A Livelihood Analysis of Shrimp Fry Collectors in Bangladesh:
Future Prospects in Relation to a Wild Fry Collection Ban
Draft
August, 2002
By
Timothy R. Frankenberger
TANGO International Inc.
For
Department for International Development
Dhaka, Bangladesh
Executive Summary
Background
The main objective of this report is to understand the livelihoods of fry collectors in the
different geographical areas where shrimp fry are caught and to explore the alternative
livelihood options to fry collection. These options have to be grounded in the different
institutional, social, economic and environmental contexts that fry collectors live.
The Bangladesh shrimp sector and the role that the poor fry collectors play in it must be
understood within the broader regional and global context of which it is apart. As the
shrimp sector has grown and become dependent on global markets, it is increasingly
vulnerable to outside criticism of its environmental, social and economic practices. Any
concerns with sustainable livelihoods of the poor fry collectors at the local level must
relate this to sustainable trade at the global level.
As shrimp cultivation has expanded throughout the coastal belt of Southern Bangladesh,
the livelihood options of the poor have become narrower and more limited. Many of the
poor who lost work as agricultural labourers or sharecroppers, or lost access to Khas land
took up fry collection. The poor were not able to take up new opportunities in trading,
exporting or processing shrimp due to limited access to capital. Unable to take advantage
of these new income-earning activities, a growing income and asset gap has developed
between the local elites and the poor. Should a fry collection ban be enforced, much of
the income gains for the poor that accompanied shrimp production would be lost.
The majority of the poorest fry collectors that engage in this activity as their main source
of livelihood are not food secure for a great part of the year. They have poor access to
housing and limited or no access to health care. They tend to be illiterate and their
children drop out of school out of economic necessity. Their diets are of limited diversity,
often lacking in important nutrients. They also have poor access to drinking water, and
sanitation facilities. They are in a cycle of debt with local traders called Dadandars. They
are extremely vulnerable to climatic and economic changes.
In the Khulna Region, poor women and children suffer the most socially and
economically as a result of the expansion of shrimp culture. Their health has suffered
from the transformation of the landscape and declining incomes. They spend more time
in search of fuel and water and their workload has doubled. They are underpaid for the
work that they do and are cheated in the sale of their fries. Standing in cold salty water
using push/pull nets for 6-10 hours a day can expose women and children to Malaria,
Dengue, and Diarrhoea. Women also are exposed to urinary and vaginal infections. There
are few health facilities available to women, especially in the Sundarbans where they are
forced to migrate in search of fry.
The status of women in the Cittigong/Coxes Bazaar region is much lower in comparison
to other parts of the country. Traditional cultural practices have limited the opportunities
of women in education, skill development, employment, and participation in community
i
decisions. Due to the lack of income sources and inability to go to the market, women are
dominated by their husbands and other male members of society. Most women are not
allowed to vote, and are unaware of their rights. Because of these restrictions on mobility,
women are primarily involved in household work. Women are rarely involved in fry
collection. The only women that may be involved are widows or abandoned women.
Women are rarely allowed to go out alone.
Why a Ban is Being Advocated
The primary reason given for why wild fry should be banned or regulated is that
biodiversity is being negatively impacted by the capture of fry and the destruction of bycatch. However fry collection must be seen as one of many reasons why shrimp fry yields
have gone down. Other reasons include:1) the destruction of the Sundarbans for wood
harvesting and to make way for additional shrimp farms (the Sundarbans acts as a natural
nursery to shrimp and a number of other fish species); 2) the negative impacts of reliance
on wild broodstock fishing for the supply of spawn to the hatcheries; 3) the destruction of
the shrimp breeding grounds due to unregulated trawling; and 4) the pollution caused by
the breaking up of ships in the Bay of Bengal.
Why a Ban Will Be Difficult to Enforce
In most of the Southwestern and the Southeastern parts of Bangladesh, the wild fry ban
was never enforced. There are a number of reasons for this. First, very few people in the
remote areas were aware of the ban and thus did not know they were supposed to stop fry
collection activities.
Second, the demand for wild fry continued unabated. Farmers still have a preference for
wild fry because of their better survival rates despite the availability of hatchery fry at
lower costs. In addition, a number of traders are highly dependent on wild fry marketing
and have no intention of stopping. The amount of resistance generated by these traders to
the ban was well demonstrated by the activities of the traders associations in Coxes
Bazaar.
Third, the Government of Bangladesh has inadequate resources to enforce the ban, and
many agencies see the ban as an opportunity to collect rent. For example, the Forest
Department officials operating in the Sundarbans used the ban as an opportunity to
collect illegal rent from fry collectors fishing in the area.
Fourth, most of the poorer fry collectors have no other livelihood alternative, and
therefore cannot afford to stop. Until appropriate livelihood alternatives can be made
available, it is unlikely that the ban will prevent fry collection.
If it is accepted that fry collection should be regulated, then the ban needs to be
reconsidered. As it is currently configured, the ban only penalizes the poorest persons in
the fry marketing chain, and does not apply to the sale, transport, storage, and stocking of
wild fry. If a concerted effort is to be made in reducing the harvesting of wild fry, then
ii
the incentives for collecting the fry must be removed. This means that the ban should be
targeted to the farmers and traders that are seeking the fry, not only the suppliers.
Of course it is unlikely that the demand for wild fry will diminish in the near future
because the quality of hatchery-produced fry is still an issue for some farmers. In
addition, hatcheries can only meet 10 percent of the Golda fry demand, so wild fry
collection is likely to continue as Golda farming expands in the Khulna region.
Recommendations
A. Addressing Environmental and Social Issues Related to Fry Collection in the
Short-Term
1. Promote Efforts to Reduce Environmental Degradation and Loss of Biodiversity
a. Implement a Restricted Ban in Certain Ecologically Sensitive Areas and
Seasonally in Other Locations
Fry collection should be banned in certain ecologically sensitive areas such as the
Sundarbans and other important migration routes. It should also be banned in areas where
hatchery fry are readily available. A seasonal ban should be put in place in all other fry
catching areas. This seasonal ban would be from August to January in the Khulna region.
This time frame was proposed because there is no bagda requirement during the rainy
season and shrimp fry mortality rates during the winter months are high. In the Coxes
Bazaar area, a seasonal ban should be put in place during the breeding season (MarchMay). The seasonal ban in Coxes Bazaar would be implemented for a couple of years
until some of the investments in alternative livelihoods could take hold. After that, a ban
could be put in force year-round.
The ban on wild fry should not only apply to fry collectors, but to all stakeholders in the
fry marketing chain. Thus the ban would apply to fry traders, transporters, people that
store fry and farmers that are buying fry. In this way the incentive for wild fry marketing
is removed.
In areas where fry collection will be allowed to continue, licenses should be issued.
Opportunities for allowing the community to enforce fry collection bans should be
explored.
b. Restrict Removal of Mangrove Trees in the Sundarbans and Along River Systems
Because the Sundarbans acts as a natural nursery for shrimp fry and other fish, it should
be protected as much as possible. Woodcutting and removal has increased dramatically
over the last several years, leading to a reduction of the mangrove forests. Rent seeking
behaviour on the part of Government Forestry officials is encouraging this trend and
measures need to be put in place to discourage such actions.
iii
c. Best Practice on Gear Used for Fry Collection Should be Put in Place
The variety of gears used by fry catchers should be identified and reviewed for the
different areas where fry catching is taking place to promote best practice in gear use.
The use of the behundi net should be banned or regulated through a licensing system. The
size of mesh could also be regulated to prevent excess by-catch distruction. The capture
of fry from riverbanks should be allowed using push/pull nets due to the lower catch rates
and because the net users (often women and children) are the poorest group fishing for
fry. Training should be provided to minimize the adverse effects of this fishing.
Currently, many of the people operating nets along the shore do not always return the bycatch.
In the short-run, best practice catch techniques in use should be updated and disseminated
through training and awareness programmes like those promoted by CARITAS,
ActionAid, FRI, FAO and various Associations in Coxes Bazaar. Past experience has
shown that fry collectors are very receptive to improved techniques and are currently
using them.
d. In Areas Where Fry Collection Will Be Allowed, Efforts Should Be Made to
Improve the Survival Rates of Fry That Are Marketed
Significant reduction in fry collection pressure can be achieved by reducing the mortality
rates of the fry that are caught. Currently it is estimated that 60 percent of the fry are lost
from the time they are caught to the time they are stocked in a farmer’s pond. Survival
rates can be improved by promoting better practices in gear operation, fry sorting,
holding fry, controlling conditions under transport, and stocking and pond management
practices.
Awareness and training resources need to be available for people all along the fry
marketing chain. Farmers must also be trained to discourage early stocking of fry during
the winter months when low temperatures lead to high mortality rates for fry. Awareness
campaigns need to be continued through various media and DOF extension messages.
e. Ban Trawling During the Shrimp Breeding Season in the Bay of Bengal
Unrestricted trawling in shrimp breeding grounds is having a negative effect on the
availability of shrimp fry. Such trawling should be regulated and banned during the
breeding season (December-February). Currently, a ban is enforced from mid-December
to mid-January. Attempts to extend this to a three month period has met fierce resistance
from powerful trawler lobbies. Trawler owners took out an injunction against the ban and
forced the court to put the ban in abeyance. The government of Bangladesh is unable to
control trawling through the allocation of licenses due to current court rulings.
The by-catch from this fishery is extremely high, estimated to be from 35,000 to 45,000
metric tons (Huntington, 2002). Ninety percent of this by-catch is discarded. In addition,
iv
trawlers are used to capture brood stock for the hatcheries which is also having a huge
destructive effect upon shrimp breeding.
Donors need to support the Department of Fisheries in successfully regulating the
trawling industry. This should be possible given the fact that there are only 75 trawlers in
operation. The shrimp traders Association in Coxes Bazaar has been active in seeking
such a ban, and these efforts should be supported.
f. Discourage the Reliance on Wild Brood Stock Fishing for the Supply of Spawn for
Hatcheries and Improve the Quality of the Fry Produced
Indiscriminate fishing for brood stock is environmentally damaging and can lead to the
spread of disease. Hatcheries need to be regulated regarding these practices. Other efforts
should be made to improve the quality of fry produced by hatcheries. This would prevent
the sale of undersized and under age fry. No quality assurance system is developed to
ensure farmers that they are receiving good quality fry from the hatcheries. If this could
be assured, it would reduce the demand for wild fry. Hatcheries could strive to obtain a
Seal of Quality such as that being promoted by the Agro-Based Industries and
Technology Development Project, Phase II (ATDP II) project. FAO is also promoting a
shrimp seed certification program to improve quality control.
g. Determine the Effect of Pollution from Ship Breaking on Shrimp Resources
Pollution from ship breaking is having a detrimental effect on coastal fisheries resources.
Steps need to be taken to minimize the effects of this activity on the environment.
2. Provide Support to Civil Society Institutions to Create Livelihood Options for Fry
Collectors
In Khulna, a consortium of 18 NGOs have gotten together to look for ways to stop
environmental and social degradation and are looking for ways to improve the livelihood
options of fry collectors. In addition to generating alternative income opportunities, these
NGOs are trying to give fry collectors voice in local decisions and to present fry collector
concerns to higher levels. Several NGOs are attempting to form fry collectors into groups
or associations to improve representation.
Several alternative income activities have been proposed within the shrimp sector. For
example, fry collectors in Khulna could possibly get involved in shrimp nurseries.
Currently, more than 70 percent off the shrimp farms do not have nurseries on their
farms. Stocking of fry in a nursery instead of stocking directly in the main pond has
several advantages: 1) it concentrates the fry for feeding; 2) keeps the fry in a
predator/competitor free environment; and 3) it allows for the fry to be kept at
appropriate water levels. This is a niche that fry collectors could help fill in the region.
For those fry collectors that are landless, they would lease land with the assistance of
NGOs to start shrimp nurseries. The technology is simple and the risks are relatively low
v
due to the short production cycle (4 days). In areas where land access cannot be assured,
fry collectors could be organized into specialized labour gangs supported by a local NGO
and used to construct nurseries for farmers.
A second possible livelihood option for fry collectors could be the specialized transport
of shrimp to depots. There is an urgent need in the sector for improved storage and
handling of shrimp after harvest. This would involve developing an insulated rickshaw
van, and could be something the Government or the private sector would want to invest
in. Fry collectors could be employed in the construction and pulling of these vans. They
could deliver ice one-way and shrimp the other. They could be organized in groups and
eventually in transporter associations that could be supported by the sector through AgroBased Industries and Technology Development Project, Phase II (ATDP II).
Fry collectors will continue to engage in other labour activities tied to the shrimp sector.
These include construction and maintenance of embankments, water management,
guarding fields, weeding fields, catching, grading and cleaning shrimp (primarily women
and children), and snail trade to feed shrimp.
Shrimp sector livelihood options will not always be available to fry collectors in all areas,
and are especially more limited in the Southeast. In these areas the focus should be on
helping the fry collectors gain access to common property resources such as Khas land to
be used for home gardening, duck, chicken and goat rearing, oyster and crab cultivation,
cultivation of meley grass for mat weaving, and cultivation of golpata for roof
construction. Micro credit will also needed for other types of income generation such as
petty trade and handicrafts. This would replace the dependence on the Dadandar. Several
NGOs in the Chittigong/Coxes Bazaar area are providing such credit (e.g. COAST and
CODEC). Similarly, GMK is offering such a credit programme in the Khulna area.
If a ban on fry collection is put in place where women are heavily involved as collectors
(e.g. Shymnagar), they are extremely vulnerable economically and socially. Alternative
income options will be limited for them as long as they do not have access to markets.
Their social security will be at risk as long as patrilineal norms and practices determine
control of women’s access to public space, appropriate work and remuneration for work,
and marriage patterns. NGOs have to build support for women’s greater physical and
economic mobility and security. This can be done through gender awareness activities
aimed at men similar to those used in the Golda Project implemented by CARE. There
are signs in the Southeast that women’s mobility has improved where NGOs have been
operating. In both areas there is a need for more social justice work to be supported by
NGOs.
One constraint that will hinder NGO efforts to promote alternative livelihood options in
the Southeast is an attitude problem that accompanies recurrent relief programmes
associated with natural disasters. Many communities in the Coxes Bazaar region are used
to associating NGOs with relief efforts rather than viewing them as development
agencies. Such an attitude makes it difficult to run successful credit programmes or to
vi
mobilize communities for self-empowerment. This constraint will slow the pace of
transition to alternative livelihoods for the poor.
3. Social Protection Measures Should Be Implemented to Allow Shrimp Fry
Collectors to Make the Transition to Alternative Livelihoods
The Government has extensive social protection programmes that target transfers to
specific vulnerable groups (see Annex VII for a list of programs). It is important to
determine how targeted transfers in the short-term can be used to assist the fry collectors
to effectively transition to alternative livelihood options. These social protection
measures would be implemented for two to three years to give poor people the time to
gain the skills necessary to pursue sustainable livelihood options. If these interim
measures are not put into place, people may be forced to seek unsustainable livelihood
options, such as collecting wood from forests, in order to survive.
Social protection programmes will vary from one context to the next. For instance, in
regions prone to frequent natural disasters, such as Coxes Bazaar, there are many social
protection measures currently in place. In other regions where shrimp fry collection bans
are being proposed, programmes may need to be established. Programmes should be
designed so they have the flexibility to expand or contract depending upon the current
context in the region (i.e. whether or not a seasonal ban is in place, or a natural disaster
has occurred).
The poor that engage in fry collection are exposed to a number of risks. These include
natural disasters (cyclones floods and tidal surges), seasonal access to fry, the
unpredictability of the catch, limited access to alternative income and significant
competition for relatively few jobs, dowry demands, piracy, rents sought by government
officials, and price and wage fluctuations due to trader price fixing and manipulation. The
ability of the poor to deal these risks is limited. For this reason, the opportunity costs for
keeping children in school, taking time out for NGO training, or going for health care are
high. The inability to invest in human capital in the short-term limits the long-term
income possibilities of fry collectors. For this reason, social protection measures need to
be implemented to reduce the short-term opportunity costs.
a. Food for Education Programmes That Target the Children of the Poor in the
Coastal Zones
Although Food for Education is the Government’s second largest social protection
programme, targeting of this programme to the fry collection communities could be
improved. There are opportunity costs with keeping kids in school because essentially
families are losing an income earner. By providing food to the family so that boys and
girls can stay in school, this acts as an incentive and reduces the negative impact upon the
family. The school programmes can be tailored to the changing tides, and the seasonal
needs of child labour, similar to school programmes implemented by UBINIG and World
Vision. Local institutions the Union Parisad and School Committees play a crucial role in
vii
bringing such programmes to the poor. Local power relations and stigmatisation of fry
collector children could hinder the success of these programmes.
b. Food/Cash for Work and Training
While fry collectors are seeking alternative livelihood options during seasonal ban
periods, food/cash for work opportunities could be provided to them focused on rural
maintenance. These schemes need to be linked to general development measures, so that
training and skill development are also provided to the workers. A model that could be
followed is the Rural Maintenance Programme implemented by CARE that targets
destitute women. Food for work programs are run by UNO (Relief Ministry Projects),
Extension Engineers for LGRD and Extension Engineers for WDB. The food allotment is
determined by the list of people, according to their needs, and placed to the District
Controller for food who sends this to the Dhaka headquarters.
c. Better Targeting of VGD Cards to Fry Collector Women
This social protection programme is set up to work with disadvantaged rural women.
Food packages are provided for 18 months and training and some skill building is being
provided. By providing this assistance, women are given the opportunity to work towards
alternative livelihood options. Social forestry is also being promoted through this
programme. Given the stigmatisation of fry collector women, they have rarely been able
to secure such support from local government. NGOs could assist fry collector women to
obtain such assistance through awareness campaigns. These programs should be carried
out for at least two years and are especially important in the Khulna region where
abandoned women have been forced into fry collection. Similarly, in parts of Coxes
Bazaar, where women’s mobility is seriously curtailed due to cultural norms, such
programs could create new opportunities for women to obtain skills and to engage in
group formation.
Before proceeding with the expansion of social protection measures, it is important to
determine what existing social protection schemes already exist in the coastal area. This
review should identify the operational strengths and weaknesses of each of these
schemes, their outreach, targeting mechanisms and leakage. On this basis, it will be
possible to avoid duplication of effort and to be more cost effective in setting up
programmes.
B. Long-term Interventions That Address the Fundamental Causes of Poverty in the
Coastal Region
Many of the poor in the coastal area have become fry collectors because they have very
limited livelihood options. The typical fry collector is usually landless, illiterate, living in
poor housing with poor access to water, sanitation, and health care. If they are women,
they are likely to be abandoned, widowed or divorced and social outcasts. Both male and
female fry collectors are stigmatised by the broader community despite their central role
maintaining the whole shrimp sector. Despite their acceptance of appropriate fry
viii
collection techniques, it is unlikely that they will completely abandon fry collection if
they have no other livelihood option to turn to in the near future. Some fundamental
changes are required to bring about more secure livelihoods for the poor along the coast.
1. Interventions Aimed at Securing Poor People’s Rights
When people have secure and protected rights, they can afford to take a longer view
regarding the environment in which they live. Currently, in many of the areas where poor
fry collectors reside, they do not have secure access to resources, personal security or
safety nets to reduce vulnerability. A number of steps can be taken to improve this
situation.
a. Strengthen the Regulatory Environment for Shrimp Production
Currently the regulatory environment for shrimp production is weak and prone to
circumvention due to limitations in legal definitions, unclear and conflicting jurisdiction,
poor regulation of fry collection, unclear and conflicting policies on the management and
regulation of mangrove fishing in reserved forests, land conversion to shrimp estates that
do not have appropriate saline water access, and granting of fishing licenses for collection
of rent. This has led to mangrove destruction, social conflicts, environmental pollution,
and a loss of biodiversity.
To overcome these regulatory flaws, local government officials need to take a more
active role in coordinating the functions of the various government agencies so that they
stop competing for rents and work more effectively with the NGOs that are working on
behalf of the poor. To improve land use planning, maps need to be developed that
identify appropriate areas for shrimp farming and areas that need to be protected. Such
maps can also be used to identify Khas land for allocation to the poor.
Given the weak capacities of local governments in many of these areas, donors have an
opportunity to support co-management of the shrimp sector and rural development rather
than individual management by government, communities or NGOs alone. Comanagement requires partnerships between these agencies as well as the private sector.
Such an approach will allow for a more holistic sector-wide approach leading to
sustainable solutions that are more people-focused.
b. Secure Poor Peoples Access to Services and Common Property
Support should be given to making Khas land more readily available to poor fry
collectors. The first step in doing this is to identify all of the Khas land that is available.
This will involve identifying the land managed by the Department of Youth Affairs and
the District Revenue Office and any other Khas land that was leased to shrimp farmers
under the Shrimp Estate Management Policy. In many areas, improved access to common
resources will be required to enable fry collectors to switch from fry fishing to other
forms of livelihood such as animal rearing, home gardening, or shrimp nurseries.
ix
NGOs can assist poor people in gaining access to Khas land as well. For example,
COAST is working with poor people in Coxes Bazaar on an awareness campaign so that
the poor understand their rights regarding Khas land. They are also participating in the
Union Parisad Khas land distribution committee.
2. Seek Stakeholder Support for a Code of Conduct for The Shrimp Sector To
Secure Sustainable Global Markets
Historically, Bangladesh Shrimp Sector Development Policy has not been Pro-Poor. The
Government has a unique opportunity to use the Fry Collection Action Plan to identify
steps that can be taken to formulate a poverty focused strategy that can improve the lot of
the poorest in the shrimp marketing chain. Building on the model promoted by the AgroBased Industries and Technology Development Project, Phase II (ATDP II), Bangladesh
can strive to work towards a Seal of Quality that is recognized by global markets that
demonstrates its commitment to the production of shrimp that is environmentally and
socially acceptable. Guidance can also be sought from the FAO Code of Conduct for
Responsible Fisheries.
Given the weak institutions that are responsible for implementing such a policy, there is a
need for a clear implementation plan. This plan would identify processes for ensuring
participation of the poor in decision-making, and would have appropriate indicators to
monitor the process to ensure that it is on track.
3. DFID Involvement in the Coastal Region Should be Broad-Based and Focused on
the Very Poor
In the face of a ban on shrimp fry collection, DFID should be concerned with what will
happen with the very poor. To mitigate the impact of the ban, DFID in collaboration with
the Government and other partners, should develop a long term and resource intensive
intervention that will strengthen the livelihoods of fry collectors. Continued involvement
of DFID in the region will offer opportunities to influence shrimp sector development
and encourage more pro-poor policies. DFID’s concerns should be to address the root
cause of poverty and vulnerability rather than focusing on the technical aspects of one
contributing factor. Because the issues are so complicated is precisely why DFID should
stay involved. The livelihood framework used by DFID will enable it to disaggregate the
key leverage points that should be pursued.
A number of reasons can be cited as to why DFID should stay engaged. First, there are a
high proportion of poor people living in the coastal area, many of whom are landless.
Second, institutions that would support the poor’s interests are not in place. Third, shrimp
aquaculture is nationally and locally an important economic sector with a significant
poverty dimension. Fourth, given that this is a growth sector, it gives DFID an
opportunity to promote better management practices that are pro-poor.
x
Fry Collector Livelihood Options By Geographic Region (2001)
Chittagong Region
Coastal
District and
Thanas
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
Chittagong
Mirersorai
Sitakundu
Banskhali
Anowara
Pahartali
Bandar
Sandwip
Est. No. of
Fry
Collectors1
Est. Total
No of Fry
Collected
(in lakh)
Main Fry Collection
Area
2479
4070
1567
2190
550
809
2970
29.41
564.6
168.38
287.63
90.33
90.71
389.87
Potenga, Sitakunda,
Mirsharai, Anowara
Alternative Livelihood Options
Type of
Ban2
Social Protection Measures
Current Activities:
Many part-time fry collectors have access to land
and engage in paddy cultivation, betel leaf
production, salt product, deep sea fishing.

Those with limited access to land fish or work
on fishing boats.

In Chokaria, Anowara and Banskhali: engage
as wage labors and sharecroppers in paddy
cultivation.

In Teknaf and Ukhia: betel leaf production by
men and women.
Ban in Coxes
Bazaar from
Mar- May3







Emergency Operations (GOB-Food Ministry, NGOs)
Food for Work (GOB- DOF, Forest Dept., LGED &
BWDB and NGOs)
Food for Education (Primary and Mass Edu. Divisions,
UNO and UEO at local level)
Vulnerle Group Development (Dept. of Relief and
Rehab, DWA and C/DOF/LGED)
Adult literacy and numeracy programs (GOB, NGOs)
Skills training for alternative employment (GOB,
NGOs)
Access to health clinics
New Options (Where there is access to land):
Home gardening; Duck, chicken and goat rearing;
Bee keeping; Oyster and crab cultivation; Cultivation
of meley grass for mat weaving; Cultivation of
golpata for roof construction; Shrimp Fry Nurseries,
Tree Nurseries
Coxes Bazaar
8. Sadar
9. Moheskhali
10. Chokoria
11. Kutubdia
12. Ukhia
13. Teknaf
14500
3500
5200
3200
1800
18500
4200
1000
850
700
700
2000
Teknaf, Naf River,
Shapari island,
Ukhia, Sonarpora,
Cox’s Bazar, Bakhali
River, Matamuhuri
River, Moheskhali
Channel, Chokaria,
Napithkhali,
Chofuldandi,
Moheskhali and
Sonadia islands
Feni
14. Sonagazi
1000
50
Sonagazi, Muhuri
River
10000
15000
264.50
5714.60
Down stream of
Meghna River
5000
1539.90
Ramgati, Loksmipur
Noakhali
15. Sudharam
16.
Kompanigong
Loksmipur
17. Ramgati
New Options (Landless):

Micro-credit can be used for petty trade handcrafts.

Better access to khas land.

Better awareness programs for appropriate fry
collection.

Purchase of small boats.

Make fish traps and gear
1
Across all areas, it is estimated that roughly 30% of the fry collectors are females, and most of these are concentrated in the southwestern region. The exceptions include the Paikgacha Thana and Shymnagar in
Khulna where the majority of fry collectors are female.
2
Across regions, includes banning or regulating behundi nets and banning trawling in the Bay of Bengal during the shrimp breeding months from December to February.
3
This seasonal ban would be for a couple of years until investments in alternative livelihood options can take hold. After that, a ban may be enforced year-round.
xi
Fry Collector Livelihood Options By Geographic Region (2001)
Barishal Region
Coastal District and
Thanas
Pirojpur
18. Matbaria
Est. No. of
Fry
Collectors
Est. Total No
of Fry
Collected (in
lakh)
3300
49.8
Main Fry
Collection Area
Alternative Livelihood Options
New Options (Where there is access to
land): Home gardening; Duck, chicken and
goat rearing; Making fish traps and gear;
Oyster and crab cultivation; Bee keeping;
Cultivation of meley grass for mat weaving;
Cultivation of golpata for roof construction;
Tree nurseries; Shrimp fry nurseries
Type of Ban
Social Protection Measures
Seasonal ban
Aug-Jan





Bhola
19. Lalmohon
20. Monpura
21. Charfasion
22. Tozumoddin
Potuakhali
23. Kolapara
24. Golachipa
Barguna
25. Sadar
26. Patarghata
27. Amtoli
6530
5000
10200
3215
180.30
120.6
350.7
1.7
Down stream of
Meghna River
55339
55245
2326.4
2015.50
Mohipur,
Galachipa,
Charkajal,
Andharmanik
River, Kuakata sea
beach
10165
44230
13845
50.7
2014.6
1085.3
Bishkhali River,
Baleshar River
New Options (Landless):

Micro-credit can be used for petty trade
hand-crafts.

Better access to khas land.

Sewing, paper bag making

Better awareness programs for
appropriate fry collection.
xii
Food for Work (GOB- DOF, Forest Dept., LGED &
BWDB and NGOs)
Food for Education (Primary and Mass Edu. Divisions,
UNO and UEO at local level)
Adult literacy and numeracy programs (GOB, NGOs)
Skills training for alternative employment (GOB,
NGOs)
Access to health clinics
Fry Collector Livelihood Options By Geographic Region (2001)
Khulna Region
Coastal District and
Thanas
Khulna
28. Paikgacha
29. Koira
30. Batiaghata
31. Dacop
32. Dumuria
Est. No. of
Fry
Collectors
Est. Total No
of Fry
Collected (in
lakh)
Main Fry
Collection Area
5320
28200
1890
16700
300
10
344.8
40
162
1.18
Sibsha River,
Bhadra River,
Kapotakshi River,
Koira
Alternative Livelihood Options
Current Activities: Fishing, service
activities, agricultural and shrimp farming
labor, sharecropping, opportunistic
cropping, rickshaw pulling, sorting dry fish,
net mending, crab trapping, honey or salt
collection, shrimp processing.
Type of Ban



Bagherhat
33. Mongla
34. Morelgong
35. Sarankhola
36. Rampal
16900
3160
1230
560
392
62.68
203.60
19.12
Satkhira
37. Asashuni
38. Kaligong
39. Shyamnagar
40. Tala
3880
5200
49400
110
85.2
130.8
1254
4.49
Total (All Districts)
443,024
29,639
Pashur River,
Panguchi River
Ishamati River,
Kaksheali River,
Kalindi River,
Kholpetua River,
Madar River
New Options (Where there is access to
land): Home gardening; Duck, chicken and
goat rearing; Bee keeping; Oyster and crab
cultivation; Cultivation of meley grass for
mat weaving; Cultivation of golpata for roof
construction; Shrimp fry nurseries; making
fish traps and gear
New Options (Landless):

Micro-credit can be used for petty trade
hand-crafts.

Better access to khas land.

Better awareness programs for
appropriate fry collection.

The Shrimp Farmers Assoc. suggests
providing opportunities for fry
collectors to engage in social
afforestation in coastal areas
(CARITAS).
xiii
Ban from
Aug-Jan.
NGOs in
area
support
seasonal
ban.
Total ban
in
Sundarbans
Area.
Social Protection Measures








Earth work maintenance of earthern Growth Centre
Roads—(LGED, community organizations and
NGOs).
Social afforestation projects (Forest Dept., NGOs)
Food for Work (GOB- DOF, Forest Dept., LGED &
BWDB and NGOs)
Food for Education (Primary and Mass Edu.
Divisions, UNO and UEO at local level)
Vulnerable Group Development (Dept. of Relief and
Rehab, DWA and C/DOF/LGED)
Adult literacy and numeracy programs (GOB,
NGOs)
Skills training for alternative employment (GOB,
NGOs)
Access to health clinics
Acknowledgements
The author would like to take this opportunity to thank Debbie Williams, the Coastal Shrimp
Aquaculture Development Coordinator for her help with the logistics of this study and for the
orientation she provided on the subject. I feel that her input has been the primary source of most
of the ideas that are presented in this report. I would also like to thank Md. Shafiqul Islam for all
of his support in arranging the meetings and providing great input into this study. He was a
valuable team member throughout the exercise. I would also like to thank Dr. Alfredo Santiago,
Dr. Manirruzzaman, and Md. Nuruzzaman from the Fourth Fisheries Project for their support
and participation in the field work. Muhammad Abdur Rouf from Khulna University also
contributed significantly to the fieldwork and made a valuable contribution to this effort. Finally
I would like to thank all of the Government staff, and various stakeholders in the fry marketing
chain, and the fry collectors themselves for taking the time to discuss this important issue with
us. I hope that the findings in this report will lead to positive outcomes for all concerned.
xiv
Acronyms and Abbreviations
AFO
BFRI
BWDB
CBFM
DAE
DOF
EIA
ESBN
EPICC
FAO
FFP
GDP
GOB
GOLDA
ICZM
LGED
MSBN
MoA
MoEF
MoFL
Assistant Fisheries Officer
Bangladesh Fisheries Research Institute
Bangladesh Water Development Board
Community Based Fisheries Management Project
Department of Agricultural Extension
Department of Fisheries
Environmental Impact Assessment
Estuarine Setbag Net
Extension Policy Implementation Co-ordination Committee
Food and Agricultural Organisation (of the United Nations)
Fourth Fisheries Project
Gross Domestic Product
Government of Bangladesh
Greater Options for Local Development in Aquaculture
Integrated Coastal Zone Management
Local Government and Engineering Department
Marine Set Bagnet
Ministry of Agriculture
Ministry of Environment and Forest
Ministry of Livestock and Fisheries
MoL
Ministry of Land
MoWR
NEMAP
NFP
NACA
NEERI
NAEP
NAP
NGO
NWRD
PL
SAP
SEMP
SIA
SIS
Ministry of Water Resources
National Environment Management Action Plan
National Fisheries Policy
Network for Aquaculture Centres in Asia-Pacific
National Environment Engineering Research Institute, Nagpur, India
New Agricultural Extension Policy
National Agricultural Policy
Non-Governmental Organisation
National Water Resources Database
Post-larvae
Structural Adjustment Programme
Shrimp Estate Management Policy
Strategic Impact Assessment
Sea Water Irrigation System
xv
Table of Contents
Executive Summary ...............................................................................................................i
Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................xiv
Acronyms and Abbreviations ................................................................................................xv
Table of Contents ...................................................................................................................xvi
I.
Introduction ..........................................................................................................1
II.
A General Overview of the Shrimp Sector in Bangladesh ..................................2
III.
General Characteristics of Fry Collectors ............................................................4
IV.
Livelihood Contextual Differences Across Fry Collection Zones .......................9
A. Khulna Division (Khulna District, Satkhira District and Bagerhat
District) ................................................................................................................10
1. Context ...........................................................................................................10
2. Livelihood Resources.....................................................................................11
3. Institutional Settings ......................................................................................12
4. Livelihood Strategies .....................................................................................14
5. Livelihood Outcomes .....................................................................................15
B. Chittigong Division (Coxes Bazaar District, Chittigong District and Noakhali
District) ................................................................................................................16
Context .................................................................................................................16
1. Livelihood Resources.....................................................................................18
2. Institutional Settings ......................................................................................19
3. Livelihood Strategies .....................................................................................21
4. Livelihood Outcomes .....................................................................................22
V.
Implications of Imposing a Ban on Shrimp Fry Collection .................................23
A. Why a Ban is Being Advocated ..........................................................................23
B. Why a Ban Will be Difficult to Enforce .............................................................24
VI.
Conclusions and Recommendations .....................................................................24
A. Addressing Environmental and Social Issues Related to Fry Collection in the
Short-term ...........................................................................................................25
1. Efforts to Reduce Environmental Degradation and Loss of Biodiversity .....25
2. Provide Support to Civil Society Institutions to Create Livelihood Options
for Fry Collectors ...........................................................................................28
xvi
3. Social Protection Measures Should be Implemented to Allow Shrimp Fry
Collectors to Make the Transition to Alternative Livelihoods ......................30
B. Long-Term Interventions That Address the Fundamental Causes of Poverty in
the Coastal Region ..............................................................................................32
1. Interventions Aimed at Securing Poor People’s Rights .................................32
2. Seek Stakeholder Support for a Code of Conduct for the Shrimp Sector to
Secure Sustainable Global Markets ...............................................................33
3. DFID Involvement in the Coastal Region Should be Broad-Based and
Focused on the Very Poor ..............................................................................33
Bibliography ....................................................................................................................35
Annexes
Annex I:
Main Shrimp Collection Areas and Peak Seasons for Wild Shrimp
Collections Over the Past Ten Years
Annex II:
Conceptual Frameworks
Annex III:
Methodology, Project Team Members and Persons Contacted
Annex IV:
Itinerary for Timothy Frankenberger
Annex V:
Terms of Reference for Fry Collectors Livelihood Consultant
Annex VI:
Shrimp Seed Certification to Promote Sustainable Development of Shrimp
Aquaculture
Annex VII:
Safety Net Schemes in Bangladesh: Targeted Transfer to Poor Groups
xvii
A Livelihood Analysis of Shrimp Fry Collectors in Bangladesh:
Future Prospects in Relation to a Wild Fry Collection Ban
I.
Introduction
It is estimated that nearly forty-five percent of the landless households living in the
coastal region are involved in shrimp fry collection, and this combined with shrimp fry
trading contributes nearly 60% of the total income of landless people. It is difficult to
determine how many people are actually involved in fry collection since some are
engaged in the activity on a full time basis and some as a part time occupation. Fry
collection also makes a significant contribution to the shrimp related incomes of the
marginal farmers who are mostly poor or moderately poor. It is estimated that between
100,000 and 300,000 people are involved in fry collection.
The total number of fry collectors dropped dramatically between 2001 and 2002 because
of a depletion of the number of fry available for collection. For example, in 2001 it was
estimated that there were over 400,000 fry collectors. This has fallen off to 300,000 as a
result of the marked decline in post-larvae availability due to environmental factors and
excess harvesting.
In September 2000, the Government of Bangladesh put into place a ban on wild fry
collection. Although this ban was rarely put into practice, it potentially could eliminate
the principle livelihood opportunity provided by shrimp culture development for the
poorest groups. Although the rational behind the ban is clearly one aimed at protecting
the bio-diversity of fisheries resources, introduction of a ban without prior efforts to
reduce the dependence of the extremely poor and vulnerable groups on this source of
income could have a dramatic negative effect on the livelihoods of these groups.
In February 2002, the Government placed the enforcement of the fry collection ban into
abeyance pending further review of how the resource and biodiversity could be conserved
at the same time as protecting the livelihoods of 300,000 fry collectors (Williams 2002).
A Fry Collection Action Plan was to be developed by September 2002 to identify trends
in the shrimp sector and to explore alternative models for the management of the fry
resource, taking into account the social, institutional and economic implications. This
report is one component that will feed into this Action Plan.
The main objective of this report is to understand the livelihoods of fry collectors in the
different geographical areas where shrimp fry are caught and to explore the alternative
livelihood options to fry collection. These options have to be grounded in the different
institutional, social, economic and environmental contexts that fry collectors live. The
report begins with a general overview of the shrimp sector in Bangladesh, followed by a
general description of the characteristics of shrimp fry collectors. The next section
discusses the different livelihood contexts that are found across the fry collection zones.
This is followed by a brief discussion of the implications of a shrimp fry ban. The report
ends with a series of recommendations that should be considered for the future.
1
II. A General Overview of the Shrimp Sector in Bangladesh
Coastal shrimp aquaculture was initiated in Bangladesh in the 1970s. Bangladesh
possesses certain natural factors that have favored the development of the shrimp sector
(BCAS 2001). In particular, Bangladesh has a big inter-tidal range and large areas of lowlying land. It is estimated that there are 2.5 million hectares of tidal land in the coastal
areas. Large areas of flat land have been available for expansion of aquaculture
production. The Bangladesh coast also supports 587,400 hectares of natural mangroves
and another 100,000 hectares of planted mangroves. This supports the habitat of several
species of fish and acts as a natural nursery for shrimp fry.
Coastal shrimp aquaculture is mainly confined to two Divisions: Khulna and Chitagong.
More than 70 percent of the shrimp farming takes place in the Districts of Khulna,
Satkhira and Bagerhat in the Khulna Division. In Chittagong, coastal shrimp aquaculture
is carried out in Coxes Bazaar, Chittagong and Noakhali (WB/NACA/WWF/FAO 2000).
Although most of the shrimp farming takes place in the Khulna Division, most of the
shrimp hatcheries are located in Coxes Bazaar in Chittigong Division.
In the early stages of development, shrimp farming was restricted to the peripheral land
between flood embankments and the main river systems, However, large profits and poor
land-use planning led to its rapid and uncontrolled expansion into land that was primarily
used for rice cultivation. There are now approximately 37,397 farms cultivating bagda
with an average size farm of 4.5 hectares. Twenty-five thousand tons of bagda was
produced in 2001. Of the 170,000 hectares in bagda production, 137,000 are in Khulna
and 34,937 are in the Chittigong division. The farms are much larger in the Chittigong
division; 14 hectares versus 4.5 hectares. Bagda production has increased by 20% per
annum in the last fifteen years (Banks, 2002).
There are also 105,000 golda farms that average in size .28 hectares. These farms
produced 11,942 tons of golda in 2001 (Banks, 2002). There are 30,000 hectares in golda
production, all of it in the Khulna division.
There are 124 shrimp processing factories in Bangladesh. Most of these factories are in
Khulna and Chittagong.
Currently, Bangladesh produces 2.5 percent of the global production of shrimp, and the
shrimp sector is the second largest export industry. Total employment in the shrimp
sector is 840,000. The total sales generated from bagda and golda farms is U.S. $301
million annually, U.S. $243 million from bagda alone.
Arguments for Shrimp Aquaculture
Since its introduction, shrimp aquaculture has acquired a highly contested status.
Supporters see the shrimp sector as a valuable means of generating foreign exchange and
that makes good use of Bangladesh’s comparative advantage. They point out that there is
clear potential for significant gains in income generated for households that successfully
2
introduce shrimp into their cropping pattern on any significant scale (BCAS 2001). The
bagda supply chain generates Tk. 6.4 billion per year profit or value added.
Other positive attributes cited for the shrimp sector include significant potential for
growth, significant opportunity for employment (many of who are women), very high
profits within the sector and net savings are increasing.
Despite these significant returns, changing land use patterns have had an affect on the
economic opportunities of the landless in shrimp villages. For the landless, access to
agricultural land through sharecropping is lower as are the agricultural wage laboring
opportunities. The primary reason for the incomes of the landless holding up despite the
loss of wage opportunities is that shrimp has given them an opportunity to translate their
labor power into income in another way: fry collection. As long as wild fry remain
abundant and shrimp farmers continue to show preference for their use, income that was
lost due to the introduction of shrimp cultivation will be replaced by fry collection. If the
Government enforces a ban on the collection of wild fry, the net effect of the adoption of
shrimp cultivation for the poor will be strongly negative due to the lost labor
opportunities.
Arguments Against Shrimp Aquaculture
In contrast to this Government and private sector support, a number of NGOs strongly
oppose shrimp farming due to widespread negative environmental and social
consequences. They point out that shrimp cultivation has led to the degradation of
mangrove forests all along the coast, resulting in the depletion of shrimp and fish stocks.
They also highlight that widespread inundation of land with salty water has caused a
decline in standing tree stocks, opportunities for homestead gardening, and contamination
of potable drinking water (CARITAS 1997). Extension of the shrimp cultural cycle has
also impinged on the preparation period for rice cultivation, lowering overall production4.
Shrimp culture has also displaced traditional dry season activities such as livestock
grazing. The lack of dung and reduced access to trees has led to greater amounts of time
being spent on collecting fuel, increasing the work burden on women.
Expansion of shrimp cultivation has also resulted in forced displacement of marginal
farmers and the landless from common property (Khas lands) and has led to the
privatization of public lands. The introduction of the shrimp economic system has led to
growth in income inequality and the exacerbation of existing unequal gender and class
relations. Shrimp farming provides a new context in which gender and class modes of
domination operate (BCAS 2001).
Shrimp areas are also attracting the less skilled from outside the region, reducing local
opportunities and creating competition with a larger labor pool. Many outsiders have
4
For a detailed discussion on the impact of shrimp aquaculture on rice production, please see Bangladesh
Centre for Advanced Studies (BCAS). (2001). The Coastal Shrimp Sector in Bangladesh: Review of the
Literature with Annotated Bibliography.
3
been provided employment on shrimp farms at the expense of the poor who live locally,
destabilizing communities and undermining personal and social networks. The
introduction of migrant labor has created greater personal insecurity for women and
sexual harassment is on the rise. The increased commercialization of social relations has
also led to a breakdown of traditional mechanisms for insuring social justice in
communities. The pre-shrimp moral economy in which mutual obligations supported
mutual rights has been disrupted by more impersonal contractual relations introduced by
outsiders that do not belong to the village (BCAS 2001).
From the proceeding discussion, shrimp culture development has brought about both
positive and negative consequences and has produced both winners and losers. The
livelihoods of households in rural Bangladesh are closely linked both positively and
negatively to the choices taken by others. Although the economic benefits accruing to the
poor have been significant, a ban on fry collection will seriously compromise these
benefits. If the wild ban is enforced, the total net profits for the bagda supply chain as a
whole would fall by 10 percent, and the total number of people obtaining income from
this sector would also fall by more that 40 percent, with women particularly badly
affected (BCAS 2001).
To fully understand the importance of fry collection activities to the livelihoods of the
rural poor, it must be seen in relation to other livelihood strategies pursued by poor
families. The next section provides a closer look at fry collectors.
III. General Characteristics of Fry Collectors
From the beginning of shrimp culture development in Bangladesh, the collection of
shrimp post larvae was one of the main sources of fry for stocking extensive and coastal
shrimp ponds (ghers). Fry collection emerged as an important economic activity for
coastal people in the early 1980s (Hoq et. al., 1995). Wild shrimp seed collection is
widely distributed along the coastline from Southeast to the Southwestern areas of
Bangladesh. Fry collection is mainly concentrated in thirty-five coastal Thanas that
belong to 12 coastal Districts (See Table 1 in Annex I). Currently, 40% of the shrimp fry
are derived from fry collectors and 60% from the hatcheries. Approximately 1.5 to 2.0
billion shrimp fry are collected annually from the wild. Ninety percent of the post-larvae
for golda production are derived from wild sources (Banks, 2002).
Wild fry are preferred by many farmers because they are locally available, have lower
mortality than hatchery fry and are available throughout the year (Huntington, 2002).
Wild fry tend to be stocked in the more remote farms while hatchery-produced fry are
stocked in farms with better transport networks. However, the dependency on wild fry
increased in all areas in 2001 as a result of the deliberate attempts by the hatchery owners
to wind down production in order to increase the price of the fry sold from hatcheries.
4
Fry Collectors are Usually Very Poor
Wild fry collection is a poverty driven occupation; 86 percent of the collectors are
landless. Fry collectors primarily come from the lower social strata categories and are
looked down upon by the rest of the community. Ironically, fry collection is stigmatized
by the broader community despite its central importance in maintaining the whole shrimp
sector. Women engaged in fry collection are especially stigmatized, and sexual
harassment is a common occurrence.
Fry collectors often originate from landless and displaced households from the areas
where the expansion of shrimp farming into agricultural areas took place and from
landless migrants coming from other regions. Employment in fry collection is
significantly mobile depending upon the demand and supply of shrimp fry. Because of
this variability it is very difficult to determine the total proportion of household income
that is derived from fry collection at any one time.
Because alternative economic activities such as share-cropping and agricultural laboring
are declining with the expansion of shrimp culture, many fry collection households are
abandoning traditional occupations and becoming more dependent on fry collection.
Those that are primarily dependent on it earn 70-80 percent of the their income from it
(DOF and DFID 2001).
Although most households engaged with fry collection view it as their primary source of
livelihood, a number of marginally poor households also engage in fry collection on a
part-time basis. The better off fry collectors hire extra labor for fry harvesting and some
part-time or casual fry collectors join for extra income (WB/NACA/WWF/FAO 2000).
Many poor people go into fry collection because: 1) it requires little capital; 2) the return
is high compared to alternative sources of income 3) during the collection of fry, other
common property resources can be collected (especially in the Sundarbans); 4) traders
will supply equipment and loans; and 5) the activity does not require access to land (Rouf
and Jensen 2001).
Fry Collection is Often a Family Endeavor
Men, women, and children are involved in fry collection in all sites, although the extent
of participation will vary across locations. Since the collection of wild fry is usually a
family operation, several members will be collecting fry. With many collectors, this can
represent a significant income source for poor families. Economic necessity is the main
reason that children work in fry collection.
Women’s Participation in Fry Collection Varies by Region
In most locations, wild fry collection is dominated by males. An exception to this is
found in the Paikgacha Thana in Khulna, where a large number of female fry collectors
are found. These women are either widowed or primarily left behind by their husbands,
5
and are compelled to pursue fry collection as a way to make a living. Across all areas, it
is estimated that roughly 30 percent of the fry collectors are females, and most of these
are concentrated in the southwestern region.
Participation of women in fry collection is determined by: 1) how religiously
conservative a community is; 2) the necessity of women’s earning for the family; 3)
general economic conditions governing women’s work outside the home; 4) the place and
time of catching fry (Hoq et. al. 1995). In Noakhali and the Coxes Bazaar area, religious
and social conservatism prevent women from participating in fry collection. Women that
do work as fry collectors are often excluded from community meetings and social events.
Most Fry Collectors are Poorly Educated
More that 80 percent of fry collectors are functionally illiterate. This number reaches 93
percent for women fry collectors (DOF and DFID 2001b). Seventy four percent of the
children involved in fry collection are school dropouts. The opportunity costs for poor fry
collector families for keeping children in school is very high given the income
contribution of child workers. The average age of a child fry collector is 12 ( 10.6 for
females). There are more lower age fry collectors in the Southeast coastal areas than in
the Southwest. Teenage girls are rarely involved in fry collection due to their
vulnerability on the beach. The vast majority of young girls that are involved in fry
collection are sorting fry on the beach.
Different Ethnic Groups Participate in Fry Collection
Both Muslim and Hindus are engaged in fry collection. In the Coxes Bazaar area, there
are a number of Burmese refugee camps, and many Rakayan people from Myanmar are
also engaged in fry collection. The average age of fry collectors is between 20 and 40
years.
The reason why so many poor people are attracted to fry collection is because it uses
simple techniques, has very low capital requirements, and provides a good income for
people with no specialized skills. In the Khulna region, between Tk 100-500 per day can
be earned by men and Tk50-100 for women who are usually restricted to fishing the
rivers edges (Williams 2002b). Between 15,000 and 30,000 Taka can be earned each year
from fry collection (DOF and DFID 2001).
Fry Collection has a Seasonal Dimension
Wild fry collection is not a continuous activity throughout the year in most locations.5
Fry collection seasons differ between areas. In the Chittagong/Coxes Bazaar, the main
season is mid-February to mid-August. In the last 10 years, there has been a reduction in
the number of months of fry collection from 10 months (early 90’s) to 6-7 months (2000)
(See Table 2 in Annex I). The number of days of fry collection is less in the Coxes
Bazaar region than in other areas because it is limited to the rising tidal period of the sea
5
An exception to this is in Shymnagar.
6
(WB/NACA/WWF/FAO 2000). Due to the reduced abundance of fry over the past
several years and a shortening of the fry season, many fry collectors are moving toward
alternative employment. It is estimated that over one-third of the people engaged in fry
collection are no longer doing so and have most likely migrated to other regions for work
or to urban areas.
In the Khulna Division, the main fry collection period is mid-November to mid-July.
However, in Southwestern Bangladesh, the fry season has become extended to almost a
year round activity. This is because golda fry are now being collected and the growing
economic dependence of the poor on this activity. The peak season for golda fry is AprilMay.
Fry Stocks are Decreasing in Some Areas
In many areas, the fry stock are decreasing. For example in the Chokoria area, fry have
almost completely disappeared. Similarly, fry catches have diminished considerably near
Coxes Bazaar. It is not clear what are all the reasons for this depletion, but some
researchers claim that the intensity of fry collection is a contributing factor. This
reduction of fry stock has forced many fry collectors to go further than they used to
searching for fry, exposing them to increased health and security risks. In Coxes Bazaar,
child drowning is not uncommon and in the Sundarbans, pirates have become a
significant problem.
Fry collection times are early morning( 4am-10am) and early evening (3 pm-5 pm). Fry
collectors spend 6-10 hours a day collecting fry. During a full moon and a new moon, the
fry catch can more than double. Sometimes fry collection is done the whole night by
keeping bag nets in the river. It is during this time that number of fry collectors increases.
During the non-peak season, fry collection is mainly during the full and new moon
periods (August and October) and the catches are less abundant (WB/NACA/WWF/FAO
2000).
Opportunities for Alternative Income are Limited
Involvement in alternative employment is usually during August and October in the
Khulna, Satkhira and Bagerhat Districts when the fry are less abundant. In the Coxes
Bazaar area, alternative employment is sought from September through January. Given
the number of people competing for off-season employment opportunities, remuneration
is quite low, especially for women. This is compounded by the fact that farm labor
activities have declined.
Fry Collectors are Often Dependent on Consumption Loans from Fry Traders
Given the inter and intra annual variation in income derived from fry collection, many fry
collectors are forced to take out consumption loans in the lean period. These loans are
obtained from the Dadandars. Eighty percent of the fry traders that borrow from the
Dadandars are then obligated to sell fries to them (DOF and DFID 2001). Seventy
7
percent of the fry collectors borrow 2,000 to 10,000 Taka. Only 29 percent of the fry
collectors can pay back a loan in full in a year. In fact, the Dadandars discourage the full
repayment because they want to assure themselves a steady supply of fry from the people
that owe them repayments. This sets up a type of bonded labor relationship. Fry
collectors sell there catch to the Dadandar directly or to one of his representatives within
1-3 hours after the catch. Fry collectors sell at a price determined by the fry trader that is
usually not a fair market price. Women often receive an unfair price because they do not
have ready access to the market and are at the mercy of the traders that buy their catch.
In some locations, the Dadandars are able to control the prime collection spots to be used
by their bonded laborers. If others try to fish in these spots they may revert to force to
eliminate the competition. To gain access to prime public land for fry collection, fry
traders have strong linkages with the local elite land-owners and politicians (DOF and
DFID 2001).
Fry Collectors Use a Variety of Types of Gear in Catching Fry
There are three types of gear that are used along the coast to catch fry. These are the
push/pull nets, the drag nets used behind boats and the fixed or set bag nets (behundi net).
Push/pull nets (sometimes also called drag nets) are used along the riverbanks and sea
coasts in Coxes Bazaar. Along the rivers in Khulna division they are operated primarily
by women and children. The push net operators are considered the poorest group doing
this type of fishing. Push/pull nets cost about 300-500 Taka.
Behundi nets are set bag nets in the middle of the river and also used along the coast. Set
bag nets are considered to be the most efficient at catching fry, but they are also
responsible for the capture of the most by-catch. The behundi nets require boats, a thick
rope, a drum or barrel, and an anchor. Given that they require considerable amount of
capital (15,000 to 20,000 Taka), it is the better-off households that have access to these
nets. The increased use of fixed bag nets may have contributed to the increased fishing
pressure, depleting bagda stocks over the past 10 years. For many concerned about
maintaining the biodiversity of fishery resources, the behundi net was seen as one of the
most dangerous gears in use for fry catching (Williams 2002).
In Shymnagar, Satkhira, an additional drag net pulled behind a boat is also in operation.
Again, fry catchers that use this type of gear need considerable capital and are not likely
the poorest.
The major trend across all areas is that fixed bag nets are being used more frequently.
Every family has 1-3 push/pull nets and one bag net (Rouf and Jensen 2001). In terms of
gear operation and fry sorting, it is more or less similar in all catch areas. The average
amount of time spent with the nets is 6-10 hours. In the Sundarbans, the time of
operations is about 6 hours due to security reasons and institutional restrictions (rent
payments). Fry collectors working in the Sundarbans pay a permit to forest officers that
ranges from Taka 130-150 (DOF and DFID 2001). If pirates are around, they may pay
8
200-1000 Taka (Rouf and Jensen 2001). Fry collectors may extract forest products to
recover money for the bribes they pay to the forest guards.
Fry sorting, often done by young girls or women, may be carried out directly under the
hot sun, affecting survival rates. Mortality of shrimp fry after collection is significant (2930%).
In many places in Coxes Bazaar, fry collectors do attempt to return by-catches to the
water, thus it appears that awareness campaigns are working in the Southeast6. In the
Southwest, many women and children that use push nets are discarding by-catches on the
ground (Williams 2002), which has implications for follow-up awareness efforts.
Considering that fry collectors are found all along the southern coast of Bangladesh, we
now turn to the key differences that exist between regions. To facilitate this analysis, a
livelihood framework will be used to highlight the key issues that determine livelihood
outcomes of fry collector (See Figures 1 and 2 in Annex II).
IV. Livelihood Contextual Differences Across Fry Collection Zones
To understand the factors that determine the livelihood options of fry collectors in the
different regions, a number of analytical lenses are used to cluster information along the
following categories: Context (social, economic, political and environmental dimensions,
conditions and trends); Livelihood Resources (financial, natural, physical, human,
political and social capital); Institutional Processes and Organizational Structures
(government, civil society and private sector); Livelihood Strategies (productive and
exchange activities and coping strategies); and Livelihood Outcomes (e.g. food security,
health security, habitat security, education security, income security, social network
security, safety, and environmental security). The following is a summary of the main
livelihood factors in each region.
A. Khulna Division (Khulna District, Satkhira District and Bagerhat District)
1. Context
a. Historical
In terms of the history of the introduction of shrimp culture in the Districts of Khulna,
Satkhira and Bagerhat (KSB), it began in a very contentious way. Focused on the
potential high returns from shrimp, outside investors resorted to illegal measures to gain
access to land for shrimp farming (Chowdhury 2001). Many poor farmers were forcefully
evicted from their land or forced to lease it, and much of the Khas land adjacent to
brackish water was appropriated with the help of local and national political leaders. This
led to massive resentment and social conflict and fierce resistance to shrimp farming. A
6
Most fry collectors are using progressive catch techniques due to awareness building activities of FRI,
BOBP and the Coxes Bazaar Shrimp Fry Collection Business Labor Welfare Multi-Purpose Society. FAO
has also been instrumental in building awareness, especially under the Empowerment of Coastal
Communities Project.
9
number of NGOs rose up to oppose shrimp farming due to widespread violations of
human rights (Nijera Kori, Aino Salih Kendra, Uttaran, and UBINIG).
Although political control in the area is still linked to the shrimp sector, a number of
shrimp farms are now in the hands of small farmers. Outside control has been replace by
local ownership that has eased the tension a great deal.
b. Environmental
The Southwestern part of Bangladesh is characterized by extensive mangrove forests
(Sundarbans) and multiple river systems. Shrimp culture has had a significant effect on
the environment in the KSB area. Expansion of shrimp farms has led to a loss of
mangrove forest-land and a decline in biodiversity. Pressure to convert paddy fields to
shrimp fields has led to excessive salinization in agricultural lands. Grazing land has also
been lost as well as fuel wood supplies, making the burden on women increase in
obtaining fuel supplies. Drinking water access has also been adversely affected. Poor
peoples’ access to Khas land has also declined significantly. Increased salinazation has
also had an adverse effect on home gardens.
c. Economic
The cash economy derived from the development of shrimp culture has definitely
transformed the area in employment opportunities, consumption patterns, and social
relations. Agricultural labour opportunities have diminished and competition for wages
has increased with the influx of outsiders seeking employment. People in the shrimp
growing areas have become dependent on the market for food purchases due to the
reduction of paddy, sharecropping and vegetable gardens. Money earned is all expended
due to increased food prices and dependence on store-bought goods.
Former patron-client relationships have also started to break down. The poor can no
longer borrow rice from patrons breaking up a key safety net for the poor.
The influx of outside labour has led to a destabilizing of communities and created greater
personal insecurity for women. The commercialisation of social relationships has also led
to a breakdown of the moral economy and social justice found in the villages
(Chowdhury 2001). Under such circumstances the poor fry traders have become more
vulnerable.
d. Social
Gender discrimination is common throughout the region. Women’s life in the area is
shaped by the patriarchal, patrilineal and patrilocal nature of the social system that
pervades Bangladesh Society. Women commonly experience a multitude of
disadvantages including : 1) having to work harder to secure a livelihood; 2) having less
control over income and assets; 3) reduced opportunities for human development; 4)
being subjected to violence and intimidation; 5) subordinate social position; 6) poorly
10
represented in policy and decision making. For women engaged in fry collection, the
problems are compounded by extreme poverty, poor housing, health and sanitation,
limited access to safe drinking water, low literacy rates, limited access to support
services, resource opportunities and social exclusion. Women that engage in fry
collection usually do so because they have no other viable alternative. Those women that
do engage in the activity are considered low status and are often excluded from village
functions (DOF and DFID 2001b).
2. Livelihood Resources
In terms of access to land, the distribution of land is more skewed in this region than in
the rest of Bangladesh (Chowdhury 2001). There are very large numbers of landless and
large land-owners. Eighty-six percent of the fry collectors are functionally landless. Poor
people’s access to common property resources is declining due to the lack of enforcement
of government regulations. For many fry collectors, the only access they have to common
property resources is the Sundarbans and they often have to pay a bribe to gain access.
Pirates in these areas also harass the fry collectors.
In terms of human capital, over 80 percent of the fry traders are functionally illiterate and
the children regularly drop out of school out of economic necessity (DOF and DFID
2001). Poor fry traders also have poor access to health facilities and potable water. This is
especially true for poor women.
In terms of access to credit, fry traders in the area have limited access other than the
Dadandars. They rarely have access to NGO credit. Most fry collectors are in a cycle of
debt with the traders who buy their catch at reduced prices. Wealthy shrimp farmers and
traders have a significant control over the price paid to the fry collectors for fry.
In terms of social capital, traditional safety nets have broken down. Patronage networks
are no longer based on kinship ties. Political and commercial ties have replaced many of
these traditional ties (Chowdhury 2001). Among the poor, party activists or clients of the
power elite have been able to retain access to Khas land. Thus political capital has
become more important in determining access to resources. The poor fry traders are
stigmatised and socially isolated.
3. Institutional Setting
a. Government Regulatory Mechanisms
In terms of the regulatory environment in the region, it is not adequate. For example,
most farmers do not register their lands with local fisheries offices because they do not
want to be accused of damaging adjacent paddy fields nor do they want to pay
government fines or taxes (Chowdhury 2001).
In addition, the government does not have an unambiguous policy regarding the
management of Khas land. Due to definitional ambiguity, different groups manipulate the
11
situation making Khas land access a major power struggle. Only part of the Khas land in
the area is identified and recorded officially. This allows for land officials to collect
illegal rent. Inter-departmental conflicts also exist over Khas lands. The Department of
Youth Affairs allocates Khas water bodies up to 20 acres in size and the District Revenue
Office allocates Khas land more than 20 acres in size. The politics of Khas lands has
become highly interlinked with the national political process (Chowdhury 2001).
Politicians also exert considerable pressure on the management of saline water
(Chowdhury 2001). Small shrimp farmers have to pay a fixed amount as a bribe to get
uninterrupted access to water. In the absence of any regulatory structure, the control of
saline water has become a lucrative source to extract illegal rents from the poor and a
constant source of conflict.
Conflict also arises over lease agreements (Chowdhury 2001). These conflict centre on
the late payment of leases and the extension of shrimp farming into paddy field seasons.
The most common conflicts arise around lease deeds. Again, due to the poorly
functioning regulatory environment, the poor are subjected to unfair business practices.
Institutional policies are also in conflict regarding the regulation of mangrove fishing. For
example, there is little cooperation between the DOF and the Forestry Department over
the regulation of fish catches.
b. NGOs
There are 18 NGOs that operate in the Sundarbans area in the KSB area. There are no
programs exclusively carried out for fry collectors in the entire area. Recently an NGO
coalition has been formed under the leadership of an organization titled the Coastal
Development Partnership. This coalition held several meetings to discuss and formulate
an NGO response to the situation faced by the fry collectors. In their effort to attempt to
stop environmental and social degradation, they are looking for ways to improve the
livelihood options of the fry collectors.
A number of NGOs are already implementing programs that are addressing some of the
critical environmental and social issues. For example, CARITAS has developed an
awareness program on appropriate fry collection techniques and are also involved in
social afforestation within the Sundarban area (Williams 2002b). ActionAid is
distributing posters on appropriate practices to fry collectors. World Vision has adjusted
its school programmes to take into account the changing tides. GMK has a micro-credit
programme that can easily be made available to fry collectors.
NGOs are interested in developing an informal network of local NGOs to organize fry
collectors into groups and form a fry collectors federation with assistance from the larger
international NGOs. The NGOs would support a seasonal ban as long as essential social
support mechanisms for fry collectors are in place before hand.
c. Shrimp Fry Collectors Associations
12
The development of formal associations to collectively represent the interests of fry
collectors is very weak or non-existent in most parts of the region. There are two
exceptions. In Satkhira, there is the Sundarban Fry Collectors and Marine Fisherman’s
Social Welfare Association based in Shymnagar (WB/NACA/WWF/FAO 2000). In
Khulna, there is the Kuruliya United Women’s Association. It is unclear how effective
these Associations have been.
Some of the main functions of the Association in Shymnagar are to obtain permission
from DOF for fry collection in the Sundarbans, provide security from stealing, and
prevent illegal payments to rent seekers so that various fry collectors can operate gear and
secure their catch (WB/NACA/WWF/FAO 2000).
d. The Private Sector
The government has very little control over the shrimp marketing system, and thus the
returns are unequally distributed along the market chain. For example, Shrimp marketing
agents based in Khulna are effective in manipulating the price of shrimp, and have a
determining effect on the returns received by farmers. The Shrimp Hatchery Owners
Association keep a strong control over the price of fries sold to farmers (Chowdhury
2001), which influences the price of fry in general. Fry traders have a controlling effect
on the price paid to fry collectors, which is usually below the market price.
All power brokers along the chain are locally and regionally connected politically.
Private local shrimp interests have formed strong relations with local politicians and the
police to secure favours in access to land (Khas), labour, water and resolution of market
disputes. Dadondars maintain close relations with government officials, often financing
local election to gain political support. Fry collectors are at the bottom of the shrimp
marketing chain, have the least political capital, and gain the least from the profits
obtained by the system.
The Shrimp Farmers Association in the Khulna area does not oppose the capture of wild
fry as long as it is carried out using appropriate technology that safeguards other species
caught as by-catch (Williams 2002b). Farmers fear that a ban on wild fry will leave them
with total reliance on poor quality fry from hatcheries which are only currently available
for 3-4 months a year. The absence of wild fry in the market would allow the hatcheries
to monopolize the supply of fry and inflate the price (Williams 2002a). In addition, the
hatcheries only supply 10 percent of the demand of Golda fry, thus the need for wild fry
collection will continue. The Shrimp Farmers Association would also like to see other
livelihood options being made available to fry collectors such as social afforestation in
the coastal zone.
4. Livelihood Strategies
In terms of income opportunities created by the introduction of shrimp culture, fry
collection is the major occupation of the poorer groups in these areas. However, these
13
shrimp related labour opportunities are compromised by in-migration of poor people
from other regions that increase the labour pool. Fry collectors are typically engaged in
fry collection for 7-8 months of the year. During the lean periods, wages for labour
decline significantly. This is why the consumption loans from the Dadandars are so
critical to fry collectors for their survival.
Income from fry collection is not the same in all areas. In Bagerhat District (Sarankhola,
Morelganj and Mongla Upazilas) the income from fry collection is high (50-300 Taka per
day) (Williams 2002 b). The majority of the fry collectors are outsiders that migrated into
the area. In Khulna District (Batiaghata, Dacope, Paikgacha, and Koyra Upazilas), the
incomes of shrimp fry collectors are comparatively less. The poorest fry collectors are
found in Shyamnagar Upazila in Satkhira District.
Since many of these fry collectors are land poor and income poor, they are extremely
vulnerable to environmental, climatic and economic change. Because they have no
physical or natural capital upon which to base their livelihoods, they subsist on a range of
precarious, seasonal, peripheral and risk prone activities. These include fishing, service
activities (e.g. housework), agricultural and shrimp farming labour, sharecropping,
collecting wood and other common property products, and opportunistic cropping on
public lands. Other types of alternative income sources include rickshaw pulling, sorting
dry fish, net mending, crab trapping, honey collection and salt collection.
Women Fry Collectors in the KSB Area
Women’s traditional roles are also changing as a result of shrimp culture. It is mostly the
poorer women that have often been abandoned, divorced or widowed that are engaged in
fry collection. Women are often forced to get involved in fry collection because they
have no other viable alternative (DOF and DFID 2001b). Women also work as labourers
in shrimp fields (constructing embankments, weeding), and in processing, sorting and
packing shrimp. In all activities related to shrimp production, women receive unequal
wages compared to men. Prior to the advent of shrimp culture, women rarely worked
outside the homestead except as maid- servants. There are many more women involved in
fry collection in the KSB region than in the Coxes Bazaar region.
Women’s domestic work has been dramatically affected by the expansion of shrimp
farming into Khas land. Women used to collect dung, leaves, and wood for fuel and water
for home consumption in common property areas within the locality. Now that the trees
and animals are gone and safe drinking water is not readily available, more time is spent
collecting fuel and drinking water (as much as 3 hours a day). Searching for fuel and
water much farther away from home increases their security risks and increases their
workloads (DOF and DFID 2001b). In fact, the increased domestic work combined with
shrimp fry collection has lead to a doubling of the workload for women.
Women are often exploited in the sale of fries. They are often offered lower rates per one
thousand fries than men, and they are cheated during counting. They often do not receive
14
payment until all the male sellers are paid (DOF and DFID 2001b). They are often not in
a position to bargain, and have to accept the price whatever they are offered.
Hindu women in the area are less restricted due to cultural barriers from operating in
shrimp related work. In Muslim families, fry collection is not appreciated, and women
that engage in the work are treated as social outcasts. It is often severe poverty that makes
these Muslim women ignore cultural barriers.
Women in shrimp cultivating areas feel that their social situation has become more
precarious due to increased insecurity, the lack of social justice through traditional
channels, and moral degradation of society (DOF and DFID 2001b). Women shrimp
workers report frequent harassment and they have no recourse if they are sexually
abused. Women are often not aware of their rights and very few NGOs are focusing on
this issue.
5. Livelihood Outcomes
The majority of the poorest fry collectors that engage in this activity as their main source
of livelihood are not food secure for a great part of the year. They have poor access to
housing and limited or no access to health care. They tend to be illiterate and their
children drop out of school out of economic necessity. Their diets are of limited diversity,
often lacking in important nutrients. They also have poor access to drinking water, and
sanitation facilities. They are in a cycle of debt with the Dadandars. They are extremely
vulnerable to climatic and economic changes.
Poor women and children suffer the most socially and economically as a result of the
expansion of shrimp culture. Their health has suffered from the transformation of the
landscape and declining incomes. They spend more time in search of fuel and water and
their workload has doubled. They are underpaid for the work that they do and are cheated
in the sale of their fries. Standing in cold salty water using push/pull nets for 6-10 hours a
day can expose women and children to Malaria, Dengue, and Diarrhoea. Women also are
exposed to urinary and vaginal infections. There are few health facilities available to
women, especially in the Sundarbans where they are forced to migrate in search of fry.
Sexual harassment for women has increased and avenues for social justice have declined.
Most women engaged in fry collection have very little education, are unaware of
opportunities to gain access to health care and credit, and are unaware of their rights.
Women eat less nutritious foods and are often the last ones in the family to eat. Due to
poor nutrition and illness, birth defects and miscarriages are going up as well as maternal
mortality and morbidity (DOF and DFID 2001b).
Due to male migration, desertion, and divorce, female-headed households are on the
increase in the region. The frequency of divorce is related to unpaid dowry (DOF and
DFID 2001b). Women are often tortured physically and mentally by their husbands and
his male relatives for unpaid dowry. The number of unmarried women has increased
because of the inability of guardians to pay dowry. Many researchers speculate that this
dowry problem is partially due to the increase money demanded by households as a result
of the influx of cash into the area derived from shrimp cultivation.
15
As stated earlier, the majority of the shrimp farms in Bangladesh are located in KSB
region of the Southwest. The growth of shrimp culture in the area has had a significant
effect on the livelihood opportunities of the poor. The physical and economic
transformation of the area has limited the livelihood options of the poor. The primary
means that the poor have to make a living is through fry collection. A ban on this activity
could have devastating consequences if alternative livelihood options are not put in place.
The next section will explore the contextual factors that determine the livelihood
opportunities of the poor in the Chittigong/Coxes Bazaar area.
B. Chittigong Division (Coxes Bazaar District, Chittigong District, and Noakhali
District)
1. Context
a. History
The Southeast region of Bangladesh has traditionally been a conservative Muslim area.
Although this cultural tradition has implications for women’s status and mobility, the
social cohesion of the area tends to be strong. The area has been isolated for some time,
and communication in the area is not well developed. This poor communication and
isolation has led to poor literacy rates and retention of conservative attitudes. It has also
led to the absence of regulatory mechanisms and the rule of law. For example,
Mosheskhali is considered a haven for gansters and smugglers. Kidnapping is quite
common in this hilly remote area.
People in the more isolated parts of this region do not know about government
programmes (such as VGD and VGF cards) and did not know that Khas land was
supposed to be distributed to the landless (Chowdhury et. al. 1999). People do not know
what the Union Parisad and Thana offices do, and most of the influential rich control the
government structure and capture the bulk of the government’s resources.
b. Environment
The coastal region is characterized by frequent cyclones and tidal surges that cause
enormous losses of life, livestock, fisheries, salt and shrimp production (Chowdhury et.
al. 1999). For example, major cyclones hit the area in 19917 and 1997, causing enormous
damage and loss of life. The fact that the area is prone to natural disasters has had a
determining effect on the types of development activities that are initiated in the region.
Because the coastal area is near the breeding grounds of shrimp, fry tended to be
available year round though there was a marked seasonality to the availability of fry. The
numbers of fry available have steadily been decreasing over the years. According to
FAO, marine catches have been in decline for sometime (Williams 2002c). From
7
Because of the loss of resources, many people that were previously agriculturalists turned to fry collection
after the 1991 cyclone.
16
interviews conducted by FAO in 37 fishing villages, catches have declined in all villages
over the last 5-6 years.
A number of reasons can be sited for this trend. First, the number of fry collectors
working on the coast has grown dramatically over the last 10 years, though these
numbers may be decreasing in recent years. The number of sea trawlers operating in the
area are increasing, destroying much of the breeding grounds. The ecological balance of
the area has also been disrupted by the pollution caused by the ship breaking that is going
on in the region.
c. Economic
Due to the proximity to the coast, this area is the location of most of the hatcheries that
produce fry for shrimp farms in Bangladesh. There are 45 hatcheries in all. Wild fry and
hatchery fry are transported and sold from this region to the Khulna Division. Mobile
phones are used between the two regions to track and fix prices between the traders.
There is some competition between the hatchery owners and the people involved in fry
collection and trading. The price of wild fry is completely controlled by the traders.
Traders take fry from the collectors in advance, paying less than 50 percent on the
exchange. The remaining balance is paid later. The traders provide loans to the collectors
(dadan), charging 5 paisa commission out of 40 for each fry. This may increase by 10
percent if the market price increases.
The wild fry market in Coxes Bazaar has reduced in size by 50 percent since last year
(Williams 2002c). Some of this can be explained by the huge increase in the supply of
hatchery fry. Traders maintain that wild fry are of higher quality than hatchery fry despite
poor transport conditions.
d. Social
The status of women in the coastal region is much lower in comparison to other parts of
the country. Traditional cultural practices have limited the opportunities of women in
education, skill development, employment, and participation in community decisions.
Due to the lack of income sources and inability to go to the market, women are usually
dominated by their husbands and other male members of society. Most women are not
allowed to vote, and are unaware of their rights. Because of these restrictions on mobility,
women are primarily involved in household work. Women are rarely involved in fry
collection. The only women that may be involved are widows or abandoned women.
Women are rarely allowed to go out alone. This is especially the case in very
conservative areas such as Kutubdia, Moheskhali, Teknaf and Ukhia. Many women are
confined to work in betel leaf gardens. In villages where NGOs have been more active,
the mobility of women is higher (Chowdhury et.al. 1999).
17
In terms of the population, 90 percent of the people are Muslims and 10 percent are
Hindus, Rakayan and Burmese. Due to economic crises in Myanmar, a large number of
young Burmese have come to Bangladesh to work in the salt plots and to do fry
collection (Moheskhali, Teknaf and Ukhia). There also are large refugee camps in Coxes
Bazaar near Ukhia and Teknaf.
2. Livelihood Resources
The poorest households in this region are usually the fry collectors8 who engage in this
activity as their primary occupation. Similar to the Southwest, they tend to be landless,
have few if any assets, and are illiterate. Many entered fry collection after a major
cyclone hit the area in 1991. Others migrated into the region from outside, either from
Myanmar or from some other region in Bangladesh.
School dropout rates are high throughout the region, and many children are engaged in
fry collection out of economic necessity. The percentages of lower age groups involved
in fry collection are quite high in Coxes Bazaar and the Chittigong areas
(WB/NACA/WWF/FAO 2000). Most of the Thanas in the region lag behind in literacy
rates. Female rates are much lower than males. To address this issue, many of the cyclone
centres also serve as primary schools.
In terms of health, water-borne diseases due to poor sanitation practices are common
throughout the region. Diarrhoea is especially prevalent after a cyclone.
In terms of access to land, there appears to be more Khas land available in Coxes Bazaar
than in the Khulna Region. Many of the part-time fry collectors do have access to land.
This has implications for investment for alternative livelihood options. Recent migrants
tend to be landless and drift like nomads living in makeshift shelters from place to place
in search of fry. Many of these recent migrants do not have good relations with local
residents.
Although there are forest resources along the coast, much of this is being destroyed for
fuel and supplementary income.
Access to credit is limited to the loans obtained from Dadandars or their representatives.
The majority take these types of loans and are locked in a continuous cycle of debt.
3. Institutional Setting
a. Government Regulatory Mechanisms
8
In the Coxes Bazaar region there are also a large number of poor fishing communities. It is this group that
feels especially angry about the environmental effect that fry collection has had on their access to shrimp
fisheries.
18
As with the KSB area, the regulatory mechanisms in the Southeast are weak or nonexistent. The Government of Bangladesh has a weak policy on trawling operations, and
the numbers of fishing operations working in the area are increasing. This has significant
impact on the breeding stock in the area.
With regards to the hatcheries, the government does not have any quality control
measures in place. In addition, because hatcheries rely on wild brood stock fishing for
supply of spawn for hatcheries, large amounts of by-catch are destroyed and the practice
is environmentally damaging. Disease is also likely to spread through this practice.
It is difficult to implement a ban on fry collection due to manpower constraints faced by
the government agencies. Basic government support to fishing communities operating in
the region is limited. In places where government agencies do operate, rent is sought
from the fry collectors. For example, police demand a toll from fry collectors operating
on the beaches near Coxes Bazaar (30-40 Taka per month) (Williams 2002c). Because of
this desire for rent, it is difficult to get the various government departments to
collaborate.
b. NGOs
Because of the frequency of natural disasters in the region, many NGOs are not
implementing long-term development programmes along the coast (Chowdhury et. al.
1999). Most of the NGO activity in the past has been emergency relief focused, and this
has established a certain attitude regarding the role of NGOs. This relief mentality has
made it difficult for NGOs to establish viable credit programmes or engage in other types
of long term development initiatives such as community empowerment. The conservative
attitudes found in many communities have also made it difficult for NGOs to form
women’s groups. In fact, in some areas, conservative religious hardliners have tried to
prevent NGOs like BRAC from entering an area (Chowdhury et.al. 1999). However,
where NGOs have been active, there are signs the women’s mobility has increased (Ibid
1999). Active NGOs working in the area include CARITAS, COAST, CARE, World
Vision, Grameen Bank, UBINIG, EDM, CODEC, ASA, MSF-France, SHED, BGS, RIC,
Anondo, Uddipan, GK and BRAC.
Most of the NGOs are working on micro-credit, although some of the NGOs are focused
on education and training (CODEC and UBINIG, COAST). COAST pointed out that fry
collectors are some of the best clients for paying back their loans. Some like CARE are
developing home gardens throughout the region. COAST has developed micro-credit and
education programmes and is also working on an awareness campaign on Khas land to
enable the poor to understand their rights. This involves participating in the UP Khas land
distribution committee. CODEC is also working with UNICEF to improve access to
potable water. UBINIG is also trying to re-establish farming systems in the area that
grow indigenous crop varieties that are well adapted to the ecological conditions of the
area. A seed bank has been established in Chokaria.
19
Although there are a number of NGO activities found in the region, the majority of these
programmes are not implemented in the remote hilly areas or along the isolated stretches
of the coast (Chowdhury, et. al. 1999). These areas have been neglected by NGOs and the
Government because of poor communication and the poor law and order situation. In
addition, coordination between Government offices and NGOs is limited except in
Chokaria.
c. Shrimp Fry Collectors Associations
Similar to the Southwest region, the development of associations of fry collectors as a
distinct entity in the Chittigong/Coxes Bazaar area has been relatively weak. However,
there are a number of Associations that have developed that represent people engaged in
the shrimp business. For example there is the Coxes Bazaar Shrimp Fry Collection
Business and Labour Welfare Multipurpose Society, the Ukiya Multilateral Shrimp Fry
Produces and Businessmen Welfare Cooperative Society, the Coxes Bazaar Shrimp Fry
Association and the Sona Para Fry Traders Association to name a few. The first
Association mentioned in Coxes Bazaar is quite well organised, well connected
politically and well resourced (Williams 2002c). This Association was able to raise
considerable money and to mobilise thousands of supporters to successfully oppose the
ban on fry collection in Coxes Bazaar. As a result, the wild fry market has remained open
throughout the ban with the support of the local administration. The Association has also
been active in seeking a two month ban on fishing brood stock due to concerns over its
effects on fry yields (Williams 2002c). The membership of the Coxes Bazaar Association
is comprised of 194 traders and mainly represents the interests of this group although
they claim to speak on behalf of the fry collectors.
d. The Private Sector
In addition to the Associations mentioned above, there are a number of wild fry markets
operating in the region. Wild fry marketing patterns vary between wild fry collecting
areas. There are more actors in the marketing chain in Coxes bazaar area than in Khulna
or Satkhira (WB/NACA/WWF/FAO 2000). This is because the fry collected in Coxes
Bazaar is transported to the Southwest and goes through more middlemen. Due to the
numerous actors between the fry collector in Coxes bazaar and Noakhali and farmers in
Khulna and Satkhira, wild fry that are sold to farmers are higher in price due to the
commissions on sales in fry markets and fry broker stages (Ibid 2000). To improve the
price received by the fry collector, the market chain must be shortened.
Traders can also influence the number of fry collectors engaged in a region. For example,
in Noakhali, more people are involved in fry collection because Aratdars are employing
50 to 100 people at a time. They are providing advance payment of 5000 to 10,000 Taka
per person (WB/NACA/WWF/FAO 2000). In fact, the increasing number of collectors is
due to the increasing number of traders.
4. Livelihood Strategies
20
As stated earlier, there are two types of fry collectors in the region. Some households
engage in fry collection as a part time activity to supplement their income. These
collectors tend to have some access to land and may be engaged in paddy cultivation,
betel leaf production, salt production or deep-sea fishing. For these people, other options
to secure a livelihood are available. For those poor households that are landless and
engage in fry collection as their primary occupation, the options are fewer. These people
tend to be migrants into the area, either from other parts of Bangladesh or from
Myanmar.
In the past year, fry catches and fry prices have dwindled over the past year (Williams
2002c). Some of the poorer families are fishing through the night to maintain an income.
Many of the fry collectors have already migrated out of the Coxes Bazaar area due to the
declining catches. It is estimated that one third have already migrated out of Coxes
Bazaar in the last 2 years due to reduction of fry catches.
Alternative livelihood options for fry collectors in the region are quite limited. For those
with access to land, the types of activities people engage in to supplement their income
varies by region. In the Kutubdia and Moheskhali areas, salt production is the main
activity (Chowdhury et.al. 1999). Unfortunately, the price of salt has fallen drastically in
the last few years making this a precarious occupation (Williams 2002c).
In the Chokaria, Anowara and Banskhali area, fry traders can engage as wage labours and
sharecroppers in paddy cultivation. In recent years the fry yields have decreased
dramatically in these areas, and many of the people previously engaged in this activity
have reverted back to agricultural labour or have migrated. The scope for homestead
gardening is limited to families owning more than 20 decimals.
In Teknaf and Ukhia, betel leaf production is the main source of alternative income for
those with access to land. Women are often engaged in this production activity because it
can be carried out on the homestead.
For those with limited or no land access, the men do fishing or work on fishing boats for
wages. Forest areas are also exploited for extracting wood for sale. Most of the poorest
households are dependent on consumption loans from the Dadandars to make it through
the lean season.
5. Livelihood Outcomes
Similar to the Southwest, the poorest fry collectors that engage in fry collection as their
main source of livelihood are not food secure for most of the year. They have poor access
to housing, and often live in makeshift structures on the beach that are vulnerable to
climatic risks such as cyclones. They often have no access to health care or other
government services due to the remoteness of the living situation. In situations where
they do have access to hospitals or clinics, they are not provided good services and are
often asked to provide bribes or fees are extorted (Chowdhury et.al.1999). The fry
collectors tend to be illiterate and their children do not go to school. These fry collectors
21
have poor access to drinking water and sanitation facilities, especially those living on the
coast. They are also in a cycle of debt with the Dadandars and have limited access to
NGO loans.
Poor women and children in the Southeast also suffer the most socially and economically.
Women are restricted in the types of economic activities that they can engage in and
often are prevented in participating in fry collection (other than sorting). They are usually
unaware of their rights and are not allowed to participate in community decisions. Their
limited mobility due to religious conservatism prevents them from engaging in women’s
groups for access to credit, health services or literacy programmes.
Children are used heavily in the collection of fry and do not have the opportunity to go to
school. This trend restricts the human capital investment that will be needed to help the
poor break out of their cycle of poverty. The opportunity costs of child labour to family
survival prevent the realization of children’s rights.
Many poor families that are unable to pay dowry are left with unmarried daughters. In
some locations such as Moheskhali, Teknaf and Ukhia, poor households will marry their
daughters to Burmese migrants that do not request dowry (Chowdhury et.al. 1999).
From the previous discussion, it is obvious that there are major differences across the
different zones where fry collection takes place. There are also major differences in the
types of fry collectors that depend on this livelihood strategy to make a living. The next
section focuses on the implications of a fry collection ban that is currently being
considered in Bangladesh.
C. Barishal Region (Patuakhali)
Similar to the other two areas, fry collectors in this region also are the poorest people.
They are usually landless and have very few livelihood options. It is estimated that more
than 50,000 engage in fry collecting in the Patuakhali area alone. This number has
dropped significantly in the last year when it was estimated that there was over 100,000
fry collectors in 2001. This drop has been explained to be primarily due to insufficient
catch as a result of declining stocks of fry.
Similar to the other two areas, children are engaged in fry collection instead of attending
schools for education; high illiteracy; limited access to water; women and children are
suffering from disease and other physical ailments due to regular contact with saline
water; limited access to medical facilities; limited access to credit and primary
dependence on Dandars for loans; payment for fries is under the market price due to the
domination of Dandars and other middle men; exposure to pirates; women and girls that
engage in fry collection are subject to sexual abuse and limited livelihood options in the
off-season.
People in the Patuakhali area are also exposed to cyclones and tidal surges similar to the
Coxes Bazaar region.
22
V. Implications of Imposing a Ban on Shrimp Fry Collection
A. Why a Ban is being Advocated
The primary reason given for why wild fry should be banned or regulated is that
biodiversity is being negatively impacted by the capture of fry and the destruction of bycatch. An FRI study carried out in 1994 shows that for every 1 bagda fry that is collected,
50 to 100 other shrimp species, fin species, or plankton are destroyed. From a recent
study carried out by the Sunderban Biodiversity Conservation project, it was determined
that in a 10 minute harvest period using a commonly used behundi net generated a bycatch of 10,000 to 20,000 other fry species for just 3 bagda fry (Williams 2002c). In
addition, 60 percent of the bagda fry die during collection, sorting, holding, transporting
and stocking (Khan and Latif 1997).
There is a common belief that the use of a fixed bag net has greater negative impact on
the biodiversity than other gear types. This is why many development practitioners
advocate that such gear types should be banned.
By viewing the fry collectors as destroyers of biodiversity, the potential exists of further
stigmatising and criminalizing one of the most vulnerable groups in Southern
Bangladesh. Care must be taken not to make the poor peoples’ lot worse in the name of
environmental sustainability. Social sustainability must also be given equal weight.
While it may be true that wild shrimp collection may be causing a loss in biodiversity,
this has to be seen from the perspective that a number of other activities currently being
carried out in Bangladesh that are equally if not more destructive to shrimp fry
populations. These include: 1) the destruction of the Sundarbans for wood harvesting (the
Sundarbans acts as a natural nursery to shrimp and a number of other fish species); 2) the
negative impacts of reliance on wild broodstock fishing for the supply of spawn to the
hatcheries; 3) the destruction of the shrimp breeding grounds due to unregulated trawling;
and 4) the pollution caused by the breaking up of ships in the Bay of Bengal. If a ban is
to be put in place that will prevent fry collectors from generating an income from wild
shrimp fry collection, then measures need to be put in place to regulate these other
activities.
B. Why a Ban Will be Difficult to Enforce
In most of the Southwestern and the Southeastern parts of Bangladesh, the wild fry ban
was never enforced. There are a number of reasons for this. First, very few people in the
remote areas were aware of the ban and thus did not know they were supposed to stop fry
collection activities.
Second, the demand for wild fry continued unabated. Farmers still have a preference for
wild fry because of their better survival rates despite the availability of hatchery fry at
lower costs. In addition, a number of traders are highly dependent on wild fry marketing
23
and have no intention of stopping. The amount of resistance generated by these traders to
the ban was well demonstrated by the activities of the traders associations in Coxes
Bazaar.
Third, the Government of Bangladesh has inadequate resources to enforce the ban, and
many agencies see the ban as an opportunity to collect rent. For example, the Forest
Department officials operating in the Sundarbans used the ban as an opportunity to
collect rent from fry collectors fishing in the area.
Fourth, most of the poorer fry collectors have no other livelihood alternative, and
therefore cannot afford to stop. Until appropriate livelihood alternatives can be made
available, it is unlikely that the ban will prevent fry collection.
If it is accepted that fry collection should be regulated, then the ban needs to be
reconsidered. As it is currently configured, the ban only penalizes the poorest persons in
the fry marketing chain, and does not apply to the sale, transport, storage, and stocking of
wild fry. If a concerted effort is to be made in reducing the harvesting of wild fry, then
the incentives for collecting the fry must be removed. This means that the ban should be
targeted to the farmers and traders that are seeking the fry, not only the suppliers.
Of course it is unlikely that the demand for wild fry will diminish in the near future
because the quality of hatchery-produced fry is still an issue for some farmers. In
addition, hatcheries can only meet 10 percent of the Golda fry demand, so wild fry
collection is likely to continue as Golda farming expands in the Khulna region.
If it is unlikely that a Global ban is enforceable or even desirable, what are the
alternatives? These options are discussed below under Recommendations.
VI. Conclusions and Recommendations
The Bangladesh shrimp sector and the role that the poor play in it must be understood
within the broader regional and global context of which it is apart (BCAS 2001). As the
shrimp sector has grown and become dependent on global markets9, it is increasingly
vulnerable to outside criticism of its environmental, social and economic practices. Any
concerns with sustainable livelihood of the poor at the local level must relate this to
sustainable trade at the global level.
As shrimp cultivation has expanded throughout the coastal belt of Southern Bangladesh,
the livelihood options of the poor have become narrower and more limited. Many of the
poor who lost work as agricultural labourers or sharecroppers, or lost access to Khas land
took up fry collection. The poor were not able to take up new opportunities in trading,
exporting or processing shrimp due to limited access to capital. Unable to take advantage
of these new income-earning activities, a growing income and asset gap has developed
between the local elites and the poor. Should a global ban be enforced, much of the
income gains for the poor that accompanied shrimp production would be lost.
9
North America represents the largest market for shrimp exports from Bangladesh.
24
The solutions to this problem are not likely to be found in a strategy that simply tries to
make shrimp production more inclusive of the poor. The shrimp sector is one avenue
among many potential development paths that can be pursued at the local level
simultaneously. A multi-agency effort will be required.
Similarly, while the DOF may be the most appropriate agency for technical support of the
sector it might be the correct institutional platform from which to launch initiatives for
poverty reduction in communities which depend upon aquatic resources (Blake 2002).
Even though the recommendations presented below apply to fry collectors, there are a
number of other poor people living in Southern Bangladesh that also face livelihood
difficulties. These include the farm laborers, marginal/small scale shrimp farmers and the
various fishing communities living along the coast. Any of the pro-poor policies and
actions recommended have to take these people into account as well.
The following recommendations are presented as options to consider in promoting the
livelihood security of poor people currently engaged in fry collection. First, short-term
options that address some of the more immediate environmental and social issues will be
identified that are applicable to all areas. Medium to long-term interventions are then
discussed that could address some of the basic causes of poverty in the in the coastal area.
A. Addressing Environmental and Social Issues Related to Fry Collection in the
Short-Term
1. Efforts to Reduce Environmental Degradation and Loss of Biodiversity
a. Implement a Restricted Ban in Certain Ecologically Sensitive Areas and
Seasonally in Other Locations
In recent stakeholder meetings held in Khulna, there was general agreement that fry
collection should be banned in certain ecologically sensitive areas such as the Sundarbans
and other important migration routes (Williams 2002a). It should also be banned in areas
where hatchery fry are readily available. A seasonal ban should be put in place in all
other fry catching areas. This seasonal ban would be from August to January in the
Khulna region. This time frame was proposed because there is no bagda requirement
during the rainy season and shrimp fry mortality rates during the winter months are high.
In the Coxes Bazaar area, a seasonal ban should be put in place during the breeding
season (March- May) in more isolated areas where hatchery fry are not available. This
ban would be implemented for a couple years until some of the investments in alternative
livelihoods can take hold. After that, a ban could be put into place year-round.
The ban on wild fry should not only apply to fry collectors, but to all stakeholders in the
fry marketing chain. Thus the ban would apply to fry traders, transporters, people that
25
store fry and farmers that are buying fry. In this way the incentive for wild fry marketing
is removed10.
In areas where fry collection will be allowed to continue, licenses should be issued.
Opportunities for allowing the community to enforce fry collection bans should be
explored (Williams 2002a).
b. Restrict Removal of Mangrove Trees in the Sundarbans and Along River Systems
Because the Sundarbans acts as a natural nursery for shrimp fry and other fish, it should
be protected as much as possible. Woodcutting and removal has increased dramatically
over the last several years, leading to a reduction of the mangrove forests. Rent seeking
behaviour on the part of Government Forestry officials is encouraging this trend and
measures need to be put in place to discourage such actions. Local Government officials
in the Khulna area also felt that the Forestry Department should not be involved in
regulating fishing.
c. Best Practice on Gear Used for Fry Collection Should be Put in Place
The variety of gears used by fry catchers should be identified and reviewed for the
different areas where fry catching is taking place to promote best practice in gear use. For
example, the behundi net (bag net) is seen as one of the more damaging nets used in fry
collection because of its impact on by-catch. The use of the behundi net should be banned
or regulated through a licensing system. The size of mesh could also be regulated to
prevent excess by-catch destruction. The capture of fry from riverbanks should be
allowed using push/pull nets due to the lower catch rates and because the net users (often
women and children) are the poorest group fishing for fry. Training should be provided to
minimize the adverse effects of this fishing. Currently, many of the people operating nets
along the shore do not always return the by-catch.
In the short-run, best practice catch techniques in use should be updated and disseminated
through training and awareness programmes like those promoted by CARITAS,
ActionAid, FRI, FAO and various Associations in Coxes Bazaar. Past experience has
shown that fry collectors are very receptive to improved techniques and are currently
using them.
d. In Areas Where Fry Collection Will Be Allowed, Efforts Should Be Made to
Improve the Survival Rates of Fry That Are Marketed
Significant reduction in fry collection pressure can be achieved by reducing the mortality
rates of the fry that are caught. Currently it is estimated that 60 percent of the fry are lost
from the time they are caught to the time they are stocked in a farmer’s pond (Khan and
Latif 1997). Survival rates can be improved by promoting better practices in gear
10
Since hatcheries can only supply 10 percent of the demand for Golda fry, some provisions will need to be
put in place to allow golda wild fry collection to continue until hatcheries can meet the demand.
26
operation, fry sorting, holding fry, controlling conditions under transport, and stocking
and pond management practices.
Awareness and training resources need to be available for people all along the fry
marketing chain. Farmers must also be trained to discourage early stocking of fry during
the winter months when low temperatures lead to high mortality rates for fry (Williams
2002a). Awareness campaigns need to be continued through various media and DOF
extension messages.
e. Ban Trawling During the Shrimp Breeding Season in the Bay of Bengal
Unrestricted trawling in shrimp breeding grounds is having a negative effect on the
availability of shrimp fry. Such trawling should be regulated and banned during the
breeding season (December- February). Currently, a ban is enforced from mid-December
to mid-January. Attempts to extend this to a three month period has met fierce resistance
from powerful trawler lobbies. Trawler owners took out an injunction against the ban and
forced the court to put the ban in abeyance. The government of Bangladesh is unable to
control trawling through the allocation of licenses due to current court rulings.
The by-catch from this fishery is extremely high, estimated to be from 35,000 to 45,000
metric tons (Huntington, 2002). Ninety percent of this by-catch is discarded. In addition,
trawlers are used to capture brood stock for the hatcheries which is also having a huge
destructive effect upon shrimp breeding.
Donors need to support the Department of Fisheries in successfully regulating the
trawling industry. This should be possible given the fact that there are only 75 trawlers in
operation. The shrimp traders Association in Coxes Bazaar has been active in seeking
such a ban, and these efforts should be supported.
f. Discourage the Reliance on Wild Brood Stock Fishing for the Supply of Spawn for
Hatcheries and Improve the Quality of the Fry Produced
Indiscriminate fishing for brood stock is environmentally damaging and can lead to the
spread of disease. Hatcheries need to be regulated regarding these practices. Other efforts
should be made to improve the quality of fry produced by hatcheries. This would prevent
the sale of undersized and under age fry. No quality assurance system is developed to
ensure farmers that they are receiving good quality fry from the hatcheries. If this could
be assured, it would reduce the demand for wild fry. Hatcheries could strive to obtain a
Seal of Quality such as that being promoted by the ATDP II project11. FAO is promoting
a shrimp seed certification program to improve quality control (See Annex VI).
g. Determine the Effect of Pollution from Ship Breaking on Shrimp Resources
11
ATDPII is a project supported by USAID that is trying to work with the whole shrimp marketing chain to
improve its sensitivity to social and environmental issues. Currently, the poorest segments of the chain (i.e.
the fry collectors) have not received much attention.
27
Pollution from ship breaking is having a detrimental effect on coastal fisheries resources.
Steps need to be taken to minimize the effects of this activity on the environment.
2. Provide Support to Civil Society Institutions to Create Livelihood Options for Fry
Collectors
In Khulna, a consortium of 18 NGOs have gotten together to look for ways to stop
environmental and social degradation and are looking for ways to improve the livelihood
options of fry collectors. In addition to generating alternative income opportunities, these
NGOs are trying to give fry collectors voice in local decisions and to present fry collector
concerns to higher levels. Several NGOs are attempting to form fry collectors into groups
or associations to improve representation.
Several alternative income activities have been proposed within the shrimp sector. For
example, fry collectors in Khulna could possibly get involved in shrimp nurseries12.
Currently, more than 70 percent of the shrimp farms do not have nurseries on their farms
(WB/NACA/WWF/FAO 2000). Stocking of fry in a nursery instead of stocking directly
in the main pond has several advantages: 1) it concentrates the fry for feeding; 2) keeps
the fry in a predator/competitor free environment; and 3) it allows for the fry to be kept at
appropriate water levels. This is a niche that fry collectors could help fill in the region.
For those fry collectors that are landless, they would lease land with the assistance of
NGOs to start shrimp nurseries. The area required would be 1 Bigha and 6-10 people
could be involved with setting up the nursery (Debbie Williams Personal Communication
2002). Those setting up the nursery would need access to credit to get the lease, construct
the pond, and buy the first few batches of fry. They would also need support to make
connections with fry agents and in promoting their nurseries. Training would also be
required and could be based on cross visits from other nursery operators. The fry
collectors could provide labour during the construction period (probably during the
winter time when the ban is enforced) and would share in the operation costs of the
nursery. The technology is simple and the risks are relatively low due to the short
production cycle (4 days). In areas where land access cannot be assured, fry collectors
could be organized into specialized labour gangs supported by a local NGO and used to
construct nurseries for farmers.
A second possible livelihood option for fry collectors could be the specialized transport
of shrimp to depots (Debbie Williams Personal Communication 2002). There is an urgent
need in the sector for improved storage and handling of shrimp after harvest. This would
involve developing an insulated rickshaw van, and could be something the Government
or the private sector would want to invest in. Fry collectors could be employed in the
construction and pulling of these vans. They could deliver ice one-way and shrimp the
other. They could be organized in groups and eventually in transporter associations that
could be supported by the sector through ATDP II.
12
Such nurseries would not be as feasible in Coxes Bazaar because they are located too far from the actual
shrimp farms and access to suitable water bodies is a major constraint. It is estimated that only 5-10 percent
of the collectors could get involved in this type of activity.
28
Fry collectors will continue to engage in other labour activities tied to the shrimp sector.
These include construction and maintenance of embankments, water management,
guarding fields, weeding fields, catching, grading and cleaning shrimp (primarily women
and children), and snail trade to feed shrimp
Shrimp sector livelihood options will not always be available to fry collectors in all areas,
and are especially more limited in the Southeast. In these areas the focus should be on
helping the fry collectors gain access to common property resources such as Khas land to
be used for home gardening, duck, chicken and goat rearing, bee keeping, tree
plantations, oyster and crab cultivation, cultivation of meley grass for mat weaving, and
cultivation of golpata for roof construction. Micro credit will also needed for other types
of income generation such as petty trade and handicrafts. This would replace the
dependence on the Dadandar. Several NGOs in the Chittigong/Coxes Bazaar area are
providing such credit (e.g. COAST and CODEC). Similarly, GMK is offering such a
credit programme in the Khulna area.
If a ban on fry collection is put in place where women are heavily involved as collectors
(e.g. Shymnagar), they are extremely vulnerable economically and socially. Alternative
income options will be limited for them as long as they do not have access to markets.
Their social security will be at risk as long as patrilineal norms and practices determine
control of women’s access to public space, appropriate work and remuneration for work,
and marriage patterns. NGOs have to build support for women’s greater physical and
economic mobility and security. This can be done through gender awareness activities
aimed at men similar to those used in the Golda Project implemented by CARE. There
are signs in the Southeast that women’s mobility has improved where NGOs have been
operating. In both areas there is a need for more social justice work to be supported by
NGOs.
One constraint that will hinder NGO efforts to promote alternative livelihood options in
the Southeast is an attitude problem that accompanies recurrent relief programmes
associated with natural disasters. Many communities in the Coxes Bazaar region are used
to associating NGOs with relief efforts rather than viewing them as development
agencies. Such an attitude makes it difficult to run successful credit programmes or to
mobilize communities for self-empowerment. This constraint will slow the pace of
transition to alternative livelihoods for the poor.
3. Social Protection Measures Should Be Implemented to Allow Shrimp Fry
Collectors to Make the Transition to Alternative Livelihoods
The Government has extensive social protection programmes that target transfers to
specific vulnerable groups (see Annex VII for a list of programs). It is important to
determine how targeted transfers in the short-term can be used to assist the fry collectors
to effectively transition to alternative livelihood options. These social protection
measures would be implemented for two to three years to give poor people the time to
gain the skills necessary to pursue sustainable livelihood options. If these interim
29
measures are not put into place, people may be forced to seek unsustainable livelihood
options, such as collecting wood from forests, in order to survive.
Social protection programmes will vary from one context to the next. For instance, in
regions prone to frequent natural disasters, such as Coxes Bazaar, there are many social
protection measures currently in place. In other regions where shrimp fry collection bans
are being proposed, programmes may need to be established. Programmes should be
designed so they have the flexibility to expand or contract depending upon the current
context in the region (i.e. whether or not a seasonal ban is in place, or a natural disaster
has occurred).
The poor that engage in fry collection are exposed to a number of risks. These include
natural disasters (cyclones floods and tidal surges), seasonal access to fry, the
unpredictability of the catch, limited access to alternative income and significant
competition for relatively few jobs, dowry demands, piracy, rents sought by government
officials, and price and wage fluctuations due to trader price fixing and manipulation. The
ability of the poor to deal these risks is limited. For this reason, the opportunity costs for
keeping children in school, taking time out for NGO training, or going for health care are
high. The inability to invest in human capital in the short-term limits the long-term
income possibilities of fry collectors. For this reason, social protection measures need to
be implemented to reduce the short-term opportunity costs.
a. Food for Education Programmes That Target the Children of the Poor in the
Coastal Zones
Although Food for Education is the Government’s second largest social protection
programme, targeting of this programme to the fry collection communities could be
improved. There are opportunity costs with keeping kids in school because essentially
families are losing an income earner. By providing food to the family so that boys and
girls can stay in school, this acts as an incentive and reduces the negative impact upon the
family. Food for Education applications are made by the Zila Education Officer to the
District Controller for food (See Annex VII). The school programmes can be tailored to
the changing tides, and the seasonal needs of child labour, similar to school programmes
implemented by UBINIG and World Vision. Local institutions the Union Parisad and
School Committees play a crucial role in bringing such programmes to the poor. Local
power relations and stigmatisation of fry collector children could hinder the success of
these programmes. These educational programs should be implemented over a long time
period in all areas where fry collectors are found to ensure that adequate human
investment occurs.
b. Food/Cash for Work and Training
While fry collectors are seeking alternative livelihood options during seasonal ban
periods, food/cash for work opportunities could be provided to them focused on rural
maintenance. These schemes need to be linked to general development measures, so that
training and skill development are also provided to the workers. A model that could be
30
followed is the Rural Maintenance Programme implemented by CARE that targets
destitute women. Food for work programs are run by UNO (Relief Ministry Projects),
Extension Engineers for LGRD and Extension Engineers for WDB. The food allotment is
determined by the list of people according to their needs and placed to the District
Controller for food who sends this to the Dhaka headquarters (See Annex VII). These
programs should be implemented on a short-term basis (two to three years) until adequate
skills can be developed or resources to be accumulated that allow fry collectors to engage
in other livelihood options. One danger of such a program is that it will attract destitute
households from other regions in Bangladesh. This can be addressed by initiated similar
types of programs in the areas where this migration may originate.
c. Better Targeting of VGD Cards to Fry Collector Women
This social protection programme is set up to work with disadvantaged rural women. The
Food Ministry is responsible for dispersing food and the food cards via the district
officers which provide delivery order to the respective institutions that apply for it. Food
packages are provided for 18 months and training and some skill building is being
provided. By providing this assistance, women are given the opportunity to work towards
alternative livelihood options. Social forestry is also being promoted through this
programme. Given the stigmatisation of fry collector women, they have rarely been able
to secure such support from local government. NGOs could assist fry collector women to
obtain such assistance through awareness campaigns. These programs should be carried
out for at least two years and are especially important in the Khulna region where
abandoned women have been forced into fry collection. Similarly, in parts of Coxes
Bazaar, where women’s mobility is seriously curtailed due to cultural norms, such
programs could create new opportunities for women to obtain skills and to engage in
group formation.
Before proceeding with the expansion of social protection measures, it is important to
determine what existing social protection schemes already exist in the coastal area. This
review should identify the operational strengths and weaknesses of each of these
schemes, their outreach, targeting mechanisms and leakage. On this basis, it will be
possible to avoid duplication of effort and to be more cost effective in setting up
programmes.
B. Long-term Interventions That Address the Fundamental Causes of Poverty in
the Coastal Region
Many of the poor in the coastal area have become fry collectors because they have very
limited livelihood options. The typical fry collector is usually landless, illiterate, living in
poor housing with poor access to water, sanitation, and health care. If they are women,
they are likely to be abandoned, widowed or divorced and social outcasts. Both male and
female fry collectors are stigmatised by the broader community despite their central role
maintaining the whole shrimp sector. Despite their acceptance of appropriate fry
collection techniques, it is unlikely that they will completely abandon fry collection if
31
they have no other livelihood option to turn to in the near future. Some fundamental
changes are required to bring about more secure livelihoods for the poor along the coast.
1. Interventions Aimed at Securing Poor People’s Rights
When people have secure and protected rights, they can afford to take a longer view
regarding the environment in which they live. Currently, in many of the areas where poor
fry collectors reside, they do not have secure access to resources, personal security or
safety nets to reduce vulnerability. A number of steps can be taken to improve this
situation.
a. Strengthen the Regulatory Environment for Shrimp Production
Currently the regulatory environment for shrimp production is weak and prone to
circumvention due to limitations in legal definitions, unclear and conflicting jurisdiction,
poor regulation of fry collection, unclear and conflicting policies on the management and
regulation of mangrove fishing in reserved forests, land conversion to shrimp estates that
do not have appropriate saline water access, and granting of fishing licenses for collection
of rent (BCAS 2001). This has led to mangrove destruction, social conflicts,
environmental pollution, and a loss of biodiversity.
To overcome these regulatory flaws, local government officials need to take a more
active role in coordinating the functions of the various government agencies so that they
stop competing for rents and work more effectively with the NGOs that are working on
behalf of the poor. To improve land use planning, maps need to be developed that
identify appropriate areas for shrimp farming and areas that need to be protected. Such
maps can also be used to identify Khas land for allocation to the poor. These land use
planning maps can essentially help the district officers do an environmental audit so that
existing policies can be reviewed in relationship to practice.
Given the weak capacities of local governments in many of these areas, donors have an
opportunity to support co-management of the shrimp sector and rural development rather
than individual management by government, communities or NGOs alone. Comanagement requires partnerships between these agencies as well as the private sector.
Such an approach will allow for a more holistic sector-wide approach leading to
sustainable solutions that are more people-focused.
b. Secure Poor Peoples Access to Services and Common Property
Support should be given to making Khas land more readily available to poor fry traders.
The first step in doing this is to identify all of the Khas land that is available. This will
involve identifying the land managed by the Department of Youth Affairs and the District
Revenue Office and any other Khas land that was leased to shrimp farmers under the
Shrimp Estate Management Policy. In many areas, improved access to common resources
will be required to enable fry collectors to switch from fry fishing to other forms of
livelihood such as animal rearing, home gardening, or shrimp nurseries.
32
NGOs can assist poor people in gaining access to Khas land as well. For example,
COAST is working with poor people in Coxes Bazaar on an awareness campaign so that
the poor understand their rights regarding Khas land. They are also participating in the
Union Parisad Khas land distribution committee. Njera Kori has also managed to restore
Khas land rights to individuals in the Khulna region. In addition, Njera Kori was
successful in defending displaced landless on land which was declared Shrimp Mohal.
2. Seek Stakeholder Support for a Code of Conduct for The Shrimp Sector To
Secure Sustainable Global Markets
Historically, Bangladesh Shrimp Sector Development Policy has not been Pro-Poor. The
Government has a unique opportunity to use the Fry Collection Action Plan to identify
steps that can be taken to formulate a poverty focused strategy that can improve the lot of
the poorest in the shrimp marketing chain. Building on the model promoted by the AgroBased Industries and Technology Development Project, Phase II, Bangladesh can strive
to work towards a Seal of Quality that is recognized by global markets that demonstrates
its commitment to the production of shrimp that is environmentally and socially
acceptable. Guidance can also be sought from the FAO Code of Conduct for Responsible
Fisheries.
Given the weak institutions that are responsible for implementing such a policy, there is a
need for a clear implementation plan. This plan would identify processes for ensuring
participation of the poor in decision-making, and would have appropriate indicators to
monitor the process to ensure that it is on track.
3. DFID Involvement in the Coastal Region Should be Broad-Based and Focused on
the Very Poor
In the face of a ban on shrimp fry collection, DFID should be concerned with what will
happen with the very poor. To mitigate the impact of the ban, DFID in collaboration with
the Government and other partners, should develop a long term and resource intensive
intervention that will strengthen the livelihoods of fry collectors. Continued involvement
of DFID in the region will offer opportunities to influence shrimp sector development
and encourage more pro-poor policies. DFID’s concerns should be to address the root
cause of poverty and vulnerability rather than focusing on the technical aspects of one
contributing factor. Because the issues are so complicated is precisely why DFID should
stay involved. The livelihood framework used by DFID will enable it to disaggregate the
key leverage point that should be pursued.
A number of reasons can be cited as to why DFID should stay engaged. First, there are a
high proportion of poor people living in the coastal are, many of whom are landless.
Second, institutions that would support the poor’s interests are not in place. Third, shrimp
aquaculture is nationally and locally an important economic sector with a significant
poverty dimension. Fourth, given that this is a growth sector, it gives DFID an
opportunity to promote better management practices that are pro-poor.
33
34
Bibliography
Bangladesh Centre for Advanced Studies (BCAS). (2001). The Coastal Shrimp Sector in
Bangladesh: Review of the Literature with Annotated Bibliography.
Banks. R. (2002). Brackish and Marine Water Acquaculture. Memo. Poseidon Acquatic
Resource Management Limited for DFID-Bangladesh. August.
Blake, B. (2002). Fisheries Sector Review and Future Development. Draft. Prepared for
DFID. June.
CARITAS (1997). Coastal Community Development: Supporting Socio-Economic
Change and Protecting the Environment in the Rice/Shrimp Culture Zone in Southwest
Bangladesh. Joint project proposal submitted by CARITAS in association with the
Bangladesh Centre for Advanced Studies and Green Leaf development consultants.
Chowdhury, Z. (2001). Final Report on Network/Political Analysis Study of the Shrimp
Component of the Social Feasibility Studies for the Fourth Fisheries Project, University
of Dhaka and Bangladesh Centre for Advanced Studies. July.
Chowdhury, Z., L. Rozario, M. Zakaria and F. Alam. (1999). Southeast Coastal Belt
Study. Coastal Association for Social Transformation Trust, Charfassion, Bhola. October.
Department of Fisheries (DOF) and Department for International Development (DFID).
(2001). Feasibility Study for the Shrimp Component of the Fourth Fisheries Project
(FFP): Fry Collectors Livelihood Study. Bangladesh Centre for Advanced Studies.
August.
Department of Fisheries (DOF) and Department for International Development (DFID).
(2001b). Feasibility Study for the Shrimp Component of the Fourth Fisheries Project
(FFP): Women and Children Study. Bangladesh Centre for Advanced Studies. July.
Finan, T., P. Biswas and J. Muir. (2001). CARE Golda Project. End of Project Livelihood
Assessment: A Qualitative Evaluation. CARE-Bangladesh. Dhaka. August.
Hoq, M., M. Mazid and G. Halder. (1995). Socio-Economic Impact and Constraints of
Shrimp Culture in Bangladesh. FRI Technical Reports 11. Fisheries Research Institute,
Mymensingh, Bangladesh.
Huntington, T. (2002). Fry Collection Action Plan: Scoping Study for the Certification of
Shrimp Aquaculture in Bangladesh. Poseidon Aquatic Resource Management Ltd for
DFID-Bangladesh. August.
Khan, M and M. Latif. (1997). Potential, Constraints and Strategies for Conservation
and Management of Open Brackish Water and Marine Fishery Resources.
Rouf, M. and K. Jensen (2001). Possible Strategy for the Sundarbans, Bangladesh.
Coastal Fisheries Management and Community Livelihood. ITCZM Monograph No. 4.
35
WB/NACA/WWF/FAO (2000). Case Studies on Shrimp Aquaculture Management in
Bangladesh: Component of the WB/NACA/WWF/FAO Programme on Shrimp Farming
and the Environment. October.
Williams, D. (2002). Management Options for the Shrimp Fry Fishery. Regional
stakeholder workshop in Khulna, July 8, 2002. Bangladesh.
Willaims, D. (2002b). Khulna Trip Report. June, 2002. Bangladesh.
Williams, D. (2002c). Coxes Bazaar Trip Report. May, 2002. Bangladesh.
Williams, D. (2002). Personal Communication. July.
36
ANNEXES
Annex I: Main Shrimp Collection Areas and Peak Seasons for Wild Shrimp Collections
Over the Past Ten Years
Table 1: Main Shrimp Collection Areas
Division of
the country
Chittagong
Coastal District
Coastal Thanas
Main fry collection area
Cox’s Bazar
Teknaf, Ukhia, Cox’s Bzar
Sadar, Moheskhali,
Chokaria,
Chittagong
Banskhali, Double Mooring,
Sitakunda, Mirsharai,
Anowara
Sonagazi
Noakhali Sadar,
Companigong, Hatiya
Ramgati, Loksmipur
Charfassion
Patharghata
Teknaf, Naf River, Shapari
island, Ukhia, Sonarpora, Cox’s
Bzar, Bakhali River,
Matamuhuri River, Moheskhali
Channel, Chokaria, Napithkhali,
Chofuldandi, Moheskhali and
Sonadia islands
Potenga, Sitakunda, Mirsharai,
Anowara
Feni
Noakhali
Barishal
Khulna
Loksmipur
Bhola
Barguna
Potuakhali
Kalapara, Potuakhali Sadar,
Galachipa
Perojpur
Bagherhat
Motbaria, Perojpur Sadar
Rampal, Mongla,
Morrelgong, Bagerhat Sador
Paikgacha, Koira,
Botiaghata, Dakope,
Dumuria, Tala
Satkhira Sadar, Debhata,
Assasuni, Shamnagar,
Kaligong
Khulna
Satkhira
Sonagazi, Muhuri River
Down stream of Meghna River
Ramgati, Loksmipur
Down stream of Meghna River
Bishkhali River, Baleshar River
Mohipur, Galachipa, Charkajal,
Andharmanik River, Kuakata
sea beach
Pashur River, Panguchi River
Sibsha River, Bhadra River,
Kapotakshi River, Koira
Ishamati River, Kaksheali River,
Kalindi River, Kholpetua River,
Madar River
Source: Case Studies on Shrimp Aquaculture Management in Bangladesh: Components
of the WB/NACA/WWF/FAO Programme on Shrimp Farming and the Environment
2000.
Table 2: Peak seasons for wild shrimp collections over the past 10 years
Shrimp fry
collection area
Area in Cox’s
Bazar District
Areas in Khulna
District
Areas in Satkhira
District
Ibid. 2000
1989
February–March
September-October
March
August
January–February
September-October
Present
consultation
February-March
December-January
November –
September
Annex II: Conceptual Frameworks
Figure 1. Sustainable Livelihoods Framework
Figure 2. Livelihood Framework for Analysis
HOUSEHOLD LIVELIHOOD SECURITY: A FRAMEWORK FOR ANALYSIS
CONTEXTS,
CONDITIONS
AND TRENDS
LIVELIHOOD
RESOURCES
INSTITUTIONAL
PROCESSES &
ORGANIZATIONAL
STRUCTURES
LIVELIHOOD
STRATEGIES
Policy
Social
Economic
Political
Environmental
Nutritional Security
Natural Capital
Economic/Financial
Capital
State
Formal Civil
Society
Historical
Physical Capital
Political Capital
Food Security
Production and
Income
Activities
Coping
Strategies
Human Capital
Infrastructure
Demography
Informal Civil
Society
Private Sector
Income Security
Education Security
Health Security
Habitat Security
Social Network Security
Processing,
Exchange and
Marketing
Activities
Social Capital
Contextual analysis of
conditions and trends
and assessment of
policy setting
SUTAINABLE
LIVELIHOOD OUTCOMES
Analysis of
Analysis of livelihood
Analysis of livelihood
institutional/organizational
strategy portfolios
resources; trade-offs,
influences on access to livelihood and pathways
combinations,
resources and composition of
sequences, trends
livelihood strategy portfolio
Safety
Environmental Security
Life Skills Capacity
Analysis of outcomes
and trade-offs
Modified from Scoones, 1998
Annex III: Methodology, Project Team Members and Persons Contacted
This report is based on a review of secondary literature generated on the shrimp sector
over the last several years and key informant interviews carried out in Dhaka, Khulna
Region, Coxes Bazaar and the Chittigong Region (see list below).
In addition to these sources of information, focus group discussions were carried out with
fry collectors, fry traders, hatchery operators, processors and shrimp farmers. These
interviews were used to verify the results of the secondary data in this synthesis.
This study did not intend to carry out a full-blown livelihood assessment of fry collectors
in Bangladesh primarily because several of these types of studies have already been
conducted. The purpose of this study was to synthesize and verify the information that
had already been collected to feed in to policy decisions regarding fry collectors.
Team Members
Timothy Frankenberger, TANGO International. Team Leader
Md. Shafigul Islam, Fisheries Futures
Dr. Manirruzzaman, Fourth Fisheries Project
Md. Nuruzzaman, Fourth Fisheries Project
Muhammad Abdur Rouf Khulna University
Dr. Afredo Santiago, Fourth Fisheries Project
Persons Contacted
Habibur Rahman Khondaker, DFO Khulna
Nurul Islam, DFO Coxes Bazaar
Moslehuddin Ahmed , DFO Coxes Bazaar
Ashraf u Alam Jutu, CDN Coordinator, Costal Development Partnership
Duncan King, DFID Rural Livelihood Advisor
Clare Hamilton Shakya, DFID Regional Livelihoods Coordinator
Dr. Dilip Kumar, Team Leader, FAO/DOF Empowerment of Costal Communities
Project.
Dr. Apurba Khrishna Deb, FAO
Dr. Khursid Alan, CODEC Director
Rezaul Karim Chowdhury, COAST Director
Badakali Chorkoria, Project Coordinator UBINIG
Ms. Lamia, Save the Children
Lutfur Rahman Kazal, Hatchery Owner, NIRIBILI Group
S. Humayun Kabir, Director, Amam Sea Food Industries
Tony Hill, Project Director, Shabge Project CARE
Cala Bogi Sitarkali, Khulna District Fry Collectors and Traders
Fry Collectors and Traders, Coxes Bazaar Area
Annex IV: Itinerary for Timothy Frankenberger
June 11-22, 2002
Tues 11
Wed 12
Thurs 13
Fri 14
Sat 15
Sun 16
Mon 17
Tues 18
Wed 19
Thurs 20
Fri 21
Sat 22
Arrive.
Meet Shafiq at Fisheries Futures Office (collect documents), meet Duncan
and Clare at FMS.
Introductions at DOF. Meet FFP Shrimp Unit at DOF
Brief field team Shafiq Islam (Fisheries Futures), Md. Nuruzzamman (FFP),
Md. Maniruzzaman (FFP)
Visit James Dawson, SAFE Shrimp Project
Visit Farida Akter at UBINIG
Visit Lamia at SCF
Visit Parveen at ICLARM
0745 Travel to Khulna
Visit DFO, CDP, Nijera Kori or travel directly to Mongla to start field work.
Travel to Mongla.
Field visits in Mongla, Fry Catchers and Traders
Travel to Dhaka
1130 Travel to Coxes Bazaar
Visit DFO, FAO
Field visit Fry Catchers (fish during the high tide).
Field visit to Fry Catching area (fish during the high tide)
Anderson Road Market, Coxes Bazaar Wild Fry Market
Visit CARE, COAST
Travel to Chokoria, visit UBINIG Programme
Travel to Chittagong, visit CODEC
Alternative: Stay in Coxes Bazaar for more field visits
Travel to Dhaka via Chittagong, visit CODEC
1100 Presentation at DOF by Tim
Amita Day, DFID
Bo Sangstrong, DFID
Write Discussion Paper
Wrap up meeting at Fisheries Futures Office
Annex V: Terms of References
Fry Collectors livelihoods - Consultant
1. Wider Contextual Background of Coastal Shrimp Aquaculture in Bangladesh
In the early stages of development, shrimp farming was restricted to the peripheral land
between flood embankments and the main river systems. However, large profits and poor
land-use planning led to its rapid and uncontrolled expansion into agricultural polders
(ghers) and there are now approximately 37,379 farms producing 35,000 tonnes of
shrimp annually. Bangladesh produces 2.5% of global production and shrimp is currently
the nation’s second largest export industry
The shrimp aquaculture industry employs over 400,000 people in roles ranging from fry
collection to marketing and processing. The majority of these people, earn a living from
collecting shrimp fry and this is usually carried out by the poorest groups of fishing
communities, often the landless, mostly women and children
Since the introduction of commercial systems, shrimp has been the subject of significant
national and international debate. The debate has often been highly political and, at times,
the source of conflict in rural communities in Southwest Bangladesh. The central issues
are environmental sustainability, pro-poor economic growth, access to resources, and
human rights abuses, (the key issues highlighted in Appendix 1).
The Bangladeshi Government’s commitment is towards support and development of
shrimp aquaculture. However, this commitment operates within a very weak governance
and institutional framework, often promoted by vested and powerful interests. National
and international activist groups have engaged in a campaign against the expansion of the
shrimp farming.
The Fourth Fisheries Project (FFP) is co-financed with the Department of International
Development (DFID), The World Bank, Global Environmental Facility (GEF) and the
Government of Bangladesh. The project has a large Coastal Shrimp Aquaculture
component. DFID Bangladesh has commissioned a review of Coastal Shrimp
Aquaculture in 2001 to assess its impact on the livelihoods of poor people in Southwest
Bangladesh. This review consisted of studies13 and wide consultation with communities,
civil society and other key stakeholders and was very effective in placing these proposed
Fourth Fisheries Project interventions in the wider context of shrimp sector development
in Bangladesh. Specifically, the review has raised fundamental issues regarding social
trends arising from export focus trade, incentives for pro poor growth and environmental
sustainability. The challenge has been to identify a way forward that reflects the
complexity of the issues while retaining the original principles under which the Fourth
Fisheries Project (FFP) was agreed. The conclusions of the studies were presented to
senior DFID staff in the UK in November and feedback from the presentation was
13
Review consisted of 12 studies including :Gender, Economic Assessment, Livelihoods Assessment,
Institutional and Policy Review, Literature Review, Political Analysis
incorporated into a position paper for negotiations on an implementation plan with the
Government of Bangladesh in January 2002.
A number of key areas agreed at a meeting with the Secretary, Ministry of Fisheries &
Livestock in January 2002. The key areas of agreement were as follows:
a)
Protecting the ecology and bio diversity of coastal river areas
The Government of Bangladesh, The World Bank, and Department for International
Development agree that it is critically important to establish measures that protect and
conserve the bio-diversity and ecology of the areas that have historically been the focus
of shrimp fry collectors.
b) Livelihoods of Fry Collectors
It was agreed that it is vitally important for any programme to engage directly with the
people for who rely upon fry collection as key source of their livelihood. Specifically, we
discussed working with the fry collectors to explore improved methods of catch that
would reduce immediate environmental damage and secondly to understand the
livelihood opportunities in this geographical area with a view to exploring alternative
livelihoods options to fry collection.
c) Current Government of Bangladesh Ban on Fry Collection
It was agreed that the enforcement of the fry collection ban will be held in abeyance
pending further review as to how this can be done in a way in which the resource and
biodiversity are conserved and at the same time the livelihoods of the fry collectors are
protected.
d)
Exploring alternative models
It was agreed that the Government of Bangladesh and the donor agencies would work
together to explore alternative models for the management of this particular resource
under a fry collection action plan. This would present a range of options and their
social, environmental and economic implications would be presented to the Secretary of
Ministry of Fisheries and Livestock in six months (September 2002) with an agreed
timetable for activities, related to the exploration of alternative models, developed in
partnership with the Director General, Department of Fisheries (see appendix 2: Shrimp
Action Plan)
The main outputs from the Shrimp Action Plan will be:
(i)
(ii)
A report informing key decision makers and identifying trends impacting on
distribution and growth in the shrimp sector.
A position paper presented to Secretary (beginning of September) establishing
options for managing the fry resource and the economic, social and
environmental costs and benefits. The paper would include an agreed
timetable of activities, related to the exploration of alternative models,
developed in partnership with the Director General, Department of Fisheries.
2.
Summary of Project
The Government’s support to key aspects of the sector is not pro-poor. It provides
subsidies and tax incentives to shrimp hatcheries that are owned by individuals and are
currently the most profitable parts of the value chain. The Government recently banned
the collection of wild fry. This ban impacts on thousands of poor men and women who
have few alternative livelihood options and offers increased rent seeking opportunities.
The lack of local governance, institutional capacity and a legal and regulatory framework
also has fundamental implications on any attempt to improve the management of the
natural resource base.
A consultant (with livelihoods experience) will be appointed to undertake a livelihood
assessment of fry collectors. In close cooperation with the Coastal Shrimp Aquaculture
Development Co-ordinator s/he will be responsible for assessing the seasonal trends,
geographical distribution and future prospects and distribution of benefits for fry
collectors.
3. Specific Objectives
The consultant will be responsible for leading the field-work and consultation with
stakeholders (from civil society, NGOs, partners and government), preparing a discussion
paper, a report and presenting the findings from the study. These will:




4.
clearly assess the seasonal trends, geographical distribution and future prospects
and distribution of benefits for fry collectors;
outline the potential for implementing various livelihood options for fry collectors
within their institutional, social, economic and environmental context;
advise on the implications of making changes in their livelihoods with specific
emphasis on gender; and
make recommendations (specifically relating to the livelihoods of fry catchers) on
the development of an agreed framework outlining the various options for
managing the resource.
Methodology and scope of the work
The consultant will:

Co-ordinate the field workers and visits to the project area, partners and
stakeholders;

Ensure that a full consultative process is undertaken with fry collectors and
adjacent communities, development agencies (at local-level and sector ministry


level), private sector and Donors; ensure that adequate information sharing and
participation in the process.
Review the background literature provided by the Co-ordinator.
Prepare a discussion paper and final report.
5. Timing and Reporting
The appointment is for a period of up to 18 days starting from the 9th June 2002. The
Consultant will report to the Coastal Shrimp Aquaculture Co-ordinator.
6. Skills required
Need to be familiar with rural livelihoods in Bangladesh and have knowledge and
experience of environmental issues, impact of environmental factors on livelihoods and
poverty and the role of natural resources in supporting livelihoods; have had some
experience of local government and grass level institutions both formal and informal and
require strong interpersonal skills and ability to communicate with people in the field and
at senior levels in government, donor and consultancy organisations: need to demonstrate
excellent facilitation and organising skills and be able to work effectively with the
diverse group of people and, familiarity with DFID, project design and management and
the sustainable livelihoods approach.
Appendix to TOR
Key Issues:
1)
Social Conflicts and Rights-based Issues
The development of shrimp farming has been accompanied by social tension, conflict and
there is evidence of on-going rights abuses committed against women and children. There
are conflicts between shrimp and rice farmers or landless people, often caused by
inequitable access to water and land that is often controlled by the more powerful, and
politically influential, shrimp farmers. In addition, there is clearly a lack of institutional
structures that will allow women and children access to justice systems and will allow
equitable and rapid resolution of issues related to land use and leasing.
2)
Policy and Institutional Issues
The Government’s support to key aspects of the sector is not pro-poor. It provides
subsidies and tax incentives to shrimp hatcheries that are owned by individuals and are
currently the most profitable parts of the value chain. The Government recently banned
the collection of wild fry. This ban impacts on thousands of poor men and women who
have few alternative livelihood options and offers increased rent seeking opportunities.
The lack of local governance, institutional capacity and a legal and regulatory framework
also has fundamental implications on any attempt to improve the management of the
natural resource base.
3)
Access to Resources
The inequitable access to and control over infrastructure controlling water regimes is
especially important if existing systems of rice-fish production are to be maintained in the
southwest and has implications for maintaining a diversified resource base. Although
recent research indicates that there is a shift towards local small-scale producers the
distribution of benefits is still skewed towards the largest landowners.
There has also been a trend towards a loss of access to traditional common property
resources for grazing livestock, fishing and access to canals and waterbodies for fishing
and navigation.
4)
Vulnerability
Wage labour opportunities are especially important where so many people are landless.
These studies indicate that wage labour is particularly prized by women, in spite of
harassment and abuse they suffer.
The reliance on the shrimp sector in the southwest is considerable and it has led to a
greater reduction in diversification of subsistence homestead food supplies and
alternative livelihood occupations often associated with reduced access to traditional
common property resources.
Poorly designed and managed shrimp farms are very susceptible to white spot disease, an
outbreak in 1993 affected almost 50% of shrimp farms in Bangladesh. Improved
knowledge, management techniques and natural resource and water resource use
planning regimes reduces the risk of disease.
Shrimp is traded on the international market and price fluctuations can be very
significant. However, low input, extensive shrimp farming production systems that are
able to diversify into rice, vegetable cultivation and livestock rearing are able to reduce
the impact resulting from reduced prices in the world market for shrimp.
5)
Global Trends
Shrimp farming in Bangladesh has a comparative advantage in that shrimp are cultured
under a low input, extensive farming system where shrimp density is low, water quality
better and shrimp less prone to disease. The environmental impacts of these extensive
systems are, thus, minimised. However, pressure will mount to intensify the sector that
will not achieve poverty-focused development, environmental sustainability nor secure an
equitable distribution of benefits.
Annex VI: Shrimp Seed Certification to promote Sustainable Development of
Shrimp Aquaculture
Background and justification:
The growing demand of shrimp seed are currently satisfied from two sources –
commercial shrimp hatcheries as well as wild catch from the coast. There are 43 shrimp
hatcheries in Bangladesh with capacity to produce about 5000-6000 million post larvae of
tiger shrimp but they produce just enough to meet the annual requirement of about 3000
million post larvae. About 500 million post larvae of this species are also caught from the
nature.
One of the major technical constraint currently faced by shrimp aquaculture is the
frequent incidences of disease and related heavy economic losses. Farmers doubt the
quality of seed that are usually delivered to them by seed traders who buy seed from
hatcheries as well from natural seed collectors. This doubt poses serious threat to the
future of shrimp aquaculture industry. There is no direct sale of seed from the seed
producers (hatchery operators or seed catchers) to shrimp farmers.
To overcome the situation and to regain the confidence of farmers the following two
throng approach is necessarily required.
Joint Government and Shrimp Hatchery Association of Bangladesh (SHAB) based
initiative to develop and introduce shrimp seed certification system in the country.
Bridging the gap between the seed producers (hatchery operators) and seed users
(farmers).
Seed certification is required to ensure continued production and supply of hatchery bred
quality shrimp seeds through screening of shrimp brooders and seed lots following
molecular based precise, quick and reliable diagnostic techniques. This would develop
confidence among shrimp farmers by reducing disease mediated losses in shrimp culture.
Objective:
The objective of the proposed project is to develop and promote government and private
sector based participatory programme of shrimp seed certification in Bangladesh. It is
expected that the initiative would help developing a mutually agreed modalities of brood
and seed certification system including cost sharing to by the Government (DOF /BFRI)
and private sector (SHAB). This would necessarily require setting up PCR based
laboratory, training of personnel (both Government and Provate Sector – SHAB), trials
and nation wide introduction through developing mutually agreed modalities by way of
expert consultations.
Certification may not be able to certify against all the diseases of shrimp but to start with
thay may consider certification against at least one or more notifiable viral diseases to
OIE/NACA which may be of greater relevance to Bangladesh.
Significant Viral diseases of shrimp (Notifiable to OIE / NACA)






Yellowhead disease (YHD) caused by yellow head virus (YHV)
Infectious hypodermal and haematopoetic necrosis virus (IHHN) caused by
Infectious hypodermal and haematopoetic necrosis virus (IHHNV)
White spot disease (WSD) caused by white spot syndrome virus(WSV)
Baculovirus midgut gland necrosis (BMN) caused by BMNV
Gill associated virus (GAV)
Spawner mortality syndrome (Midcrop mortality syndrome)
Relevance of Shrimp Seed Certification to the GOB/UNDP/FAO Project
“Empowerment of Coastal Fishing Communities for Livelihood Security”
The project aims to promote participatory community based coastal fisheries
management following sustainable human development initiatives including livelihood
security, in selected coastal fishing villages of Cox’s Bazar district. This involves
organising the coastal fishing communities, creating awareness, promoting alternative
income generating activities, improving their access to social and extension services,
enhancing flow of information, and strengthening linkages between organized
communities and local government institutions and administration. The project is
attempting to achieve this through the following three immediate objectives:
Assist the coastal fishing communities to address their problems and needs collectively
by stimulating them to get organized into village level organizations (VOs) that are self
managed and self directed, develop skills to run and manage such organizations, facilitate
access to information and improve linkages with Local Government Institutions.
Introduce various economic and community welfare activities which are operated and
managed by VOs including savings, promotion of alternative income generating
enterprises separately for men and women, improving access to social services and
building their capacity to face and survive from natural disasters.
Facilitate sustainable conservation and management of coastal marine and estuarine
fisheries resources and habitats through strengthening of participatory stakeholder and
community based approaches, organization and empowerment of communities and
promotion of income generating businesses through facilitation, networking and
establishing linkages and venture management inputs.
Coastal fishing communities both men and women, who are poor and disadvantaged
section of the society and most prone to recurring natural disasters, are the primary
target group of the project.
Farmers confidence in certified seed will block marketing of uncertified seed collected
from natural sources, thereby enhancing the natural recruitment of finfish and shell fish
along with shrimp in the coastal waters resulting in catch enhancement and livelihood
development of the coastal fishing communities numbering about a million in the
country. This group of coastal fishers depend exclusively on coastal fishing for their
livelihood. On the other catching seed from wild is basically a part time job to
supplement family income. Seed certification would also help in developing a functional
and accountable relationship between the hatchery operator (seed producers) and shrimp
farmers. Reduction in wild catch would also reduce colossal damage of seed of non-target
species thereby significantly improve the aquatic biodiversity of coastal resources. The
step would also help Bangladesh in the implementation of FAO Code of Conduct for
Responsible Fisheries.
Annex VII: Safety Net Schemes in Bangladesh: Targeted Transfers to Poor Groups
Source: Haan, A. and A. Dey. 2001. Social Protection: Its Role in a Char Livelihood Programme. Department for International DevelopmentBangladesh. May.