic since similar type of space were sometimes located in different zones in different cities (e.g. 19th-century extensions of the historic inner city are in zone 1 in Brussels while such spaces may be located in zone 2 in other cities). Nevertheless, debates on these preliminary statements have made a very clear point about ongoing processes of spatial change under conditions of tertiarisation, that is, metropolitan areas are basically moving towards a fragmented / concentrated spatial pattern of service activities. In other words, the pre-eminence of the traditional urban core as far as the localization of economic activities is concerned is increasingly called into question since new poles – of various types and sizes – are developing in different parts of the metropolitan area, from central to peripheral ones. Simple concentric models of metropolitan organization which basically suppose a spreading of activities from a single original core are no longer practicable to understand these new developments – while they may well remain valid to understand structures inherited from earlier phases of urban development. This was the message of statement #5 – actually the only one out of the 16 statements all teams agreed with. This finding calls for further developments and investigations. 37 2.3. Spatial dynamics of service activities: towards a typology of metropolitan centralities 2.3.1. Concept Building upon the above-mentioned outcome of a first comparative assessment of the seven case studies in Comet, it may be suggested that a basic trend of spatial change seems currently at play within European through which the pre-eminence of traditional inner cities as prime location for economic growth is increasingly called into question by the emergence of new poles in different parts of the metropolitan area . In other words, the traditional spatial configuration of European metropolises, historically characterised by concentrated, often mono-centric urban patterns seems progressively moving towards poly-centric or polynuclear models (e.g. Ascher, 1995; Hall, 1997; Kloosterman and Musterd, 2001). On a theoretical level, this general scenario could be referred to as the materialization of a "new division of labour" at the metropolitan scale through which different tasks (i.e. conception, decision, manufacturing, consumption, etc.) are accomplished by different specialized protagonists (i.e. firms, institutions, etc.) in different specialized parts of the metropolitan space, taking advantage of different local conditions of agglomeration economies. At the background of the trend towards poly-centrism lies the assumption that modern service activities highly value strategies of clustering within metropolitan areas in order to compose spatial structure characterised by high level of concentration and functional specialisation. As such, evolutions noted at the metropolitan scale parallel trends of spatial restructuring at the global scale under contemporary conditions of economic globalization, i.e. new division of labour, metropolisation and the importance of agglomeration economies that play in favour of world cities (e.g. Castells, 1989; Sassen, 1991; Illeris, 1996; Veltz 1996). On these bases, we make here the hypothesis that a new grid of specialized (sub-)centres (i.e. poles, axes, zones, etc.) is emerging within metropolitan areas, thus moving metropolitan configurations towards various poly-centric or poly-nucleated configurations. This statement has been echoed elsewhere in Comet, notably in the enquiry of enterprises (WP6 – cf. WP8-part1) through the general lack of correspondences between the "ideological spaces" expressed by the firms and their real geographical locations at the intra-metropolitan scale in one of the three concentric zones defined for this project (inner city / rest of core / suburban belt). Such a finding is all but a surprise in poly-centric metropolitan configurations. 38 The challenge is now to concretely detail and enrich this hypothesis: which are the relevant types of centralities (i.e. sub-centres) currently developing in European metropolitan areas? Do the same combinations of activities develop in the same types of spaces? Inversely, do the same types of spaces host the same type of combinations of activities? What is the possible influence of urban planning on this development? etc. Answers to these questions are initiated here regarding both the types of activities and the types of spaces concerned in the 7 case studies in Comet. Concretely, a typology of metropolitan centralities has been built up on the basis of a comparative analysis of these cities. By "metropolitan centrality", we actually mean a specific mix of (service) activities in a specific type of space. 2.3.2. Notes on method The typology of metropolitan centralities has been built through a straightforward and pragmatic approach, in continuation with the basically qualitative work already done on the schematic maps. Concretely the partners have completed a list of metropolitan sub-centres for their own case study. It has been basically asked to each partner to compose a table mentioning the relevant centralities in their respective metropolitan areas, i.e. each of the major spatial zones that host a specific mix of (service) activities. Moreover, for each of these centralities, it has been asked to point out the following characteristics: - what is their general dynamic (in terms of job growth or increase in the number of enterprises)? - are they significantly developing because of transfer of firms from elsewhere in the agglomeration (e.g. from the core to the suburbs) alongside intrinsic growth through creation of new enterprises? - what is their importance as far as the competitive position of the whole metropolitan area in the trans-national inter-urban competition is concerned? - are they for a large part the outcome of a large-scale strategically planned serviceoriented project, i.e. flagship development? (e.g. Guggenheim in Bilbao) - are they developing with the contribution of other – less spectacular but still pro-active – forms of public intervention (e.g. granting of financial advantages for specific firms, granting of facilities to gain permits for selected firms, targeted investments in site equipment) - what is the level of real-estate prices relatively to prices in the whole agglomeration (e.g. highest / high / medium / low)? 39 - what is their approximate size according to the total amount of jobs? global dynamic significant transfer? relevance for urban competitiveness? flagship development? other public intervention? level of real-estate prices size (estimated number of jobs) Hence, the headers of the table requested for each case study were as follow: … … … … … … … metropolitan centralities / sub-centres mix of activities type of space … … Previous results gathered in the Comet project were used by the partners to fill in this common table, i.e. reflections on the schematic maps and the initial statements of WP8, analysis of the WP5 maps, results of the enquiry of enterprises (i.e. analyses and expert interviews in WP6, subsequent development in WP8 - part1), some elements gathered in the analysis of the milieu of planning (WP4) and, of course, the partner's own expertise of their metropolitan environment. Hence, an effort of compilation and synthesis took place here. 2.3.3. Results From the compilation of the seven individual tables (see annex 1 to 7), a synthetic typology of metropolitan centralities has been built up. This synthesis is presented in table 5 and subsequently commented below. Each individual row of the synthesis table indicates a type of centrality. Poly-centric metropolitan configurations are made of the various possible combinations of such centralities at the metropolitan scale. Seven recurrent centralities have been brought out of the analysis. They are detailed below. 40 a political centrality political institutions and administrations; related specialized market (e.g. lawyers, consultants) and non-market (e.g. lobbies, NGOs, embassies) services finance, insurance and real-estate; HQs of large firms; advanced traditional business b business services (e.g. accountancy, centrality management consultancy, labour recruitment) new business c centrality advanced business services (e.g. information technologies, telecommunications, engineering); new media; possibly back offices "government district" in the inner city (with possible distinction between seat of national/regional institutions and seat of international ones), with high connection to public transport net stagnation or slight growth if national or regional bodies no stronger growth if supranational bodies none for regional/ national bodies; no1 high if supranational bodies inner city CBD and 19th- or early-20th prestigious extensions of the inner city (slight) growth case-dependent no no new very modern city centres in the inner city case(Berlin) or at the edge of the core city (strong) growth depende high (Amsterdam) nt modern office parks at the edge of the core city with high-level internal and external connections redeveloped former industrial areas in the inner city (e.g. waterfront) 1 strong growth high to highest national or regional : all but Amsterdam; supra-national: especially Brussels, Vienna and Strasbourg to a lesser extent all high to highest yes found in Comet cities? level of real-estate prices large flagship development? TYPE OF SPACE relevance for urban competitiveness? MIX OF ACTIVITIES global dynamic CENTRALITY significant transfer? SYNTHESIS TABLE (beginning) Table 5 Amsterdam (Zuidas), Berlin (Potsdamer Platz) no (except for back offices) high Amsterdam (Teleport), caseBrussels (Zaventem low to depe area), Strasbourg medium ndent (innovation park), Vienna no yes medium Barcelona, Berlin, to high Copenhagen possible exceptions for supra-national bodies 41 d culture and retail centrality culture; entertainment; retail; urban historic inner city (with some possible tourism, with a specificity in high-end decentralized spots) segments core city (main and secondary centres) e mass consumption centrality stagnation or slight growth mass retail and entertainment traffic junction in the suburbs education and f knowledge centrality (slight) growth no caseno dependent no few (decentralization) none growth historic locations of universities in the core stagnation or city (often weak links between education and slight growth private R&D) casedependent higher education; R&D activities g Logistics centrality transport; logistics; wholesale trade activities International h airport centrality transport; HQ of large firms; specialized business services (e.g. congress centres) spot alongside a large international airport growth growth found in Comet cities? level of real-estate prices high all medium all to high casedepe low ndent all but Amsterdam no all low new out-of-core planned innovation / science strong growth parks (stronger links) suburban spots along motorways, especially at major road junctions, and diverse additional spots with a specific link to a major traffic infrastructure (e.g. airport, harbour) large flagship development? TYPE OF SPACE relevance for urban competitiveness? MIX OF ACTIVITIES global dynamic CENTRALITY significant transfer? SYNTHESIS TABLE (continuation) yes medium Berlin (Aldershof), Strasbourg (Illkirch), Vienna (Tech Gate), Brussels (LLN) often yes low, (decentraliza except for no tion) port cities low to all (but specificity of medium port cities) no Amsterdam (Schipol), Brussels medium (Zaventem) to a lesser extent high no authors: Mathieu Van Criekingen and Christophe Guisset, Comet Brussels team 42 a). Political centrality A first recurrent type of centrality to emerge from the compilation of the 7 case studies is a political one. All cities involved in Comet but Amsterdam have a strong historically-asserted role as seat of government, either as national or regional capital city (Berlin, Barcelona, Brussels, Vienna, Copenhagen) and/or as supra-national political centre (Brussels, Strasbourg, Vienna and, to a lesser extent, Berlin). Although Amsterdam is the capital city of the Netherlands, it is neither the seat of the Dutch government, nor the capital city of the Province North-Holland. Public administration activities are thus almost exclusively related to governing Amsterdam and they are not clustered but rather decentralised in about 10 district councils, each with their own "city" hall and administration. The political centrality clearly favours inner-city locations, classically composing "government districts" in the inner city. Although largely a product of history, this geography is linked nowadays to the benefits offered by a dense net of urban public transport facilities for a largely sedentary workforce in administrative functions. Moreover, agglomeration economies in central locations are of crucial importance for specialized protagonists dealing with flows of strategic politics-related information (e.g. lobbies, NGOs, international law or consultancy firms) for whom advantages of the direct proximity (i.e. extended opportunities for face-toface contacts) of influent public institutions is of major importance. These protagonists compose then tightly-knit highly-specialized clusters of activities (e.g. in and around the EU district in Brussels). Evidence of such clusters are particularly relevant regarding supranational political power and institutions. In this respect, when such institutions are located in the city alongside national or regional bodies, this goes often with the juxtaposition of two distinct government and spatially-separated districts (e.g. in Brussels, Vienna, Strasbourg or Luxembourg). As far as the global dynamic and the relevance for urban competitiveness of this type of centrality are concerned, one has also to distinguish between regional and national capital cities, on the one hand, and supra-national political centres, on the other hand. Political centrality in the latter are of high importance in linking cities in trans-national urban networks, i.e. asserting urban competitiveness, and experience much stronger growth dynamic, largely in relation with ongoing European political integration. b). Traditional business centrality This centrality is based on long-established business functions of large metropolises, most notably banking and insurance, corporate headquarters and a wide range of business 43 services (e.g. accountancy, law, management consultancy, labour recruitment). Since these functions experience in a new growth phase within the contemporary context of flexibilisation and globalisation, traditional business centralities are growing in most cities. They typically compose the cornerstone of central business districts in inner cities and 19th- or early-20th century extensions of the latter. Nevertheless, some cities have engaged in projects of new city centre development in order to accommodate these functions. In the sample of cities in Comet, this is the case in Amsterdam (i.e. the Zuidas scheme and, to a lesser extent, the Arena one) and in Berlin (i.e. the Potsdamer Platz scheme most notably). In both cases, new-city-centre development is the result of large-scale commercial flagship backed with large public inputs in transport infrastructures and urban amenities. In Amsterdam, this development reflects the current advance of the city as a first-order business-oriented world city in Europe. In this respect, comparing with the other cities in Comet, Amsterdam is usually ranked higher in trans-national urban hierarchies. Hence, the relevance of its business centrality as a gateway into trans-national urban networks is more firmly asserted. In Berlin, very specific historic conditions lie behind the development of a new city centre around Potsdamer Platz, that is, the availability of huge pieces of land right in the inner city as a consequence of the fall of the wall and quite over-evaluated perspective for urban economic growth following the downfall of the iron curtain. c. New business centrality Besides traditional business functions, new businesses are developing in metropolitan areas as a result of the rise of knowledge-intensive activities and technological progresses, i.e. informatics, telecommunication, new media, etc. Here, the comparison of the cities in Comet brings to the fore that such a new business centrality is developing in two different types of spaces within metropolitan areas. In some cities, the new business centrality is mostly expanding at the edge of the core city through modern office parks development (e.g. the Teleport / Sloterdijk project in Amsterdam, the Zaventem area in Brussels, innovation parks in Strasbourg) while in other cities the development of this centrality takes place to a large extent in redeveloped former-industrial areas in the core city (e.g. the 22@ district in Barcelona, the river Spree waterfront and the breweries area in Berlin, the harbourfront area in Copenhagen). The pattern in this respect is more confused in Vienna, showing multiple concentrations in different locations throughout. This distinction appears to be largely linked to differences in planning strategies from one city to another. On the one hand, some cities have deliberately engaged in comprehensive 44 strategies of redevelopment of central former-industrial or waterfront areas. Barcelona is a case in point in this respect. On the other hand are the cities which do not – or (still) with little success (e.g. Brussels, Amsterdam). In both types of spaces, crucial location factors for new business activities are low to moderate real-estate prices and possibility for business extension in relation with the growth of the companies. Moreover, firms located in out-of-core modern office parks widely favour conditions of extensive internal (i.e. with the rest of the metropolis) and external (i.e. with other metropolises) accessibility. Those conditions make these places very functional ones and are appealing for other activities as well, notably labour-intensive office functions (e.g. back offices, call centres). On the other hand, new-business firms located in redeveloped central areas seem more prone to value the image of their – creative – business as expressed through the built environment they are operating in (e.g. a recycled heritage building) (see WP6 results). d. Culture and retail centrality Metropolises in Europe are long-established centres of cultural activities and retail. Within metropolitan spaces, this centrality is traditionally located in central and historic districts (e.g. location of theatres, cinemas, shops, tourist facilities, etc.). However, culture, entertainment, retail and tourism are at present-day also developing fast in de-centralized locations (see next point), but still the specificity of the inner city in high-end culture and retail segments remains. The relevance of this centrality for urban competitiveness is case-dependent since it largely depends on the position of the city in trans-national networks of tourist flows. Hence, amongst Comet cities, this centrality is much more relevant as far as urban competitiveness is concerned in Barcelona or Amsterdam than in Brussels or Copenhagen. e. Mass consumption centrality The rise of the mass consumption centrality is basically associated with the development of large suburban retail and entertainment outlet premises structured around car-based facilities (e.g. retail warehouses, shopping malls, cine-complex). This development sets strong pressure on traditional mass retail function in the core city, especially in secondary subcentres of the agglomeration. This results in some trends of relocation towards new carbased premises in the outskirts. 45 Once more, a distinction has to be made here in relation with urban planning frameworks, that is, between cities wherein these suburban development are basically led by private initiatives (e.g. Brussels) and those wherein development of large suburban outlet premises has been efficiently regulated and controlled (e.g. Amsterdam, Barcelona) and/or integrated as part of large flagship development strategies (e.g. Ørestad in Copenhagen, Arena in Amsterdam). f. Education and knowledge centrality Large universities are historically anchored in urban environment, especially in central districts. Now, the link between historic locations of universities and centres of knowledgebased activities is largely questioned since R&D activities are increasingly privatised, that is, developed internally by trans-national companies. But some cities have also engaged purposely in the planning of new infrastructure designed to link high education and R&D activities. These projects rest then upon the relocation of large education facilities from the core city towards out-of-core spots (e.g. innovation parks in Strasbourg, Aldershof in Berlin, Tech Gate in Vienna). The case of Louvain-la-Neuve is very peculiar since the university and its related business park is the core of a new town built up by the late 1960s in order to host the French-speaking university following the separation of the latter from the Dutch-speaking one in Leuven. g. Logistics centrality Another important centrality brought to the fore by the analysis of the seven case studies in Comet is based on transport, logistics and wholesale activities. This centrality displays a clear link with traffic infrastructures, either at major motorways intersections or in diverse spots specifically linked to a major traffic infrastructure (e.g. airport, harbour). The importance of this centrality for urban competitiveness is case-dependent. It is particularly high in large port cities (Barcelona and Copenhagen in our sample) or in cities with a hub function (e.g. Amsterdam for flowers trade). h. International airport centrality Amongst the Comet-cities, Amsterdam displays a peculiar type of centrality that seems much less important in the other agglomerations. Since Schipol is nowadays one of the largest 46 airport in Western Europe – notably thanks to large public investment for its development, specific business activities are anchored by it, much beyond classic airport-related activities (e.g. transport and logistics), that is, headquarters of large transnational companies and specialized activities servicing an highly mobile trans-national business elite (e.g. large congress centres, business hostels). The clustering of these activities around a major airport enable these transnational business elite to make use of the local urban space in a very "functional" way (e.g. arrival by plane, business meeting in a congress centre or in corporate headquarters, possible overnight stay in an international chain hotel near the airport, departure by plane). Public intervention regarding this type of centrality is in the expansion of the airport capacity (e.g. new runways, extended terminals) and its linkage to the core city. * The centralities identified here are of various importance as far as the competitive position of the whole agglomeration area within the inter-urban competition is concerned. In this respect, the new business centrality is a major gateway into transnational urban networks for most cities since contemporary advanced business services are operating at the global scale. Hence, cities are linked together within transnational urban networks through connections between similar centralities in different metropolises. On the opposite, centralities centred upon mass consumption and education and knowledge appear to be of minor importance throughout the Comet cities as far as the connectivity in world city network is concerned. For the rest, the degree to which centralities have a specific capacity for bringing the metropolis into world cities networks is case-dependent. This capacity is notably high for political centrality in supra-national political centres (e.g. Brussels, Strasbourg, Vienna), for traditional business centrality in first-order business-oriented world city (especially Amsterdam in our sample), for culture and retail centrality in main tourist cities (e.g. Barcelona, Amsterdam) and for logistics centrality in port cities (e.g. Barcelona and Copenhagen) or in cities with a major hub function (Amsterdam for flowers trade). 47 SYNTHESIS AND CONCLUSION: PLANNING POLY-CENTRIC METROPOLITAN CONFIGURATIONS In the contemporary context of economic globalisation, processes of metropolisation are consolidating at the global scale (e.g. Illeris, 1996; Veltz, 1996). Through metropolisation, the lion's share of growth in advanced business service activities is concentrating in large metropolitan areas, all the more so in prime world or global cities. In these metropolitan settings, advanced business service activities take advantage from interaction-rich environment (i.e. opportunities for face-to-face contacts with a wide range of specialists), availability of a specialized workforce and close connections with major centres of economic (e.g. HQs of transnational corporations) and/or political (e.g. seat of international institutions) power. Hence, agglomeration economies compose much of the driving force behind processes of metropolisation at the global scale. The analysis in Comet has been focused on the intra-metropolitan scale. Present-day experiences with spatial and economic dynamics suggest that a similar driving force is at play within metropolitan areas, leading to the progressive emergence of poly-centric metropolitan configurations. In other words, a "new division of labour" seems to materialize at the metropolitan scale, through which different tasks are accomplished by different specialized protagonists in different specialized parts of the metropolitan space where these protagonists take advantage of specific conditions of agglomeration economies. Accordingly, the pre-eminence of the traditional urban core as far as the localization of economic activities is concerned is increasingly called into question since new poles (or clusters) – of various types and sizes – are developing in different parts of the metropolitan area. Rather than experiencing a general demise, the traditional urban core is being repositioned in a new framework of poly-centrality at the intra-metropolitan scale. This has been the basic hypothesis in this working package. Though the theme of poly-centric urban development (at different scales) has been gaining high momentum in urban research in the last decade, detailed empirical assessments on emerging spatial configurations in European metropolises are still poorly developed, especially from crossborder comparative analyses. On this basis, researches here have been focused on the documentation of poly-centric metropolitan configurations in the seven Comet case studies through a comparative analysis. Eight relevant types of intra-metropolitan centralities have been brought out, namely, political centrality, traditional business centrality and new business one, culture and retail centrality, mass consumption centrality, education and knowledge centrality, logistics centrality and international airport centrality (see the synthesis table 5). The listed centralities are found in the seven case studies (except for the last one, mostly found in Amsterdam), but with noticeable spatial differences, that is, similar mixes of activities do not systematically develop in the same type of metropolitan space (see table 6). 48 Table 6 TYPES OF METROPOLITAN CENTRALITIES POLITICAL TRADITIONAL BUSINESS NEW BUSINESS CULTURE AND RETAIL MASS CONSUMPTION KNOWLEDGE & EDUCATION2 LOGISTICS INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT Amsterdam n/a - prestigious extensions of the inner city - edge of the core (new CBD) - edge of the core - historic centre - core city n/a - outskirts (roads junctions, airport area) - airport area Barcelona - inner city - prestigious extensions of the inner city - redeveloped areas - historic centre in the inner city - core city n/a - outskirts (esp. traffic nodes) - outskirts (roads junctions, airport area, port area) n/a Berlin - inner city - prestigious extensions of the inner city - inner city (new CBD) - redeveloped areas - historic centre in the inner city - core city - edge of the core - outskirts (esp. traffic nodes) - outskirts (roads junctions, airport area, inland port area) n/a Brussels - inner city (national admin.) - prestigious extensions of the inner city (for EU) - inner city - prestigious extensions of the inner city - edge of the core (airport area) - core city - small towns in the - outskirts (esp. traffic larger metropolitan nodes) area - outskirts (roads junctions, airport area) (- airport area) Copenhagen - inner city - prestigious extensions of the inner city - redeveloped areas - historic centre in the inner city - core city n/a - outskirts (esp. traffic nodes) n/a - outskirts (roads junctions, airport and port area) Strasbourg - prestigious extensions of the inner city (regional admin. / EU) - prestigious extensions of the inner city - edge of the core - suburbs - historic centre - core city - edge of the core - outskirts (esp. traffic nodes) n/a - outskirts (roads junctions, airport and inland port areas) Vienna - inner city - inner city - prestigious extensions of the inner city - core city (more scattered pattern) - historic centre - core city - edge of the core - outskirts (esp. traffic nodes) - outskirts along motorways and the river - historic centre n/a authors: Mathieu Van Criekingen and Christophe Guisset, Comet Brussels team 2 Historic locations of universities are not taken into account here. 49 Generally speaking, all cities analysed in Comet remain distinctively shaped by traditional historically-produced configuration within which the inner city remains the major and most multi-functional centre in the case studies, i.e. an unique loci of superposition of different centralities (i.e. administrations, large corporations, culture, retail and tourist facilities, sites of universities) that has no equivalent in other parts of the metropolitan areas. Hence, patterns of economic growth in out-of-core locations go hand in hand with the permanence of strong characteristics of centrality in the traditional inner city. Highly relevant in this respect is that in all Comet cities - but Amsterdam - the peak of land value for office spaces is located in the inner city, i.e. in the central business district. In Berlin, the distribution of land value displays a more multi-modal pattern since the city has developed with two inner cities during most of the 20th century and new ones are emerging on the former zone of the wall. On this background, new developments are reconfiguring metropolitan patterns, showing clear trends towards poly-centrism. The use of simple concentric models of metropolitan organization as analytical tool (which basically suppose a spreading of activities from a single original core) is therefore no longer practicable to understand these new developments – while they may well remain valid to understand structures inherited from earlier phases of urban development. In this respect, the development of new centres at the outskirts is particularly striking and mostly fuelled by growth in logistics, mass consumption (e.g. retail, entertainment) and advanced business activities. These developments appear to result to a large extent from "overspill effects" from the core city: modern logistics activities require large warehousing facilities and direct connections to motorways, ports or airports; present-day modes of mass consumption are heavily structured around car-based facilities, hence favouring suburban spots with large parking facilities; advanced business activities are fast-growing activities that require large, modern and highly flexible office facilities in order to accommodate their expansion. All these requirements are first to be met outside traditional central business districts, in new out-of-core locations or in recycled zones in the core city. Both the persistence of the traditional importance of the inner city and the contemporary developments in new centres can be documented in each case study. Nevertheless, significant differences in the balance between these two dimensions are worth mentioning. In Amsterdam, poly-centric developments are very clear. Such evidence is notably in the present-day distribution of land values for office spaces in the metropolitan area, with prices in the inner city being lower than the ones in out-of-core locations, namely Zuidas and 50 around Schipol airport. This situation is unique amongst the case studies brought together in Comet. Moreover, the Amsterdam case study display most clearly the emergence and consolidation of a large international-airport centrality, not only structured around logistics and transport activities but also around specific business activities. Actually, that such evidence of poly-centric developments is found more clearly in Amsterdam than in any other case studies in Comet is not really surprising. These spatial dynamics reflect indeed the current advance of the city as a first-order business-oriented world city in Europe, generating high pressure on urban space for new business development. Since the latter can not be accommodated in the inner city (notably because of diverse regulations and strategies of heritage preservation, musealisation and tourist development), the growth in advanced business activities boost the development of new centres in the metropolitan area (e.g. Zuidas, Teleport, Schipol). Hence, the development of these new centralities appear to be largely autonomous in content – rather than basically resulting from overspill effects from the CBD. Trends of poly-centric development in Brussels are developing in a quite different context. Development of new business centralities take largely place outside the territory of Brussels Capital Region (i.e. especially close to the Zaventem airport), in response to the growing specialisation of the inner city in political functions and related specialized service activities. In this way, this development reinforce issues of territorial rivalry between the core city and its surrounding Regions (i.e. Flanders and Wallonia). A quite similar situation comes out in the case of Vienna. An additional element here is the weight of conservative restrictions on new office spaces in the core city (policies of musealisation, monument and heritage protection, soft renewal). In Copenhagen, Berlin and Strasbourg, the significance and shape of poly-centric development trends appear largely dependent upon the future fate of ongoing large-scale out-of-core projects (i.e. Ørestad in Copenhagen, Aldershof and others in Berlin, innovation parks in Strasbourg). Finally, the case of Barcelona highlight a situation wherein trends of metropolitan polycentric development remain quite marginal in comparison with the significance of the traditional mono-centric urban configuration. The latter is actually purposely reinforced by urban planning strategies that mostly focus on the recycling of former-industrial areas in 51 central locations through large-scale project schemes in order to accommodate new development in service activities (e.g. Olympic village, Forum 2004, Diagonal Mar, 22@). *** If the scenario of the emergence and further consolidation of poly-centric metropolitan configurations is to be taken seriously into account by urban planners, a range of preoccupations should be placed on the top of the agenda. First, representations of metropolitan configurations should be moved beyond traditional centre / periphery model. The latter is particularly powerful in cities where the metropolitan area is truncated by existing politico-administrative divisions between the core city and the rest of the metropolitan territory. This is notably the case in Brussels and Vienna, where highly significant out-of-core developments take place outside the city limit. Therefore, what is here first at stake are political changes that should establish new all-encompassing delimitations of the metropolitan space. In front of poly-centric metropolitan configurations, urban authorities face the challenge to make the multiple centralities / sub-centres work together in a kind of integrated network of complementary – rather rival – nodes. Such network formation at the intra-metropolitan scale is also a condition for the city's competitiveness at the inter-urban scale. For such a purpose, planning should foster intense "win-win" relationships between different centralities / subcentres within the metropolis, that is, go beyond simple juxtaposition or – what's worst – internal competition between the latter. This implies new needs and requests for facilities and equipments, especially for efficient transport and communications means between the multiple sub-centres / centralities of the metropolitan area. Such requests were actually clearly expressed by the enquired enterprises in WP6 of Comet. Amongst the case studies brought together in the Comet project, Amsterdam's present-day planning frameworks and strategies seem to be the ones that rest most clearly upon conceptualisation of the metropolitan space as a poly-centric system. Most notably, Amsterdam planners have very markedly invested in new public transport facilities, both for external accessibility (i.e. the Schipol airport) and for internal public-transport connections between the different dynamic centralities of the metropolis (i.e. the inner city, Zuidas, Teleport, Schipol, Arena). The latter are less developed in other cities. To give but one 52 example, the single public transport connection between the two major economic centres in Brussels (i.e. the inner city and the area around the airport) is a local bus that takes half an hour for 5 kilometres. This is a clear outcome of internal politico-economic rivalry between authorities ruling the core city (i.e. the Brussels Capital Region) and the out-of-core territories (the Flemish Region in this case). Finally, public efforts and investments towards internal network formation between the different dynamic metropolitan centralities should not lead to "forget" other spaces of the metropolis which are less dynamic in strict terms of economic performances and urban competitiveness. These are notably former industrial zones and working-class neighbourhoods. Redistribution frameworks and strategies have to be implemented between the different parts of the metropolis in order to share benefits of economic growth. This would aim at enhancing social cohesion in European cities – actually also a major condition for global urban competitiveness and further economic growth. Cited references Ascher, F. (1995), Métapolis: ou l’Avenir des Villes, Editions Odile Jacob, Paris Castells M. (1996), The information age. Economy, society and culture, Oxford: Blackwell Hall P. (1997), "Modelling the post-industrial city", Futures, 29, 4/5, 311-322 Illeris S. (1996), The service economy. A geographical approach, Chichester: John Wiley & sons Kloosterman R. C. and Musterd S. (2001), "The polycentric urban regions: towards a research agenda", Urban Studies, 38, 4, 623-633 Sassen S. (1991), The global city, Princeton: Princeton University Press Veltz P. (1996), Mondialisation, villes et territoires. L'économie d'archipel, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France ANNEX: metropolitan centralities, individual tables for each Comet case studies (respectively Amsterdam, Barcelona, Berlin, Brussels, Copenhagen, Strasbourg, Vienna). 53 High-brow and low-brow retail, culture, financial services, creative services, (international) NGO’s Historic inner city Little growth No Medium No Specialized knowledge-intensive business services (notary offices, accountant, legal specialists), NGO’s Early 20th century (prestigious) extension of the inner city Little growth No Medium No Finance & insurance, consultancy, legal service, headquarters and representative offices Fringe of the inner city, alongside ringroad, at public transport hub corridor to Schiphol airport (Zuidas) Strong growth Yes Highest Information- and communication technology, Fringe of the inner city, alongside ringcall centres, bulk-offices road, at public transport hub (Sloterdijk/Teleport) Growth Yes Financial & insurance, consultancy, large leisure and retail (IKEA etc.) Fringe of inner city, alongside major south west highway and rail (Bijlmer / Arena) Growth Airport related services, congress facilities Schiphol Airport size (estimated number of jobs) High/1370 90.000 High/1160 27000 Construction of new HSTstation, other road and rail infrastructure Highest/1370 50.000 Medium Yes New rail infrastructure, cable networks Medium/900 Yes Medium Yes New multifunctional stadium, Medium/high 50000 new public transport station /850 Growth No High Expansion of the airport with new runways, terminals High 20000 Finance & insurance, consultancy, Suburban close to the airport (West of headquarters and bulk-offices. Transport and Schiphol, Hoofddorp logistics Growth Yes High/ No Medium Some new public transport investments Medium 70000 Wholesale (flower auction) and entertainment-industry Growth No Medium No Low 10000 Suburban low density area close to the airport (East of Schiphol, Aalsmeer) Yes New subway line to connect inner city with Zuidas level of real-estate prices relevance for urban competitiveness? TYPE OF SPACE Significant transfer? MIX OF ACTIVITIES global dynamic METROPOLITAN SUB-CENTRE other public intervention? large flagship development? Annex 1. AMSTERDAM Yes 35000 authors: Stan Majoor and Amsterdam Comet team 54 Headquarters of large companies, Tourism, International non-market services Inner city (Eixample) Slow growth No Modera No te Highest Retail, Tourism, Historic Inner City: ‘Gothic District’ Stagnation No High No High Knowledge Intensive Activities, Advanced Business Services Re-planned Old Industrial Sites in the Core City Strong Growth No High Yes Logistics and Transport Old Industrial sites between the port and the airport & Outskirts of agglomeration along motorways Growth Yes High No Finance / insurance activities concentration in the CBD but also new settlements in zone 3, so at the edges of the agglomeration Investment in Infrastructure and promotion size (estimated number of jobs) level of real-estate prices other public intervention? relevance for urban competitiveness? TYPE OF SPACE global dynamic MIX OF ACTIVITIES significant transfer? METROPOLITAN SUB-CENTRE large flagship development? Annex 2. BARCELONA High Modera te public administrations (both for Catalonia only concentration in the CBD, no and the municipality) and related non-market wider spread services Retail luxury keeps more central locations than mass retail. Shopping malls are strictly regulated by law, so their spread has been planned and controlled authors: Jordi Vila and Barcelona Comet team 55 Banking, insurance, advanced white-collar business services, representations of large national and international firms, entertainment Banking, insurance, advanced white-collar business services Size (estimated number of jobs) level of real-estate prices other public intervention? TYPE OF SPACE relevance for urban competitiveness? large flagship development? MIX OF ACTIVITIES significant transfer? METROPOLITAN SUB-CENTRE global dynamic Annex 3. BERLIN Historic inner city district growth no yes no high approx. 58.000 19th-century prestigious extensions of the historic inner city stagnation no yes no high approx. 44.000 Advanced white-collar business services, headquarters of large firms, entertainment, banking New inner city centre (just Berlin) growth no yes yes intermediate inputs for infrastructure high approx. 20.000 Advanced white-collar business services, ICT, media / music industries Redeveloped inner city (and core city) waterfront strong growth no yes yes intermediate inputs for infrastructure medium approx. 30.000 Advanced white-collar business services, ICT etc. Old (de)industrialized sites - in central location & 19th-century extensions of the historic inner city (central location) growth no no no medium approx. 13.000 International non-market services (e.g. supra- Governmental district - in central location national institutions, NGO’s, lobbies etc.) and specialized knowledge-intensive business services (e.g. legal firms) R&D and high education activities New out-of-inner city or out-of-core city innovation parks or university campuses (reused former industrialized or militarized zones in peripheral location) Logistics and transport-related Motorways junction in the suburbs & Traffic infrastructure within core city (harbour, railway, airport etc.) strong growth no yes yes highest approx. 30.000 strong growth yes yes yes medium approx. 14.000 (only the part of Berlin) growth yes no no low not available Mass retail and entertainment strong growth yes no no low not available Urban sub-centres and inner-city railway stations & Corridors along motorways in the suburbs intermediate inputs for infrastructure, allocation (land, buildings etc.), development agency intermediate inputs for infrastructure author: Marie Bachmann and the Berlin Comet team 56 public administrations (national & regional), large public-controlled companies (e.g. energy, telecom), finance & insurance, non-market services international non-market services (institutions, NGOs, lobbies), specialized knowledge-intensive business services (law, consultancy, etc.), international press retail, culture, entertainment (both mass and high-end segments), tourism size (estimated number of jobs) level of real-estate prices other public interventions? large flagship development? TYPE OF SPACE global dynamic MIX OF ACTIVITIES significant transfer? METROPOLITAN SUB-CENTRE relevance for urban competitiveness? Annex 4a. BRUSSELS (1) CBD in the inner city, close connection to railways and urban public transport network stagnation no low no high 130,000 19th-century prestigious extension of the historic inner city (EU district) strong growth no highest no highest 60,000 historic inner-city slow growth no low no high 30,000 few, from high the inner city no high 30,000 few, for high transport activities from the inner city no finance & insurance, headquarters of large wealthy neighbourhoods in early-20th growth firms century prestigious extensions of the core city, urban and dense but green environment, easy access to motorways ICT, advanced business services (e.g. large high-quality office parks in the strong engineering), regional HQs of foreignsuburbs with high connections to growth based TNCs, logistics, transport motorways - especially in the airport area organization of diverse events in the centre specific land regulation, easy access to building permits, site equipment (e.g. internet connections) low to 85,000 medium 57 low size (estimated number of jobs) level of real-estate prices other public interventions? large flagship development? TYPE OF SPACE global dynamic MIX OF ACTIVITIES significant transfer? METROPOLITAN SUB-CENTRE relevance for urban competitiveness? Annex 4b. BRUSSELS (2) transport & logistics suburbs along motorways growth yes, from none the core no 10,000 R&D, education small town with a large university (Leuven, Louvain-la-Neuve) growth no none no quality retail historic centres of small towns now incorporated in the suburban zone growth no none no mass retail (e.g. IKEA) and entertainment large road junctions at the outskirts growth no none no low 7,000 HQs of international companies, high-tech prestigious green environments at the growth industries outskirts no low no low 1,000 (Louvain-la-Neuve: medium 20,000 construction of a new town in the 1970s) low 7,000 authors: Mathieu Van Criekingen, Christophe Guisset 58 size (estimated number of jobs) level of real-estate prices other public intervention? TYPE OF SPACE relevance for urban competitiveness? global dynamic MIX OF ACTIVITIES significant transfer? METROPOLITAN SUB-CENTRE large flagship development? Annex 5. COPENHAGEN Public administration (government), HQs of FIRE, R&D, university. Inner city or close locations Diversified No Low No No Non-Market services (health sector, education and social work) Political decided and population based locations (the Danish welfare state) Stagnation No Low No Yes Business services The inner city (zone 1), the harbour front, and the northern, rich municipalities Growth Dispersal of growth High No Habour front development Relatively high HQ in the inner city, back-office Stagnation functions in suburban locations close to public transport and main road intersections (Ballerup and Høje Taastrup) Tourism, culture, entertainment, luxury The inner city/historical centre but Growth retail also unique spots including the Northern axis and Øresstaden Yes – from inner city to suburbia Low Yes Yes High in the centre 10,000 + and relatively moderate in suburbia No Low/Moderate No No High 20,000 Mass retail Ørestad, suburbia, close to Growth developed infrastructure, car based shopping centres Yes No Moderate ? Transport, logistics Suburbia, airport, south axes, located in intersections Stagnation Yes – a Low concentration, relatively few places No Moderate No Yes Relatively low 10,00015,000 Tele communication Harbour front in Zone 2 ? No No No Moderate 5,000 FIRE, back-office functions, B2B Moderate High 50,000 + Not a spot 60,000 + (Zones 1 + 2) author: Lars Winther 59 Public administration (local and var. regional levels) / media / culture & entertainment (cinemas) / Public administration, mainly regional departments of national agencies (+ regional level); public enterprises; national library; culture (municipal theatre) EC-functions and international non-market services; some specialized KIBS, post world-war-II extension of the city; good connexions to urban public transport, railways and highways 19th-century prestigious extension of the city during German administration (“Wilhelminische city extension”) growth no slight growth Prestigious designed high-quality office areas within green environment and good traffic connexions at the transition zone between the 19th-century prestigious extension of the city and the former suburbs (now incorporated) Retail (mass as well as high end and luxury), Historic inner city culture & entertainment, main objects of tourist interest - University Departments, R&D, advanced business services and KIBS, Logistics and transport - HQs of finance and insurance sector; nonprofit organizations (e.g. chambers of commerce) - Headquarters of large inter-/national firms Large high-quality office and innovation parks in the suburban belt with excellent connexions to motorways and public transport size (estimated number of jobs)3 TYPE OF SPACE level of real-estate prices MIX OF ACTIVITIES relevance for urban competitiveness? significant transfer? global dynamic METROPOLITAN SUB-CENTRE other public intervention? large flagship development? Annex. 6a STRASBOURG (1) partly Organization of various high events (culture) [CUS + Département] no high 5'000 no low (expected to get high especially in transborder context ) no growth no highest yes Subsidies of construction sites Highest 8'000 slow growth no high no high 4'500 growth strong growth (var.) Few, high mostly from inner-city Organization of various events; conservation of historic townscape and monuments Subsidies; integration of targeted development agencies to reduce bureaucracy of planning process; site equipment Partly (not all parks) (mediu m-) high 5'000 30'000 3 Due to lack of data on the "sub-IRIS-level", the number of jobs is only roughly estimated. The estimation bases on the "Profils…IRIS" dataset provided by the INSEE. Please interpret the data with care. 60 Transitions zone of inner city and rest of core; mostly prestigious post-world-war-II environment, good connexions to highway and railway, close to trade fair and ECfunctions Suburbs, close to important traffic junctions, highways, airport and inland port slight growth few Slow growth Ware houses (incl. cold-storage); logistics + Mass retail (e.g. IKEA), entertainment and retail of long-term good (esp. cars) Edge of core city, close to main station Growth Few, mostly from the core Few (expected) University, R&D, education Edge of core city Growth Specialized trade Historic suburban town centers Supermarkets / department store, mass retail, DIY centres Retails zones at large and good available traffic junctions all over the agglomeration Transport, logistics, warehouses and wholesale high on Partly national level and in transborder context None no size (estimated number of jobs) Public administration (Regional Council); media & entertainment (cinemas); large scale hotel complexes; HQs of finance and insurance sector level of real-estate prices TYPE OF SPACE other public intervention? MIX OF ACTIVITIES relevance for urban competitiveness? global dynamic significant transfer? METROPOLITAN SUB-CENTRE large flagship development? Annex. 6b STRASBOURG (continuation) - high 8'000 - Low (to medium) 5'000 Medium to high 3'000 Low Partly ??? none Yes no - high 15'000 Slight growth no None no - Low 10'000 Growth No None No Partially indirect subsidies Low (to medium) 7'000 author: Jörg Wendel 61 size (estimated number of jobs) level of real-estate prices relevance for urban competitiveness? TYPE OF SPACE global dynamic MIX OF ACTIVITIES significant transfer? METROPOLITAN SUB-CENTRE other public intervention? large flagship development? Annex 7. VIENNA public administration, national and international non-marked services CBD in the inner city stagnation no high no high 100.000 tourism, culture, entertainment (esp. high- end segment) historic inner-city and 19th century prestigious extensions (Ringstraße) growth no high no high 50.000 finance and insurance high- quality office areas in the core city growth no medium no high 40.000 business services Early-20th century prestige extensions of the core city with green environment or higher standard suburban location strong growth no medium no high 131.000 transport & logistics, wholesale trade Along motorways and the river danube growth no low no low 40.000 r&d, education 19th century prestigious extensions (Ringstraße) slow growth no low no medium 50.000 quality retail and shopping streets, entertainment historic main streets of the inner city or the core city slow growth no none no medium to high 15.000 mass retail (shopping malls), entertainment road and motorway junctions in the suburbanisation zones and the edge of the core city strong growth yes, from the core city none no low (tech gate Vienna) 5.000 author: Matthias Kranabether and Vienna Comet team 62
