The Homeless World Cup 2009: Events and the Social
Mission
Focus of the Case Study
This case study addresses the increasingly important way in which events with an explicit
social mission are being utilised by governmental and non-government groups to promote
positive societal values which have currency for a variety of audiences.
Introduction and Background
The purpose of this case study is to analyse the social (and cultural) impacts associated with
hosting a large-scale sporting event. The case study focuses on the Homeless World Cup
2009 which was held in the Italian city of Milan between the 6th and 13th September 2009.
The Homeless World Cup is an annual, international football tournament, uniting teams of
people who are homeless and excluded to take a once in a lifetime opportunity to represent
their country and change their lives forever. The Homeless World Cup Foundation uses
football to energise and empower people who are homeless or excluded to change their own
lives. It has triggered and supports grass roots football projects in over 60 nations working
with over 30,000 homeless and excluded people throughout the year. The tournament,
supported by the Homeless World Cup Foundation, claims that over 70% of players at the
event have changed their lives for the better by coming off drugs and alcohol, moving into
jobs, education, homes, training, reuniting with families and even going on to become players
and coaches for pro or semi-pro football teams (Homeless World Cup Foundaiton, 2008).
History of the Homeless World Cup
The Homeless World Cup was first run in Graz, Austria in 2003, with 18 participating
countries, recognising that homelessness in the west is “characterised by a lack of
accommodation and money but it is also married to alienation and marginalisation,” and
following the belief of event pioneers Mel Young and Harald Schmied that sport had the
potential to involve people from a variety of backgrounds, and create positive outcomes
(Young, 2005, p14). At the 6th Homeless World Cu, Melbourne 2008, this had grown to 56
nations who were united with the first Women’s Cup and a legacy of 30 football programmes
across Australia. The Homeless World Cup Foundation works with a series of commercial and
third sector partners to support sport development programmes across the globe. Nike and
Vodafone are founding commercial partners, alongside UEFA, European football’s governing
body. The Vodafone Foundation, which has invested over £100 million in projects since its
creation in 2002 concentrating on disaster relief, helping disadvantaged young people via
sport and music initiatives and specific projects across Vodafone's 24 local Foundations
worldwide (www.vodafonefoundation.org). The Homeless World Cup tournament itself also
has a range of other major international and national supporters, including its media
partners.
The Homeless World Cup Foundation is based in Edinburgh, Scotland and has responsibility
for “developing the internationally recognised football tournament, and triggering and
partnering with national grass roots projects that work with people who are homeless all year
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round” (www.homelessworldcup.org). The Foundation also has global brand management
responsibilities and works closely with the media to raise awareness of the homeless issue in
a proactive manner. It also fundraises for development and generates research evidence on
the benefits of sport in changing lives. In this respect, there is clearly a social change agenda
driving the activities of the Foundation. The headquarters is responsible for selecting host
cites, on the basis of a bidding process. As with many other major sporting events, the host
city is required to set up a local organising committee (LOC) which is responsible for
financing, implementing and hosting the international tournament and ensuring maximum
legacy benefit.
The Homeless World Cup Foundation has, in 2009, increased in size, taking on new
appointments, funded in the main from core start up funding from the Vodaphone
Foundation. The new organisational structure is designed to exploit further the reach of the
Homeless World Cup in ‘sustaining’ the initial impacts it has made. Mel Young, co-founder
and President, Homeless World Cup has said that:
“The Homeless World Cup has inspired grass roots football projects all over
the world. The Foundation will now support and grow these projects to
develop sustainable enterprises, create jobs, and affect real, lasting change.
What the world needs now, in the current climate, is the emergence of new
leaders and new entrepreneurs with a completely new set of values. These
people are scattered throughout our partner organizations. We now want to
fulfill this potential and build a powerful grass roots movement using football
to change the world.”
(www.homelessworldcup.org)
The Homeless World Cup claims to have made a significant impact on the lives of those
people who have participated in the event. Research commissioned by the Foundation in the
aftermath of the 2006 event in Cape Town indicated that:
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92% have a new motivation for life (342 players)
72% play football on regular basis (268 players)
89% have improved social relations (331 players)
73% have changed their lives for the better (272 players)
35% have secured regular employment (130 players)
44% have improved their housing situation (164 players)
39% chose to pursue education (145 players)
93 players addressed a drug or alcohol dependency (Homeless World Cup
Foundation, 2008)
These positive outcomes for players were seen to be an enduring priority for those involved
in the HWC 2009, particularly for the majority of officials and players of the participating
nations.
Team officials highlighted the growing linkage of football programmes to the
support provided by other social agencies, e.g. in overcoming addiction or getting people
back to work. Players competing in the 2009 event were already seen to be moving towards
employment, are rebuilding relationships, and growing in confidence, as well as looking to
‘give something back’ in terms of coaching locally and nationally, helping expand leagues and
local provision to better meet the need (Interviews: Team officials).
Milan 2009
The 2009 Homeless World Cup was based within Sempione Park to the north of central Milan,
which differed from the city centre location utilised by previous host cities. The Homeless
World Cup street soccer stadium was built at the Arena Civica, a venue of distinctive
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neoclassical architecture, which has hosted a variety of sporting activities (particularly
football), concerts and cultural events since 1807.
The event was staffed by a range of employees from both the Homeless World Cup
Headquarters and Foundation, based in Edinburgh, Scotland, and the Milan 2009 Local
Organising Committee, along with a number of voluntary staff from around the world. The
original stated aim was to recruit 500 volunteers, but in the end 200 were utilised, with most
being from an international background.
The Homeless World Cup 2009 featured 500 players from 48 nations, requiring a ‘massive
infrastructure’ to deliver the event (Interview: National Official) with the top finishers being
Ukraine, Portugal, Brazil and Nigeria. 5 other trophies were played for by the assembled
nations, and special awards were received by the best male and female players, the best
goalkeeper, and the recipients of the fair play award, coaches award, best newcomer team,
and a variety of other team awards (www.homelessworldcup.org).
As well as the founder partners, outlined previously, Milan 2009 was supported by a range of
patrons, and national/international stakeholders. These patrons include the city of Milan, the
region of Lombardia, and the Italian Ministry of Defence, who provided barracks to the north
of the city for the player’s village.
Social responsibility, sport and events
One key feature of the Homeless World Cup Foundation is its charitable status and
commitment to social change through sport. Its main partners also commit to a form of
corporate social responsibility and increasingly there is evidence of this practice across the
commercial world. As Mescon, Tilson and Desman (1995) suggest, companies are turning
towards “more market driven, strategic, bottom line approaches to philanthropy. They are
linking their charitable efforts to community and economic development projects that allow
them to aggressively publicise their giving and sponsorships” (p54). These companies are
essentially assessing the cost/benefit of their social investments and the role of special events
is increasingly important in this respect. Special events (such as the Homeless World Cup)
help companies create an aura and sport is perceived as a particularly attractive product
because of its popularity and its moral qualities.
The social benefits are as (if not more) important than the economic impacts in the legacy of
the Homeless World Cup. As a concept, social capital has attracted a significant amount of
attention in recent years as fears over the fragmentation of communities and a generalised
decline in civic engagement has increased (Putnam, 2000). Its founding father, Bourdieu
(1985:248) describes social capital as, “the aggregate of the actual or potential resources
which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalised
relationships of mutual acquaintance or recognition”. As other authors have taken on this
idea in recent years (Jacobs, 1961; Bourdieu, 1986; Coleman, 1988; Hall, 1999; and, Putnam,
1993; 2000) the concept has developed to include reference to the idea of creating and
extending networks - either bonding or bridging, the notion of enhancing a community’s
sense of connectedness, feelings of social trust and safety, the sense of belonging, the
creation of reciprocal relations between people, enhanced public participation in democratic
processes and community life, increased citizen power and the development of shared values,
norms and outlook within communities of interest. For this reason, the social capital literature
aligns closely with the field of events and festivals as studies begin to recognise the potential
contribution of events and festivals in strengthening social capital.
In relation to the decision to bid for or host, organisers often promote the potential of an
event to contribute to the ‘social glue’ of communities by aiding capacity building and through
cementing a sense of place identity. In this respect, the development of social capital is thus
inextricably linked to the process of community development and engagement. Considering
the Homeless World Cup, the way in which host cities are encouraged to ‘own’ this event and
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to volunteer to make it run smoothly can be related to growing a bank of social capital. As
Arai and Pedlar (2003: 199) argue festivals can, ‘reconnect leisure with the quality of
community life, social engagement, and the achievement of the common good’ (Arai &
Pedlar, 2003: 199). Other ‘social benefits’ are linked to the feeling of pride in the host city
engendered by the hosting of a large scale event. Aligning with the renewed focus on social
capital, McDonnell et al (1999) define a series of positive social impacts emanating from the
hosting of events which could be considered in relation to the Homeless World Cup. The
development of the social economy can be directly linked to successful events planning as
Gould (2001:71) suggests, “as individuals gain new skills and capacities in management,
decision making, teamwork, fundraising, negotiation, etc, so the community is gaining new
skills and competences”.
The hosting of events and festivals have also been associated with the development of
community pride, community participation, engagement and ownership, and these features
certainly relate to the volunteer strategy implemented at the Homeless World Cup. There has
been some criticism of spectacular events for failing to produce the desire link between the
event and the participation or representation of local populations but those events with wider
social objectives (of which the Homeless World Cup is a part) do appear to make more effort
to build relationships with the ‘local’ than some other events. The social mission of the
Homeless World Cup does also permit the production of what Ley and Old (1988) have called
‘feeling and affect’ through the promotion of a socially meaningful event. In reflecting upon
the benefits of hosting the Homeless World Cup, it is important to consider these wider social
implications and to develop critical insights into the rationale for, and legacy of, the event for
Milan and the wider global movement.
Social mission events and the concept of compassionate consumption
The Homeless World Cup event was viewed as the “celebration of the (local/national)
programmes”, as well as being “an opportunity to raise the issue of homelessness and
poverty, (an) opportunity to bring people together and show what collaborative work and
communication can get you, not just on homelessness, but on a range of issues” (Interview:
Team Official). Mel Young was seen to be fundamental to these opportunities, both in terms
of the creation of the event, and in its continued and expanding impact. Young, and the
esteem in which he is held in this regard, could be said to demonstrate the visionary
leadership identified in other social innovation contexts, such as the case of Bob Geldof and
the Live Aid concert of 1985 (Westley, 1991). However, the outcomes outlined above are not
guaranteed, and were seen to be dependent on the will and actions of a range of
stakeholders: “If done properly, there can be some amazing outcomes but if you don’t get all
the parties working together, you can’t achieve” (Interview: Team official). In particular, the
event was championed as a central focus for fundraising, networking, and attracting the
support of relevant sponsors and partner organisations for local projects.
“This event helps us get the money for the bread and butter stuff.”
(Interview: Team official)
Teams themselves, while appreciating the benefits the event can bring, highlighted the
challenge of participation with it being seen as “hard to bring a team here”, and securing the
necessary finance for resources and logistics such as support workers, kit, and flights
Interview: Team official). A number of competing nations had gained valuable support from
football governing bodies, commercial organisations, and individual donations.
Though the social impact orientation of the event was expressed by many, the entertainment
and sporting potential of Homeless World Cup was also reinforced, with many remarking that
the standard of play was “incredible” (Interviews: Team officials; Players; Volunteers). This
potential to be attractive to ‘consumers’ on a number of levels is important to consider, but
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can be limited by the logistical and ideological challenge of delivering such an event vision,
with large and complex organisation to be taken into account:
“Like a ‘real’ World Cup or Olympics, same programme, the politics,
knowledge of the sport, resource, the pitch, stand, tent, players lounge,
volunteers, all mixed in one great event…….. Every year there are different
issues as you are in a different country....the issue this year is the crowd,
and some problems with the village.”
(Interview: President of the LOC)
Organisers also remarked on the political sensitivities of taking a social change event to a
new location, both in terms of attracting volunteers and spectators, and in garnering support
from the institutions of state: “We are on the right side of politics now. We have to explain,
many times, for both sides...we have support from the left and the right. This project is very
difficult in Italy, to understand what is the sport, social and business event at the same
time...to work together” (Interview: President of the LOC).
The marketing of Milan 2009 to attract spectators was said to be a challenge, although the
use of special guests, such as Italian international footballer Marco Materazzi, Formula One
world champion Lewis Hamilton, and the World Cup trophy, were seen to attract significant
media coverage, particularly on Italian news programmes (Interview: President of the LOC).
However, this did not translate into a large spectator presence until the last day of the
competition:
“Disappointed with the element of support from the Italian people
themselves.....if local people would have got here, they would have seen
another aspect, and it would have changed their perceptions of
homelessness, and the homeless community.”
(Interview: Team official)
There were also some difficulties in managing volunteers: “It’s been a mixed bag....there’s
been lots of cultural differences to take into account” (Interview: Volunteer). Specifically,
some slow decision making by local organisers and communication problems with volunteers
were highlighted. Relying on a smaller than expected group of volunteers exposed difficulties
in recruitment, with some ‘established’ Homeless World Cup volunteers believing that
organisers could have targeted particular local groups more aggressively. This compared
Milan 2009 unfavourably to the previous host city Melbourne, where they already had a
volunteer database from previous major sporting events. This reinforces the value of
attempts from cities such as Glasgow and Manchester to use the lessons and human capital
of previous cultural and sporting events to develop the volunteer capacity and strategic
knowledge to deliver in the future.
For the 2009 hosting of the Homeless World Cup, there was a clear desire to develop
commercial activities which raise additional funds to enhance the event and its impacts
(Interview: Commercial director). As Horne (2006, p83) suggests, sport events can rarely be
detached from the requirement of patrons or sponsors and can, as such, face “the problems
of autonomy and dependence common to other forms of culture.” These activities included
the growth of sponsorship deals, extension of existing and development of new business
relationships, and in assisting fundraising activities. A challenge in developing the Homeless
World Cup ‘brand’, and in securing the involvement of new partners, is the low turnout for
the majority of the event week: “Right now this is a non event for merchandise” (Interview:
Merchandise manager). In seeking to develop brand awareness for Homeless World Cup,
and achieve greater financial success to continue the growth of the event and the impacts
delivered via the Foundation, there was a stated desire to develop an ‘evergreen’ programme
for Homeless World Cup retail. The potential for partner organisations to support this was
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noted, for example in selling via their distribution channels, and/or linking the brand of
Homeless World Cup to their marketing activity (Interview: Merchandise manager). The
Homeless World Cup are, like many other modern social cause organisations, exploring ways
in which a wide number of people can engage with their mission. The discourse of
consumerism is perhaps important to consider here, particularly the implications of seeing the
consumer as a “a rational, utility-maximising, individual, customer, or as an informed, socially
aware, political, activitst ” (Daunton & Hilton, 2001, p5).
Corporate social responsibility
As outlined previously, the Homeless World Cup has secured significant support from some
very visible global brands, particularly in the cases of Vodafone and Nike. HWC organisers
recognised the importance of organisations such as Nike being market leaders and a huge
sport brand that “recognises everything we do and help support us with everything we do”
(Interview: Commercial director). Nike themselves appreciate the opportunities associated
with the Homeless World Cup:
“We’ve been supporting this event from the beginning (2003) because it
fits very well with our aim to create social change by using sport as a tool,
and this is one of the best examples in the world”
(Interview: Nike Corporate Responsibility manager)
The tone adopted is one of social impact, rather than utilising the partnership for economic
gain:
“For us it’s not just a matter of sponsorship and putting our logo up there,
we think that our organisation is creating social change and has the
potential to drive a systemic change for the issue of homelessness so
that’s why we support them”
(Interview: Nike Corporate Responsibility manager)
As part of a growing trend among sports bodies, agencies, and commercial organisations,
Nike look to integrate social mission projects into the “heart of Nike as a brand” (Interview:
Nike Corporate Responsibility manager). However, as authors such as Berglind and Nakata
(2005), and Bloom et al (2006) have recognised, societal marketing research indicates how
affiliations with recognisable sports, events or social causes can have an effective impact on
the marketplace. Cause-related marketing campaigns are seen to be corporate philanthropy
implemented for a dual purpose: “on one hand, to raise awareness, support, and donations
for social causes……and on the other, to enhance corporate relations, customer loyalty, and
financial gains for companies” (Berglind & Nakata, 2005, p443). Nike’s criteria in building
social partnerships is innovation involving sport and young people, and they look to
supporting events and projects by, supporting social entrepreneurs who are seeking new
solutions to existing problems:
“When looking at projects we look at 2 things. First, what is the social
return on investment and what it the business return on investment. We
try to make the link to our core business. Nike is about sport. Football is
the most important sport for Nike.”
(Interview: Nike Corporate Responsibility manager)
The benefit of such partnership can impact positively upon the event itself, but also benefit,
and therefore attract, a number of other sponsors and commercial partners. Merchandisers
at Milan 2009 saw benefit from being associated with big global brands, as well as
appreciating the potential value of networking opportunities with other sponsors and
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governing bodies of the sport (Interview: Merchandiser). Nike suggest that having such a
headline sponsor as themselves brings “credibility to the HWC organisation”, producing
motivation for other partners to get involved. This is a key motivation for Nike, with the 2 nd
being the players themselves (Interview: Nike Corporate Responsibility manager).
From the organiser’s point of view, Milan 2009 saw a “nice mix of international and local
partners sponsoring the event....very important for both to be involved” (Interview:
Commercial director). In an event like the HWC, key partners such as Vodafone, Nike and
UEFA give financial support but also other elements, such as branding and exposure, and pro
bono good and services, for example mobile phones for officials, or kit for the local/national
projects. Beyond the founder partners, the length of other commercial and sponsorship
relationships was expected to vary, with there being the development of long term or short
term deals depend on the territories involved (e.g. sponsorship for one event only might
depend on the objectives of the organisation and what localities it is trying to tap into). “The
Homeless World Cup has a mixture of long and short term deals (Interview: Commercial
director).
In terms of attracting these additional partners, some companies were aware of the HWC and
have approached them, asking how they can get involved. With other companies the size,
status and profile of the HWC brand has been ‘sold’ to them: “Everyone I speak to wants to
know more about it....this is different, you have branding, you have CSR, you have social
change, and if people want to have a slice, to get involved” (Interview: Commercial director).
This reiterates the viewpoint of some merchandisers that the event had a clear charitable
objective, but was also a potential vehicle to sell and build awareness of product.
The value of media exposure to HWC and its partners was suggested: “Sponsors come back
and say, we’ve evaluated this, and it’s fantastic” (Interview: Commercial director). The
benefit of world media day was specifically highlighted, even despite low crowds overall
(Interview: merchandiser). Evaluation was seen to be an important aspect of building these
commercial and sponsorship relationships: “For us, being able to show we’re delivering value
to commercial partners, we do everything we can....when I go for the sell the following year,
and the price may have increased, it’s fully justified for them”. The location of host cities was
also seen as fundamental to this, with Brazil being identified as a big draw for sponsors and
business partners, said to be timely in terms of sponsorship deals being cut in times of
recession: “Sponsors want something back, something they can see, how it’s benefitting our
organisation” (Interview: Commercial director).
Smith and Westerbeek (2007, p1) contend that, in terms of deploying corporate social
responsibility, “an opportunity lies at the intersection of these mutual responsibilities in the
combination of the inherent financial leverage available to corporations and the
distributive/symbolic power inherent in sport.” Some HWC partners clearly wanted an
involvement with the Homeless World Cup and the Foundation in a deeper way than just
supporting the event. Nike, in particular, were proposing a longer reach into the local
programmes and initiatives: “We would like to sit down with HWC and see what we can do
for them beyond the event, at grass roots level, at the country level, how we can help them
really create the change” (Nike Corporate Responsibility manager).
Sport as a ‘good thing’ – exploitable as a vehicle for economic and social progress
Coalter (2007) suggests there has been a board shift, particularly in a UK context, from
developing sport in communities to developing communities through sport. At the World
Sport’s Forum of 2000, then General Secretary of the UN, Louise Frechette, stated that:
“The power of sports is far more than symbolic. You are engines of
economic growth. You are a force for gender equality. You can bring
youth and others in from the margins, strengthening the social fabric.
You can promote communication and help heal the divisions between
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peoples, communities and entire nations. You can set an example of fair
play.”
Football, as a sport with a fairly unique cross-cultural appeal around the world, would seem
to have more potential for ‘good’ than any other, exemplified to some degree by the public
awareness campaigns focusing on racism in the sport, and wider society (Giulianotti, 1999).
The Homeless World Cup event has developed from social entrepreneurship origins, with the
International Network of Street Papers, and ‘local’ street soccer leagues throughout a number
of countries across the globe, being fundamental in helping the Homeless World Cup
organisation develop a final competition of size, spectacle, and impact. Political support can
also be hugely significant in leveraging positive outcomes from such an event. As Horne
(2006) recognises, the modern state apparatus uses sport for a range of non-sport ends,
particularly in terms of reversing urban decline and as a stimuli for economic regeneration.
In the case of Milan 2009, there was a variety of public sector support for the Homeless
World Cup, showing some recognition of the value of such an event, with there being some
state funding, and the provision of accommodation space for players via the Defence
Minister. Furthermore, the region, county, and city gave funding, and the city of Milan
provided the event venue for free alongside paying for all the tournament food for players,
officials and volunteers (Interview: President of the LOC).
The motivations of Milan to host a Homeless World Cup were said to be a complex answer.
There was a feeling that nobody really knew of the HWC in Italy so they were bringing
something new, and that other social agencies were seen to be wary of this new
organisation. Local government and the city however, were clearly attracted by the media
visibility but “what we are missing is participation on the social part. Not the institution…..the
people, the crowd, the volunteers” (Interview: President of the LOC).
There were crowds of around 100-150,000 people at recent previous hostings, a figure which
was not repeated in 2009. “In terms of throughput it’s a massive disappointment”
(Interview: Merchandiser). There were some conflicting views on the impact of the event
location on the crowd figures, with some suggesting that “it’s the perfect venue” (Interview:
Team official), and that “I do think this is an amazing setting for the pitches....I was
convinced this was going to be the best supported tournament we’d ever had, they’re football
insane”. However, others drew comparison with previous city centre location, and saw the
location as too remote and sheltered, being “a stadium inside a park” and as such hidden
from passing pedestrian traffic (Interview: Merchandiser).
The chosen venue was defended by local organisers, highlighting some of the benefits the
site offered:
“We had to choose....give to the players’ great facilities? The problem is
that the players need the support of the crowd to play. The problem is,
last year, 2 years ago, we were in the main place, without facilities,
without changing rooms for the shower, toilet, player lounge, many, many
things.”
(Interview: President of the LOC)
In terms of the transformation potential of the event for players, a number of team officials
highlighted the importance of the crowds, both for the live experience and as an incentive for
potential players to get involved:
“All the other tournaments I’ve been to the spectators have come through
the gates and been really supportive of the players......you see crowds of 23,000 people and you sell that to the players in the build up to the
tournament”
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(Interview: Team official)
The team dimension to this event, and the socialising potential both within and outwith those
teams, was also championed: “They’ve got a social network of people they know they can call
on, they know they can trust. They’ve got friends for life” (Interview: Team official). This
echoes the bonding capital outlined by Putnam (2000, p23), with that “reciprocity and trust
based on ties of familiarity and closeness” and, in part, catalyzed a noticeable impact on the
players from many team officials point of view: “Where they’ve come from, and where
they’ve developed from, it’s amazing.” Furthermore, this transformational potential was not
just restricted to the players: “It didn’t just change those 7 players we took to Austria, it
changed my life completely” (Interview: Team official).
There was an expressed worry about HWC moving in a direction towards being more football
orientated, rather than fun orientated. There were competing opinions on this point, but for
some teams, particularly those staffed by individuals with an experience in social services,
were concerned about what is lost in an event which seemed to be becoming, for some, a
more sport focused rather than community focused event (Interview: Team official). The
tone from these officials was that an event like the Homeless World Cup should be “about
personal growth, rather than winning. Last year in Melbourne I saw some things that almost
made you cry, they were so great” (Interview: volunteer). The passion of Milan 2009
volunteers to create informal networks and ‘communities of interest’ around the Homeless
World Cup was clear, and many stated that they will volunteer at the HWC again. The use of
football was seen by some, but not all, to be important in attracting people to get involved.
“(The event) satisfied my passion for football with my passion for making a
difference”
(Interview: Volunteer)
Other volunteers, such as this respondent from Australia talking about Melbourne 2008,
echoed the positivity of many players and team officials in saying that volunteering in that
event was the “best 10 days of my life!”
The ‘event’: local engagement v global impact
Thought the event delivery was championed by many, the extent of local engagement was a
concern for a number of stakeholders: “Every year the quality if going up and up. Really at
the best professional level for a football event, it’s quite impressive. The facilities which are
available for players, for volunteers, for other people, are amazing. The only downside is that
it’s a little bit out of the centre of the city so we get less spectators compared to other
events” (Nike Corporate Responsibility manager). Having a smaller than expected number of
local volunteers was also a concern, with the lower numbers being offset by the choice to
have volunteers contribute to the whole rather than part of the tournament, as had happened
previously (Interview: President of the LOC)
This difficulty in engaging the people of Milan was put down to a lack of marketing by some:
“Locally, people haven’t heard about the Homeless World Cup here” (Interview:
Merchandiser). Scheduling was also an issue, with a music festival taking place in the city at
the same time, and the Italian Grand Prix being hosted north of Milan during the weekend.
This decision linked to other concerns over a lack of planning and lack of strategic marketing
on behalf of the LOC.
Team officials, particularly those with experience of previous events, were adamant that local
involvement was needed to have a lasting impact in communities beyond those playing in the
competition: “The aim is to change people’s perceptions and stereotypes.....it’s about getting
people to work together to achieve social change” (Interview: Team official). Homelessness
was highlighted as a sensitive issue, which might not be viewed in the same way across the
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world, in that a lack of spectators and local support “might be cultural...there might be a
stigma associated with homeless people” (Interview: Team official). Linked to this fear, some
team officials felt that, compared to previous HWC events, the wider Milan community
“received us a bit differently, out in public.” On a more positive note, some teams felt that
the poor turnout from the local population could be used as a catalyst, if Milan 2009 becomes
viewed unfavorably compared to other host cities:
“This could be a positive.....have a look in the mirror and say what have we
learned here, as a community, as a culture, as individuals at all levels:
government, community, corporate; what can we learn from it.”
(Interview: Team official)
Coalter (2007, p53) notes the apparent correlations in Putnam’s version of social capital,
where communities high in social capital, for example via civic engagement, “seem to have a
number of highly desirable policy goals.” Whether the levels of engagement with this event
could or can be used as a vehicle for debate and discussion within the Italian community, or
to the wider community, was unclear:
“It needs the right people to do that, locally, internationally, and it’s going
to take, dare I say it, some balls, some conviction, to point some fingers,
and say lets have some broad debate”
(Interview: Team official)
Other respondents were more positive about the wider impacts of Milan 2009 however, with
a feeling that the event had changed perceptions of the people of Milan about homelessness,
particularly “now it is in the agenda of the city, and hopefully there will be a legacy project
for the people of this city” (Nike Corporate Responsibility manager). Melbourne, as has been
touched upon previously, was a continual counterpoint to the 2009 event, particularly in
relation to local engagement. Volunteers who had worked at both the 2008 and 2009
Homeless World Cups saw Melbourne as being:
“Positive in every respect. The fact the event required the involvement
and participation of corporate, government, community sector, and all of
them got together....fantastic that many of these relationships are
maintained.”
(Interview: Volunteer)
Melbourne 2008 used around 900 volunteers, with a large number said to still be involved in
some sort of volunteering role, and many of whom reported a change in the way they viewed
homeless people, and that they want to contribute more to the community after being
involved (Interview: Team official). Organisers spoke to tens of thousands of students in the
run up to the 2008 Homeless World Cup, seeking to make a generational impact:
“Leading up to the event we did what we call an ‘adopt a country’
programme, schools adopted a country, learnt about the social issues,
learnt about the country, and they also did some fundraising for some of
the poorer nations.”
(Interview: Team official)
This wider publicising of the homelessness cause is further enhanced by the international
volunteer workforces which have been an aspect of all of the Homeless World Cups to date.
Milan was well placed in this regard, having utlised a large number of international
volunteers, who profess taking away great friendships, and some of whom hope to be
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ambassadors for the HWC and local street soccer/homelessness projects upon their return
home (Interview: volunteers)
The Future of the Homeless World Cup
The organisers see licensing and merchandise as a big area of revenue generation for the
future of HWC, sold around the world, and supporting projects directly (Interview:
Commercial director). A danger in this respect might be branding without the cause, where
the central mission of the HWC organisation is lost in the development of the event and the
associated web presence and marketing materials. Milan 2009 is the first time that the HWC
has looked to provide merchandise in a more proactive way, and commitment to grow retail
and merchandising, though the merchandise management was brought in late in the planning
process. There was a recognition that merchandise at sport events is a huge industry,
particularly in terms of the desire for souvenirs and event memories, and also that there is a
need to build event brand awareness pre-hosting, as well as fundraising for the HWC event
and Foundation (Interview: Merchandise manager).
From the inaugural Homeless World Cup event in 2003, there has been a noticeable growth
in scope and aspiration on behalf of the organisers. The chosen host cities can be seen to be
central to this growth, reinforcing the importance of the bidding process, where documents,
proposals and meetings give “confidence to the sanctioning body for a fantastic event”
(Interview: Commercial director). The ‘use’ of Milan as an outward facing, high profile
location, potentially opens doors to sponsors via a city ‘brand’ that is attractive to high profile
corporate organisations. Critics might question the fit of the event with Milan, and whether
the mission and nature of the Homeless World Cup enhances or conflicts with the branding of
the city. Just as cities become more aware of the range of opportunity costs associated with
hosting sports ‘mega’ events (Horne, 2006), the sensitivity associated with some social
causes might, for some stakeholders, link to PR type reservations about hosting the Homeless
World Cup. Though a range of event stakeholders were very positive about the impact on
the 500 players in attendance, the impact on the cause of homelessness more widely,
particularly regarding the extent of global publicity, is much less clear. In terms of an
enduring social legacy for the host city of Homeless World Cup 2009, it is also uncertain as to
what the impacts will be, following what some saw as a limited local engagement with the
event. Some involved with the event were more positive, but highlighted the extent of the
work to be done. Particuarly via football, described by Giulianotti (1999, pxi) as the “world’s
premier sport”, engedering a “huge and participatory passion among it’s devotees”, sport was
seen to be an important ‘hook’ in social missions which:
“create a huge amount of awareness, but we mustn’t stop there. We need
to find the real social programmes that bridge that awareness and make
the change. It is one thing to put it on the agenda of high profile people
and government but if you don’t do grass roots level investment to
change the issue then we still can’t achieve what we are looking for.”
(Nike Corporate Responsibility manager)
As Smith and Westerbeek (2007, p10) suggest, the corporate world is also fundamental to
this process, in mobilising “much needed resources to be deployed through sport to meet its
social responsibilities.”
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Assessment Task
You are required to produce two short essays, of 2000 words each (max) drawing on the
Homeless World Cup case study content and other lecture/reading materials which you have
been exposed to during the Events Policy module. Each answer is worth equal marks.
The essay answers should be presented in ONE document and should have separate
reference lists at the end of each text. You should use the Harvard referencing style in the
preparation of your submission.
The marking scheme can be found in your module
handbook – refer to this where possible.
1. Critically evaluate the view that events are an effective vehicle for generating a
meaningful civic legacy for cities. Your answer should also draw upon examples from
other events locations with which you are familiar. (2000 words)
2. Events (sporting and cultural) are an increasingly popular vehicle for the promotion of
wider social causes. Critically discuss the relative merits of using events in this way.
(2000 words).
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References
Arai, S & Pedlar, A (2003) ‘Moving beyond individualism in leisure theory: a critical analysis of
concepts of community and social engagement’, Leisure Studies, 22: 185-202
Berglind, M & Nakata, C (2005) Cause-related marketing: more buck than bang? Business
Horizons 48: 443-453
Bloom, P.N., Hoeffler, S, Lane Keller, K & Basurto Meza, C.E. (2006) How Social-Cause
Marketing Affects Consumer Perceptions, MIT Sloan Management Review 47(2): 49-55
Bourdieu, P (1986) The forms of social capital. In Bourdieu, P & Richardson, J (eds)
Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education, Greenwood Press
Coalter, F (2007) A Wider Social role for Sport, London: Routledge
Coleman, J (1988) Social Capital in the creation of Human Capital, American Journal of
Sociology 94 Supplement S95-S120. University of Chicago
Daunton, M & Hilton, M (eds.) (2001) The Politics of Consumption, Oxford: Berg
Giulianotti, R (1999) Football: A Sociology of the Beautiful Game, Cambridge: Polity Press
Hall, P.A. (1999) Social Capital in Britain, British Journal of Political Science, 29: 417-461
Horne, J (2006) Sport in Consumer Culture, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan
Jacobs, J (1961) The Death and Life of Great American Cities. New York: Random House.
Ley D., & Olds, K (1988), Landscape as spectacle: world's fairs and the culture of heroic
consumption. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 6 (2), 191 – 212
McDonnell, I et al (1999) Festival and Special Event Management, Brisbane: John Wiley and
Sons.
Mescon, T.S., Tilson, D.J and Desman, R (1995) Corporate Philanthropy: A strategic approach
to the bottom line. In America, R (ed) Philanthropy and Economic Development, Greenwood
Press
Putnam, R (2000) Bowling Alone – The Collapse and Revival of American Community, New
York, Simon & Schuster
Smith, A.C.T. & Westerbeek, H.M. (2007) Sport as a Vehicle for Deploying Corporate Social
Responsibility, JCC 25: 1-12
Westley, F (1991) Bob Geldof and Live Aid: The Affective Side of Global Social Innovation,
Human Relations 44: 1011-1036
Young, M (2005) Goal: The Story of the Homeless World Cup, Edinburgh: Birlinn Ltd.
Interviews
Interview with HWC Commercial Director, conducted 12th September 2009
Interview with HWC Milan 2009 Merchandising Manager, conducted 11th September 2009
Interviews with HWC Milan 2009 merchandisers, conducted 11th September 2009
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Interviews with HWC 2009 participants, conducted 11th-13th September 2009
Interviews with HWC 2009 team officials, conducted 11th-13th September 2009
Interviews with HWC 2009 volunteers, conducted 11th-13th September 2009
Interview with Nike Corporate Responsibility Manager, conducted 13th September 2009
Interview with President of Milan 2009 LOC, conducted 12th September 2009
Websites
www.homelessworldcup.org
www.homelessworldcup.org/content/milano-2009
www.homelessworldcup.org/content/partners
www.vodaphonefoundation.org
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