"EQUAL WITH ANYBODY"
COMPUTERS IN THE LIVES OF OLDER
PEOPLE
Melanie Lewin
Supervisor - Professor Duncan Timms
MSC IN APPLIED SOCIAL RESEARCH
UNIVERSITY OF STIRLING
2001
1
"IT can transform the lives of older people, providing contacts,
information, entertainment and access to specialised services. It can
enable radical new models of health care and support for older people
living at home, effecting savings that would amply repay the costs of
installing an internet connection in every house, just like electricity, gas
and water. But it requires profound changes in attitude - a belief in, and a
belief by, older people that they can cope"
Tom Kirkwood - "The End of Age" The Reith Lectures, Radio 4, 2001
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CONTENTS
Page
Acknowledgements
4
Abstract
5
Introduction
6
Context
9
Research design and methods
18
Discussion of findings
27
Conclusions
48
References
54
APPENDIX
Summary
Brief details of interviewees
Questionnaire (in English)
Questionnaire Results
Interview Schedule
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank the following people for their help and support.
My supervisor, Professor Duncan Timms, Dean of the Faculty of Human Sciences,
Stirling University, for starting me along this road and helping me get to the end of it.
Sara Ferlander, PhD student, and her mother, Åsa, for their help in correcting and
translating the questionnaire.
Åsa Gunven, for her help in translating the responses to the questionnaire.
Martin King, for designing and patiently amending the Web-based questionnaire.
My friends and colleagues for their advice at the questionnaire design stage and for
their help in finding interviewees.
Sandra Mandell of PRO, Sweden, for her kind assistance.
Those Swedish people who completed and returned questionnaires or who took the
time to write to me.
The interviewees for being so generous with their time and with the information they
gave me.
I would also like to thank the City of Edinburgh Council Social Work Department, for
their assistance with the course fees.
Lastly, I would like to thank my partner, Bill King, for his unfailing support and
encouragement throughout.
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ABSTRACT
This dissertation is a small study of what would appear to be a relatively unresearched
area. The study explored the use made of computers and the Internet by people over
the age of 70 in order to determine whether using a computer promotes the social
inclusion of 'older old' people as they continue to age. The study also attempted to
gain some understanding of the role - or potential role - of computers in sustaining or
promoting the growth of 'social capital'. The study was in two parts, carried out
simultaneously. One section was carried out by means of a Web based/e-mailed
questionnaire, translated into Swedish, to which groups for older people in Sweden
were alerted; the second was carried out by means of in-depth interviews with twelve
people in Scotland, aged between 70 and 83, all of whom use a computer to a greater
or lesser extent. Some insight was gained into the role played by computers in the
lives of a small number of older people and some initial comparisons were able to be
made with a country where there are formal structures for encouraging older people to
use computers. The study is small-scale, but indicates areas for more extensive
research. It also suggests that, although not a cure-all, learning to use a computer may
help to compensate for some of the problems and conditions which commonly
accompany older age.
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1. INTRODUCTION
According to the General Register for Scotland’s projected figures, the population of
people in Scotland over the age of 75 is set to rise to by approximately 10.5 % in the
next ten years (GRO Projected Population of Scotland (1998 Based)). While this can
and should be viewed as one of the major achievements of the twentieth century,
older people are frequently made to feel that they are a burden, that they are simply
living too long and demanding too many of the country’s resources. Scrutton, 1990)
outlines the way in which we are presented with negative images of ageing from an
early age. The popular concept of older people is generally of very old women, living
alone, dependent on families for support, often in pain or discomfort, no longer
interested in education or personal development because they are focused on the task
of “disengaging” from this life in preparation for the next. Since other societies in
other times have held quite different views of older people Scrutton comes to the
conclusion that ageism – which creates an image of older people as one homogeneous
group rather than as individuals - is largely socially created. Ageism, he states, can
lead at one end of the spectrum to a surfeit of care and protection and, at the other, to
the neglect and abuse of older people (Scrutton, 1990).
Ageism can also lead to the social exclusion of older people, particularly if we
understand “social exclusion” to mean more than a simple lack of economic
resources. For my own research I have taken a broader definition, similar to that
provided by Walker and Walker who see social exclusion as “the dynamic process of
being shut out, fully or partially, from any of the social, economic, political or
cultural systems which determine the social integration of a person in society. Social
exclusion may, therefore, be seen as the denial (or non-realisation) of the civil,
political and social rights of citizenship.” (Walker,A and Walker,C, 1997: 8, cited in
May (ed) 1999). Young old people are often discriminated against in the job market;
older old people are discriminated against within the Health Service and in other
ways. For example, those who are living in residential care may find it difficult to
vote in an election because they are dependent on staff to organise the practicalities
for them. Staff may not have time to do this or may assume that voting is no longer
important to residents. They may therefore be excluded on economic or on attitudinal
grounds. The staffing levels of some Community Care services are lower for older
6
people than for those in the younger age groups - an indication that those older people
who need assistance are seen to require care, but not to be active participants in
community life - or to wish or expect to go on learning.
One of the key tools for learning - and for very many other aspects of everyday life,
particularly in the western world - is now the computer, which technological advances
have made increasingly easy to use for the majority of the population. However, age,
according to Castells (1996) is a major discriminating factor in computer use in many
countries. This is in spite of the fact that, as Timms (2001) points out, “computer
mediated communication can overcome: difficulties with mobility, restrictions on
timing, social exclusion, shame or fear in interpersonal encounters, difficulties with
unbalanced status or power in relationships” – all of which are features of older old
age.
One report on Internet use states that, according to US Census Bureau figures, “a
substantial proportion of US seniors will never go online due to disability, technophobia, lack of access or disinterest.” (Nua Internet Surveys). The quotation implies
it is taken for granted that many older people cannot or will not want to learn the
necessary skills. The word “seniors” also implies a homogeneous population of older
Internet users. In reality, “seniors” refers to a very varied population of individuals
ranging in age from 50 – 100 + and spanning two or even three generations of people
with very varied life experiences.
There is evidence that assumptions about older people and computers is changing.
Some nursing homes in America, Finland and elsewhere are now providing Internet
access; some private retirement homes in Britain have done the same. In Edinburgh, a
small pilot project looked at whether frail, housebound older people (aged 70-90+)
would, if provided with the appropriate equipment and support, make use of
computers in day centre settings. Many of the older people involved are enthusiastic
and some have bought or intend to buy computers for use in their own homes.
An extensive trawl of the Internet also revealed that some very elderly people are
using computers and the Internet, particularly in America, but also in the UK. Three
years ago, America's SeniorNet organisation - which provides computer tuition
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throughout the U.S. - had128 centres and claimed that half the people who walked
through their doors were aged over 70 (Guardian, 11th June, 1998). In the UK, local
initiatives such as courses organised by Age Concern England's "AgeResource" have
proved popular. In the west of Scotland, Strathclyde University's Senior Studies
Institute provides computer tuition to many older people, sometimes of two
generations, some of whom then volunteer to become "computer buddies" to provide
one-to-one support for new students. In response to demand, a London based
organisation called "Hairnet" was set up to provide tuition for older people nationally.
The numbers of older old people who are using computers is nevertheless small
compared with other age groups. This study chose not explore why this is the case,
although the study highlighted many of the reasons why computer use is more
difficult for this age group. Instead, the subjects of this study were older people over
the age of 70 who have begun to use computers or who have been using them for
some time. It explored whether they use them or wish to use them to avoid or to
increase their contact with other people, to maintain or replenish their stocks of 'social
capital' or to feel 'socially included' and involved in civil, social or political life. The
study also considered some of their difficulties in using computers and the Internet.
Although this was an exploratory study with a small number of people, it sought to
discover whether "successful" use of computers by some older people suggests that
greater efforts should be made to promote the digital inclusion of older old people.
Because the pool of potential interviewees in Scotland was assumed to be small, part
of the research was carried out with older people in Sweden. The Swedish
government has, for many years, supported organisations of older people and disabled
people - for example, by providing grants and meeting spaces (Hedin, 1993). Sweden
has its own SeniorNet organisation, with a central office and over forty local groups,
set up to support computer use by older people. SeniorNet Sweden has 5,000
members and it was hoped that the study would identify whether there are differences
between the use made of computers by older people in Sweden, where the need for
support is recognised and made widely available, and in Scotland, where support may
depend on local projects and initiatives (or on the involvement of friends and family
members).
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2. CONTEXT
This research study explored the use made of computers and the Internet by people
over the age of 70 in order to ascertain the actual or potential role of computers in
promoting the social inclusion of "older old" people and in the maintenance or
development of social capital.
A number of theoretical perspectives would have been relevant in compiling a
literature review on this topic. For example, it would have been appropriate to
undertake a review from a feminist perspective as the majority of older old people are
women. I have chosen to select those perspectives which I feel are most pertinent to
the research questions.
There appears to be very little academic research into the use made of computers and
the Internet by older old people. The study therefore begins by exploring some of the
general issues affecting Britain's present generation of older old people which are
relevant to the topic of computer use - such as demographic changes and changes in
family structures and the social policy which has evolved to try to address these
changes, both in Scotland and in Sweden.
The discourses of social exclusion, social inclusion and social capital - particularly as
they relate to the experience of being an older person - are then explored. Literature
on ageism is also considered in order to debate ways in which societal attitudes
contribute to the social exclusion of older people.
Finally, literature debating the role of computers and the Internet in relation to social
inclusion and the development or maintenance of social capital are considered, along
with some findings from existing research into the use made of computers by older
old people.
9
The history of the family
Thirty years ago Simone de Beauvoir wrote that industrialization had destroyed the
family as a unit (de Beauvoir, 1972). However, historians such as Peter Laslett have
asserted that small nuclear families have been the norm in the Western world, at least
since the sixteenth century, (Laslett, 1996). Rather than causing the break-up of
families, Laslett and others claim that the Industrial Revolution brought about an
increase rather than a decrease in family size (Drake, M, 1994).
Most people as they grow older are known to want to continue to live independently
in the community for as long as possible. Around 5% live in residential institutions of
any kind at any one time and this number has remained fairly constant for the past one
hundred years (Blaikie, 1999). What has changed dramatically is the percentage of
older old people in proportion to the rest of the population. It is well known that
improvements in medical care, diet and life style have substantially increased the
numbers of people surviving into older age (Vincent, 1995). It is predicted that in
Britain by 2050 the numbers of people over the age of 75 will have doubled and the
numbers over the age of 85 will have trebled (OPCS, 1997). Even in the next ten
years, according to the General Register for Scotland’s projected figures, the
population of people in Scotland over the age of 75 is set to rise to by approximately
10.5 % – from 352,000 in 2001 to 389,000 in 2011. Within this figure, women
outnumber men by almost two to one (229,000 to 124,000), with the gender gap
growing wider with increasing age. Currently, around 18% of the population are over
the age of 65 (GRO Projected Population of Scotland (1998 Based)).
Family structures have changed in some respects. Families in one household now tend
to be smaller, but three and four generation families with new networks of steprelations are common (Blaikie, 1999). Around 40% of older people live alone and
these numbers are increasing (Blaikie, 1999).
How we define "older people".
The subjects of this study are mainly people over the age of 70 (some questionnaire
respondees were 69). I chose to call them "older old people" and selected 70 as a
10
dividing line on the basis that those over 70 might not have used a computer in their
work place. Gerontologists are, in any case, unable to agree about what constitutes an
older person and about the way "age" should be viewed within social policy.
Bytheway (2000) takes a relativist standpoint - he asserts that we should talk of
people being "older" rather than "old". Andrews (1999) on the other hand, states the
case for recognising and valuing old age as a definite stage in life, on the grounds that
acknowledging older people as a group potentially gives them power. Laslett divided
older people into those belonging to the "third age" (time of fulfilment) and "fourth
age" (time of dependency) (Laslett, 1996). "Third age" is now commonly used, but
Laslett's categorisation has been criticised on the grounds of being middle class and
for failing to take account of the material inequalities experienced by older people
(Arber and Evandrou, 1993). Additionally, although such categorisation encourages
policy makers and others to acknowledge the fact that older people are a diverse
group and that many continue to lead active lives, "fourth age" defines older old
people only in terms of their dependency. It denies the fact that dependency and
disability may affect certain areas of an older person's life, such as their mobility; they
may retain competency in other areas.
Factors which have influenced the formation of social policy in the UK.
The impact of the demographic changes listed above had a marked impact on the
social policy of the late twentieth century. According to the Scottish Local
Government Information Unit, payments for residential care for older people in
Britain rose from £10 million in 1979/80 to £1000 million in 1989/90. The birth of the
NHS and Community Care Act (1990) came about as the result of the need to drive
down costs, coupled with the growth of a number of influencing ideologies (Meredith,
B, 1993). The first of these ideologies was consumerism - local authorities were
urged to see welfare recipients as consumers of services, with the ability to choose
from a range of products and the right to be consulted and involved in decision
making. The second was normalisation, defined by Wolfensberger as
"Utilization of means which are as culturally normative as possible, in order
to establish and/or maintain personal behaviours and characteristics which are as
culturally normative as possible" (Wolfensberger, 1934:28)
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There was also increasing awareness of the potentially harmful effects of institutional
care (Goffman, 1961) and greater understanding of the fact that most people prefer, in
any case, to remain in their own homes rather than have to be cared for within an
institution. Research also helped to promote understanding of the difficulties
experienced by the many informal carers who, until the advent of Community Care,
had largely been invisible. For the first time, "carers" became a group to be
considered in their own right, later enjoying their own - if limited - legislation.
Older people in Sweden
Although it is acknowledged that the 'welfare mix' differs from country to country,
there appears to be some agreement that the central philosophies of social policies in
the western world, show a high level of convergence. Care and support for older
people has become a central issue of concern in all industrialised countries (Aronson,
1992; Schunk, 1996; Trydegård, G-B, 2000). The general emphasis is on providing
good quality community services to enable older people to remain in their own homes
for as long as possible, but there are variations in the role which the state is expected
to play in bringing this about.
Like Scotland, Sweden is a comparatively small country, with a population of
8,882,792. Of Sweden's population of nearly 9 million, around 17% (1 1/2 million) are over the age of 65 (Statistics Sweden). The 1982 Social Service Act
(Socialtjänstlagen) placed a formal requirement on Swedish municipalities to provide
for those older citizens who needed support. However, as in Britain, demands on the
public purse have forced the government to bring in less generous measures and
public support is now targeted at those people in most need - such as frail older people
living alone (Trydegård, 2000).
Social isolation
Older people are known to be particularly prone to social isolation, brought on either
by life stresses such as bereavement of a spouse or a late-life divorce, or by physical
isolation, lack of community integration or absence of intimate relationships (Tout,
12
1995; Russell, C and Schofield, T, 1999). Welfare measures in different countries
generally attempt to counteract the isolating effects of older age - such as provision of
day care facilities. However, according to Tester (1996), very small percentages of
older people make use of these facilities - perhaps because they are inappropriate, or
because older people do not know about them or have difficulty accessing them.
Ageism
Ageism, which Bytheway defines as "prejudice on grounds of age", results in the
exclusion of older people solely by reason of their chronological age (Bytheway,
1995:9). Scrutton describes the pernicious nature of ageism which, he states, is not a
modern phenomenon brought about by capitalism, but goes back as far as Aristotle
(Scrutton, 1990). Pensioner movements have gathered strength in some countries, but
- although there are signs of some progress in this direction - older people in Britain
have not formed a strong lobby. As yet, there is no legislation outlawing
discrimination on grounds of age. In carrying out this literature review it became
evident that women sometimes suffer double discrimination as they age. For example,
in spite of the fact that the majority of older old people are women, Macdonald, an
activist in her sixties, found herself rejected by the feminist movement (Macdonald,
B, and Rich, C, 1983). The issue of the exclusion of older women is given only one
paragraph in Ruth Lister's otherwise excellent feminist book on Citizenship (Lister,
1997).
Stereotypical beliefs about the nature of old age - and perhaps a lack of good quality
research - have justified the adverse treatment of older people. For example, some
benefits are not available to people over pensionable age, implying that disability is a
normal part of growing old (Scrutton, 1990). The belief that older people naturally
'disengage' from social life, (Cummings and Henry, 1961, cited in Scrutton, 1989)
justifies the denial of resources which would help to combat loneliness and depression
or which could ensure their continued participation. If it is believed that older people
cannot learn it is unlikely that learning opportunities will be made available to them
(Greengross, 1990).
13
Ageism is also evident in the marketplace. Vincent (1995) goes so far as to say that
"consumption is part of the systematic structuring of inequality in late modern
society" (Vincent, 1995:115). The image of older people frequently portrayed is that
of the impoverished pensioner, dependent on concessions. Hobman (1990) highlights
the fact that in 1972 an Age Concern England conference report estimated that older
people were spending over £14 billion a year. According to Hobman, designers and
manufacturers have failed to recognise the buying power of older people and to
produce goods which would better meet the needs of older people.
Additionally, as Higgs (1997) points out, the rhetoric of community care promotes the
concept of the consumer, but is only applicable to active, healthy older people who
are economically independent. Those who come to depend on the services of the state
are transformed into objects of consumption who are subject to monitoring,
investigation and regulation by health and welfare services to ensure they do not
present a risk either to themselves or to others.
Social Inclusion, Social Exclusion and Social Capital
Inadequate pension provision, the infirmities and sometimes the social isolation which
accompany older age, and ageist attitudes - including those held by older people
themselves - contribute to the social exclusion of older people. Although earlier
literature on social exclusion frequently focused primarily on poverty and on
employment issues (May (ed) 1999), Walker and Walker define social exclusion as
“the dynamic process of being shut out, fully or partially, from any of the
social, economic, political or cultural systems which determine the social integration
of a person in society. Social exclusion may, therefore, be seen as the denial (or nonrealisation) of the civil, political and social rights of citizenship.” (A.Walker and
C.Walker, 1997: 8, cited in May (ed) 1999)
There is evidence that makers of social policy are also beginning to take a more wide
ranging view of social exclusion and social inclusion - along with a broader concept
of the factors which influence their development. The European Commission on
Lifelong Learning identified lifelong learning (in which the Commission saw ICT
14
playing a key role) as essential for combating social exclusion and strengthening
social cohesion (Commission of the European Communities, 2000). They applied this
to people of all ages, including those in their "third age".
The Scottish Office, prior to the opening of the Scottish Parliament, declared a
commitment to combat social exclusion and to promote social inclusion by, among
other initiatives, "promoting opportunities to take part in work, learning and society
in general and by tackling barriers" (The Scottish Office, 1998).
A report of a survey carried out by the Lord Provost's Commission on Social
Exclusion in Edinburgh also takes a broad focus. It devotes an entire chapter to people
over the age of 65 and considers how older people - including those who are
housebound - can be supported to "play a central role in their communities". Older
people consulted by the Commission stated that they wanted to be valued and to have
the same things as people in other age groups, including improved access to services
and to information (OneCity, 2000:62-63).
Although the above commit government departments and local authorities to taking
action in support of building stronger communities, Robert Putnam suggested that
strong and healthy communities cannot be created by government strategies, from the
top down, but require the fostering and maintenance of social networks, norms and
social trust and social engagement - which collectively he termed "social capital"
(Putnam, R.D., 1995b). According to Putnam, stocks of social capital have declined,
at least in the U.S. He attributed this reduction to a growth in television watching and also to the fact that those who are most involved in their communities are people
born before 1930, whose numbers are declining year by year (Putnam, R.D., 1995b).
Putnam also stated that the "most fundamental form of social capital is the family" and
that there is "massive evidence of the loosening of bonds within the family…"
(Putnam, R.D., 1995a).
James Coleman defined social capital as "a resource of individuals that emerges from
their social ties" (cited in Portes and Landolt, 1996). Social capital - having a network
of interpersonal relations - is particularly important to people as they age. However,
older age is known to result in an inevitable decline in social contacts, with variations
15
dependent on factors such as gender and current or previous marital status (Hatch and
Bulcroft, 1992). Also, according to Portes and Landolt, the maintenance of social
capital requires a high level of reciprocity. If this is the case, older old people are
particularly vulnerable to its loss since they will eventually require to draw more from
their stocks of social capital than they are able to repay.
Levels of social capital may affect whether or not an older person is able to remain in
the community. For example, Wenger, Scott and Patterson found that although
childlessness has a bearing on whether or not an older person is admitted to residential
care, support networks of friends and other relations are also very important (Wenger,
Scott and Patterson, 2000).
Gradual dependency on others is generally accompanied by a loss of autonomy.
Research has, however, identified that older old people value maintaining as much
control over their own lives as possible (Aronson, 1992; Arber and Evandrou, 1993).
According to Laslett, for example, older people prefer not to live with children when
they are no longer able to live on their own. They prefer to be within reach of their
children, rather than living with them - to enjoy "intimacy at a distance" (Laslett,
1996).
The Internet
The existence of chat rooms and other virtual meeting places demonstrate that many
people find "intimacy at a distance" through the Internet. However, Putnam (1995a)
poses questions about the impact of electronic networks on social capital and whether
technology is privatizing our lives. Others assert that, on the contrary, technology can
strengthen existing ties (Fukuyama,F cited in London, S 1997). A survey of 15,842
Internet users carried out in Switzerland found that use of electronic mail had positive
effects on peoples' social networks (Franzen, A 2000). This is confirmed by Miller
and Slater who give an account of an elderly widow who had become depressed
following the death of her husband. She was persuaded to learn how to use e-mail so
that she could keep in touch with a favourite grandchild. She subsequently contacted
many other relatives and, according to the younger members of her family, took on a
new lease of life (Miller and Slater, 2000:61).
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Older people and the Internet
An audit of ICT initiatives carried out on behalf of the Scottish Executive revealed
that only two out of a total of 90 initiatives were targeted primarily at older people
(Scottish Executive, 2001). Research has been undertaken to gauge the level of access
which older people have to IT in libraries (Hull, 2000) and to highlight the barriers
(Williamson, Bow and Wale, 1997) and the supports needed (Flatten, 2000; Blake,
1997). However, as stated above, although older people in their 70's, 80's and 90's are
using computers, there appears to be little research into what they use them for. Do
they use them to maintain or to increase their contact with other people or to enable
them to avoid contact – for example, by having their groceries delivered from the
local supermarket, rather than having to depend on someone else to do their shopping
for them? 1250 older people who took part in an on-line survey of over 50's carried
out in April 2000 by the British Market Research Bureau on behalf of Age Concern
England cited keeping in touch as the greatest benefit of computer use. However, it
appears that little off-line research has been carried out with older people, particularly
with those over the age of 70, who are coming to that point in their lives when they
are most likely to need good support networks and who, simultaneously, are most at
risk of losing them.
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3. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS
Research Strategy
The following is a brief outline of the research strategy which was devised to research
whether or not use of computers and the Internet promotes the social inclusion of
older old people and serves to strengthen or to weaken their social ties.
The foundation of the study was a review of literature relevant to the research
questions. The literature review considered some of the many different social issues
which provide a context to the topic - demographic and family changes; debates about
what constitutes an "older" person; social isolation; social policy; ageism; social
exclusion, social inclusion and social capital. Some research into whether the Internet
is seen to have a positive or detrimental effect on social isolation and social networks
was also reviewed.
SeniorNet Sweden
The first difficulty which then required to be overcome lay in the fact that, in the UK
at least, older computer users are a hidden population. In Sweden, however, a nonprofit making organisation called SeniorNet was set up in1996 - following the model
provided by SeniorNet in the U.S. - in recognition of the fact that Swedish older
people were in danger of being excluded, for example, from accessing public services
such as banking, which were increasingly being provided on-line. SeniorNet Sweden
was established to make information technology available to all Swedish older people,
in a range of ways. Five years later, the organisation has developed a web site which
functions as a virtual community for Swedish senior citizens and it has started and
continues to support over forty local community clubs where members can meet and
help each other to learn at a pace which is comfortable to them. SeniorNet Sweden
also initiates many projects to involve older people in IT activities.
In October 2000 SeniorNet Sweden had 5000 members over the age of 55,
representing the full spectrum of Sweden's social structure. Additionally, the
18
organisation estimated that 50,000 older people had been given an introduction to IT
and the Internet. Methods of teaching have been evolved which encourage seniors in
their curiosity about IT, while supporting them to overcome their anxieties.
Given the success of SeniorNet Sweden, at least with younger old people, it seemed
likely that a reasonable number of older old people might also be using computers in
Sweden. I therefore decided to start the research in Sweden, by designing a
questionnaire which could be e-mailed to older Swedish computer users.
The information gathered from the questionnaire would then be used to formulate a
semi-structured interview schedule to be used for in-depth interviews with a small
group of older old people in Scotland.
Theoretical assumptions and theoretical perspectives
The research design therefore employed both quantitative and qualitative methods
which are seen to derive from different epistemologies. The survey questionnaire is
rooted in the positivist, essentialist paradigm, which asserts that truth is "out there",
waiting to be discovered; the semi-structured interview, on the other hand, is located
within a more constructionist and interpretive view (Devine and Health, 1999). It has
become more common to use different methods within one research study. Feminist
researchers, for example, no longer reject quantitative approaches, but add them to the
tools they use to promote understanding of the world from a feminist viewpoint
(Devine and Heath, 1999; Jayaratne, 1993). Devine and Heath give examples of
researchers who employed a variety of methods, to great effect - "allowing them to get
at different facets of the same phenomenon" (Devine and Heath, 1999:204). Although
I realised that the need to employ different methods in different countries would not
allow me to make a direct comparison of my findings, I did expect that the
information gathered would, independently, cast light on the same issue.
In reflecting on the assumptions which I brought to this study, I realised that the types
of initiatives in which I have been involved over the past thirty years have either
directly or indirectly stemmed from my belief in the need to actively promote social
equality and social inclusion. This study is, perhaps inevitably, built on the same
19
foundation. Whereas theoretical perspectives such as positivism and interpretivism
search for understanding only, this study is sited within critical enquiry, which Crotty
calls "the Marxist heritage" - seeking not only to understand the world, but to change
it (Crotty, 1998: 112-159). Although I agree with Hammersley that "the priorities of
research and politics are very different" (Hammersley, 1995: 42), I am of the belief
that research should not remain "on the shelf", but should be used to bring about
change and is more likely to effect change if seen to be methodologically sound.
Methods.
As already stated, had it been possible, the study would have been entirely qualitative,
since, depth rather than breadth of understanding was the overall aim. I did not wish
only to know how many e-mails were sent, on average, and to whom, but to gain
understanding of the role played by a computer in the lives of older old people.
Secondly, older people, along with many other populations who are the subjects of
research, are disadvantaged in our society and qualitative methodologies are
considered to be more empowering, giving a voice to the interviewee and greater
equality with the interviewer, rather than extracting facts from objectified participants
(Punch, K, 1998). However, as it was not possible to interview Swedish older people,
it was decided to develop an e-mail questionnaire, the findings from which could be
used to inform in-depth interviews with a small number of interviewees in Scotland.
In reality, because of time delays, it became necessary to undertake the interviews at
the same time as disseminating the questionnaire. The interview schedule was
therefore modelled on the questions in the questionnaire, but using largely open rather
than closed questions, intended to provide comparable, but richer data.
Many practical problems had then to be overcome. Given that younger Swedish
people generally speak English and some of the information supplied on the
SeniorNet Sweden web site is in English I intended to use English only. However, a
group of older people who use an Internet café in Stockholm agreed to complete the
questionnaire - but only if it was in their own language. I therefore reasoned that, in
order to be confident of receiving any completed responses from older people with
whom I had no prior connection, it would have to be translated.
20
I do not know many Swedish people and did not have the resources to go to a
professional translation service. As I studied Swedish at university (30 years ago) I
first attempted the translation myself and eventually, after many delays, found
someone who was willing to correct it for me. My lack of personal resources also had
an impact on the design: questions had, in the main, to be closed, as lengthy
descriptive responses would have made analysis more difficult for me.
Some researchers such as Coomber (1997), Selwyn and Robson (1998) and Ferguson
(1993) have highlighted the potential advantages of using the Internet and e-mail for
research purposes. These fail to draw attention to the difficulties which the novice online researcher may come across. In fact, initial testing of the questionnaire with
colleagues revealed the first of the very many technical difficulties which
subsequently had to be overcome. The formatting was lost if the questionnaire was
incorporated into the body of an e-mail. Opening an attachment, saving the
information before completing it and then returning the questionnaire to the sender
requires a level of computer expertise which could constitute too great a barrier for
older people. It was therefore decided to develop a Web-based questionnaire to which
people could be directed.
After attempting to design this myself, a family member with professional expertise in
web-site design offered his assistance. He developed a Web-based version of the
questionnaire which he placed on his own web site. His own work commitments led
to considerable delays and necessitated starting the interviews before the
questionnaires were returned, in order to complete the research within timescales.
Following the advice of Comley, P (1996), an e-mail message in Swedish was then
sent to approximately 60 organisations - SeniorNet groups and also folk high schools
- asking them to alert older people to the Web-based questionnaire. In spite of several
reminders, only 31 questionnaires which could be used were returned.
One reason for the poor overall response may be due to the fieldwork being carried
out over the summer time. As one participant informed me, seniors in Sweden take
long summer holidays; summer houses and sailing take precedence over computers
and computer classes. However, this proved not to be the reason as the web site
21
"owner" was able to track that there were a large number of 'visits' to the site which
did not result in the return of a completed questionnaire. It seems that some people
were deterred from returning them by the fact that results of the web-based
questionnaire were returned to me by e-mail and participants were warned that I
would be given their e-mail address.
Although the Web-based questionnaire was easy to complete, only 14 were returned
by this method. Others were returned by e-mail or as e-mail attachments and 14 were
returned by post - 12 from one organisation, following a day organised annually in
Sweden to encourage older people to take up computing.
Locating interviewees in Scotland
Finding interviewees proved less problematic although this, too, took time and
persistence. Colleges and community centres were closed for the holidays and most
classes were not due to start again until after the fieldwork was timetabled for
completion. Interviewees were found by asking many people who were likely to come
into contact with older people if they knew of anyone over the age of 70 who was
using a computer. They were then requested to ask the person concerned if they
would be willing to be contacted. This was followed by a letter or phone call to the
person to arrange a mutually convenient time. The only exception to this was when
the arrangement was made via a sheltered housing warden, rather than with the
tenants directly.
It was hoped that the interviews would be enjoyable for participants, as well as
yielding rich data about their lives and an attempt was made to keep them as informal
as possible. A small tape recorder was used, with the interviewees' permission. Rather
than a formal interview schedule, a notebook was referred to from time to time
throughout the interview to ensure that, as far as possible, all the topics, had been
covered. This resulted in free-flowing conversation around the issues, while also
allowing the gathering of factual information. Everyone was sent a card to thank them
for their time and promised a summary of the completed report.
22
Range and type of data collected
The questionnaire was designed to collect details about participants' use of computers
- what they use them for, where they use them, how they learned or are learning to use
them, their feelings about using them and whether their use of a computer brings them
into greater or lesser contact with others.
According to Barton, "To be a disabled person means to be discriminated against. It
involves social isolation and restriction. This is because of an essentially inaccessible
socio-economic and physical world." (Barton, 1998: 56). In recognition of the fact
that older age frequently brings with it increased health problems and physical
impairments, participants were asked for details about any disabilities or medical
conditions, particularly those which might make it difficult for them to use a
computer. This was, in part, to find out whether only non-disabled older people were
using computers. It was also to discover whether respondents or interviewees were
using computers in spite of any impairments, as this would have implications for the
general population of older old people.
Direct questions about whether participants felt lonely or excluded were avoided
because feelings of loneliness are known to be highly individualised and to some
extent dependent on the norms of the society in which the person lives (Jylhä and
Jokela, 1990). Instead, questions were asked about whether the participant had or did
not have as much contact with others as she/he wished.
Sampling
Simple random sampling was employed in disseminating the questionnaire: All of the
41 SeniorNet clubs were e-mailed with a Swedish language message, asking them to
bring their members' attention to the questionnaire. Of necessity, the population
targeted was therefore biased towards older people who were guaranteed to be using
the Internet. However, folk high schools in Sweden provide further education courses
for people of all ages and all 13 were also e-mailed with the same request.
23
Given the difficulties stated above, purposive sampling had to be used, by means of
personal contacts and by asking friends and colleagues and others such as Community
Education workers and workers from organisations for older people. Only
interviewees over the age of 70 were selected, with some preference given to those
who were older than this (where age or approximate age was known). Some attempt
was made to employ "maximum variation sampling"(Punch, 1998) in that
interviewees were selected who lived in different parts of Edinburgh and beyond, who
were known to have had careers which afforded them greater or lesser degrees of
responsibility and on the basis of their gender. (Seven women and five men were
interviewed.) An (unsuccessful) attempt was also made to locate interviewees from a
minority ethnic group - particularly from the Polish community, which has the largest
population of older people of any minority ethnic group in Edinburgh.
Some interviewees had recently begun to use computers; others had been using them
for many years, although this was not always known before the interview took place.
Because of their individual differences it was hoped to gain some indication of
whether computers have a role to play in the promotion of social inclusion and social
capital, regardless of a participant's background or living circumstances. This might
suggest whether or not there are barriers or issues which are common to many older
people.
Analysis
The questionnaires were analysed using Excel to provide general descriptive statistics.
The interviews were transcribed and the transcriptions then coded under headings
such as 'health and disability' and under relevant sub-headings as they emerged, such
as 'hands', 'visual problems', 'fear of developing dementia' etc. This was a slow
process as the transcriptions were long - each interview took one hour to an hour and
a half - but continual scrolling through the interview scripts allowed familiarisation
with the data.
24
Observations about methods used
What people say and what they do may be very different. However, the open and
informal style of interviewing did appear to encourage interviewees to talk freely
about themselves, their connections with families, friends and community, and to
describe the part played by a computer within their everyday lives.
This was an exploratory study with a very small number of interviewees. As stated, it
was targeted at older old people who choose to use computers and did not seek to find
out why others are frightened of them or have tried and then abandoned them. This is
perhaps a topic for further research. Given the target population, the method did
appear to be both appropriate and effective in casting light on the common factors
about use of a computer in promoting the social inclusion and social capital of older
old people.
The questionnaire was less successful in respect of validity and reliability. It was
corrected by two Swedish native speakers and some of the problems of translating
from one language to another were presumably thus avoided (Birbili, 01). However,
the information gathered was largely brief and factual and gave very little indication
of the effect of computer use on social inclusion or social capital. More useful data
was gathered from the friendly letters sent by Swedish SeniorNet members,
describing the activities of their clubs. This accords with Hantrais and Mangen's
assertion that the establishment of personal contacts may sometimes be more
valuable than the actual comparative results (Hantrais and Mangen, 1996: 2).
There were a number of ethical issues. I was careful not to abuse the fact that I was in
possession of questionnaire respondents' e-mail addresses and merely replied with a
"thank you". There were more extensive ethical issues related to the interviews. I
attempted to establish rapport by keeping the interview as informal as possible and, as
stated above, the only items which I brought to the interview were a notebook in
which I had written the main topics for discussion, and a small tape recorder. What
was perhaps lost in consistency was made up for by the subsequent richness of data.
However, this open, narrative style of interviewing brings with it particular ethical
considerations. In describing women interviewing other women, Finch warns of the
25
"exploitative potential (which) lies in the relationship between interviewer and
interviewee" (Finch, 1984: 174). Although interviewees were happy to tell me about
their lives, some of which contained painful details, I was mindful of the fact that this
was an interview and not a counselling session. I was careful not to probe into areas
which were clearly sensitive - for example, I consciously avoided asking further
questions about one interviewee's son when it was clear that he did not wish to talk
about him. I promised to respect another interviewee's wish to keep the secret of his
real age. All interviewees were guaranteed a copy of a summary of the report when it
is written.
26
4. DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS
Introduction
There were two main questions on which this small study sought to begin to throw
some light. Firstly, can the 'successful' use of computers and the Internet help older
old people to be included as full members of the wider community as they continue to
age and as their needs change? Secondly, does their use maintain or promote the
development of social networks, trust and belonging - which Putnam and others have
termed "social capital"?
The focus of the discussion
As stated in Chapter 3, in spite of considerable efforts to disseminate the
questionnaire to as many people in Sweden as possible, a relatively small number of
questionnaires were returned (31). The main focus of the study is therefore the
interviews with twelve older people in Scotland, with findings from the questionnaire
providing some minor comparisons with Swedish older people.
Brief descriptions of the interviewees are outlined in the Appendix. Interviewees were
assured that their anonymity would, as far as possible, be maintained and, given that
the population of older old people using computers is small, details which might
reveal their identity have been omitted or concealed.
SOCIAL INCLUSION & EXCLUSION
I had assumed that any older people I could find who were over the age of seventy
and who were using computers were likely to be younger rather than older, reasonably
fit, well educated and affluent. I expected them to have been using computers for
some time, rather than learning to use them in recent years. However, I reasoned that
if a small number of older people derived benefits from using a computer, or expected
to derive them as they grew older and their needs changed, with the appropriate range
of supports these benefits could be made available to older people in less fortunate
positions.
27
In fact, only one interviewee (C7) conformed to this stereotype in its entirety. The
remaining eleven people varied in their levels of health and fitness, income and work
history. Seven are over 80 and of these, 5 have started to use a computer in the past
three years. Although most of those interviewed clearly had some form of private or
works pension, one person (C11) appeared to be on a very low income, with no
private means.
I therefore discovered many facts for which I was not entirely prepared, one being the
parallel between digital and social exclusion. Interviewees had learned computing or
were using a computer in spite of a range of difficulties, some related to their own
situation or state of health, some imposed upon them by systems and by societal
attitudes. The findings about social exclusion are therefore discussed in two stages:
some of the barriers to digital/social inclusion, such as disability, income, attitudes are
first described; ways in which using a computer may help to overcome some of the
barriers to social inclusion which accompany older age are then explored.
BARRIERS WHICH INTERVIEWEES HAD OVERCOME
Health and disability
As stated above, only one person fully conformed to my stereotypical example of an
older old person using a computer - "fit as a flea" (his own words), well educated, in
his early seventies and apparently financially comfortable. The remaining eleven
interviewees have at least one, in some instances several, medical problems or
impairments, some of which make it difficult for them to use a computer - or to access
the training they need. Arthritis was a common complaint, affecting people in
different ways. Six people said that arthritis in their finger joints made it difficult for
them to use their hands.
Three of those interviewed (C2, C3 and C8) have been near to death on previous
occasions and have continuing chronic health problems. Two others (C6 and C10)
have serious health conditions which forced them to take early retirement.
28
Eight of those interviewed said they had or were developing problems with their
eyesight. Four need daily help with basic personal care tasks such as doing up buttons
or taking a shower.
Three spouses of those interviewed also have severe health problems - one suffers
from diabetes, one has chronic heart trouble and one is losing her sight as a result of
macular degeneration.
Interviewees were asked if they were able to get out and about. Two people have
given up driving because their eyesight or other general health has deteriorated, five
are still driving and the remainder use public transport or are dependent on spouses or
other family members to drive them. One person (C8) is housebound and only able to
go out if a friend or paid carer takes her and her wheelchair in their car.
Several people mentioned that older age is accompanied by a general slowing down.
I think with advancing years one does slow down (C1, widow, aged 82)
So you just slow down a wee bit and I find you can nearly do everything when
you're older, but slower. (C3, widower, aged 81)
Although half of those interviewed had problems using their hands, this had not
deterred them from using a computer. They had found their own ways round the
problem. One (C2) moved the mouse with his right hand and clicked it with the finger
of his left hand. Only one had (unaided) found an alternative solution:
"when I bend this hand to type this damn finger sticks so I've bought this voice
recognition thing and I can just talk into it and it prints by itself" (C3, aged 81)
Income
Interviewees were not asked for details of their financial circumstances, but the costs
of setting up a computer, maintaining and repairing it, being on line and paying for
29
training courses were mentioned by every interviewee. All had some concern about
meeting financial demands, in spite of the fact that some interviewees
have had high status jobs which are likely to have allowed them to maintain a
reasonably high standard of living in retirement.
Two of the interviewees - both academics - still earn some money; the remainder are
reliant on pensions and other sources of income.
Only one person - C8 - appeared to have been able to buy a computer and set it up
without consideration of the cost. As she is housebound, she incurred additional
installation and running costs.
" I had to have a separate telephone line because I am on the Careline."
(C8 very disabled woman, former academic, early 80's)
Two people (C10 and C11) had computers on loan from a local project for older
people although C10 was considering buying his own. One (C1) had waited until able
to acquire a cheap second-hand computer.
Costs of maintaining and repairing computers are high.
"I didn't want to have to get it banged up in trouble and have to get it repaired
… it costs money." (C2 - disabled man, aged 82 who had his own business.
He was deterred from using his computer when his tutor was not there in case
he caused any damage)
"…he didn't charge me as much as he should have charged me, because I was
old, I suppose, but it was still quite a few pounds I paid." (C5, retired academic, aged
83, who had been quoted £40 an hour for home repair visits).
Costs of private tuition can also be considerable (C8 paid £30 an hour).
Even lower personal tuition charges may be hard to meet.
30
"… she wanted me to pay £5 an hour myself and I just couldn't cope with
that… You can't keep paying money out all the time when you're on a pension like I
am." (C2 - disabled man, aged 82 who had his own business)
The cost of attending computer courses was also a concern and paying for courses
was further resented when the course proved unsuitable.
"It was a waste of time and money. It cost me £20." (C4 - widow, former
clerical worker, aged 77)
Although one person (C3) had set up an all-in Internet package which allowed him
unlimited access, for others the cost of being on line was also a consideration and
limited the times they used it - for example, to evenings or weekends. In the case of
C11, it deterred her from accessing the Internet at home.
"I can't afford it (use of Internet). There's no point in putting yourself into debt
for something that you know you can do without." (C11, widow, aged 70, with a very
limited income, who uses the Internet at a local project rather than at home)
Exclusion from learning
Interviewees mainly held positive attitudes to their own ability to learn computing.
Only one person (C10) said he thought, before he started that he would be "hopeless"
at computers. Seven people stated or implied that they enjoyed the challenge of
learning and most were confident in their ability to master it or voiced the
determination to learn, whatever happened.
"I was pretty confident I would be able to do it, given time - and I know that I
am slower - it takes me longer, but that's no reason for not doing it." (C1, widow,
aged 82, former nurse)
"Once I get to know it I'll be in there like a rat!" (C2, very disabled man, aged
82)
31
Some interviewees clearly thought it was entirely up to them whether or not they
succeeded (C5, C7). However, others had tried to find suitable courses and failed and
some voiced dissatisfaction at the standard of teaching and at modern teaching
methods which were unfamiliar to them.
"Now they dot from one to the other and they get tied up with somebody and
you sit doing nothing" (C9 - widow, aged 83, former nurse)
Some were deterred from asking a course tutor for help out of a belief that, in the
company of younger people, older people should take second place.
"You feel 'I shouldn't be here. You're in the wrong place.' This is children's
learning and you're taking up their space so you feel awkward." (C11, widow aged 70
- about attending classes alongside school children)
"Their main concern is to teach the young - which is rightly so because they
are looking for work, and I felt shy … I felt shy of asking and causing a waste of
time." (C9, widow, aged 83 - about attending an evening class)
Interviewees suggested that educators fail to recognise that some older people have
particular computer learning needs, regardless of their level of academic achievement:
"I find the people who tell you they can help you are irritating because they
don't help you, they just do it. They haven't got the patience to find out what your real
problems are and they find it perfectly easy - so they get on and do it at a speed that I
can't follow what they are doing." (C8, disabled woman in her early 80's, formerly a
senior academic)
Interviewees said their tutors tended to be younger people, who have consequently not
yet experienced the problems which can accompany older age. They would not yet
have experienced the stiffness of joints which make it difficult for an older person to
manipulate a mouse at speed. Six of those interviewed also have impaired hearing
which may have added to their difficulties in a classroom situation.
32
Other criticisms of courses and tuition included: a lack of interest generally on the
part of the tutor, being taught aspects of computing which they did not want to know
and would never use, lack of interest in older people, classes being held at night when
most older people prefer not to go out after dark, tutors teaching at an inappropriate
pace, being the only older person in the class. Some places where classes were held
are also physically inaccessible.
Good learning experiences were those where the person teaching them had been very
clear, had asked what it was they wanted to know and made sure that they understood
what had been taught and could then do it for themselves before moving on to the
next topic.
Exclusion from information
The interviews highlighted the fact that older people may not know what a computer
can do. Some (C6, C7, C12) had begun to use computers years ago, for example when
younger members of the family became interested; others (C5 and C8) had recognised
the need to learn computing in order to keep up with their academic peers. However,
for those who started using computers late in life, this was often by accident, because
they happened to be in a particular place at a particular time, not because they knew
what a computer could offer them.
"somebody said you can find everything on the Web. I didn't know what the
Web was. The only Web I knew about was the spiders' ones. I thought all computers
were games to start with you see." (C11 - widow, aged 70, who did not go out to
work)
Once motivated by a little knowledge, some interviewees (C1, C9, C10) had been
encouraged to learn by family members although some had had to manage for
themselves. One of the bigger computer retailers was said to have been particularly
unhelpful.
Most people did not know others of their own age using computers and, as stated
above, had been taught (if at all) by younger tutors. Most did not know about chat
33
rooms or other sites of interest to older people. Some were pleased to be given the
information.
THE EFFECT OF LEARNING TO USE A COMPUTER
All those interviewed were selected because, in spite of any difficulties, they were
already using a computer or wanted to make better use of one. The study was
therefore able to begin to look at the role of computers in relation to the social
inclusion of older old people.
Once again, I had assumed that if computers were to promote their social inclusion,
this would be through their use of on-line facilities. In fact, I discovered that other
aspects of using a computer can have a positive effect on promoting or maintaining
social inclusion as people grow older.
One person (C8) expressed full recognition of the need to learn about computers if
social exclusion is to be avoided.
"I felt at the time that without any knowledge of computing one was somehow
missing out on what was going on … that you were left out of things if you were
completely computer ignorant" (C8 - disabled unmarried woman, aged 83, formerly a
senior academic)
For others, the role of computers in promoting their inclusion in the wider community
was expressed less directly and in a variety of different ways.
Language
On television the public are increasingly referred to web sites such as "BBC.co.uk"
and some banking and other services are only available, or available more cheaply, on
line. Positive and negative aspects of computing and the Internet are frequent topics of
conversation. Interviewees demonstrated that they had either acquired or were
struggling to acquire fluency in what is now a common language for many younger
people.
34
"I do need e-Net - er… e-mail - mail"(C5 - woman, aged 83, writer of text
books)
"I needed a USB… UBS… connection" (C9 - widow, aged 83, who has been
using a computer for approximately 3 years)
Understandably, those who had been using computers the longest tended to have
acquired the greatest degree of fluency and sophistication.
"since then my motherboard went down" (C12 - man, aged 81, who has been
using a computer for many years)
Acquiring fluency may bring with it the satisfaction that you can communicate in a
once unfamiliar language:
"…that's compatible with my PC" (laughs at using these words) (C1 - widow
aged 82, who has had a computer for 6 months)
Benefits
Two people (C2 and C6) said they found it easier to use a computer than to manage
the ordinary everyday activities of life.
"I'm able to manage my computer, you see, but I can't even pick up pound
notes." (C2 - very disabled man, aged 82)
In spite of being dependent on spouses for personal care needs, using a computer
allows them an area of their life in which they are able to continue exercising some
control - and which simultaneously affords their spouse some respite from the caring
role.
In other instances, the computer allows the continuation of activities which have
become difficult because of disabling conditions. Some said they used word
35
processing, for example, because they found it easier than trying to write by hand or
because others could no longer read their hand-writing.
E-mail can provide a printed record of details which could be lost in a telephone
conversation, or which could easily be forgotten by those with memory problems.
Similarly, sight problems can be overcome by increasing the font size, although two
people (C3 and C9) said they placed a limit on the time they spent on the computer to
ensure they did not further damage their eyes.
In some instances, anxieties about encroaching disabilities were the motivating factor
in starting to use a computer. Some said they felt that using the computer helps to
keep their fingers mobile.
Whether or not their belief is well founded, seven people interviewed stated or
implied that they had begun or continued to use a computer because of their fear of
developing dementia
"I could feel senility overtaking me. I'd go upstairs and forget what I was
upstairs for…" (C4 - widow, aged 77, former clerical worker)
"this is one of the big uses of the computer - in order to keep ourselves - my
wife's and my mind active - every night we play 3 games of Freefell and 1 of Spider
(C7 - former scientific researcher, aged 74)
For one person, boredom and depression resulting from limitations imposed by his
poor health were his motivation for learning to use a computer.
"he was really getting morbid. He was really depressed and it's changed his
life completely." (spouse of C10 - aged 73, ex miner/security guard)
The words "a new lease of life" were used in several interviews to describe the effect
that beginning to use a computer had had on the person concerned.
36
Financial considerations
Interviewees talked of the expense of buying and maintaining a computer. For those
who had free access, however, the savings (in using e-mail for example) were
appreciated.
"I ran these off (the cards) and it saved about £8" (C4 - widow, aged 77)
It also allows the user, along with others who have access, to buy goods at cheaper
rates.
"I get my ink cartridges off the Internet for Epson…" (C12 - retired insurance
salesman, aged 81)
Self esteem
The feminist writer, Ruth Lister, suggests that to act as a fully included citizen
"requires first a sense of agency, the belief that one can act" (Lister, 1997: 38). She
suggests that this belief is linked to self esteem. This association between self esteem
and the sense of being included which learning to use a computer had brought him
was eloquently expressed by one person (C10) who left school at 14 to start work as a
miner.
"It makes me - it gives me an inner feeling that I am as equal with anybody
now. It gives me this feeling that I am no … sort of old and ancient and dilapidated. I
mean I'm sort of equal with quite a lot of people now, never thinking that I'd be there
at this stage of my life anyway especially. I get a warm glow, you ken, inside to think
that I've got this wee bit of knowledge." (C10 - aged 73)
Others made similar references to the fact that mastering the skills of using a
computer increased their sense of self esteem.
"I feel very good about it … they (adult children) don’t do photographs and
they're all into business and they just never touch photographs. Well I could tell them
37
about that - how to enlarge the pictures and place them and all sorts of things. So you
see it's your own particular niche you get into. (C9 - widow, aged 83, retired nurse)
Use of E-mail
All the interviewees used e-mail, although some with more enthusiasm than others. It
was appreciated by most of those interviewed for its immediacy and low cost which
allowed frequent easy contact with relatives and friends, particularly those living a
long way away.
"It's wonderful. I pay my rates now with a smile" (C4, widow, aged 77 - who
checks her e-mails twice a week, free of charge, at the local library)
"You can do e-mail and make it that it's going to 40 different people in the
same group - oh no, it's amazing the e-mail." (C3, widower, aged 81, who uses his
computer to, among other things, print and distribute minutes of meetings)
Letters were preferred by some interviewees - for example, because a letter indicates
that some effort has been taken on the part of the sender. However, some accepted the
fact that younger relatives have lost the habit of letter writing.
Wife: "Douglas wouldn't write a letter, but he'll e-mail us. Husband: He'll
e-mail us." (C6 - husband and wife in their early 70's, talking about their son)
For some interviewees who had begun to use a computer in the last few years,
mastering the art of e-mailing was the initial motivating factor, particularly for those
with sons and daughters and grandchildren abroad.
"I've got another friend in Bangladesh and I've got his e-mail so I must get a bit more
proficient"
(C1, widow, aged 82 - who e-mails her daughter in the Far East every evening)
38
"that was what put me on … excited me to get into it because I wanted to e-mail them
- that was how it started - it wasn't really to go into computing in the big way that I've
come out" (C9 - widow, aged 83, whose family are very scattered)
"I would buy it (computer) just for sending e-mails." (C10, ex miner/security
guard whose much loved son and grandchildren live abroad)
E-mailing can also be integrated into the busy working lives of relatives abroad.
"I know that he's sitting in his office while I'm doing mine and I sit there,
maybe wait 5 minutes later and maybe get another e-mail in - not by chat or anything
but by e-mail - backwards and forwards" (C10, whose only son works in Jakarta. It
takes 3 weeks for a letter from the UK to reach him.)
In some instances, the ease with which messages could be communicated backwards
and forwards by e-mail allowed more tenuous and casual friendships to be
maintained, thus extending the range of available contacts, or what Granovetter called
"weak ties" (Granovetter, M.S. 1973, cited in Ferlander, S and Timms, D, 2001).
Being able to send e-mailed attachments, particularly photographs, were also very
much valued by some interviewees with friends and family abroad.
"in America there was a new baby born and I got the picture the same day that's wonderful, isn't it?" (C9 - widow, aged 83, many of whose relatives live in the
U.S.)
"If I've taken a photograph of Lucy I'll e-mail it to her day and I'll e-mail it to
my son - her granddad - and I'll e-mail it to my daughter and I'll e-mail it to Australia
- just to let them see how she's getting on." (C6 - disabled married woman, aged 83)
Some interviewees had strong views about when it was appropriate to send an e-mail to make holiday arrangements for example, but not to write a letter of complaint.
Some said they would use the phone if a message was particularly important and they
had to be sure of it reaching the person concerned. Two interviewees who preferred to
39
word process a letter and then send it through the post nevertheless recognised the
need to be accessible by e-mail to continue to be included within the academic
community.
"there is a professor in Japan who is translating our recent monograph ….
She wants an immediate reply - so I've mastered that. She and I now communicate by
e-mail." (C5 - unmarried woman, aged 83, self employed writer or text books)
Most e-mailing seemed to be with people a long way away, rather than with friends
and relatives in the near neighbourhood. One or two interviewees who have frequent
personal contact with those people to whom they are closest do not use e-mail.
"…we see each other often enough. .. What can I say to her in an e-mail that I
can't say to her on the phone or direct?"
(C8 - retired senior academic in her early 80's)
Telephone calls can be expensive and using a telephone can be tiring or difficult for
an older person - for example, because of hearing problems. However, telephone was
used in preference to e-mail for several reasons. Fewer numbers of people,
particularly older old people, have access to computers or e-mail outside the work
place.
"I don't know any of my friends who are into computers." (C7 - retired
scientific researcher, aged 74)
"I use the phone locally because I'm concerned about the elderly people and
none of them, you know - they've not … computers are something that belong to
another age you see." (C12 - former insurance salesman, aged 81)
Some interviewees said they simply preferred to use a telephone.
"I think I like to talk direct to people. There's things you will say on the phone
to people that you won't put on your e-mail" (C11 - widow, aged 70)
40
"If I get really desperate missing them I've got to go and phone. I've got to
hear their voice and the kids come on the phone" (C10's wife).
Interviewees appeared to appreciate e-mail because it allowed them to augment
existing contact with relatives - for example, if phone calls could not be made as
frequently as interviewees would wish, due to the cost incurred.
"H phones every week yet we're e-mailing in between"
(C9 - widow, aged 83, whose family are scattered)
Although they did not like it, no-one appeared to have been put off using e-mail by
pornographic or other 'junk mail'.
Other uses of the Internet
Use of other aspects of the Internet varied considerably - from not at all to, in one
person's case, having developed their own web site on a topic of particular interest to
them.
Two people (C5 and C9) had been included in other peoples' web sites.
"my grandson… put me onto it and he put H onto it and he put R onto it and there are
other people that I know on it - friends of R's that I've known for years - and they're
all on this little community, you see."
(C9 - retired nurse, aged 83, whose family are scattered)
One person (C3) was particularly enthusiastic about the Web:
"There's so many hidden treasures that's there - and the knowledge that's
there……and it's no high falutin' knowledge that you cannae understand. It's there
basic for you" (C3, widower, aged 81, who started to use a computer only 2/3 years
ago).
41
However, the majority of interviewees did not appear to use the Web to any great
extent. C1 and C2 had each only looked up one web site - C2 because he lacked the
confidence to use his computer without someone there to help him, C1 because she is
also a beginner and not attending any classes.
The difficulty of finding what you want when you want it, without wasting a great
deal of time, was an issue for some people.
"there were so many letters that you couldn't possibly read everything ….They
were written in a medical sense."
(C10, who was looking for information on his medical condition)
One person had another concern.
"I think in a way I'm anxious that it doesn't take over my life because I think it
could…. I might get addicted to the damn thing." (C5 - unmarried woman, aged 83)
Understandably, those who had been using computers for a number of years tended to
be the most adept at finding their way around the Web and used it to download music,
search for information about products or health problems and to make particular
purchases more cheaply. No-one had used it for grocery shopping. This includes one
interviewee who is housebound. In spite of having completed a demanding computer
course she was unaware that on-line grocery shopping, with delivery, was possible.
Nor did she play games with other people on line, although she said that she regularly
has "an hour or so playing bridge with myself".
No-one participated in chat rooms. Some said they were not interested in chat rooms,
although two people were pleased to be given information about a chat room for older
people set up by Age Concern England. One person (C10) was particularly keen to
communicate with someone suffering from the same medical condition, but did not
know how to go about finding them.
There were one or two examples of interviewees using the Web on behalf of other
people, for example, to shop for them or to augment their existing knowledge.
42
"If someone says to me 'what's such and such a disease' and I've never heard
of it, I can go in and get it very easily …" (C9, aged 83, a retired nurse living in a
Borders village who is asked for health advice from time to time)
Although most of the interviewees did not appear to use the Web to any great extent,
along with e-mail, the computer itself and the additional equipment to which a
computer allows access, such as scanners and digital cameras, appeared to play a role
in promoting their social inclusion - and in maintaining and developing social capital.
As a general point, Putnam suggests that modern society is characterised by a decline
in social capital. One of the reasons for this decline he attributes to the growth in
television watching (Putnam, 1995). According to Mary Marshall, older people watch
"11 hours more television than the national average" (Marshall, 1990), but three of
those interviewed said that they prefer to use their computer than to watch television.
Most of those interviewed had some involvement in their local community and in
some instances this was considerable. Robert Putnam suggests that older people in
America who were born before or around the early 1930's tend to be more involved in
their local communities than younger people (Putnam, 1995b). This small group of
Scottish interviewees therefore may not be unusual. Their high levels of community
involvement may also, in part, be due to the fact that eight have lived in the same
area, in some instances in the same house, for many years.
Several are members of one or more committees. One (C3) is very involved in a
number of organisations, gives talks to community groups and has raised thousands of
pounds for local projects. Other examples of community involvement included:
leading prayer groups, undertaking lay preaching, befriending foreign students, giving
lifts, giving regular help to elderly neighbours, distributing information such as
committee minutes or newsletters, acting as treasurer for local groups, designing
posters, organising group holidays.
For those with existing community interests and commitments, their computer has
become an important tool.
43
"I've been asked to do a service in one of the nursing homes in a fortnight's
time. I'm beginning to work on that just now. You can print it. You can edit it and you
can time it - this prayer take 2 minutes and that reading takes so long and the sermon
bit will take so long - oh lord, they only want half an hour I'd better knock a bit of this
off and you know - it's so quick and fast at editing - that's one of the big bonuses."
(C7 - retired scientific researcher, aged 74)
"She's really responsible for the exercise class. She takes the money for that for the payment for the person who runs the class - the gymnast - it's easy exercises.
… And she's got all that on the computer." (C12, aged 81 - talking about his wife)
Interviewees expressed different reasons for being involved - and for some there was
a link between their sense of social responsibility and their church connections. One
voiced his reasons for his community involvement in the following terms:
"I feel you've got to put back in - you cannae keep taking out of the kitty like"
(C3, aged 81 who uses his computer to support his many community activities, for
example to scan photographs which are made into products to raise funds for local
projects)
Portes and Landolt point out that such reciprocity is an important element in the
maintenance and development of social capital and one which distinguishes it from
financial capital (Portes, A and Landolt, P, 1996). Being able to reciprocate becomes
increasingly difficult with age. Some of those interviewed said that they would need
their neighbours and friends as they grew older and this made them reluctant to call
on them for help until absolutely necessary. For C3, his computer has become an
important tool which allows him, in spite of his many disabilities, to replenish his
stock of social capital.
44
BRIEF COMPARISONS WITH SWEDISH OLDER PEOPLE
As stated in Chapter 3, due to technical and other difficulties, only a comparatively
small number of usable questionnaires (31) were returned from Sweden. Of these, 5
respondents were only 69, but it was decided to include them, as so much useful
information would otherwise be lost and on the basis that age is, to some extent, a
construction.
The average age of those who returned the questionnaires was therefore a great deal
lower than that of the Scottish interviewees - 73.7 compared with 77.9. Seventeen of
the Swedish respondents are male and 14 female. Differences between the two groups
as regards their state of health, usage of computers, manner of learning - and the fact
that only 9 (29%) live alone - could, at least in part, be attributable to their differences
in age.
Eleven (35.5%) of the Swedish respondents have used a computer for 10 years or
more and 11 acquired computing skills through their work or while they were still
working. In contrast, although 3 of the Scottish interviewees had been using a
computer for very many years, none had learned to use a computer at their work
place; in most cases, computers were only just beginning to be introduced when they
retired.
In contrast to the Scottish interviewees, all were previously employed, many in
teaching or in managerial jobs.
Only 3 Swedish respondents recorded problems with eyesight and 23 (74.2%) said
their health was either very good or quite good. However, 16 (51.6%) recorded other
health problems such as arthritis, heart attacks, diabetes, or general stiffness and
slowing down. Only 3 people said they had not been able to get out and about as
much as they would have liked in the previous year.
There were similarities between the amount of time which interviewees and
questionnaire respondents appeared to spend at the computer. Like their Scottish
counterparts, none of the Swedish respondents spend more than 5 hours day at the
45
keyboard. Most - 23 (74.2%) - said they use it for less that 3 hours a day and 11
(35.5%) said they use it for less than 1 hour a day. Twenty-nine (93.5%) said they
have a computer in their own home. Although this is not a representative sample, this
suggests that using a computer may not result in older people spending many hours at
the computer screen, avoiding contact with friends, relatives and peers.
Like their Scottish counterparts, many Swedish respondents - 27 (87%) - said they use
their computer for word processing etc. Twenty-four (77.4%) said they use it for email. Unlike their Scottish counterparts, however, a similarly large number said they
routinely 'surf the Net' - 10 (32.2%) giving this as their main use of a computer.
Of those Swedish respondents who said that they use e-mail, the largest number
(75%) use it to communicate with children; 58.3% use it to communicate with
grandchildren, 54.1% and 50% use it to communicate with other relatives and with
friends who live far away. Whereas the Scottish interviewees said they did not use email to communicate with friends who live nearby, 58.3% of the Swedish older
people said they used it for this purpose, possibly reflecting the fact that more
Swedish older people have computers. A higher number of Swedish respondents five (20.8%) - also said that they communicate with people they have encountered
through the Internet, who they may never have met.
Three other differences were evident. One is the use made of computers in Sweden
for financial transactions such as Internet banking, paying bills and dealing in stocks
and shares. Five (16.1%) of Swedish respondents said this was their main reason for
using a computer, whereas only one of the Scottish interviewees mentioned having an
Internet bank account (for savings only) and none mentioned stocks and shares.
Financial 'housekeeping' patterns therefore appear to be different in the two countries,
perhaps reflecting different levels of trust in Internet security.
The second difference is related to the role played by SeniorNet in the lives of
questionnaire respondents. Six people (19.3%) indicated that their main use of a
computer is for club activities such as helping with club business, communicating
with members or maintaining the club's web page. As the questionnaires were
disseminated via SeniorNet, the sample is biased and it is not possible to ascertain if
46
computer usage in Sweden promotes social contact regardless of involvement with the
organisation. However, this finding does suggest that SeniorNet can play an important
role in the lives of those who are connected to a SeniorNet club. This compares with
the experience of those two Scottish interviewees who started to use computers
through a local computer centre. Both said they would continue to use the centre, even
if they were connected to the Internet at home, partly for the help and teaching
available to them there and partly because they have got to know people at the centre
and enjoy meeting them.
The third difference is related to differences in usage of the Internet. Both groups said
they valued using a computer because it provides them with a quick, cheap means of
keeping in touch with friends and family and because it allows them to learn new
skills. However, only one or two interviewees were interested in using the Web to any
great extent. In contrast, 22 (71%) of Swedish respondents said they use the Internet,
for a variety of reasons - for example, to look for information (68.2%), and to get
local information (54.5%). Five (22.8%) said they talked to other people using chat
rooms, whereas none of the Scottish interviewees had used a chat room at the time of
interview and most did not know where they would find one. Neither group had used
the Internet for food shopping or to talk to others using a web cam.
Whereas cost was a consideration for the Scottish interviewees, only two Swedish
people mentioned concerns about computer related costs - for example, costs of
software and of being on line. Technical difficulties posed problems for both groups
and some questionnaire respondents also mentioned difficulties related to the fact that
English is still the most commonly used language.
Both groups said they appreciated the fact that their computer provides them with
meaningful activity and mental stimulation and makes tasks such as writing letters
easier for them. For one person, the only thing wrong with using a computer was the
fact that
"it encroaches on the time I have to spend with my sweet wife!"
47
5. CONCLUSIONS
Interest in the use made of computers by older people has tended to focus, sometimes
with some amusement on the part of journalists and others, on the older person as
"silversurfer". Any research has tended to focus on access issues or on the support
needs of older people, who are defined as being as young as 50. The findings of this
small study suggest that there are many other aspects of computer use by older
people, specifically by those over the age of 70, which merit attention.
The study looked specifically at whether using a computer maintains or promotes
social inclusion and contributes to the development or maintenance of 'social capital'.
Many of the interviewees' stories were punctuated by losses - the son who died
shortly after graduating, work and ambitions which have had to be given up as a result
of disability, lost educational opportunities, loss of access to children and
grandchildren who have gone to live abroad - losses compounded by other losses.
Being able to use a computer may compensate for some of the losses which
accompany old age - losses which may result in the social exclusion of the person
concerned. For those older people who are already contributors to the common pool
of social capital, using a computer allows them to continue doing so.
Loss of people
Five of the interviewees had lost a spouse and, for some, a computer provided
companionship and distraction - for example, during the night when they could not
sleep or during the dark winter hours. Interviewees spoke of the loss of friends and
peers with the passing years; those who use computer centres and clubs had formed
new friendships. Those who used e-mail had extended their range of 'weak ties'. For
some, the need to ask for help in maintaining or learning how to use their computer
had also required them to form new relationships with neighbours and others or
resulted in closer relationships with children and grandchildren.
As stated in Chapter 2, modern families are frequently dispersed and some
interviewees expressed sadness that their children and grandchildren are a long way
48
away. E-mail allows them to exchange messages and family photographs quickly and
cheaply. Some also use e-mail to enable them to communicate, during working hours,
with family members whose busy lives allow them little time to visit. Interviewees
also spoke of the loss of peers and work colleagues. For at least two interviewees, use
of e-mail has helped them to continue working and to remain within their chosen
working community.
Loss of physical abilities
Disability becomes more common in older age and most interviewees described one
or more impairment which makes aspects of life difficult for them. Arthritis and
general stiffness and slowing down were also common among Swedish respondents.
A computer can function as an 'aid to daily living' by compensating in a variety of
ways: font sizes can be increased; a keyboard can be used instead of a pen and
illegible handwriting is then no longer a problem. For those with difficulty
remembering, e-mail messages, unlike the telephone, provide a written record of
'conversations' and of important information.
For those interviewees who were dependent on spouses or others for help with the
basic tasks of everyday living - such as taking a shower or doing up buttons - the
computer allows them to retain areas of autonomy and, in some instances, of
considerable competence.
Loss of opportunities
Some interviewees spoke regretfully of lost career opportunities, of having to leave
school to support the family, or of having to retire prematurely from work which they
enjoyed, due to health problems. For some, taking up computing at this stage of their
lives appeared to be regarded as a second chance to learn. It had provided them with
an opportunity - and a requirement - to master new skills - to learn to type, to use a
scanner, to design a web site, to enjoy whatever meaningful activity interested them
individually. For some, it also appeared to provide them with an opportunity to look
forward rather than to dwell on the past, to plan for the future and to structure how
they use their time.
49
Loss of identity and social status
The role which employment affords is lost on retirement. One becomes simply a
'pensioner', an 'older person', a 'granny' - or now, perhaps, a 'silversurfer'. For some,
use of a computer has helped them to retain something of their previous role, for
example, as 'nurse informant'. Some have developed new and more socially valued
roles, such as 'class assistant' - or, in the case of Swedish questionnaire respondents,
'computer club secretary' or 'club organiser'.
Some interviewees have gained new respect from children and grandchildren who are
admiring of their skills - some of which surpass those of younger members of the
family. Others are admired by friends and neighbours who are not themselves
computer users and who come to them for assistance - for example, with scanning
photographs or accessing information on their behalf. Those who are most involved
locally - helping other older people, serving on management committees, undertaking
church commitments - are able to use their computer to continue making contributions
to their community, to retain the status of giver as well as of receiver.
Using a computer also makes demands of the user - problems have to be dealt with as
they arise, a new 'language' has to be learned, the Internet allows access to both the
good and the bad in today's world. Older age can involve loss of status as an adult,
with all that that entails. Use of a computer necessitates older people staying
'grounded' within the modern world; it provides one area in which they remain
unprotected from the challenges and risks which constitute ordinary adult life.
Loss of individuality
As stated in chapter 1, older people are sometimes regarded as a homogeneous group
even though the age range which sometimes defines them spans almost half a century
and potentially several generations. Services for older people are thinly spread and, as
the writer Michael Ignatieff points out, "The most common criticism of modern
welfare is precisely that in treating everyone the same it ends up treating everyone
like a thing" (Ignatieff, M, 1994 :17). Day services and other supports are often underresourced; staff may require to spend most of their time with groups of older people,
50
rather than with individuals. However, a computer is generally used by one person at
a time and interviewees described very many different ways in which they used their
computers, some of which are highly individualised - such as developing a web site in
order to trace ex-evacuees.
Loss of income
Computers are expensive 'tools' to buy and to maintain. However, in some instances
they allowed individuals to continue working, long beyond retirement age. For those
with limited incomes who had free access, use of a computer provided them with
considerable savings, for example, in postage costs, and also with opportunities which
would otherwise have been beyond their reach.
IMPLICATIONS FOR SERVICE PROVIDERS AND OTHERS
The major part of this research looked at the experiences of a small group of Scottish
older people who share the fact that they use or are intent on becoming proficient in
using a computer. They do not conform to stereotypes of older old people as
technophobic or uninterested in learning how to use new technology. Some have been
interested in computers for many years and have acquired considerable knowledge
and skill; others have started to use a computer only very recently, sometimes with the
support and encouragement of others - grandchildren, children, spouses - but in other
instances almost entirely unaided. Some are enthusiastic; others see mastering the art
of computing as a necessary 'chore' if they are not to be excluded.
However, interviewees spoke of peers who were not interested in learning to use a
computer, who had not - as they had - found a reason to learn or who perhaps had
tried and given up trying. Some of those interviewed had great difficulty learning, but
were determined to persist - in some instances because they believed that they would
one day be housebound. There may be many other older old people who might benefit
from being given the opportunity to learn computing, but who do not know what it
can offer them or assume they are too old to learn; others may wish to learn, but may
be unable to attend a computer centre or class, because of access or other issues;
others may lack the money to buy a computer or to pay for ongoing running costs;
51
others may not know where to start and may not have supportive families to help
them.
Existing services could perhaps help in this respect. Although this may be changing,
day centres for housebound older people have traditionally provided activities, social
contact and respite for carers, rather than an opportunity for older people to learn new
skills. More could perhaps be done to provide frail older people with access at those
centres which already cater for their needs.
Those responsible for designing and marketing computers, computer software and
literature would benefit from recognising that there is an untapped market of older
people. Large monitors and simplified keyboards are more expensive. Most manuals
are written with younger people in mind and many are unhelpful to the absolute
beginner. Older computer users may prefer abbreviated instructions, in large print.
Many more older people might be encouraged to use or buy computers if they were
more appropriate to their needs, or if suppliers demonstrated greater understanding of
the specific requirements of their older customers. Salesmen could, for example, point
out the "accessibility" options which are already available on most modern machines.
The digital inclusion of older people also has implications for service providers. If an
older person currently using a computer in his or her own home moves into a
residential home, there is very little space for equipment. There is often no
independent phone line and the small personal allowance which a resident is allowed
to retain does not cover the cost of phone line rental. The rooms provided in sheltered
housing are also very small and those tenants who are linked to care alarms require an
additional phone line if they wish to access the Internet, resulting in considerable
added expense.
As a new generation of older people take the place of the older old, these issues will
have to be addressed. However, a new risk then emerges. Neil Postman suggested
that, with any new technological invention we should ask ourselves the question What is the problem to which this technology is the solution? (Postman, 1999). If
computers are not to contribute to the social exclusion of older people, it is perhaps as
well to bear in mind that the problems - described above - which older people
52
themselves experience are not the same as those with which service providers are
faced on a daily basis. Service providers may see computers in the homes of older
people as providing a potential cure-all, allowing them to make budget savings by
reducing staff numbers.
Is there a need for a Scotland-wide organisation for older people?
Understandably, those interviewees who had started to learn computing late in life,
who were not linked to a centre or who did not have interested and supportive
relatives, appeared to have the most difficulty in learning and in coping with any
problems. Only three knew other computer users of their own age. The effect of this
'digital isolation' may be seen by making comparisons with other excluded groups.
Craft and Craft point out that young people with learning difficulties do not learn
about sexuality because their peer group are equally unknowledgeable (Craft and
Craft, 1978). It would seem that older old people may not find out about web sites or
about other aspects of computing which would help them - some of which are quite
simple, such as how to slow down a mouse - because older old people lack a
knowledgeable peer group with whom to share information.
Age Concern England has taken a lead in encouraging computer use by older people,
for example, by providing a dedicated chat room. Individual centres such as the
Senior Studies Institute, a branch of Strathclyde University, have developed their own
initiatives and there are many examples of smaller, local projects which are much
appreciated by older users. However, there is no overall organisation in the UK such
as Sweden's SeniorNet. While, as stated in Chapter 2, the numbers of older people
using day centres in the UK are small, one SeniorNet Sweden club wrote that they
have 170 members, more than half of whom are over the age of 70. SeniorNet
Sweden appears to have been particularly successful in encouraging older people to
take a very active role in supporting other older people and in running the
organisation and its local clubs. The potential benefits of a similar organisation in
Scotland, dedicated entirely to the 'digital inclusion' of older people, may therefore
merit consideration. If, as Putnam proposes, those born before 1930 are the greatest
contributors to our country's stocks of social capital, we will do well to supply them
with whatever tools and supports they need to be able to continue doing so.
53
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APPENDIX
59
"EQUAL WITH ANYBODY"
SUMMARY SENT TO EACH INTERVIEWEE
Currently, around 18% of the population of Scotland are over the
age of 65. According to the General Register for Scotland’s
projected figures, the population of people in Scotland over the
age of 75 is set to rise in the next 10 years by approximately
10.5%, to nearly 400,000 - with women outnumbering men by two
to one. Around 40% of older people live alone and this number is
increasing. These facts provide some of the context in which a
study was undertaken to explore the use made of computers by
"older old" people.
Interest in the relationship between older people and computers
has tended to focus, sometimes with some amusement on the part
of journalists and others, on the older person as user of the
Internet - as "silversurfer". Any academic research has tended to
focus on consideration of the support needs or the problems
experienced by older people using computers. "Older computer
users" are generally defined as "people over the age of 50" - a
denial of the fact that, if this is the case, "older age" spans a period
of over 50 years and potentially three generations with very
different life experiences.
The study involved people over the age of 70 on the grounds that
people over the age of 70 were unlikely to have started to use a
computer while they were working. It first explored some of the
factors which affect older people today, such as demographic
changes and changes in family structures - and some of the
problems which can accompany growing older, such as increased
risk of disability, social isolation and ageist attitudes. Interviews
were carried out with 12 older people aged 70 - 83 to try to find out
whether using a computer can help to counteract some of the
effects of growing older which combine to exclude older people
from their communities - and whether computer use helps to
maintain or promote the development of 'social capital'.
'Social capital' is an unfamiliar concept outside academic circles
although the term was first used, in America, as long ago as 1916.
Very briefly, social capital means the involvement of people in the
civil, social and political life of their community; it encompasses the
network of connections among people which benefit both
individuals and the community as a whole. In recent years social
60
scientists have been concerned that, for reasons such as
increased television watching, people are less involved in their
communities and social capital in the western world is on the
decline. People over the age of 70 have been shown to contribute
most to the pool of social capital, but they are also likely to need to
draw from it as their needs increase with age.
Part of the study was carried out with the co-operation of people in
Sweden. Sweden has an organisation called SeniorNet, similar to
SeniorNet in America, which was set up to encourage the "digital
inclusion" of older people. SeniorNet Sweden has over 40 local
groups whose members meet to support other older people to
learn how to use computers. SeniorNet groups were asked to
encourage their members to complete a questionnaire which was
available both by e-mail and from a Web site. The response was
poor - only 31 questionnaires were returned - but nevertheless
some tentative comparisons were able to be made.
What did the study find out?
Seven women and five men were interviewed. Some had started
using computers many years ago; others had only recently taken
up computing, some with the encouragement of their families. Two
wanted to learn solely from a concern that they would otherwise be
excluded. Two people had started with the help of Craigmillar
Community Information Service (http://www.ccis.org.uk),
Edinburgh organisation which promotes digital inclusion (which
they continue to use for support and social contact - and free
Internet access, in spite of having computers in their own homes).
One of the interviewees was very fit; the other eleven each had
disabilities and health problems, some of them very severe. Their
working lives ranged from "housewife", with no experience of paid
employment, to "senior academic". Most live in the city of
Edinburgh, two live 10 miles outside the city and one in a country
village in the Scottish borders.
All twelve talked about their work, their families, disappointments
and achievements, and the role which computers now played in
their lives. In spite of their individual differences, there were many
common elements. All had some concern about the costs of
buying and repairing a computer and of being on line. Many had
found it difficult to get appropriate teaching - younger teachers
often failing to understand their need to be taught at a slower pace,
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one step at a time. Disabilities such as arthritis were common,
requiring some ingenuity to overcome and making use of a mouse,
for example, more difficult. Most did not know anyone of their own
age who was using a computer. Most used their computer for word
processing, scanning photographs, and e-mailing, rather than for
surfing the Internet although one had her own Web site and a
second person planned to develop one. None used it for Internet
shopping, or to talk to people in chat rooms.
Swedish people who responded to the questionnaire tended to be
slightly younger - although one SeniorNet group wrote that they
had 170 members, half of whom are over 70. Swedish users
appeared to make much greater use of the Internet, for a variety of
purposes - such as accessing bank accounts and dealing in stocks
and shares, neither of which featured in the Scottish interviews.
What conclusions were made?
Many of the older peoples' stories were punctuated by losses loss of contact with children and grandchildren who have gone to
live abroad, husbands and older friends who have died, work and
ambitions which had to be given up as a result of disability, lost
educational opportunities - losses often compounded by other
losses. The study came to the conclusion that being able to use a
computer may compensate for some of the losses which
accompany old age. A computer can help to pass the time during
the night and distract the user from the sadness of bereavement.
E-mail allows the easy exchange of messages and family
photographs and enables casual friendships to be maintained,
regardless of distance. Word-processed letters can be easier to
write if hands are arthritic - and are more easily read by the person
receiving them. E-mailed messages provide a written record for
those with difficulty remembering or hearing a telephone
conversation. Font sizes can be increased for those with visual
problems. The demands of learning provide intellectual stimulation
- and the sense that one is making an effort to guard against the
onset of dementia.
For some of those interviewed, taking up computing had provided
them with a second chance to learn - an opportunity to master new
skills such as typing or scanning. Being able to do something as
well or better than younger family members was a source of pride
and self esteem. For two people, using a computer contributed to
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their being able to continue to work, in spite of considerable
physical difficulties. Some interviewees depended on spouses or
others for help with personal care needs, such as doing up buttons
or taking a shower. Using a computer, however, allowed them to
retain an area of competence and independence. It also afforded
their carer some respite from the responsibilities of caring. Some
of those interviewees who were most involved with their local
communities used their computer to continue this involvement - for
example, to help them make products for fund-raising, to write
committee minutes, to keep financial and other records.
However, the older people interviewed also described some of the
hurdles they had had to overcome. Examples were given of
salespeople who had been unhelpful and uninterested, suggesting
that the computer purchasing power of older people is as yet
unrecognised. Some of those interviewed had great difficulty
learning, but were determined to persist - in some instances
because they believed they would one day be housebound.
Although some had friends and acquaintances who had expressed
an interest in learning how to use a computer, they knew others
who were frightened of learning or who had tried and given up, or
who knew nothing about computers and what they have to offer.
Many countries in the western world provide services which
attempt to counteract the isolating effects of older age - in Britain,
for example, housebound older people are generally
accommodated in day care centres. However, very small
percentages of older people make use of these facilities and,
because of staffing levels and other reasons, day care centres do
not tend, in their current form, to provide an environment for
lifelong learning. Computers can provide a tool for lifelong learning;
they can help to promote the social inclusion of older people,
regardless of any disabilities. Using a computer may also allow an
older person to continue contributing to their community, to give as
well as to take from the stock of 'social capital'. However, older old
people using computers in Scotland are few and lacking in peers
63
with similar interests and knowledge. Only the confident or the
determined may manage to acquire the necessary expertise.
Given the success of SeniorNet in Sweden in involving older
people, both locally and nationally, by providing them with a
reason (computer learning) for them to come together - and the
opportunity to learn at low cost - the study therefore ends with the
question: Is there a need for a similar Scotland-wide organisation
for older people?
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INTERVIEWEES - DETAILS
C1 is a widow, aged 82. She lives in a village approximately 10 miles from
Edinburgh. She was a nurse and subsequently became the manager of a nursing home.
She is very much concerned with her community and is heavily involved in her local
church. She runs study groups in her home from time to time. She has a great deal of
contact with her three sons and her grandchildren, who all visit regularly. Encouraged
by friends and family, she started to use a computer approximately 6 months ago, to
communicate with her daughter who works in the Far East. She did not know anyone
in her age group who uses a computer although she said she knew several who were
interested in learning.
C2 reluctantly admitted to being 82. He lives with his wife in a bungalow in a suburb
of Edinburgh. He and his wife had their own acting school and he was a leading
member of the acting world. They have no children. He had to give up his business
when he suddenly became very ill some years ago. He needs a great deal of help with
dressing etc. from his wife, which he clearly finds frustrating. He bought a computer
approximately six months ago, but is in the early stages of learning - initially through
classes, but now by means of home tuition. He knew no-one else in his age group with
a computer.
C3 is a widower of 81 who has lived all his life in the same small Edinburgh
community in which he is very involved. He has been using a computer for
approximately 2 years, largely self taught. He is very keen on photography and uses
his computer equipment to raise funds for local community projects. Arthritis resulted
in his retirement from the Merchant Navy after the War and he ended his career as
manager in an engineering firm. He has numerous health problems and more than
once has been near to death. He has one son with whom he does not appear to be
close. (He mentioned many other people during the interview, but not his son.) He did
not know any other people in his age group using computers.
65
C4 is 77. She is a widow who has lived for many years on a Council estate
approximately 10 miles outside Edinburgh. She has a large family with whom she has
a strained relationship. She was a clerical worker all her working life, but still resents
the fact that she had very little opportunity to access education as a younger woman.
She is largely self educated, has a strong interest in education and was proud of the
fact that she sat her Higher English in her 50's. She does not have a computer in her
own home, but uses the computers at two local libraries. She has attended various
computing classes, but found most of them unsatisfactory. She did not know of
anyone else in her age group who is using a computer.
C5 is 83 and unmarried. She earned a living as a self-employed writer of text books
and still works a little. She moved to Edinburgh 33 years ago and lives in a second
floor flat in a Victorian tenement. She has no relatives, but many friends and contacts
in the academic world. She is involved in one or two organisations and is a committee
member of one of them. Recognising that computers had become an essential tool of
academic life, she started to use one some years ago. She is happy to use her computer
for word processing, but is frustrated by her slow progress in other areas - with e-mail
in particular. She is also concerned that becoming more proficient may lead to her
spending too much time at the keyboard. She knew one person in her age group who
uses a computer (C8).
C6 is 71 and her husband is 73. Because C6 suffers from rheumatoid arthritis they live
in a sheltered housing complex, in a very small, but comfortable flat. Their one
bedroom is well equipped with computer, scanner, new printer etc. They both became
interested in computers about 20 years ago, mainly for games playing. C6 is the
principal user of the computer and she has developed many skills, particularly around
"touching up" old family photographs and cataloguing them for the benefit of the rest
of the family, some of whom live abroad. She was a clerical worker until she was
medically retired. Her husband, who was a taxi driver, provides her with personal care
such as help to take a shower and he also acts as her chauffeur. He was extremely
proud of his wife's skills. They did not know anyone else in their age group who uses
a computer.
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C7 is a retired scientific researcher, aged 74. He is married, in good health and lives in
a pleasant, fairly affluent part of Edinburgh. He bought his first computer about 15
years ago and has upgraded periodically since then. He is very involved with his local
church and with organisations in the community and uses the computer for his
community commitments, for writing minutes and sermons. He also uses it to keep in
touch with his son in America and with foreign students whom he and his wife have
got to know through a voluntary organisation established to link Scottish people with
foreigners who are studying in this country. Some of them help him when he has
problems with his computer. He knew only one other person in his age group using a
computer - his next door neighbour, to whom he had sold his old computer.
C8, who is a friend of C5, is in her early 80's. She is unmarried, a retired senior
academic who came to this country just before the Second World War. She has no
relatives in this country. C8 is the most disabled of the 12 interviewees. She has been
very ill, and can do very little for herself, but is able to cope at home with the help of
workers from private agencies. She uses a wheelchair when she is outside and
requires a walking aid when moving around her flat. Having recognised the dangers
of being excluded if she did not learn to use a computer, she enrolled in a computer
course with the Open University last year and was one of only 7 (out of 20) to
complete the course. This was delivered entirely on line and involved designing a web
site. C8 is heavily involved with a local educational organisation for older people.
C9 lives in a village in the Borders. She is 83, a widow, and a retired nurse. She was
given a Palm Pilot by her grandson for her 80th birthday and, with the encouragement
of family members, some of whom live abroad and work in the computer industry,
progressed to becoming interested in computers. She has attended various courses,
some of which have proved more useful to her than others, and she is now very
competent. C9 has various health problems, but is still able to drive. Her nearest shops
are 1 mile away and the bus service is poor. She knew one or two people in her age
group who used computers or who were at an early stage of trying to learn.
C10 is 73. His ill health resulted in his early retirement from his last job, as a security
guard. (He started his working life as a miner at age 14.) He suffers from a
neurological medical condition which prevents him from doing many of the physical
67
activities which he had expected to enjoy in his retirement. His wife, who suffers from
macular degeneration which prevents her from attempting to use a computer,
encouraged him to take up computing because he had become very depressed. He was
doubtful of his own ability to learn, but he is now fairly confident. He uses computers
at a local project, but also has one on loan at home. C10 has lived in the same part of
Edinburgh for many years. He and his wife have one son, living in the Far East with
his wife and children, and they miss them very much. They know other older people
using computers at the same project, one of whom is C11.
C11 is a widow, aged 70, who suffers from emphysema and other health problems. As
a child she missed out on education because she was required to stay at home to look
after her brothers and sisters. When she subsequently married she was discouraged
from going out to work by her husband. He later became disabled and she cared for
him for a number of years, until his death. She learned to use a computer at the same
project as C10 and still goes there regularly. She was evacuated during the war and
became interested in learning how to use a computer when she realised it would help
her with her ambition to contact other ex-evacuees. Prior to this she thought that
computers were only for games. She has her own web site. Like C10, she knows the
other older people at the project where they both still go on a regular basis. She has a
computer at home, but not connected to the Internet because, she said, she cannot
afford to pay the connection costs.
C12 is 81. He worked in insurance and is still involved in this in a minor way. He and
his wife have lived in the same suburban house for many years. He is very involved
with the local community, in a variety of ways. He and his wife became interested in
computers when their only son was a boy, many years ago and he has become
increasingly proficient over the years, mainly self taught. C12 has considerable health
problems, as does his wife, but they both use the computer, he more than his wife,
mainly as a working tool to help them with their community commitments, but also
for booking holidays, making some purchases, and storing information. C12 did not
know anyone in his age group who was using a computer.
Mean age = 77.9 years
68
QUESTIONNAIRE ABOUT OLDER PEOPLE, COMPUTERS AND THE
INTERNET
(translated into Swedish and provided as an attachment in addition to
the Web-based questionnaire
Can you help me with my research into older people and how they use
computers?
Who am I?
My name is Melanie. I am 51 years old. I live in Scotland and work in
Edinburgh, but I am studying for a Masters in Applied Social Research at
Stirling University.
As part of my job I have been helping older people (aged 70 – 90+) to be able
to use computers and the Internet. I would like to find out more about how
people aged 70+ are using computers and the Internet and whether it makes
people feel “included” as they get older.
There is no organisation like SeniorNet in Scotland so I am starting by trying
to find out about older people in Sweden by means of a questionnaire. I will
then use what I find out to interview some older people in Scotland.
I would be very grateful if you would take the time to fill in this questionnaire. It
will only take a few minutes.
Thank you very much!
69
QUESTIONNAIRE ABOUT OLDER PEOPLE, COMPUTERS AND THE
INTERNET
PLEASE COMPLETE THIS QUESTIONNAIRE ONLY IF YOU ARE AGED 70
YEARS OLD OR OLDER.
1. First, can you tell me about you. (Please put an X in only one of the
boxes.) Are you:
Male
Female
2.
Date of birth?
3.
Are you still in paid employment?
Yes
No
If not, what was
your last main
occupation?
4. Do you live alone?
Yes
No
If you answered "Yes", go to question 4 (a).
If you answered "No", go to question 5.
4(a) If you live alone, do you have as much contact with other people as you
want?
Yes
No
70
5. Please put an X in the box which best describes your health in the last
year.
My health has been very good in the last year
My health has been quite good in the last year
My health has not been very good in the last year
My health has been very poor – I have had a lot
of health problems
6. Do you have any disabilities?
(Please put an X in the box if you can answer “yes” to any of these questions.)
(a) Do you have problems with your eyesight?
(b) Do you have problems with your hearing?
(c) Do you have arthritis or Parkinsons Disease or
some other disabling or painful condition?
6 (d) If you put an X in box (c) could you tell me about your health problem.
7. Have you been able to get out and about as much as you would have liked
in the last year? (Please put an X in one box only.)
“I have been able to get out and about as much as I
wanted.”
“I have not always been able to get out and about as
much as I wanted.”
“I have rarely been able to get out and about.”
71
You and Computers
8. Approximately how long have you been using computers?
9. How much time do you spend using computers?
less than 1 hour a day
between 1 hour and 3 hours a day
between 3 hours and 5 hours a day
more than 5 hours a day
10. Do you have a computer in your own home?
Yes
No
10 (a) If you answered “No” to question 10, where do you use a computer?
(Please put an X beside all that apply).
Internet café
Centre for older people
College
Community Centre
Other (please specify)
72
11. Why did you start to use a computer?
12. What do you use computers for? (Please put an X beside all that apply).
Computer applications such as desk top publishing,
word processing, drawing, accounting etc.
playing games on your own
the Internet
e-mail
13. If you use e-mail, who do you e-mail? (Please put an X beside all that
apply).
If you do not use e-mail, please go to question 15
Son(s)/daughter(s)
Grandchildren
Other relatives
Friends who live near
Friends who live a long way away
People who have become friends via the Internet, who
you may never met
Others
73
14a). About how many e-mails have you sent to friends or relatives in the
last month?
14b). About how many e-mails have you received from friends or relatives in
the last month?
15. If you use the Internet, what do you use it for? (Please put an X beside all
that apply). If you do not use the Internet, please go to question 16.
exchanging information, photographs etc.
learning/studying
getting local information – about local events etc.
getting other information – e.g. about health matters etc
food shopping
shopping for other things
playing games with other people
talking to people in chat rooms
talking to people via a web camera
downloading music
campaigning
Anything else?
74
16. Please tell me the 3 things which you use computers for most often.
1
2
3
17. What does using a computer provide you with? (Please put an X beside
all that apply to you)
people to talk to
friends
a way to pass the time
a way to keep in touch with friends/family
a way to keep in touch with the local community
a way to keep in touch with national or world affairs
a way to do things for myself (which I would otherwise need
someone else to help me with)
a feeling of being able to do the same things as other people
an opportunity to learn new skills
Anything else?
18. Do you talk to friends, relatives or others about using computers and the
Internet?
75
Yes
No
The following questions are for people who have started using
computers since they stopped working. (If you began to use a computer at
your work, go to question 22a)
19. How did you learn to use a computer?
I learned by myself, just by trying.
I went to computer classes
I paid for someone to teach me at home
I did a computer course by myself at home (for example,
through the Internet)
My friends/relatives taught me
Any other ways that you learned/are learning to use computers?
20a). Were you anxious about learning to use a computer? (Please put an X
in one of the boxes)
Yes (a little)
Yes (a lot)
No
20b). Are you still anxious about learning?
Yes (a little)
Yes (a lot)
No
21a). Were you anxious about the computer going wrong?
Yes (a little)
76
Yes (a lot)
No
21b). Are you still anxious about the computer going wrong?
Yes (a little)
Yes (a lot)
No
22a). If you have your own computer, how easy is it for you to get any help
you need with the computer equipment? (If you don't have your own
computer, go to question 23.)
Very easy
Quite easy
Not very easy
Difficult
22b). If you have your own computer, how easy is it for you to get any help
you need with extra teaching?
Very easy
Quite easy
Not very easy
Difficult
23. Is there anything which makes it difficult for you to use a computer?
24. What are the best things for you about using a computer?
77
25. What are the worst things for you about using a computer?
26. Would you be willing for me to contact you by e-mail for further details?
Yes
No
If Yes, please could you give me your e-mail address
Thank you very much for your help
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Gender
Age
M - 17 (54.8%)
F - 14 (43.7%)
Mean:
Median:
Mode:
Range:
Total number of
respondees - 31
Employment
73.7
73
69
69-82
Still in paid employment - 0
Last jobs
Teaching (5), managerial (7), foreman (1), nursing (1),
secretarial/office worker (5), technician (2),
civil engineer (1), self-employed/business (2),
childminder (1), interior decorator (1), naval officer (1)
fosterhomes inspector (1), accountant (1),
head teacher (1), insurance salesman (1)
Health
Impairments etc
Able to get out and about
Very good -12 (38.7%)
Quite good -11 (35.5%)
Poor
-3 (9.7%)
Problems with eyesight (3)
Problems with hearing (7)
Other health problems* (16)
*e.g. arthritis, heart
problems, rheumatism
Diabetes, asthma and ,
general stiffness/slowness
Not able to get out as much as wished in past
year (3)
Blank
-5
Blank (12)
79
USE OF A COMPUTER
Time spent using
PC
> 1 hour a day
1- 3 hrs a day
3 - 5 hrs a day
Blank
Have a PC at home?
11 - (35.5%)
12 - (38.7%)
5 - (16.1%)
3
What they use a
computer for.
Yes - 29 (93.5%)
(2 also use one elsewhere e.g seniors'
centre, library)
2 use computers at an IT café, seniors'
centre or at the houses of friends
Why they began to use a PC
Other reasons mentioned by individuals
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
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through work or partly
through work
curiosity
to keep up
interest - in technology
etc
given a PC as a present
(1 for 80th birthday)
11
4
3
3
3
Word processing,
spreadsheets etc.
Using e-mail
Surfing the Net
Playing games alone
word processing
Internet
club work, treasurer
to make work easier
fun, stimulation
to learn something new
e-mail
genealogy
social involvement
word processing - e.g. to write a book, letters, minutes etc
practical and interesting
"because it is a wonderful tool"
E-MAILS - 24 people (77.4%) said they use e-mail
No. of e-mails sent in last month
No. of e-mails received in last m
1-5 (5 people)
6-10 (7 people )
11-15 (2 people)
16-20 (3 people)
21-30 (4 people)
<30 (2 - who said they sent more than 100)
Don't know (1 person)
1-5 (5 people)
6-10 (7 people)
11-15 (2 people)
16-20 (3 people)
21-30 (4 people)
<30 (2 - who said they receive mo
Don't know (1 person)
80
Who people send e-mails to
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18 people said they send e-mails to children
14 people said they send e-mails to grandchildren
13 people said they send e-mails to other relatives
14 people said they send e-mails to friends who live nearby
12 people said they send e-mails to friends who live far away
5 people said they send e-mails to people they have "met" through the Internet
13 people said they send e-mails to others e.g. fellow students on courses
(75%)
(58.3%)
(54.1%)
(58.3%)
(50%)
(20.8%)
(54.1%)
81
USE OF THE INTERNET 22 people (71%) said they use the Internet
WHAT COMPUTER IS USED

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The facilities they use
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exchanging information, photographs etc
learning/studying
getting local information
getting other information e.g. about health matters
food shopping
shopping for other things
playing games with other people
talking to people via chat rooms
talking to people via a web camera
downloading music
campaigning
- 11 (50%)
- 12 (54.5%)
- 12 (54.5%)
- 15 (68.2%)
- None
- 4 (18.2%)
- 1 (4.5%)
- 5 (22.8%)
- None
- 2 (9.9%)
- 2 (9.9%)
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looking for information - surf
e-mailing
word processing
(not always clear whether e-m
processing used)
club activities - e.g. helping in
communicating with members
people on courses etc, making
the club web page
playing games
banking, paying bills, dealing
& shares
writing minutes
reading daily newspapers
Other uses of a computer mentioned by individuals:
web sites; writing to newspapers; downloading programmes;
following TV and TV recipes; crosswords; checking out auctions, prices; encyclopaedia; Photoshop; writi
playing patience; playing bridge with someone else via the Net; networking (local community? - virtual?)
genealogy/writing family histories; reading sailing reports
82
What does using a computer provide you with?


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An opportunity to learn new skills
A way to keep in touch with friends/family
A way to keep in touch with national or world affairs
A way to keep in touch with the local community
Friends
A way to pass the time
People to talk to
A feeling of being able to do the same as other people
Being able to do things for myself (independence)
Other
- 23 (74%) 
- 19 (61%) 
- 16 (52%) 
- 14 (45%)
- 12 (39%) 
- 9 (29%) 
- 8 (26%) 
- 7 (23%) 
- 6 (19%) 
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access to local, national and f
facility to attend to club tasks
facility to improve skills and
computers & IT
facility to pay bills via the Ne
mental stimulation
social contact via computer c
amusement
work tool
facility to do book-keeping &
(pre-retirement?)
private & group teaching
Do you talk to other people about computers?
Respondents were asked if they talked to friends, relatives and others about using computers
Yes - 26 (83.9%); No - 4 (12.9%); Blank - 1
83
LEARNING, ANXIETIES ABOUT LEARNING etc.
How and where respondees learned to use a computer Anxieties about learning.
Continuin
Through work or partly through work
Attended computer course(s)
Self taught
Taught by family and friends
Other methods mentioned included:
books, reading, trial and error
Still very
Still quite
Not anxio
N/A (9)
Blank (2)
- 11 (35.5%)
- 12 (38.7%)
- 8 (25.8%)
- 5 (16.1%)
Very anxious (1)
Some anxieties (7)
Not anxious (13)
N/A (e.g. learned through work (9)
Blank (1)
Anxieties about the computer going wrong.
Continuing anxieties.
Very anxious (3)
Some anxieties (9)
Not anxious (8)
N/A (9)
Blank (2)
Very anxious (0)
Some anxieties (2)
Not anxious (19)
N/A (9)
Blank (1)
How easy is it for you to get help with extra teaching? How easy is it for you to get help with the co
Very easy (3)
quite easy (13)
not very easy (4)
very difficult (1)
N/A (2)
Blank (8)
Very easy (2)
quite easy (11)
not very easy (5)
very difficult (0)
N/A (2)
Blank (11)
84
POSITIVES AND NEGATIVES OF USING A COMPUTER
Best things about using a computer
Difficulties/most frustrating things about

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convenience - being able to easily write letters, minutes,
make copies etc (7)
fun (4)
keeping up with the times & new developments (2)
provides meaningful occupation (local SeniorNet club)
mental stimulation (2)
"window to the world"(1)
relaxation (1)
don't know (1)
speed of sending e-mail (1)
genealogy (1)
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nothing - no difficulties (7)
when it goes wrong, technical problems
delays (4)
English text software- e.g. technical ter
out in Swedish) (2)
cost of being on line, cost of software (2
time taken from doing other things (2)
that one sits too long (2)
the printer and speakers take up too mu
viruses (1)
difficulties in knowing which is the bes
software for the task (1)
problems because of having a Macintos
having to wait for help if things go wro
all the junk mail (1)
85
INTERVIEW SCHEDULE - SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEW
Background
This interview schedule was used during individual, semi-structured interviews with
12 older people (over the age of 70). Interviews took place in the interviewees' own
homes.
Aim
The aim of each interview was to explore the role played by computers in maintaining
or developing relationships within the interviewee's social networks. The questions
were devised to explore ground similar to that covered in the questionnaire used with
older people in Sweden, but in very much greater depth.
Introduction
Thank you for agreeing to let me interview you. As I said in my letter/phone call, I am
interviewing older people who are using computers, as part of a report I am writing
for a course I have been doing at Stirling University.
First of all, can I say you that you will remain completely anonymous and no records
of the interview will be kept with your name on them.
Would you mind if I taped the interview? This is only for me - so that I don’t have to
try to remember everything you and tell me and so that I do not have to take notes
while we are talking. I will clear the tape once I have finished making notes from it.
QUESTIONS
To start with, would you mind telling me what sort of work you used to do?
a)
Last main occupation(s).
Prompts: what the job(s) involved; level of responsibility - whether they used
computers at work.
b)
Whether work provided a network of friends and social contacts.
c)
When he/she retired. What they have been doing with their retirement.
Prompts: do they do voluntary or paid work now and if so, what that entails. Other
interests/plans. (Whether the way they pass their time brings them in touch with
other people, regardless of their use of computers.)
86
Personal details.
a)
Age.
b)
Whether they live alone/married etc.
Prompts (if live alone) whether they see as much of other people as they want.
c)
Sons/daughters; other relatives.
Prompts: relationships with relatives; how often they see one or more of them
Health
a)
General state of health over the past year.
b)
Any disabilities.
Prompts: hearing, sight; arthritis; anything which has prevented them getting out and
about etc.
Use of computers
4.1.Where/why etc?
a)
Why they started to use a computer (role of family/friends in this).
b)
Approximately how long they have been using a computer.
c)
How they learned/are learning.
d)
Whether they have their own computer or use it elsewhere and if so, where.
Prompts: whether use of a computer brings them into contact with other people - e.g.
if they use a computer in a community setting; if a family member helps them with
their computer and if their contact with this person has or has not increased as a
result.
e)
How much time they spend on a computer every day.
87
4.2. What they use computers for - contact with other people
a)
The sorts of things they use a computer for.
Prompts: any use of computer applications which bring them into contact with other
people e.g. doing a newsletter for a group.
b)
The sorts of things they use e-mail for - list.
Prompts: approximate number of e-mails received/sent from/to friends & relatives
weekly.
Discuss why they use e-mail and ease/difficulty of use. Discuss use of e-mail in
comparison with letters/telephone.
c)
The sorts of things they use the Internet for.
Prompts: any use of the Internet which brings them into contact with other people
e.g. studying; playing games with others; chat rooms & discussion groups; use of
web cams; campaigning etc. Anything they would like to use it for - why they don't.
d)
What they use a computer for most.
e)
Whether they ever find themselves talking about computers with other people.
4.3. Difficulties?
a)
Any initial anxieties about using a computer/their feelings now.
Prompts: what were they anxious about - the equipment/their own lack of
knowledge etc.
b)
Were they/are they able to get whatever help they need/needed - with equipment (if
they have their own computer) and with teaching.
c)
Anything which makes it difficult for them to use a computer.
4.4. Views of use of a computer
a)
Discuss what using a computer provides them with.
Prompts: people to talk to, friends, pastime, keep in touch - who with? A way of
keeping in touch with local/national/world affairs; independence; feeling of being
able to do the same as other people; new skills etc. The best/worst things about
using a computer.
b)
What role they see a computer playing in their life as they get older.
c)
Any other older people they know who are using computers - if so, ask for details.
d)
Any advice/ anything they would want to say to other older people who are thinking
of starting to use a computer.
e)
Anything else they would like to say about using a computer.
88
Thank you very much for giving up your time. I enjoyed talking to you. I am planning
to write a short, 2 page summary of the report? It will be some time before it is ready,
but when it is, would you like a copy?
89