A STUDY OF INTER-GROUP HARMONY BETWEEN RELIGIOUS
MINORITY MUSLIMS AND OTHER COMMUNITIES
Submitted to:
Social Inclusion Research Fund (SIRF)/SNV-Nepal
Submitted by:
Nazamuddin Ansari (Naim)
1
Acknowledgements
The present study on A Study of Inter-group Harmony between Religious Minority Muslims
and Other Communities was undertaken in August, 2010. I am most grateful to Shiva Prasad
Khanal and Uddhav Sigdel
who continuously gave me research insights and guided me
thoroughly to conduct this research study. He has frequently suggested revising, editing and
reorganizing the whole contents and substance of the study into its present form, while guiding
me at the same time through various changes made in the research work.
I am most grateful to Mr. Suresh Dhakal and all respected research team members of SIRF
who continue to take enthusiastic interest in advising throughout this research study. I would
like to express my heartfelt gratitude to the Social Inclusion Research Fund, who provided me
research opportunity and financial support for completing the research work.
I am grateful to respondents of Muslims and non-Muslims who are residing in Ramnagar
Bhutaha VDC of Sunsari district of Nepal.
Nazamuddin Ansari
Sunsari, Nepal
2
Executive Summary
The Bhutaha VDC is among the 49 VDCs covered in Sunsari, which is our selected study
area, residing mostly inhabitants of Muslims. The location of Bhutaha VDC is southern
direction of Inaruwa municipality that is adjoining to Indian boarder.
The sampling frame is developed on the basis of Multi-stage cluster sampling techniques
with 95%confidence interval of (5%) sampling error; this will be 161 sample sizes. The
quantitative data is collected through previously prepared close-ended questionnaire
The main objective of the study is to explore positive aspects to promote
communal/religious harmony and friendships between the Muslim and non-Muslim
communities. Besides, the objective is to explore the reasons/causes that can disturb the
social and religious harmony between the Muslims and non-Muslims and to analyze the
several aspects among others that are prominent for political, social, cultural and
economic inclusion for the Muslim community.
Despite the establishments of federal state in Nepal Muslims are delimited by cultural
discriminations played by Madeshi dominant group Yadav and others who ruled out
differentiation between two cultures and suffering an identity crisis as a result. The
Muslims could not perceive their lingual freedom, individual respect and identity from
the side of non-Muslims. The religious tolerance, communal harmony and respect are
also major barriers in the route of social inclusion among the Muslims in Tarai.
The literacy rate for the study population is found to be marginally higher (56.4%)
compared to national figure (54%). Further, overall literacy rate for the Muslims is
reported to be 49.2 percent which is notably lower with compared to non-Muslims
counterparts (58.5%). The proportion of Muslim population aged 6 years and above
3
who have achieved the levels of education preceding the survey is significantly lower in
secondary, SLC or IA and bachelor or
above levels ( 17.3%, 12.2% and 4.8 %
respectively) while the comparables are higher for nom-Muslims (25.6%, 27.4% and
10.4% respectively).
The majority of Muslims use Maithili as mother tongue (66.7%) whereas all the nonMuslim population are spoken Maithili as mother tongue. More than 20 percent of
Muslims used Bhojpuri as mother tongue. Out of 161 respondents from both
communities, majority of them have own land (53.45) whereas 10. 6 percent have land
less than 10 Kattha. The larger proportion of non-Muslims have received own land more
than 31 Kattha (73.5%) than that of Muslims (38.7%). More than 80 percent respondents
reported that they have perceived normal relationship and followed by friendship
relation (18.3%). The majority of respondents in total said normal relationship between
them (78.9%) whereas 15 percent reported to be friendship relationship. Among Muslim
respondents more than 75 percent reported that they have undergone normal
relationship and followed by friendship relation (17.2%).
Significantly higher proportion of non-Muslim respondents claimed that they have
adequate family income in a year to maintain their necessities (75.0%) while the
proportion is lower among the Muslim respondents (47.3%). The findings from the
survey that out of 161 respondents, 60.2 percent of Muslims argued they have felt yet
religious security from the other communities, whereas 83.8 percent of non-Muslims
enjoy religious security at the time of social and religious ceremonies.
Muslims are always discriminated, dominated and become subject of threat from
Madeshi people. Madeshi always looks down Muslim and put them distance from
getting /consuming the fruits of reservations provided by the state. More than 80 percent
4
of Muslims have reported to be not involved in politics while only 19.4 percent of them
are participated. In contrast, among non-Muslims the scenario is rather severe that about
83 percent have not still participated while only 14.7 percent involved in politics. Out of
161 respondents, 93.5 percent of Muslims perceived they are socially discriminated while
slightly lower proportion of non-Muslims falls in that discrimination (83%). The data
show that non-Muslim people particularly Yadav are dominant in Tarai and they
discriminated in proportional participation of Muslim representation in politics as well
as in state mechanisms. So, it is the reason that Tarai dominant high caste Hindu groups
left behind the Muslims in politics. The majority of Muslims are not found to be involved
in formal institutions like executive members in VDC, DDC, and governmental service
based committees and School Management Committee. On the other hand, there are few
non-Muslim people who are still involved in such organizations.
5
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
RECOMMENDATION
ii
VIVA-VOCE SHEET
iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
ABSTRACT
iv
vi
LIST OF TABLES
LIST OF FIGURES
ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS
vii
viii
ix
CHPATER -I
INTRODUCTION
1.1:
Relevance and Background of the Study
1
1.2:
1.3:
1.4:
1.5:
Research Problem and Objectives
Rationale of the Study
Organization of Study
Limitation of Study
3
6
8
8
CHPATER –II
REVIEW OF RELEVANT LITERATURE
2.1:
2.2:
Theoretical Literatures
Empirical Literatures
9
15
2.3:
Framework of the Study
22
6
CHPATER –III
Research Methodology
3.1:
3.2:
3.3:
3.4:
3.5:
Study site and Justification
Sample Size and Selection
Methods of Selecting Household and Respondents
Nature and Source of Data
Data Analysis
24
26
27
28
29
CHAPTER-IV
Background Characteristics of the Study Population
4.1:
Age and Sex structure of the Study Population
4.2:
Education and Occupation
4.3:
Migratory History
4.4:
Mother tongue and Language
4.5:
Land ownership
4.6:
Religion
4.7:
Social Structure of Tarai-Madhesh
30
32
35
37
37
39
40
CHAPTER-V
Inter-group Relationship between Muslims and Other
7
Communities
5.1:
Social
42
5.2:
Political
43
5.3:
Cultural
44
5.4:
Economic
46
5.5:
Religious Setting
47
CHAPTER-VI
Analysis of Social harmony between Muslims and Others
6.1:
Day to Day life of Muslims
49
6.2:
Religious Tolerance
50
6.3:
Hierarchical Relationship
52
6.4:
Political Participation
54
6.5:
Participations in social and economic organizations
55
6.6:
Social Harmony on structure and Agency
56
CHAPTER-VII
Social Inclusion and Exclusion of Muslims
7.1:
Inclusion/Exclusion on Society
59
8
7.2:
Inclusion/Exclusion on Economy
7.3:
7.4:
7.5:
7.6:
Inclusion/Exclusion on Politics
Inclusion/Exclusion on Society
Inclusion/Exclusion Local governance
Inclusion/Exclusion Formal and Non-formal Institutions
60
61
62
64
65
CHAPTER-VIII
Summary and Conclusions
8.1:
Summary of Major Findings
8.2:
Conclusions
8.3:
Recommendations on Policy Measures
67
78
80
Annexes 1: Questionnaires
Checklist
REFERENCES CITED
LIST OF TABLES
Page No
Table 1: Distribution of study population by age and sex
30
9
Table 2: Distribution of study population aged 6 years and above by level of education
32
Table 3: Distribution of study population aged 10 years and above by occupation
32
Table 4: Distribution of study population by the year of migration
35
Table 5: Distribution of study population by mother tongue and language
36
Table 6: Distribution of study population by category of land and ownership
37
Table 7: Distribution of study population by the identification of Tarai land
And themselves
LIST OF FIGURE
PAGE NO
Figure 1:
Figure: 1 Conceptual framework of the study
23
10
CHAPTER-I
INTRODUCTION
1.1: Relevance and Background of the Study
The Tarai or Madhesh region begins from the Indian border and includes the
southernmost part of the flat, intensively farmed Gangetic Plain called the Outer Tarai.
This is culturally an extension of northern India with Hindi, Awadhi, Bhojpuri and
Maithili spoken more than Nepali, however it was annexed to Nepal by conquest and by
treaty with the British.
Muslim Population covers 4.29 percent of the total population (Source: CBS 2001).
Majority of them are living in Tarai. If we compared the major social groups in Tarai ,the
Muslim community is left behind with respect to social, political and economic grounds
(Dastidan, 2000). The Muslim populations have a lower HDI value as 0.401 which is less
than national average 0.509 (NHDR 2009). Despite the Urdu mother tongue among
Muslims Population in Tarai, this language/dialect is not became common language
among them.
The interim constitution made after Jana Aandolan-2 which strictly address the identity
and mutual respect among all ethnic and religious communities, but, they fell some
discriminations in lingual and religious treatment from the side of Nepal government
and non-Muslim communities. The Muslim minority of Nepal, especially of the Tarai
region, faces a dilemma. The Muslims no longer wish to accept their inferior status in
society. Nowadays, they articulate their identity; they invite on themselves the attention
and hostility of Hindu fundamentalists. Disaster (2004) stated that Muslims constitute
11
the most distinct and well-defined minority group in the Hindu kingdom of Nepal.
Besides their adherence to Islam, their ethno-cultural affiliation too, gives Muslims a
distinct identity in a predominantly Hindu-Buddhist set-up. According to the 2001
census, the 993196 Muslims in Nepal comprise 4.29 percent of the total population.
Nevertheless, they form the second largest religious group in Tarai. Muslim intellectuals
itself believes that because of their vulnerable position in society, Muslims have by and
large remained loyal to the ruling party and 'pro-system' as it ensured physical and
moral security provided by the Hindu rulers.
Reflecting the Tarai Muslim sentiment, it is observed that Tarai Muslims are the fourth
class citizens since they do not belong to any of the three dominant social classes of the
Nepali society and politics, viz, Bahun-Chetri-Newar ruling elite, Hill Hindus (i e, the
other Hindu castes of the Hills), and upper caste Hindus of Tarai. The Muslims are going
through the problems of religious and racial discriminations in Tarai through the
majority dominant group favoring Hinduism. Being the minority population status
among Muslims, the so-called Tarai high caste Hindus dominates rest of the society by
controlling the state and societal apparatus with constitutional and legal of Hindu
ideology, which severely disadvantages Muslim community.
In such situation, the research study would be more noteworthy and significance. It
examines the essential and sensitive aspects of Muslim identity in accordance with nonMuslims in order to articulate Muslim religious minority identity, making feelings of
friendship and include Muslims into the mainstream of development. Moreover, the
study addresses the imperative recommendations in order to develop the feelings of
friendship and tolerance of mutual religious needs between Muslims and non-Muslims.
12
1.2: Research Problem and Objectives
Research Problem
Data shows that 41.3 percent Muslim population are living below the poverty line
which is higher than another dominate group of Tarai, Yadav (21.3 percent) and national
average 30.8 (source: CBS 2005). This indicates that Muslim populations are at the
vulnerable position in Tarai. The Muslims residing in Tarai are discriminated and
excluded due to the illiteracy, poverty and lack of political participation. It is recognized
that there are linkages between social exclusion and high deprivation and poverty of
Muslims which have suffered from social exclusion and discrimination of various types
through the ages. It is also recognized that unfair exclusion or unfair inclusion with the
hegemonic treatments results in low access to socio-economic opportunities and political
participation in state mechanisms and development activities. It also leads to unequal
access to civil, religious and cultural rights, political rights and unequal participation in
governance which ultimately result in high poverty and low human development
among the excluded Muslim people.
The Muslims are facing the problems of religious and racial discriminations in Tarai
through the majority dominant group favoring Hinduism. Despite its minority
population status among Muslims, so-called Tarai high caste Hindus and Buddhists
dominates rest of the society by controlling the state and societal apparatus with
constitutional and legal of Hindu ideology, which severely disadvantages Muslim
community
The political ideology of Nepal as a Hindu state has remained highly exclusionary. It has
religious, linguistic and cultural dimensions (UNDP 2004). The major discrimination
relate to culture and language, which marginalize the ethnic and regional groups.
13
The political ideology of the Nepalese state is enshrined in the constitution of 1990 and
its legislative provisions. The constitution of the kingdom of Nepal (1990) promulgated
after the establishment political democracy defines the country as a ‘Hindu Kingdom’
but the current constitution contains condition of social equality as ‘the state shall not
discriminate the citizens on the basis of religion, colour ,sex, caste, ethnicity or conviction
or any of these’. Hinduization process was imposed through the Civil Code in Nepal;
the modern states never did so (Sharma 1977). Promotion of one language, one religion,
one dress and mono-cultural nationalism by the state not only hurt the culture of the
Muslim peoples but it effectively marginalized them in economic, political and social
realms. Some scholars have termed this phenomenon of imposition of dominant values,
norms, and traditions on other communities of the society as cultural imperialism, which
continues even today in lesser degree and in less explicit manner that facilitates
domination of non-Hindu religious group. The establishment of Khas-Nepali language as
the language of the nation and its prohibition to other languages of nationalities are
considered to be obstacles in inter-lingual harmony between Muslims and non-Muslims
which are some of the examples of constitutional discriminatory measures (Gurung et.
al., 2002).
It becomes harmful to minority groups like Muslims if one social-cultural group
dominates the political parties, as is the case in Nepal. The dominance of the Hindu elite
groups in political, civil, cultural and economic spheres in Tarai has created a situation
whereby the Westminster model of democracy has enabled the dominant group to
impose their values and norms to rest of the society through public policies. Lack of
accommodative and power sharing governance structures has excluded the Muslim
community peoples from governance. Rights of autonomy and self-determination are
also denied in Tarai. The social hierarchy, following the Hindu norms, that assigns the
14
Muslim peoples lower than the 'upper caste' Hindus, and pervasiveness of such norms
in the society has discriminated Muslim community in their daily encounter with the
High caste Hindu elite group members. Imposition of dominant cultural values on
Muslims has threatened their culture and traditions and Hindu religious hegemony has
rendered other religious groups like Muslims. The cross-cutting practices associated
with Hindu values system has never allowed Muslims to be full member of the
nation/state/society. Hindu Value System is the cornerstone in the process of state
formation of Nepal from past to even today which is seen major discriminative social
setting in Nepalese society.
Despite the establishments of federal state in Nepal, Muslims are delimited by cultural
discriminations played by Madeshi dominant group like Yadav and others who ruled
out differentiation between two cultures and suffering an identity crisis as a result. The
Muslims could not perceive their lingual freedom, individual respect and identity from
the side of non-Muslims. The religious tolerance, communal harmony and respect are
the route of social inclusion among the Muslims in Tarai. The respects on the religious
and cultural diversities are not in practice which is also challenge for religious tolerance.
By the demonstration of such religious and cultural discrimination /exclusions against
the Muslims in the study the meaningful change in coexistence and the sense of
tolerance among the Muslims and non-Muslims develop national integration.
Objectives
The main objective of the study is to explore positive aspects to promote
communal/religious harmony and friendships between the Muslim and non-Muslim
communities. Besides, the objective is to explore the reasons/causes that can disturb the
social and religious harmony between the Muslims and non-Muslims and to analyze the
15
several aspects among others that are prominent for political, social, cultural and
economic inclusion for the Muslim community. The specific objectives are as follows,
Specific Objectives

To examine the social and economic condition of Muslims in Bhutaha VDC of
Sunsari district.

To explore the relevant grounds for religious tolerance.

To analyze the major grounds of exclusion/discriminations between the
Muslim and non-Muslim communities.

To examine the facts of religious uprising between the Muslims and nonMuslim and recommend the policy measures for social harmony and
religious tolerance.
1.3: Rationale of the Study
In the context of a number of studies on social inclusion /exclusion conducted by the
Social Inclusion Research Fund. This study would be significant attempt to examine the
root causes of social and political exclusion /discriminations among the religious
minority Tarai Muslims. The study investigates about why and how the Muslim
community has been excluded from non-Muslims and there is urgent need to recognize
in order to bring them in mainstream of development and establish their communal
identity. The state mechanism and high caste domination are jointly responsible to
marginalize the Muslims which are common barriers for addressing Muslim identity in
the existing social structure. The significance of the study lies in the fact that the findings
of the study will help to establish social harmony, religious tolerance and mutual respect
between the Muslim and non-Muslim communities. Besides, it will help to obtain the
16
feasible policy measures to achieve the processes of better representation for Muslims in
state apparatus.
Further, the findings of the study will be meaningful to foster the sense of social
integration, neutralization of religious sentiments, provision of full participation in state
mechanisms and politics. The fundamental natures of Hindus residing in Tarai have
been screening tolerance and mutual respects to live in harmony with the members of
the society particularly with Muslims. But, there are some visible and invisible
discriminatory practices which are casual barriers upon Muslims community in the walk
of social development/ mobilization process. The study neutralize historic genesis of
communalism and intolerance. In our pluralistic societies, there are no series of religious
sentiments and intolerance occurred still now. It also focuses elimination of
constitutional provisions and implementation of equal grounds for all religions and its
equal identity. But, sometime Muslims are discriminated from the Madhesi community.
By making shadow to the Muslims identity the state constitutionally discriminated
against Muslims in exercising their social, political and religious rights. Now day
Muslim are actively raising their voices in order to achieve their social and political
rights in the newly established federal government in Nepal. But, the real facts and
condition of Muslim community are not still become visible. In such situation, the
research study about Muslim community would be more significant and relevance. It is
viable today that such kind of research examine the essential aspects of Muslim identity
in accordance with non-Muslims in order to include Muslim community in mainstream
of development.
The research study focuses the underlying measures to address the imperative
recommendations in order to develop the feelings of friendship and tolerance of mutual
17
religious deeds between Muslims and non-Muslims. Finally, the research could be found
desirable imputes that overcome the problem of alienation among Muslim minority and
non-Muslims and strengthen pluralistic.
1.4: Organization of Study
The report is organized according to the thematic issues to which the report is structured
into 8 Chapters. Chapter 1 includes relevance and background of the study, objectives,
and limitation of the study. Chapter 2 conceptualizes the relevant literatures concerning
religious minority Muslims. This chapter examines the theoretical and imperial
literatures based on Muslim community. Chapter 3 assesses the research methodology
applied in the study. Chapter 4 describes the background characteristics of the study
population. Chapter 5 discusses the inter-group relationship between Muslims and other
communities. It covers the social, political, cultural, economic and religious grounds of
Muslims. Chapter 6 explains the analysis of social harmony between Muslims and
others. Chapter 7 describes the social inclusion and exclusion of Muslims. The final
chapter draws the summary, conclusions and recommendation of the study.
1.5: Limitation of Study
The study is confined to Ramnagar Bhutaha VDC of Sunsari district of Eastern
Development Region of Nepal and there is high concentration of Muslim population.
The study is delimited to the study of Muslim and non-Muslim respondents on the
questions of religious tolerance, communal harmony and religious identity of Muslims.
A number of emerging political, social and economic issues favoring Muslim community
of Tarai are major coverage of the study. So, the study only focuses the underlined issues
mentioned above in the periphery of Bhutaha VDC. Thus, the study seek the desirable
imputes that overcome the problem of alienation among Muslim minority and non18
Muslims and strengthen pluralistic ideology and mutual friendship. The results from the
study are only confined among Muslim and non-Muslim respondents residing Bhutaha
VDC. The findings may not be precisely applicable to wider areas in Nepal.
19
CHAPTER-II
REVIEW OF RELEVANT LITERATURE
2.1: Theoretical Literatures
Nepal is reach in ethnic diversity, multiple languages and a verity of cultures. There are
at least 60 distinct language and cultural groups. Besides there are small groups
consisting, only of a few thousand speakers. Religious diversity in Nepal is also
significant. Hindus, Buddhists, Muslims, Christians, Jain and animists live in the whole
country. If the Hindus are the predominant groups, and the Buddhists the second, than
the Muslims are the third largest group in Nepal. The Muslims entered into Nepal after
the spread of Islam in the Indian sub-continent.
Phadnis U. and Muni (1997) explained that to trace the spread of Islam throughout the
world, the Arabs become Muslims in 7th century A.D. The Arabs were great traders and
along with other countries came in contract with the Indian sub-continent for trade and
commerce. With Nepal through the export of Nepalese musk to Arabia, contact was
established. In 783 A.D. Nepalese musk was exported to Arabia. According to the
Tistung inscriptions of Amshu Verma iron, copper, musk bronze utensils were exported
from Nepal to different countries and musk was the most important item. Similarly
Nepal used to export Yak, wool (Kastury) Musk etc and Nepali Kastury was very
attractive in outside Nepal. Nepali Kastury was renowned in Arabian countries which
are written in "Hudood-Al-Aalam" and there was some sort of trade relation was direct
or indirect is not known because with Tibet, China and the trade were direct and those
traders were known as "Sarthawah". Anyway there was trade contact with Arabain
20
countries in some way and we can say that through up to that time Muslims were not in
Nepal, Muslim world was not unknown to Nepal.
They stated that 1324 A.D. is an important year for contact between the Muslims of India
and Nepal. Towards the end of 1349 A.D., Sultan Samsuddin llyas of Bengal invaded
Nepal. Sultan forces entered into Kathmandu valley through Banepa. King Raja malla
and all of his subjects were compelled to hide in forests to protect themselves. However,
they left Nepal in a week because they could not endure the cold climate. The king Malla
then returned to the valley along with his subjects. The Muslims in Nepal, particularly
they can be roughly divided into five groups.
Kashmiri Muslims: - Kashmiri Muslims claim to be the oldest settlers in Nepal. Their
fore father migrated to Nepal from Kashmir long ago as traders mostly. They feel
superior to other settlers from the Muslims community. Unfortunately they do not allow
other Muslims to bury their (non Kashmiri) dead bodies in the Kashmiri graveyard near
Shayambhu. Sometime back there was a court case over this. Most of the Kashmiri
Muslims are educated and belong to the business class. Some of them have joined
Government services and politics.
Indian Muslims: - These groups migrated to Nepal from time to time from different
parts of India either as countries or as business man or other capacity. Through these
Muslims are not different from Muslims of other parts of Nepal, they have a sense of
separate identity.
Tibetan Muslims: - Tibetan Muslims entered into Nepal long ago as traders. An envoy
of Nepalese king Ratna Malla in Lhasa invited some Tibetan Muslims. Many of them
came to Nepal also with Buddhist Tibetans after the political turmoil in the sixties.
Tibetan Muslims have brought their Tibetan culture with them. Their culture has in
21
course of time blended with the culture of Kashmir and Indian Muslims. Tibetan
Muslims are generally rich. Many of them have own shops commercial establishment
and houses. Many Tibetan Muslims do business with Tibet or deals in Chinese goods.
They are also simple and devout Muslims. On Friday weekly prayers, they are found in
the Kathmandu mosques in a sizeable number. They are active and cooperative in
Islamic religious activities, yet most of them try to keep their social relations within their
own Tibetan Muslim community. They use Tibetan language and their women dress like
other Tibetan women. They however maintain social relations and share many customs
with other Muslims besides the Kashmiri Muslims.
Tarai Muslims: - They settled long ago Muslim of Nepalgunj side joined Nepal along
with the territory after the Indian freedom struggle when the British gave four districts
to Nepal from Kingdom of Nawab of Oudh as a reward for support to the British during
the freedom movement in 1857. As such this area has predominant Muslims population
in Nepal. There Muslims are not migrates there, but the came there along with the
territory. Three districts are Kanchanpur, Kailali, Bardia and Banke. These area is still
called "Naya Mulk" i.e. new territory lot Nepal's. Researchers have found it hard to
establish the beginning of Muslim settlements in Tarai region other than Naya Mulk. The
border between India and Nepal since long is open and fluid. As such people made
across the border uninterrupted. Actually, Muslims have been living in the Tarai plane
even before Nepalese Government assumed control over the region. Since the beginning
of the 19th century, Nepal rules encouraged Indians to settle in and cultivate the jungle
Tarai region. As such both Hindus and Muslims of the adjacent-Indian areas started
setting in the south region of Nepal. These Muslims cultivated the braver land, increased
state revenue worked as craftsmen to produce goods and services for public as well as
military purposes. Some of the Tarai Muslims have lately re-settled in Kathmandu valley
22
for educational, business and political reasons. Some of them here, entered into political
career. According to one source, over 25 of them hold high and middle ranking government
positions. Many of them are engaged in different technical professions and businesses.
It may be pointed out that Muslims of Gorakha were invited from India in 16 th century
by the rulers of manufacture military armaments particularly cannons agricultural tools,
bangles and other utensils. Subsequently, some of the Muslim at Gorakha moved east
ward and settled in Nuwakot area. The chaubisi kings in Midwestern Nepal in 17 th and
18th centuries invited Muslim military experts from India to Tarain own soldiers in the
use of fire arms. Many of them subsequently settled in Nepal. However, the greater
number of Muslims are said to have settled in the remote hilly regions as an aftermath of
1857 was of freedom movement in India to evade mass persecution of Muslims in India
by the administration of east India Company of the English.
In Nepalese Muslim society very few are educated through it is said in Muslim society
'Seek knowledge from the cradle to grave'. Every Muslim boy or girl should pursue his
or her education as per as possible. But it is not in practical, so their social progress has
been hampered. Before 1940's they were not allowed to attempt any Nepali school and
after 1940's conservative Muslims did not encourage their children especially girls to
have education. Only a few are given chance to continue their education. First of all
Muslims are taught to read the Quaran and some are taught rudiments of religion. Some
receive primary and secondary education in schools. In Rana period a Muslim primary
school was opened. It is still running as Madarsa situated in Musjid left to Trichandra
Campus, but students are very limited in number.
In Nepal two groups of Muslims are recognized in the social ranking. In the first group
there are four sub-groups. They are Sayed, Sheikh, Pathan and Moghul. The second
23
groups of Muslims consist of occupational classes. Probably they are converted Muslims.
They are found in almost all parts of Tarai. They are Ansari (weavers), Sabji Farosh
(Vegetables vendors), Dhobi (washer man), Naddaj (cotton teasers), Thakur (Heir
cutter), Dewan, Dhunia. Muslims who originally came from Utter Pradesh of India
consider themselves superior to the Bihari Muslims. Probably the former speak better
Urdu and have better style of living. Again, the Kashmiri Muslims of Kathmandu
consider themselves superior to all other classes of Muslims in Nepal (D.B.Bista).
Dastider (2000) found that economically the large portions of Muslim population are
poor and lead a life below the poverty line. Most of them are engaged in small scale
business and trade of course there number is quite negligible. Due to poor economic
condition most of the Muslims families cannot afford to send to their children to school
and provide them modern education. Consequently, their number in public or private
jobs is so few that it may easily be counted on fingers. Muslims live in the same village
along with Hindus. Most of the rural Hindu and Muslim both are conservative and
orthodox. Muslims are treated as untouchable and not allowed to enter their houses or
sacred places. Such feeling, give rise to an inferiority complex among illiterate Muslims
and discourage them to participate in social activities. This is a clear violence of
democratic norms and values and a display of social inequality and social injustice.
Bista (1998) explained that the economic position of Muslims in Nepal is not satisfactory.
As the Muslims are also not rich, the income distribution within the community has also
not wide gap. Rather comparatively, the Muslims appear to be poorer. No big business
houses in Nepal belong to any Muslim community. In Muslim society women have no
financial responsibilities she has more vulnerable life compared to male. The Muslim
women's role in the home is a vitally important one to the happiness of the husband and
24
the physical and spiritual development of their children. Muslim average per capita
income is 10,200, which is lower than national average as 15,000 (DFID and world Bank
2005).
According to Bista, Muslims women are not generally found in the open, they mostly
remain indoors. One hand in the Hills, they do not put on 'Burkha' and other hand,
Muslim of Tarai put on it. Muslim women are not generally engaged in wine shop or
restaurant. However, they help the family working indoors. Some poor Muslim women
in Tarai work as agricultural labors mostly in their own villages. Muslim women in
Nepal are not much educated. Literacy is very low amongst the Nepali Muslim women.
As per Islamic law a Muslim women can inherit property of her father often his heath. A
daughter gets half share received by a son. This is not practicable in Nepal because the
Nepalese law is based on Hindu law in which only an unmarried daughter above 35
years of age can inherit father's property. There is wide gender gap in literacy rate of
Muslim population. Muslim Female literacy rate is estimated as 26.5 percent compared
to male literacy 61.8 (NHDR 2009).
Engineer (1999) explained that since the 19th century, the religion has a history of Hindu Muslim conflict which has been the driving force of the Aligarh movement, the region
was the centre of Muslim power who is descendants of the ruling classes. The political
battle for Pakistan was fought mainly by the Muslims living in the Hindi belt. It is,
therefore, not surprising if the feeling of having a separate identity is more pronounced
among them. Again, it is the Hindus of this belt who feel very strongly about separatist
attitudes among Muslims and their refusal to be part of the Indian mainstream.
However, the problem has its own complexity and ambiguity, and should not be viewed
25
exclusively in religious terms, as frequently happens. The roots of separatism are in
politics, not in religion.
2.2: Empirical Literatures
Fazalbhoy (1997) stated that the theoretical issue of how a matrilineal kinship system
works in a society which otherwise adheres to Islam 'which in its ideology as well as in
its prescriptions, mandates and injunctions assumes and emphasizes a patrilineal social
structure. The research started with the interesting question of why the Meos, who for
about 300 years had been nominal Muslims whose religious practices included many
Hindu rituals, became more committed to their Muslim identity after the partition, when
the reverse might have been expected to happen. Both these actually deal with
somewhat unusual situations in that there are few matrilineal societies left in India, and
also few communities in quite the same position as the Meos. Apart from these books,
there were scattered articles pertaining to various aspects of Muslim social structure
which were brought together which he edited between 1973 and 1981 on the topics of
family, kinship, caste, religion, and modernization and change among Muslims
Dastider (2000) explained that the other conclusion drawn from the census data is that
while the central districts of Tarai record the highest concentration of Muslims, there has
been a substantial increase in Muslim presence in the eastern region of Tarai, i e, the
region bordering Darbhanga, Saharsa and Purnea districts of Bihar. The districts on the
Nepali side and the population of Muslims there are Morang (26,987), Sunsari (45,737),
Saptari (35,020) and Siraha (32,116) [Yadav 1992]. In arrival of Bihari Muslims and caste
Hindus from across the border into the NepalTarai [Bista 1985]. There are also reports of
suspected infiltration of Bihari (Muslims) refugees from Bangladesh, who entered the
26
eastern Tarai region of Nepal in the post-1971 period [Sharma 1994]. However, due to
lack of adequate data on such infiltrations, it is difficult to confirm such reports.
Dastider further showed that like their Hindu counterparts, Tarai Muslims too have
strong social ties across the border and receive cultural sustenance (nutrition) from the
larger Muslim population of Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. As for the legal status of the
Muslims as a religious minority group, the Legal Code of 1963 (the present code) which
abolished caste-based social stratification, guarantees equal rights and opportunities for
all people of Nepal, regardless of ethnic origins and faith. Accordingly, Muslims of
Nepal are free to practice their customs and have been treated as an integral part of
Nepalese society. They are also free to engage in religious activities and buildmosques.
In Muslim traditional (Economic and Political Weekly March 4, 2000) value system
marriage (nikah) is recognized by law, the traditional divorce known as 'talaaq' is not so
recognized. Nepal being a Hindu state, the legal provisions, naturally allow Hindu
customs and tradition, in contrast to other religions, feels Hamid Ansari, a Nepali
Muslim scholar. He points out that though Muslims have readily accepted the laws of
the land that prohibit proselytism and ban cow slaughter and in the hills have even got
assimilated with the local traditions and customs, their position in the society has not
changed much [Ansari 1981a]. The introduction of the new legal code (1963) may have
officially ended the discriminatory caste based provisions that existed in 1853 and 1952
codes, but in practice the 'mlechcha' or impure rank of the Muslims still dominate the
minds of the Hindus, and is reflected in their social behavior towards Muslims. Nepali
Muslim scholars maintain that mere legal provisions do not ensure religious freedom for
minorities.
27
The political transformation from absolute monarchy to parliamentary democracy is
slowly but surely having some effect on the peripheral and religious minority groups
like the Muslims. It must, however, be emphasized her that the community's gradual
affirmation of a separate identity is not an easy task. Since the beginning of their
settlement in Tarai, Muslims have always kept a very low profile, and have quietly
accepted their low caste rank in the social hierarchy, assigned to them on account of
being outside the Hindu religion. It must be remembered that the post-unification
history of Nepal has been a history of assimilation process or a drive for Hinduzation
under the protection of Hindu monarchy. With this religious and social status in a
traditional society and an authoritative hierarchy, Muslims in Nepal had no option other
than accepting a low and subordinate position. In the post-1990 Nepal, Madhesi
Muslims have accepted the establishment of popular democracy with a mixture of hope
and apprehension. While welcoming the newly acquired democratic freedoms, the
Muslims in Tarai are also concerned about the fallout of majority rule on the community.
They feel that political parties would only be interested in the majority voters, who
would bring them to power, and these parties would therefore be biased while dealing
with Hindu-Muslim conflict situations. This apprehension is precisely the reason why
the Muslim Madhesi, in spite of heir good strength in many of the Tarai districts, are not
organizing themselves on a single platform, to press for their socio-economic demands
or in adopting a policy of self-assertion.
Dastider (2000) found that the shift in the nature and character of Muslim bodies in post1990 Nepal is apparent as they attempt to focus on the socioeconomic and socio-political
aspects of the problems faced by Muslims in democratic Nepal. Muslim organizations
that functioned in the predemocratic era existed solely for religious and cultural
purposes, as permitted by the monarchy led panchayat regime, and were therefore not
28
actually working for the upliftment of poor Muslims. Many of the organizations Tarai
even existed only on paper with the prime motive of receiving donation ('zakat' money)
from the Gulf. These organizations never antagonized the Hindu rulers with their
demands and conformed to the low-profile and non-assertive image of the community
(for a list of Muslim welfare. If the liberal political atmosphere with guaranteed
democratic freedom has brought the long suppressed Muslim ethnicity to the
foreground, the prevalence of identity assertion among the Muslims will be
strengthened.
Engineer (1999) stated that the growing of more than a dozen Muslim religious and
welfare organizations immediately after the establishment of democracy in 1990 fueled
the religious profile of the Muslims in the country. Ever since the unification of Nepal,
inhabitants of the Tarai or the Madhesi have been discriminated against socially,
economically and politically by the ruling elites of the Hills. In the Hill-Tarai divide,
with complete domination of the Hill people and their culture in every sphere of life,
Muslims and Hindus identify with the Tarai and possess a common Madhesi identity.
However, added to the plains identity, the religious identity of the Muslims puts them,
even lower on the social hierarchy. But it is mostly found that despite the religious
differences Muslims do identify with the Hindus as Madhesis, against any kind of Hill
domination. He pointed out that the common 'Madhesi' identity is only at the broader
level, as on the religious ground both the groups strictly maintain a separate religious
identity. He further noted that the Muslim intellectuals itself believes that because of
their vulnerable position in society, Muslims have (during the panchayat rule) by and
large remained loyal to the ruling party and 'pro-system' as it ensured physical and
moral security pro-vided by the Hindu rulers.
29
Sen (2000) examined that the Tarai Muslim sentiment is going to be raised, and Muslims
are in the placement of fourth class citizens since they do not belong to any of the three
dominant social classes of the Nepali society and politics, viz, Bahun-Chetri-Newar
ruling elite, Hill Hindus (i e, the other Hindu castes of the Hills), and upper caste Hindus
of Tarai. The overall relationship between the Hindus and Muslims has largely remained
tension free as the Muslims have been reconciled to their subservient status in society. It
must, however, be maintained that the growing proliferation of fundamentalists both
within Muslim and Hindu communities, (viz, Vishwa Hindu Sangh (VHS),
Dustier (2000) studied that the Hinduzation process was imposed through the Civil
Code in Nepal, the modern states never did so (Sharma 1977). Promotion of one
language, one religion, one dress and mono-cultural nationalism by the state not only
hurt the culture of the Muslim peoples but it effectively marginalized them in economic,
political and social realms. Some scholars have termed this phenomenon of imposition of
dominant values, norms, and traditions on other communities of the society as cultural
imperialism, which continues even today in lesser degree and in less explicit manner
that facilitates domination of non-Hindu religious group. The establishment of KhasNepali language as the language of the nation and its prohibition to other languages of
nationalities are considered to be obstacles in inter-lingual harmony between Muslims
and non-Muslims which are some of the examples of constitutional discriminatory
measures (Gurung et. al., 2002). It becomes harmful to minority groups like Muslims if
one social-cultural group dominates the political parties, as is the case in Nepal. The
dominance of the Hindu elite groups in political, civic, cultural and economic spheres in
Tarai has created a situation whereby the Westminster model of democracy has enabled
the dominant group to impose their values and norms to rest of the society through
30
public policies. Lack of accommodative and power sharing governance structures has
excluded the Muslim community peoples from governance. Rights of autonomy and
self-determination are also denied in Tarai. The social hierarchy, following the Hindu
norms, that assigns the Muslim peoples lower than the 'upper caste' Hindus, and
pervasiveness of such norms in the society has discriminated Muslim community in
their daily encounter with the caste Hindu elite
group members. Imposition of
dominant cultural values on Muslims has threatened their culture and traditions and
Hindu religious hegemony has rendered other religious groups like Muslims. The crosscutting practices associated with Hindu values system has never allowed Muslims to be
full member of the nation/state/society. Hindu Value system is the cornerstone in the
process of state formation of Nepal from past to even today which is seen major
discriminative social setting in Nepalese society.
Engineer (1999) found that despite the establishments of federal state in Nepal Muslims
are delimited by cultural discriminations played by Madeshi dominant group Yadav and
others who ruled out differentiation between two cultures and suffering an identity
crisis as a result. The Muslims could not perceive their lingual freedom, individual
respect and identity from the side of non-Muslims. The religious tolerance, communal
harmony and respect are also major barriers in the route of social inclusion among the
Muslims in Tarai. The respects on the religious and cultural diversities are not in practice
which is also challenge foe religious tolerance. By the demonstration of such religious
and cultural discrimination /exclusions against the Muslims in the study the meaningful
change in coexistence and the sense of tolerance among the Muslims and non-Muslims
develop national integration.
31
Khalid (1993) found that the Muslims are in minorities in India who have three political
choices: (1) they can join one of the parties sympathetic to minorities or secular in
orientation;( 2) they can work through a non-partisan pressure group that would ensure
the election of sympathetic individuals regardless of party affiliation, or (3) they can
form their own political party and try to extract benefits by holding the balance of power
in a coalition government. Indian Muslims have tried all three approaches. The study
revealed that the social and cultural manners, in which Indian Muslims have sought to
organize, protect and promote their interests in a democratic system. But, they are still
discriminated and excluded in social and economic grounds.
2.3: Framework of the Study
In multi-ethnic and multi-religious societies like Nepal there are linkages between
social/economic backwardness and high livelihood and social deprivation among
Muslims by which they have suffered from social exclusion and discrimination of
various types through the ages. Many scholars have been observed among the Muslims
that unfair inclusion with the hegemonic treatments results in low access to socioeconomic
opportunities
and
political
participation
in
state
mechanisms
and
development activities. It also leads to unequal access to civil, religious and cultural
rights, political rights and unequal participation in governance which ultimately result
in high poverty and low human development among the excluded Muslim people.
Despite the changes in constitutional system and formal sectors in Nepal the Muslims
are facing the problems of religious and racial discriminations in Tarai through the
majority dominant group favoring Hinduism.
The Muslim peoples are placed at marginalized position, namely in economic, political
and social realms. Some scholars have termed this phenomenon of imposition of
32
dominant values, norms, and traditions on other communities of the society as cultural
imperialism, which continues even today in lesser degree and in less explicit manner
that facilitates domination of non-Hindu religious group. The nationalities are facing
some obstacles in inter-religions harmony between Muslims and non-Muslims which are
some of the examples of constitutional discriminatory measures. The dominance of the
Hindu elite groups in political, civic, cultural and economic spheres in Tarai has created
a situation whereby the Westminster model of democracy has enabled the dominant
group to impose their values and norms to rest of the society through public policies.
Lack of accommodative and power sharing governance structures has excluded the
Muslim community peoples from governance. The cross-cutting practices associated
with Hindu values system has never allowed Muslims to be full member of the
nation/state/society. Hindu social settings are seen the major discriminative social
networks in Nepalese society.
Tarai Muslims are delimited by cultural discriminations played by Madeshi dominant
group Yadav and others who ruled out differentiation between two cultures and
suffering an identity crisis as a result. The Muslims could not perceive their lingual
freedom, individual respect and identity from the side of non-Muslims. The religious
tolerance, communal harmony and respect are also major barriers in the route of social
inclusion among the Muslims in Tarai.
33
Figure: 1 Conceptual framework of the study
Multicultural/ Multi-religious and
Multiethnic Societies
Social Dimensions
Religious Aspects
Social Aspects
Cultural Aspects
Political Aspects
Economic Aspects
Geographical Aspects
Migration
Social
inclusion
klxrfgsf] /fhgLlt
of
Muslim
Community/Aspects of Exclusion
Interrelationship
Social
Harmony/Tolerance/Frie
ndship
Muslim
and
communities
between
non-Muslim34
CHAPTER-III
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1: Study Site and Justification
The Sunsari district is one of the six districts of Koshi Anchal of Eastern development
region of Nepal. The geographical formation of Sunsari district is made of Mahabharat
Forest, Charkose Jungal and fertile Tara plain land. There are 49 Village Development
Committees (VDCs) and 3 Municipalities in Sunsari district. The Bhutaha VDC is among
the 47 VDCs covered in Sunsari, which is our selected study area, residing mostly
inhabitants of Muslims. The location of Bhutaha VDC is southern direction of Inaruwa
municipality that is adjoining to Indian boarder.
According to the 2001 population census total population of Sunsari is 625633 with an
annual population growth rate of 3.0 percent; among them 315530 and 310103 are males
and females respectively. The total population of Ramnagar Bhutaha VDC is 11409 of
them 5948 and 5461 are males and females respectively. The majority population of this
VDC
is
dominated
by
Muslims
(8029)
and
followed
by
Baniya
(554),
Chamar/Harizan/Ram (500), Takma (476), Mallaha (447) and other castes (1403).
Among the social group /communities in Sunsari Muslims are socially and economically
backward and miserably survived in poor livelihood and ever shouldered social
deprivation by which they have suffered from social exclusion and discrimination of
various types since generations. Muslims suffers unfair inclusion with the hegemonic
treatments that results low access to socio-economic opportunities and political
35
participation in state mechanisms and development activities. They have nearly no
political rights and even shown unequal participation in governance which ultimately
result in high poverty and low human development among the excluded Muslim
people.
The Muslim peoples are placed at marginalized position, namely in economic, political
and social realms. The Muslims are facing more obstacles in inter-religions harmony
between Muslims and non-Muslims which are some of the examples of constitutional
discriminatory measures. Lack of accommodative and power sharing governance
structures has excluded the Muslim community peoples from governance. The Hindu
values system has never allowed Muslims to be full member of the nation/state/society.
Hindu social settings are perceived the major discriminative behaviors in Tarai society.
Tarai Muslims are delimited by cultural discriminations played by Madeshi dominant
group Yadav and others who ruled out differentiation between two cultures and
suffering an identity crisis as a result. The Muslims could not perceive their lingual
freedom, individual respect and identity from the side of non-Muslims. The religious
tolerance, communal harmony and respect are seen ever lacks among Muslims which
are major barriers in the route of social inclusion among the Muslims in Tarai. In order
to enhance social order/communal harmony and religious tolerance among several
communities in Tarai specific awareness buildings and recommended policy measures
that address the social harmony and social inclusion favoring Muslim identity and
religion are essential through such research.
3.2: Sample Size and Selection
The sampling frame is developed on the basis of Multi-stage cluster sampling techniques
with 95%confidence interval of (5%) sampling error; this will be 157 sample sizes. The
36
quantitative data is collected through previously prepared close-ended questionnaire.
Determination of sample size will be applied from following method.
Sample size (n) = D* (Z/R) ² * (1-P)/ P
Where,
D = Design Effect due to cluster sampling
Z = Z value for accuracy desired in the estimate or confidence interval (CI) level
estimation (to be assumed)
R = Precision or maximum allowable relative error
P = Assumed Proportion in the population (related to its variability)
In this research, D = 2.0, Z = 1.96 (assuming the confidence interval level of 95%), and P =
0.5 (or 50%) .
The total sample size (n) = 157 Respondents from one clusters (One VDC).
The sample clusters are selected randomly one Tarai district Sunsari. The Cluster is
selected from mixed population groups where the representation is made of maximum
caste/ethnic groups especially Muslims. At the cluster level, a systematic random
sampling technique is used for unbiasedness of household and respondent selection.
3.3: Methods of Selecting Household and Respondents
First of all, two wards of Bhutaha VDC are selected randomly. Then, two household lists
(separate for each ward) are prepared from the selected two wards (ward no. 5 and 9)
with the help of a knowledgeable person in Bhutaha VDC. Considering the ethnic,
religious and cultural diversities in Tarai, the researcher himself takes the consideration
during the time of selection of households that the equal number of households from the
37
Muslim and non-Muslim community would be selected randomly. It facilitates a
comparative study between the two groups. Only 40 households from each ward are
selected with the systematic random sampling procedure. From the selected households,
one male and one female are purposely interviewed in order to obtain representative
information on the purposed research issues. Principally, the survey has to select 80
respondents (20 males and 20 females from two communities) from each ward,
altogether making 160 respondents. In total, the survey is captured 92 respondents from
Muslims and 68 respondents from non-Muslims, altogether there are 161 respondents
for the interview in the study area. The reason of deficit to non-Muslim respondents is
observed that there is low concentration of non-Muslim households over the nine wards
in the selected VDC (the selected VDC is Bhutaha which is one among 49 VDCs where
Muslims are highly concentrated).
3.4: Nature and Source of Data
Source of information for this study is both primary and secondary. Primary source
includes Structure interview, Focus Group Discussion, and Key Informant Interview.
Secondary source of information consisted of district profile, VDC profile, Survey
reports and other relevant records. The quantitative data are gathered from structured
questionnaires from male and female respondents, who are purposely selected from the
two communities. The interviewers are hired who are SLC passed Muslims and nonMuslims. The issues asked in questionnaires are religiously, culturally and lingually
sensitive, so, the issues are more rationally and tactfully administered in the interview.
Qualitative information was gathered by utilizing Focus Group Discussion (FGD) and
Key Informant Interview (KII). As the issues are religiously and culturally similar in
nature 6 FGDs and 8 KIIs are successfully administered in qualitative survey. It was
38
mainly to complement as well as substantiate the quantitative information. The relevant
issues are asked from the FGD participants who are explicitly Muslim knowledgeable
members (males and females from Muslim and non-Muslim communities), and the key
informants were selected who are Social workers, Muslim activists, President of Nepali
Muslim Society, Muslim and non- Muslim Politicians, Director of Madarasa School,
non--Muslim School Teachers and knowledgeable persons in the communities. Being the
researcher himself Muslim origin qualitative data are successfully collected from
selected FGDs and KIIs in the VDC. The methodology employed in this study was quasianthropological to generate both quantitative and qualitative information. All of the
above used methodological strategies are in favor of good quality of data.
3.5: Data Analysis
All the completed questionnaires are entered into data entry file in SPSS program after
being manually coded and validated. Data validity checks are performed for all the
questionnaires by using SPSS software. The frequency and cross tables (both for multiple
and single responses) are also generated from the selected software. The study is
basically analyzed data from the frequency and percentages. As per the purposed
objectives of the study the descriptive and explorative analyses are carried out to
examine the relative differences between the Muslim and non-Muslim communities. The
qualitative data – issues about religious and cultural agencies among others are collected
from the FGDs and KIIs which are also analyzed concomitantly that make possible to
check the validity and reliability of the quantitative data. The comparison of
contemporary issues as per the objectives between the minority Muslims and other
communities is become possible through the separate columns and rows of frequency
and cross tables.
39
CHAPTER-IV
BACKGROUND CHARACTERISTICS OF THE STUDY POPULATION
4.1: Age and Sex Structure of the Study Population
Table 1 shows that the total population of Muslims is enumerated to be 533 within a total
of 40 households of them 277 and 256 are males and females respectively. Further, there
are recording 424 total population from non-Muslim community of them 232 and 198 are
males and females respectively.
There is lower child population in Muslim community (43%) compared to non- Muslim
community (44%). This indicates that majority of child population is pronounced in nonMuslim population. The proportion of economically active population aged 15-59 years
is fairly higher in Muslim community (50.4%) against non-Muslims (49.4%).
Interestingly, the proportion of elderly population aged 60 and over is equal in both the
communities (6.6%).
40
Table 1: Percentage Distribution of Study Population by age and sex, BhutahaVDC, Sunsari District, 2010
Muslims
Age Group
0-14
15-59
60 + over
Total
No. of Households
Family Size (Members per
Family)
Child Dependency Ratio
Old Dependency Ratio
Non-Muslims
Males
96
(43.0%)
112
(50.2%)
15
(6.7%)
223
(100%)
Females
89
(44.9%)
96
(48.4%)
13
(6.5%)
198
(100%)
6.4
Total
229
(43.0%)
269
(50.4%)
35
(6.5%)
533
(100%)
40
13.3
5.5
4.6
Total
185
(44%)
208
(49.4%)
28
(6.6%)
421
(100%)
40
10.5
86.0
12.4
85.0
13.0
86.0
13.3
92.0
13.5
88.5
13.4
Males
118
(42.5%)
140
(50.5
19
(6.3%)
277
(100%)
Females
111
(43.3%)
129
(50.3%)
16
(6.6%)
256
(100%)
7.0
84.0
13.5
Source: Field Survey, 2010
Note: Child Dependency Ratio= Population under 15 years⁄ Population aged 15 -59 years ×100
Old Dependency Ratio=Population aged 60 years and above⁄ Population aged 15 -59 years×100
Figures in Parentheses indicate percentages.
The proportion of males and females in age group 0-14 years are observed more in nonMuslim population (43% and 44.9% for males and females respectively) compared to
Muslim community (42.5% and 43.3% for males and females respectively). There is
apparently higher proportion of males and females in economically active population
among Muslim population (50.5% and 50.3% for males and females respectively)
compared to non-Muslims (50.2% and 48.4% for males and females respectively). It is
attributed that the proportions of respondents of both sexes in these age groups are
lower due to the heavy exodus of economically active population.
The reported average family size is higher among Muslim community (13.3 persons in a
family) than that of non-Muslims (10.3 persons in a family). Being lower proportion of
41
child population among Muslim population the child dependency ratio is seen lower in
Muslim community (85 dependents per 100 economically active populations) if we
compared to non-Muslim community (88.5 dependents per 100 active populations). The
old dependency ratio is slightly higher for non-Muslims (13.4 persons in a family)
compared to Muslims (13.0 persons in a family). The ratio of males and female are
identical for both the families.
4.2: Education and Occupation
Education
Education produces a favorable condition for enhancing the process of getting
opportunities. Access to education has inverse relation with the process of socioeconomic and political exclusion. Being educated is taken as one of the major
components in capability framework.
The overall literacy rate for population 6 years and above by sex and communities is
given in Table 2. Data shows that the total literacy rate for the study population (both the
communities) is marginally higher (56.4%) compared to national figure (54%). Further,
overall literacy rate for the Muslims is reported to be 49.2 percent which is notably lower
with compared to non-Muslims counterparts (58.5%). It is observed in the study area
that the sex differential in literacy is more pronounced among Muslims residents VDC
for both sexes in Bhutaha. The literacy rates for the males and females are reported to be
Exclusively lower (58.4 % and 38.6 % respectively) than that of non-Muslims Tarai
residents (65.3 % and 61.7 % respectively).
42
The proportion of Muslim dwellers who have achieved the levels of education
preceding the survey is significantly lower in secondary, SLC or IA and Bachelor or
above levels ( 17.3%, 12.2% and 4.8 % respectively) while the comparables are higher for
nom-Muslims (25.6%, 27.4% and 10.4% respectively).
Table 2: Percentage Distribution of Study Population Aged 6 Years and above by Level of Education, Sex
Sunsari ,Bhutaha VDC, 2010.
Muslims
Non-Muslims
Literacy
Males
%
Females
%
Illiterate
41.6
61.4
Literate
58.4
38.6
Total
207
(100%)
185
(100%)
%
%
32.2
23.5
22.6
16.2
5.5
42.5
32.6
12.4
8.5
4.0
121
(100%)
71
(100%)
Educational
Attainment/level
Primary
L. Secondary
Secondary
SLC or IA
Bachelor or more
Total (Literate)
Total
%
50.8
49.2
392 (100%)
%
38.4
27.3
17.3
12.2
4.8
192 (100%)
Males
%
Females
%
34.7
48.3
65.3
51.7
196
(100%)
124
(100%)
%
%
26.4
20.3
23.0
20.1
10.2
30.2
33.8
19.4
10.1
6.5
128
(100%)
64
(100%)
Total
%
41.5
58.5
Grand
Total
%
43.6(310)
56.4 (401)
320
(100%)
%
712
(100%)
%
22.6
14.0
25.6
27.4
10..4
187
(100%)
28.5
23.4
23.3
17.2
7.6
401
(100%)
Source: Field Survey, 2010.
Note: Literacy Rate =Total no. of literate persons/ Total population. Illiteracy Rate= Total no. of illiterate persons/ Total
population
Literacy Rate = 56.4 % (401)
The ratios of Muslims who attained the primary and lower secondary levels are higher
than that of non-Muslims, but, after the secondary level, non-Muslims outnumbered the
Muslims in achieving higher educational levels. It is reported by the participants of
FGDs in survey that in some extent the Tarai Muslims are religiously, socially, and
economically exclude from the both so-called Tarai high caste groups namely Yadav and
the rest of non-Muslims. So, Muslims are discriminated in grasping the educational
43
opportunity due to low economic ground, lingual barriers and no promotions provided
by the state to Madarasa education in Muslim communities.
Occupation
Most of Tarai population is predominantly based on agricultural activities. Table 3
illustrates that out of 613 total population aged 14 years and above 40.6 percent have
been engaged predominantly in agricultural occupation as a means of livelihood and
followed by studying (19.6%). About 17 percent of population from both communities is
not employed in gainful work. Notably higher proportion of non- Muslims have been
engaging in traditional agricultural occupation (52.2%). Comparatively, higher
proportion of Muslim population have employed in agricultural labor (8.1%), nonagricultural labor (6.8%), small business (5.0%) and foreign employment (6.2%) than that
of non-Muslims (0.7%, 1.7% 0.5% 3.9% respectively).
Table 3: Percentage Distribution of Study Population Aged 10 Years and above by Occupation, Sunsari
,Bhutaha VDC, 2010
Occupation
Agriculture
Agricultural Labor
Non-Agricultural
Service
Teacher
Foreign Employment
Small Business
Communities
Muslims
Non-Muslims
98
(29.3)
25
(8.1)
22
(6.8)
7
(1.5)
4
(0.8)
20
(6.2)
15
(5.0)
145
(52.2)
2
(0.7)
7
(1.7)
2
(0.5)
8
(1.9)
16
(3.9)
2
(0.5)
Total
243
(40.6)
27
(4.4)
29
(3.3)
9
(1.1)
12
(1.3)
36
(4.0)
17
(1.9)
44
Work of Sewing
Studying
Not work
Total
14
(4.7)
80
(23.9)
57
(17.6)
335
(100)
21
(5.1)
40
(15.6)
45
(16.2)
278
(100)
55
(3.9)
120
(19.6)
102
(16.6)
613
(100)
Source: Field Survey, 2010
Figures in Parentheses indicate percentages.
About 24 percent of Muslims and about 16 percent of non-Muslims are studying. It is
remarkable that Muslims are considered to be discriminated in education, but data
shows that higher proportion of Muslims is studying (23.9% for Muslims and 15.6) for
non-Muslims). It reported in qualitative survey that most of children from Muslim
community are going to Madarsa for studying where they can learn Urdu language and
rules and preserve their religion on the other hand non-Muslim children are studying in
governmental schools.
4.3: Migratory History
A sizeable increase in the population of Indian origin migrated when the British
government returned the territories of Far-western Tarai to Nepal (which were taken
away by them during the Anglo-Nepali War of 1814-16 Banke, Bardia, Kailali and
Kanchanpur), as a goodwill gesture of the Rana, who had provided military assistance to
the British to suppress the Indian revolt in 1857-58. The restoration of four Tarai districts
by the British to Nepal that encouraged large volume of Muslims to migrate in the
western Tarai, as these districts already had a sizeable Muslim population before
integration into Nepal. The bordering areas of mid-western district of Kapilbastu is the
settlement of big Muslim landlords from Awadh region, as they were invited by the
45
Ranas for their Zamindari skills. They were given vast areas of forested lands at nominal
rates for maximizing agricultural production and revenues from the lands.
The Muslim population in Tarai is considered to be indigenous social group and they
were immigrants from the very beginning. Majority of study population (52.8%)
reported that they are immigrated before 100 years. Data reveals that more than 62
percent of Muslims were immigrated before 100 years in the study area while the larger
proportion of non-Muslims are said to be immigrants before 100 to 50 years.
Table 4: Percentage Distribution of Respondents by the Years of Migration, Sunsari ,Bhutaha VDC. 2010
From when migration
Muslims
Before 100 years
58 (62.4)
100-50 years
25(26.90)
Before 50 years
10(10.8)
Total
93 (100)
Community
Non-Muslims
27 (39.7)
35(51.5)
6(8.8)
68 (100)
Total
85 (52.8)
60 (37.3)
16 (9.9)
161 (100)
Source: Field Survey, 2010
Figures in Parentheses indicate percentages.
It is reported as a tentative gesture in qualitative survey that during the time of
unification of Nepal, Prithivinarayan Shah brought war-weapons/ equipments and
Muslims from India. At that time, Urdu language was practiced more frequently among
Muslims; some of Muslims were migrated in Nepal in that time.
4.4: Mother tongue and Language
Besides speaking Nepali as the official language, Tarai people also speak various local
languages as their mother tongue. Among the Tarai population 33 percent, 20 percent
and 18 percent of them speak Maithili, Bhojpuri and Awadhi languages as their mother
tongues respectively. These languages or dialects are regional, except Urdu. However,
there are no hard boundaries separating these languages. Instead, these languages or
46
dialects flow into one another. The non-regional languages spoken by Madhesi people
are primarily Nepali, Hindi, and Urdu.
Data in study area shows that majority of Muslims use Maithili as mother tongue
(66.7%) whereas (100%) of the non-Muslim population use Maithili as mother tongue.
More than 20 percent of Muslims used Bhojpuri as mother tongue.
Out of 93 Muslim respondents in the study area 64.5 percent reported that they use Urdu
language and only 29 percent claimed to use Maithili language. As a contrast, no nonMuslim population are found using Urdu, and the overwhelming majority of nonMuslim population are spoken Maithili (94.1%). Only 6.5 percent and 5.9 percent of
Muslims and non-Muslims used Bhojpuri.
Table 5: Percentage Distribution of Study Populations by Mother Tongue and Language, Sunsari,
Bhutah VDC,2010
Mother Tongue
Muslims
Non-Muslims
Urdu
12
(12.9)
Maithili
62
(66.7%)
Bhojpuri
19
(20.4%)
Total
92
(100)
Source: Field Survey, 2010
0
68
(100%)
0
68
(100%)
Total
12
(7.4%)
130
(80.8%)
19
(11.8%)
161
(100)
Urdu
Maithili
Bhojpuri
Total
Language
Muslims
Non-Muslims
60 (64.5%)
0
27
(29.0%)
6
(6.5%)
93
(100)
64
(94.1)
4
(5.9%)
68
(100)
Total
60
(37.2%)
91
(56.6%)
10
(6.2%)
161
(100)
4.5: Land ownership
The ownership of land is considered to be one of the major socio-economic indicators of
rural population. Land is the main source of survival as well as income in rural Nepal.
Possession of land also provides the prestige and social status in the society.
47
Out of 161 respondents from both communities, majority of them have own land (53.45)
whereas 10.6 percent have land less than 10 Kattha. The larger proportion of nonMuslims have received own land more than 31 Kattha (73.5%) than that of Muslims
(38.7%). Data reveal that access to land does not considerably vary between Muslims and
non-Muslims households in study area. More than 52 percent of Muslim households
have own land whereas about 81 percent of non-Muslims have own land. More than 47
percent of Muslims have no own land while the proportion of non-Muslims is lower
(19%).
Table 6: Percentage Distribution of Study Populations by Category of Land Ownership, Sunsari, Bhutaha
VDC.2010
Category of Land Ownership
Less than 10 kattha
10-31 kattha
More than 31 Katha
Total
Food adequacy in a year from Respondent’s
income
Adequate from Income
Not Adequate from Income
Total
Communities
Total
Muslims
9 (9.7)
48 (51.6)
36 (38.7)
93 (100)
Non-Muslims
8 (11.8)
10 (14.7)
50 (73.5)
68 (100)
17 (10.6)
58 (36.0)
86 (53.4)
161(100)
44 9(47.3
499(52.7
93 (100)
51 (75.05)
17 (25%)
68 (100)
95 (59.0)
66(41.0)
161(100)
Source: Field Survey, 2010
Out of 161 respondents from both communities, majority of them reported that food is
adequate from their income in a year (59.0%) whereas 41.0 percent respond that their
income do not support food adequately in a year. It is concluded that the magnitude of
food sufficiency from their yearly income is seen fairly satisfactory in non-Muslim
community.
48
5.6: Religion
According to the 2001 census, 80.6 percent of Nepalese are Hindus and 4.2 percent are
Muslims in Nepal. Religion is one of the social institutions found in all human societies.
Moreover religion is one of the agents contributing to the integration of society. Religion
provides ‘we feeling’ among its members. In Tarai from time immemorial, people
belonging to various religious faiths lived in harmony and peace. There are fundamental
values and traditions in our culture that promote integration among different
communities. Thus, Tarai Muslims are living traditionally in the mixed societies
exposing social integration and communal harmony.
Moreover, it is concluded in the qualitative survey that despite some differences at
ritual, social and cultural levels among different religions, there is eye-catching unity at
the level of values that promotes communal harmony. The qualitative study from
Muslim educators/ religious leaders reveals that communalism gives rise to a heightened
sense of identity and belongingness that can raise social integration among the
communities. The study shows that all the Muslims have claimed that they should have
respects towards Hindus and Hindus do the same for maintaining their own communal
harmony and identity. In the study area, population from each communities are
independently exposed their own fundamental values and traditions in their religioncultural activities with promoting integration among different communities. From the
study we conclude that there is helpful for the growth of a great civilization broadly in
Nepali unity and especially in Tarai region which preserve the rich tradition of social
49
harmony among diverse religious and ethnic groups. Perhaps this tendency will be route
for all Tarai people over to the future generations. In this context, overwhelming
participations of FGDs and KIIs reported that after restoration of federal nation Muslims
could perform their religious and cultural acts and programs without any hesitation and
fear.
5.7: Social Structure of Tarai-Madhesh
The Madhesi people are the native people of Tarai who reside in the southern plains of
Nepal. Data in the study area explain that out of 161 respondents 57.7 percent falls in the
Muslim religious group whereas 43.3 percent falls in Tarai upper caste group. The
majority of Madhesi/Tarai people are caste-observant in nature which shows a great
social harmony because they have presented friendship ethnically, culturally and
lingually.
Muslims in Tarai had no option other than accepting a low and subordinate position.
In the post-1990 Nepal, Madhesi Muslims have accepted the establishment of popular
democracy with a mixture of hope and apprehension. In the newly acquired democratic
freedoms, the Muslims in Tarai are also anxious from a vast range of social
discriminations that caused by the rule of majority Hindus in their community. In the
social structure of Madhesh ,Hindus is very similar to that of Pahadi Hindus from the
hills. So, Muslims in the study area reported that they are all discriminated in socioeconomic functioning by higher Hindu-caste Yadav and Pahadi Hindus in their
community.
Table 7 explains the proportion of respondent’s perception by communities about the
identification of place of resident whether it is Tarai land or Madhesh.
50
Table 7: Percentage Distribution of Study Populations by Identification of Tarai Land and Themselves,
Sunsari, Bhutaha VDC, 2010
Identification of Tarai Land
Whether Tarai or Medhesh?
Tarai
Madhesh
Total
Identification of themselves whether
Madheshi or Tarai Muslims or Tarai Nepali
Madheshi
Tarai Muslims
Tarai Nepali
Total
Communities
Muslims
84 (90.3%
9(9.7%)
93(100%)
Non-Muslims
65(95.6%)
3(4.4%)
68(100%)
4(4.3%)
55(59.1%)
34(36.6%)
93 (100%)
7 (10.3%)
0
61(89.7%)
68(100%)
Total
149 (92.5%)
12(7.5%)
161(100%)
12 (7.5%)
55(34.1%)
94(58.4%)
161(100%)
Source: Field Survey, 2010
Out of 161 respondents 92.5 percent claimed this place to be Tarai, as against, 7.5 percent
reported this place to be Madhesh. When we compared the proportions of responses by
communities, it is found that more than 95 percent of Non-Muslims claimed that this
place would be Tarai and the comparable percentage is 90 for Muslim respondents.
Accordingly, there are marginal proportions of respondents who claimed that this place
of resident would be Madhesh (9.7% for Muslims and 4.4% for Non-Muslim).
Data on the perceptions about identification of them whether you are Madheshi or
Tarai Muslims or Tarai Nepali reveals that majority of Muslims claimed as they are Tarai
Muslims (59.1%) and followed by Tarai Nepali (36.6%). On contrary, majority of nonMuslims claimed that they are Tarai Nepali (89.7%) and followed by Madheshi (10.3%).
Despite the establishment of federal state in Nepal with a policy of social inclusion and
communal harmony Madheshi upper caste groups have discriminated in access to
political, social and economic opportunities against Muslims in Tarai. The qualitative
51
data shows that majority of Muslims have independently claimed to have the views of
antagonism towards the Madheshi upper caste groups. So, the majority of Muslims
reported that the Tarai region not to be Madhesh.
CHAPTER-V
INTER-GROUP RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN MUSLIMS AND OTHER
COMMUNITIES
5.1: Social
Data on perception of respondents about the internal relationship between Muslims and
non-Muslims communities shows that majority of respondents claimed they have
normal relationship between them (67.1%) whereas more than 32 percent reported that
they have friendship relationship. On the other hand, among Muslim respondents more
than 80 percent reported that they have perceived normal relationship and followed by
friendship relation (18.3%). Accordingly, larger proportion of non-Muslim respondents
claimed that they have experienced friendship relationship between them (51.5%) and
only 48.5 percent reported to be normal relation.
Data on internal relationship between Muslims and Tarai Dalits shows that majority of
respondents in total said normal relationship between them (78.9%) whereas 15 percent
reported to be friendship relationship. Among Muslim respondents more than 75
percent reported that they have undergone normal relationship and followed by
friendship relation (17.2%). Accordingly, larger proportion of non-Muslim respondents
52
stated that they have experienced friendship relationship between them (51.5%) and
only 48.5 percent of respondents considered to be normal relation.
On the other respects, majority of respondents in total declared that they have argued
normal relationship between them (77%) whereas more than 23 percent reported to be
friendship relationship. But, among Muslim respondents more than 65 percent reported
that they have apparently experienced normal relationship and followed by friendship
relation (34.4%). Similarly, more proportion of non-Muslim respondents stated that they
have perceived normal relationship between them (92.6%) and only 48.5 percent
reported to be friendship relation.
According to the qualitative data there are good, well and communal feelings between
Muslims and non-Muslims. It is the fact that the national solidarity and common interest
are the religious motto of Muslims as stated by Quaran. As stated in Quaran, all the
Muslims have the sense of communal harmony and friendship between Muslims and
other communities in Tarai. According to qualitative survey Muslims are always
discriminated, dominated and become subject of threat from Madeshi people. Madeshi
always looks down Muslim and put them distance from getting /consuming the fruits of
reservations provided by the state. Muslims are frequently interacting with the Hilly
migrated people and Tarai Dalits. Muslims shows due respects and behave good
connections with Hilly people and vice versa. Muslim believes that Hilly people
entertains wider social network with Muslims including other communities. They are
mutually behaved and cooperated in money lending and cultural and religious
occasions.
5.2: Political
53
Out of 161 respondents in the study area more than 82 percent of them (from both
communities) have not involved/participated either in local or national politics whereas
only 17.4 percent are being participated in local or national politics. Among the Muslim
population more than 80 percent have reported to be not involved in politics while only
19.4 percent of them are participated in politics. On the other respects, among nonMuslims the scenario is rather severe that about 83 percent have not still participated in
politics while only 14.7 percent involved in politics. The majority of Muslims who are
now participated in politics are involved in local level political representation
particularly in VDC level (92.5%).
In this context, qualitative data shows that non-Muslim people particularly Yadav are
dominant in Tarai and they discriminated in proportional participation of Muslim
representation in politics as well as in state mechanisms. So, it is the reason that Tarai
dominant high caste Hindu groups left behind the Muslims in politics.
Among Muslims who are not involved in politics, 43.4 percent, 41.5 percent and 15
percent of them stated ‘not interest in politics’, ‘no achieved opportunity’ and ‘not given
opportunity’ by other communities respectively. As against, among non-Muslims who
are not involved in politics, 33.2 percent, 51.5 percent and 15.3 percent of them stated
‘not interest in politics’, ‘no achieved opportunity’ and ‘not given opportunity’ by other
communities respectively. Some people states in quantitative survey that Muslims are
extremely poor and deprived economically and politically in our society. They are
politically handicapped and living in discriminatory mode of life in enjoying their
human rights. They claimed that Madheshi rich people discriminate against Muslims in
exercising their political rights.
5.3: Cultural
54
Tarai Muslims are culturally affiliated with Indo-Aryans Muslims from the south
particularly from India. The Muslims have cultural diversity and proximity to
neighboring massive cultures have also influenced the culture of Tarai people, and Tarai
communities have inheritated several customs and cultural practices from the south
India.
Relations among the members of an Islamic society are based upon two fundamental
principles: awareness of the strong bond of brotherhood and sisterhood that links one
individual to another, and protecting the individual’s rights and the sanctity of his or her
life, honor, and property, as guaranteed by Islam. Any words, deeds, or behavior that
contravene or threaten these two principles are forbidden, the degree of prohibition
depending upon the magnitude of material or moral injury that might result from it
The Tarai plain has rich cultural heritage which has evolved over centuries. This
multidimensional cultural heritage encompasses within itself cultural diversities of
various ethnic, tribal, and social groups in Tarai. They are different music and dance art
and craft, folklores and folktales, languages and literature, philosophy and religion,
festivals and celebrations. It is the all well-known perception that the Tarai Muslims and
non-Muslims have a distinct, viable and socially valuable cultural norms and practices.
They have separate several factors in festivals, celebrations and moral duties which have
the potential to abandon alienation and isolation in Muslim and non-Muslim
communities in Tarai. Unlike the Hindu hierarchy of castes, Muslims are sociologically
and inherently linked to kinship network based on blood and marriage ties. It is
important to note here that in the Quran, mankind as a whole is occasionally referred to
as Bani Adam (children of Adam). Clearly, the Islamic function of clans is to give a sense
of identity, but hierarchy is established through strength of belief and righteousness.
55
5.4: Economic
The ownership of land is the main source of survival as well as income in Tarai.
Possession of land also provides the prestige and social status in the study communities.
More than 52 percent of Muslim households have own land whereas about 81 percent of
non-Muslims have own land. More than 47 percent of Muslims have no own land while
the proportion of non-Muslims is lower (19%). Most of respondents of Muslims
households argued that they perceived lack of adequate livelihood opportunities which
create various types of food security problems. The Muslims households can be
characterized very poor households in terms of access to safe drinking water, toilet
facility and access to electricity if we compared with that of non-Muslims.
Significantly higher proportion of non-Muslim respondents claimed that they have
adequate family income in a year to maintain their necessities (75.0%) while the
proportion is lower among the Muslim respondents (47.3%). So, Muslims have low
access to opportunities and productive assets which contributed to high incidence of
poverty and food insecurity among them. As a result, Muslims are considered to be poor
due to the prevailing of various forms of socio- economic discrimination.
Most of Muslim population has been living with poorly managed residence and some of
them are living in their huts. Muslim families are poor by which they are socially and
economically discriminated in getting job opportunities.
Majority of Muslim households performed their economic transaction within their own
community (77.4%) whereas half of non-Muslim households do transaction within own
56
community. Majority of Muslims respondents expressed that they received adequate
support from other community when they have family crisis (66.7%) while only 33
percent of respondents get support from own community. The majority of Muslim
households are taking loans/ debts for household consumption of which more
households use the loans for food, festivals, marriage, funerals and others. On the other
hand, more than 55 percent of non-Muslim households obtained family support from
other community.
5.5: Religious Setting
Tarai is a plain region where a large section of Muslims live in harmony with the large
section of Hindus without the compulsion of making any significant adjustment and
sacrifices in their beliefs and practices. The Muslims are originally Islam religion and
they perform their own religious duties according to holy book of Quaran.
It is claimed by the participations in FGDs that Islam religion itself shows harmonious
nature and sense of social solidarity by which Muslims always respect and put due
friendship to other religions and communities (although they are rigid in beliefs,
thoughts and religious values). All Muslims do As Quaran says. ‘Quaran says that
Muslims should perform their religious or cultural/social duties with expressing due
respect to other religions or communities’. Accordingly, all Muslims conduct themselves
friendship with other communities (Hindus and Buddhists) and precede mutual
assistance/ helps to the neighbors in order to get communal harmony and national unity.
In the Quaran, mankind as a whole is occasionally referred to as Bani Adam (children of
Adam). Clearly, the Islamic function of clans is to give a sense of identity, but hierarchy
is established through strength of belief and righteousness.
57
The Muslims of the study area perform religious acts in Masjeed (Masque), celebrate Eid
and Ramadan/Roja according to the Arabic calendar. After restoration of federal nation
Muslims could perform their religious and cultural acts and programs without any
hesitation and fear. After the movement of 2062/063 religious activities among Muslims
could perform independently like registering Madarasa School, celebrating Roja and
reading Quaran. The pillars of Muslims are Tahara (cleanliness), Prayer (Salat), Sawm alRamadan (Fasting the Month of Ramadan), Zakat (The Prescribed Purifying Alms) and
Hajj (Pilgrimage).
The understanding and system of ideas between the two communities is the product of
centuries and mutual adjustment. The Hindus and Muslims co-exist independently
because they are willing to accept religion as an instrument of peace and human
salvation. The Hindus and Buddhists also express religious and communal harmony and
tolerance towards the Muslims in the study area. The Hindus perform their own
religious duties, namely Shivajee ko Puja,(worship to God Shiva), Bishnu ko Puja (worship
to Bishnu) and celebrate Dashain, Tihar, Holy ,Gurupurnima and etc. To achieve proper
unity among the two religious doctrines, the Muslims and non-Muslims have been felt a
need for give and take and appreciation of mutual difference without being threatened
by them.
58
CHAPTER-VI
ANALYSIS OF SOCIAL HARMONY BETWEEN MUSLIMS AND OTHERS
6.1: Day to Day life of Muslims
Some people think that religion is composed of rituals limited to certain times-that life is
divided into times for prayer and other times. They are very rigid about their norms and
values. They think about Allah and go on the pilgrimage to Makkah. At other times they
are engrossed in the business of the world. Life in this world is for them an unpleasant
rat-race. Such people are almost totally divorced from the Quaran and have their own
personal goals in life, their own understanding of morality, their own worldview and
sense of values. They have no idea of what the teaching of the Quaran really means.
Family life is the basis of an Islamic community and marriage is the basis for family
life. Marriage unites families in the community and the whole group supports each
other in living according to the laws of God. Halal is the right way to live as opposed to
Haram which is wrong. The family keeps up high moral intentions of tolerance,
understanding, patience and decency.
Muslims have strict rules on the food that they eat, especially thinking about meat. They
do not eat anything that is from a pig, pork, bacon and sausages are out as is anything
made from lard like ice-cream or biscuits. They eat meat which has to be prepared in a
special way which is called Halal. The favorite Muslim meals are curries, kebabs and
rice.
59
Muslims wash and pray before meals. The eldest person always eats first. Drinking
alcohol is strictly forbidden. They do not provide it for non-Muslim guests and they are
not allowed to sell it for a profit. Muslims have several rules about clothes. Men must
cover their bodies between the waist and knees, even when swimming or showering.
Women must cover her from head to toe with the exception of her hands and face.
Ladies often wear long tunics over loose trousers. The clothes should neither be
transparent nor show up the shape of the woman's body. In this country a few Muslim
women wear western dress and they dress very modestly. It is quite common to see
women.
From the time they wake up in the morning to the time they retire to bed, Muslims are
constantly engaged in worship, mindful of Allah's laws, orders, and guidance. Islam is
often called a way of life, rather than simply a religion or belief system. The Islamic
concept of worship is very broad. The Muslims do anything in accordance with God's
guidance and laws are considered an act of worship. Speaking the truth, refraining from
scandal (rumor), dealing honestly in commercial affairs, treating one's parents with
respect and honor, helping the poor and needy, dealing lovingly and fairly with family
members and non-Muslims — all of these actions, done for the sake of Allah, are forms
of worship among the Muslims living in study area.
6.2: Religious Tolerance
Religion is one of the agents contributing to the integration of society. The religious
toleration is the highest evidence of culture in a people. Religion provides ‘we feeling’
among its members. In the study area, performance of religious rites, participation in
festivals, leadership provided by priests and religious functionaries, following many
common beliefs and values, which all reinforces the unity among the two communities.
60
Both the communities reported in FGDs that if religious sentiments are exploited with an
economic or political motive it gives rise to the genesis of communalism and intolerance.
But, in our pluralistic societies, there are no religious sentiments and intolerance
occurred still now. Central Member of Muslim Itehad Sangh reports that non-Muslims
majority people have ever shown the sense of untouchability towards Muslims that
should
be
abolished/
eliminated
through
the
constitutional
approval
and
implementation of equal grounds for all religions and its equal identity. But, sometime
Muslims are discriminated from the Madeshi community.
The Tarai Muslims spend much time in religious activities. They pray Namaz five times
in a day and pay religious tax (Zakat) that fund goes to building Madarasa and Mosque,
educational materials, medical and other supports to poor and for food during the
Ramjan. The KIIs explained that Muslims cannot deny social and religious practices
followed by non-Muslim which eventually pay due respect. They are likely to play so
many of his co-religionists and belong to several communities at the same time. They
have a heightened awareness of religious tolerance and social harmony. The argument
putting in qualitative survey is that the Tarai Muslims are finding themselves in a
tolerable position – socially, politically and economically. The Tarai Muslims respect all
Hindus living in Tarai because Muslims have communal harmony and sense of
tolerance. But after the establishments of federal state in Nepal in some respects Muslims
are delimited by cultural discriminations played by Madeshi dominant group Yadav and
others who ruled out differentiation between two cultures and suffering an identity
crisis as a result. Tarai Muslims have a distinct, viable and socially valuable identity.
There are many factors which have the potential to abandon alienation and isolation in
the Muslim community in Tarai.
61
On the other hand, non-Muslims are also honorable citizen who always respect fellow
citizen (Muslims and Buddhists) by trying to understand and honestly evaluate their
proposals and their evaluations of her own values. The findings from the survey shows
that out of 161 respondents, 60.2 percent of Muslims argued they have felt yet religious
security from the other communities, whereas 83.8 percent of non-Muslims enjoy
religious security at the time of social and religious ceremonies.
The fundamental natures of Hindus residing in Tarai have been screening tolerance and
mutual respects to live in harmony with the members of the society particularly with
Muslims. Data shows that more than 86 percent of respondents from non-Muslims
affirm that they have experienced normal quarrel without any fighting and eventually
they proceed to mutual tolerance in their society. It is concluded that the social and
religious activities between the two communities have been independently performed
with the sense of religious tolerance and integration of two communities.
6.3: Hierarchical Relationship
In the study, it is observed that the close relation between the landless workers and the
landowners in rural Tarai can be described as feudal principal-agent relationships,
where the workers have no other option than accepting the payment, and working
conditions, offered by the landlords.
The qualitative data concluded that the Tarai Dalits are trapped in this kind of inferior
relationships with the landlords. These feudal relationships may also include political
support for the landowners. The main traditional landlord castes are the Yadavs,
together with the Tharu landlords. They now compete with hill migrants, not only as
rural landlords, but also for political power at the local and national level. The ethnic62
based federalism that now appears to be the preferential solution among the Madheshbased political leaders as well as common Madhesi people. The Tarai Dalits, and other
ethnic, and religious, minorities in the Tarai will not necessarily be better off in a
Madhesi state ruled by the traditional Tarai landlords.
This study explores the strength and position of hierarchical relationship between
Muslims and non-Muslims in study area. From the beginning, social structure of
Nepalese society is characterized as Hindu society either in Tarai or in Hills. In the rural
parts of Tarai, the economic hierarchy is to a large extent determined by the land
distribution, and, as we can see, the land distribution is highly correlated with caste and
ethnicity. In the Tarai, the hill high castes constitute the upper level of the economic
hierarchy, together with the Yadavs and Tharus. This means that even though the
migrant high castes now have gained control over major resources in Tarai, the Yadav
and Tharu landlords still hold much power in their traditional areas.
President of Nepali Muslim Society, Saraj Ansari says that Muslims are doing social and
economic activities concomitantly with the migrated people but Muslims could not put
such friendly relationship towards the Madeshi people. According to the Central
Committee Member of Muslim Itehad Sangh- Alaam Ansari Muslims are always
discriminated, dominated and become subject of threat from Madeshi people. Madeshi
always looks down Muslim and put them distance from getting /consuming the fruits of
reservations provided by the state.
Most of participation of FGDs in study area reported that Musahar, Chamar, traditional
fishermen( Mallah) (Tarai Dalits) and some of the Hill Dalits who are relatively poor
and landless, or near landless, they are considered to be lower or sub-ordinary position
63
in their neighboring two communities (Muslims and non-Muslims). It is concluded that
the less wealthy households in Tarai are the socially excluded households, as defined by
the Hindu caste system which are Musahars, Chamars, and other Dalit groups are from
non-Muslim group settling at the very bottom of the caste-system. They live in separate
settlements at the outskirts of the villages, or near the fields, normally on unregistered
government land, or on their landlord's land. It is quite common to send children as
servants in the landlord's house, and the children rarely go to school.
6.4: Political Participation
The qualitative survey from FGDs and KIIs conclude that the Muslims were treated as
communal minority in the sense that the problem of religious identity, lingual
development and political participation in state mechanisms were left behind before the
constitution 1990. After establishment of federal state the Muslims politicians from Tarai
are actively involved in political bargain by which the places of worship, religious
endowments, Muslim personal law, and other institutions and aspects of Islamic culture
are somewhat addressed in constitution in order to strengthen self-confidence, mass
appeal and national unity. But, the leaderships of state machineries have denied
Muslim’s demands a fair share in education and in the economy. Muslim activists who
joined and received party tickets (i e, nomination) to contest elections at the state or
national level were seen as symbols of tokenism among the Muslim electorate, not as
legitimate representatives of the Muslim community particularly in Tarai.
In this context, qualitative data shows that non-Muslim people particularly Yadav are
dominant in Tarai and they discriminated in proportional participation of Muslim
representation in politics as well as in state mechanisms. So, this is the reason that Tarai
dominant high caste Hindu groups left behind the Muslims in politics
64
Quantitative data shows that out of 161 respondents in the study area more than 82
percent of them (from both communities) have been participated either in local or
national politics. More than 80 percent of Muslims have reported to be not involved in
politics while only 19.4 percent of them are participated. In contrast, among nonMuslims the scenario is rather severe that about 83 percent have not still participated
while only 14.7 percent involved in politics. The majority of Muslims who are now
participated in politics are involved in local level political representation particularly in
VDCs (92.5%). Among Muslims who could not participated in politics, 43.4 percent, 41.5
percent and 15 percent of them stated ‘not interest in politics’, ‘no achieved opportunity’
and ‘not given opportunity’ by other communities respectively. In against, among nonMuslims who are not involved in politics, 33.2 percent, 51.5 percent and 15.3 percent of
them stated ‘not interest in politics’, ‘no achieved opportunity’ and ‘not given
opportunity’ by other communities respectively.
It is understood that the Muslims are extremely poor and deprived economically and
politically in our society. Being politically and socially excluded Muslims are living in
discriminatory mode of life in enjoying their human rights. The Madheshi rich people
discriminate against Muslims in exercising their political as well as religious rights.
6.5: Participations in social and economic organizations
It is found in qualitative data that the Muslims in Tarai are trapped and discriminated in
receiving social capital, association in commercial and educational institutions. It is
attributed that they have inferior relationships with the dominants of high caste Yadav
and other communities. These feudal relationships may also include political support for
the landowners, namely Yadav and Pahadi people. The major traditional landlord castes
are the Yadavs, Pahadi migrants together with the Tharu landlords. They now compete
65
with hill migrants, not only as rural landlords, but also for political power at the local
and national level.
As regards their economic status, like other Tarai settlers, Muslims too entered Tarai as
farmers, and a majority of them continue to remain linked with agriculture. The lack of
proper statistics does not enable us to estimate landholdings of Muslims and their role in
agriculture. However, independent surveys reveal that all over Muslims in Sunsari
districts. The majority of Muslims have engaged in agricultures during the harvesting
season, either on their own lands or as tenant farmers. Inadequate income opportunities
in their hereditary profession have forced many occupational castes to fall upon tenant
farming or even work as daily wage laborers in nearby market centers. In the few urban
centers in Tarai, Muslims are however conspicuous in small-scale trade. In the towns of
Inaruwa, Itahari and adjoining market centers of India, Muslims have been occupied
small trades. The economic status of the Muslims in Tarai matches their inferior social
status if we compared it with non-Muslims. A caste based hierarchic social structure is
inevitably linked with feudal land relations where low caste people usually constitute
the lowest economic strata and have little or no influence on the society and economy of
that country.
Hindu dominant caste from non-Muslim group are the driver of social and economic
organizations. In the Tarai the hill high castes constitute the upper level of the economic
hierarchy, but together with the Yadavs and Tharus. It implies that the hill migrant of
high castes have gained control over major social and economic opportunities and
representations in Tarai, the Yadav and Tharu landlords still hold much power in their
organizational structures.
6.6: Social Harmony on structure and Agency
66
The qualitative data shows that the strength of the Muslims in the Tarai region
demonstrates the feeling of religious--ethnic identity in the present set-up of pluralist polity,
which acknowledges the multi-ethnic and multi-religious nature of Nepali society. In the study
area, population from each communities are independently exposed their own
fundamental values and traditions in their religion-cultural activities with promoting
integration among different communities. The Muslims always put due respects and
religious tolerance for the religious and cultural activities of Hindus.
The common feelings reported by the Key informants that Nepal have been a history of
assimilation process or a drive for Hinduzation under the protection of Hindu
monarchy. Muslims were not only relegated to an inferior rank in the caste hierarchy,
they were even considered as 'bidharmi' (irreligious) for being 'bideshi' (foreigner) by the
so-called Hindu high caste dominants(non-Muslims). Muslims in Tarai had no option
other than accepting a low social position and discriminative constitutionalism in
achieving political and socio-economic opportunities. Putting the behind all Muslims in
Tarai favors the notion of social integration and communal harmony.
The participants in FGDs and KIIs reported that the political transformation from
absolute monarchy to federal state has brought some visible effects on religious
tolerance, multicultural assimilation, social inclusion and communal harmony among
Hindus and Muslims. Since the beginning of their settlement in Tarai, Muslims have
always kept a very low profile, and have quietly accepted their low caste rank in the
social hierarchy, assigned to them on account of being outside the Hindu religion.
Tarai is only geographical region where a very large section of Muslims live in
harmony with the large section of Hindus without the compulsion of making any
67
significant adjustment and sacrifices in their beliefs and practices. It is found that the
understanding and system of ideas between the two communities are the impacts of
communal harmony of centuries. They live in peace and harmony all over the Tarai, and
should fulfill the will of God for peace and universal unity. In pluralistic like in Tarai the
sense of religious and communal Harmony has been prevailed to outbreak of possible
violence between Hindus and Muslims.
68
CHAPTER-VII
SOCIAL INCLUSION AND EXCLUSION OF MUSLIMS
7.1: Inclusion/Exclusion on Society
Social exclusion occurs when a group is barred ‘from rights or entilemnets as a citizen,
where rights include the social right to a certain standard of living and to participation in
society’ (UNDP 1997). The scale of exclusions among the Tarai Muslims is marked
widely in social, economic and political settings. Besides, poverty, discrimination and
disadvantaged position at household and community level are the key elements of
exclusion among the Tarai Muslims. Social and Political exclusion is observed among
Muslims in both vertical and horizontal dimensions. In the context of religious and
caste/ethnic identity many sub-groups of Yadav simply show their strength, solidarity
and feelings of dominance towards the Tarai Muslims. Lack of representation due to the
biased political mechanisms and discriminative nature of Tarai high caste groups are the
clear reflection of exclusion in the development processes of the nation.
Poverty and low livelihood status caused by subsistence agriculture, low ownership of
land, no access to employment opportunities and loans are the major factors which
sequentially discriminated and excluded Muslims rather than Dalits in the study area.
According to former UML Candidate, Central Member of Muslim Itehad Sangh reports
that non-Muslims majority people have always excluded Muslims by showing their
sense of untouchability that should be abolished/ eliminated through the constitutional
approval and implementation of equal grounds for all religions and its equal identity.
According to the Central Committee member of Muslim Itehad Sangh Alaam Ansari
69
Muslims are always discriminated, dominated and become subject of threat from
Madeshi people. Madeshi always looks down Muslim and put them distance from
getting /consuming the fruits of reservations provided by the state.
The quantitative data shows that out of 161 respondents 93.5 percent of Muslims argued
they are socially discriminated and excluded in social and political grounds while the
proportion of non-Muslims is slightly lower (82.4%). On the question of whether there is
practice of inclusion has perceived in governmental mechanisms. About 97 percent of
Muslim respondents have claimed not having such practice of inclusion in their
community while the proportion of non-Muslims is marginally lower (95%).
7.2: Inclusion/Exclusion on Economy
The majority of Muslims in the study area are farm workers and labors. Apart from that
some of them are petty shopkeepers, vendors, and so on from which they make little
money for the betterment of their family. The financial situation of Muslims is rather
worse than others except Dalits. The FGDs and KIIs conclude that the Muslims are
discriminated in job opportunity, loan taking from banks and other formal institutions in
the state, and overwhelmingly they are excluded from reservation in governmental jobs
all of which jointly affect the economic careers among the Muslims in the study area.
Quantitative data explained that about 52 percent of Muslim households have own land
whereas about 81 percent of non-Muslims have own land. Most of respondents of
Muslim households argued that they perceived lack of adequate livelihood
opportunities which create various types of food security problems. Only 47 percent
surveyed Muslims said that their annual income is adequate in a year for family
necessities while the proportion is significantly higher among the non-Muslims (75%).
So, more than 52 percent of Muslims have faced the problem of not adequate income for
70
family requirements whereas only 25 percent of non-Muslims undergo such problem.
The higher ratio of Muslims respondents reported that they received adequate support
from other community when they feel family crisis (66.7%) while only 33 percent of
respondents get support from own community. Data supports that the inter-community
transaction and support system are satisfactorily. The majority of Muslim households
are taking loans/ debts for household consumption of which more households use the
loans for food, festivals, marriage, funerals and others.
So, it is found that relatively Muslim community is living in low social and economic
surroundings that would naturally be deprived/ excluded from political participation
and acquiring social capitals if we compared it with non-Muslims.
7.3: Inclusion/Exclusion on Politics
Muslim population is one of the victim groups of regional discrimination against the
Tarai people. Political participation and association of Muslims are still low despite the
new political establishments since the post-Jana Andolan II 2006. But, Muslims appears
as a community which largely fails to cope with the emerging liberal situation in Nepal.
Qualitative data shows that their lower representation in power structure of the country
is a hard reality from the very beginning. Many Muslims contested the general elections
after the newly established multiparty democracy in 1990, but, their representative
position in legislature and decision- making bodies is negligible. Their share of
representation in legislature is much lower than the strength of the Muslims population
(2% in 1990’s Parliamentarian election and 3 % in 2008 CA election) (Hachhethu, 2009).
The qualitative survey from FGDs and KIIs explain that the Muslims were treated as
communal minority by which political participation in state mechanisms were left
71
behind before the constitution 1990. After establishment of federal state the Muslims
politicians from Tarai are actively involved in political bargainings. But, Muslim political
leaders who joined and received party tickets (i e, nomination) to contest elections at the
state or national level were seen as symbols of tokenism among the Muslim electorate,
not as legitimate representatives of the Muslim community particularly in Tarai.
In this respects, qualitative data report that non-Muslim people particularly Yadav are
dominant in Tarai and they discriminated/ excluded in proportional participation of
Muslim representation in politics as well as in state mechanisms. So, it is the facts that
the Tarai dominant high caste Hindu groups left behind the Muslims in politics and
opportunities.
Quantitative data explain that out of 161 respondents in the study area more than 82
percent of them (from both communities) have been participated either in local or
national politics. Significant proportion of Muslims has reported to be not involved in
politics (80% while only 19.4 percent of them are participated. In contrast, among nonMuslims about 83 percent have not still participated while only 14.7 percent participated
in politics. So, it is found that relatively Muslim have low participation in politics that
would naturally be deprived/ excluded from the mainstream development compared it
with non-Muslims.
7.4: Inclusion/Exclusion on Society
Social exclusion is a social process which involves denial of rights and opportunities,
which the majority/privileged enjoy, resulting in the inability of individuals from
excluded groups to participate in the basic political, economic and social functioning of
the society, thereby causing high human poverty and deprivation among them.
72
The study is attempted to explore whether Muslim respondents experienced/perceived
unequal or differential treatments vis-à-vis their non-Muslim people. Muslims and their
children is experienced exclusionary and discriminatory nature. As per reporting’s
arguments from the participants of FGDs and KIIs, it is found that the so-called high
caste groups tend to behave discrimination against Muslims in denial of access to
education, skill development programs, social activities, religious ceremonies,
community meetings, wage labor, health facility and household amenities. Through
which, they could not obtain quality jobs and force them to fall back on low earning
manual wage labor in farming and non-farming activities. Specifically, denial of access
to education in governmental and private schools, not recognition to Madarsa education
leads to high illiteracy, high dropout rates, limited skill development, human capital and
ultimately high poverty.
There are also found that the discriminations are also observed mostly among the
Muslims in the sphere of public health service provider and private health provider may
operate through denial of admission in the primary health centre. A similar nature of
discrimination is also found especially against Muslims in denial of access to safe
drinking water and other civic amenities which are likely to result in poor health,
increase the number of sick days, lower the days of employment and ultimately impact
the income levels negatively.
The quantitative data also reveals that the similar type of exclusion against the Muslims.
Out of 161 respondents, 93.5 percent of Muslims perceived they are socially
discriminated while slightly lower proportion of non-Muslims falls in that
discrimination (83%). More than 96 percent of Muslims reported that they could not get
adequate provision of Madrasa education, 75.3 percent of Muslims are not attend
73
government schools because of no favorable environment they perceived in schools. The
main causes of their low participation in mainstream schools are lack of religious
education in the mainstream schools, lack of Islamic environment, language of
instruction from local language, lack of awareness of Muslim parents, absence of female
teacher, parade system (veil).
7.5: Inclusion/Exclusion Local governance
The qualitative survey from FGDs and KIIs conclude that the government officials
generally ignore and ill-treat Muslims, and precede them as second-class citizens. The
Muslims were treated as communal minority in the sense they want to establish own
separate religious/communal identities in state machineries. Key positions in political
parties are mostly held by higher-caste people. Muslims are prevented from holding
major posts and are always discouraged from exercising their political rights. The
political leaders from non-Muslim communities pay popular slogans/programs to
Muslim communities in order to collect votes. The non-Muslim leaders Political parties
mobilize the Muslims only to serve the interest of the party. The major Political parties
never encourage Muslims to become candidates, resulting in few Muslims
representatives in the National Assembly and also governmental organizations. The
voices of the Muslims are hardly heard, and the representation in governmental
machineries in decision making bodies is almost negligible.
The participants of FGDs and KIIs argue that after establishment of federal state the
Muslims politicians/leaders from Tara are actively involved in political bargaining by
which the places of worship, religious endowments, Muslim religion, and other
institutions and aspects of Islamic culture are somewhat addressed in constitution in
order to strengthen self-confidence, mass appeal and national unity. But, the leaders of
74
state machineries who are from non-Muslims have denied Muslim’s demands a fair
share in education and in the economy.
In this context, qualitative data shows that non-Muslim people particularly Yadav are
dominant in Tarai and they discriminated in proportional participation of Muslim
representation in politics as well as in state mechanisms. So, it is the reason that Tarai
dominant high caste Hindu groups left behind the Muslims in politics
Quantitative data shows that out of 161 respondents in the study area more than 80
percent of Muslims have reported not involving in politics while only 19.4 percent of
them are involving. In contrast, among non-Muslims the picture is seen severe that
about 83 percent have not still involved while only 14.7 percent involved in politics. The
majority of Muslims who are now participated in politics are involved in local level
political representation particularly in VDCs (92.5%). It is summarized that the Muslims
are extremely discriminated and excluded from non-Muslim people particularly Yadav
and others in local/ national politics.
7.6: Inclusion/Exclusion Formal and Non-formal Institutions
Involvement in formal and informal institutions like VDC, DDC, and governmental
service based committees, Aama Samuha, Youth clubs, School Management Committee
and NGOs bring the positive impacts in their organizational life in general and enhance
their sustainable livelihood condition in particular. The qualitative data shows that in
Bhutaha VDC of Sunsari district association of surveyed Muslim respondents in social
organizations and financial institutions is found to be lower if we compared it with
national level or non-Muslims. Association of Muslims has been persuaded by three
major platforms, namely ethnic or religious organizations, NGOs and political parties.
75
The establishment of Muslim Sava Samiti in 1974 added a value of persuasion of
associational life of the Muslim community. Muslim organizations are Islamic Youth
Sangh, Nepal Muslim Jamiat, Nepal Muslim Sangh, and Nepal Muslim Welfare and so
on. Basically these organizations are confined to religious and cultural affairs of Muslim
community. Their effectiveness to influence the state and government policy is likely to
be negligible or it would be questionable.
The information from FGDs and KIIs shows that the majority of Muslims are not found
to be involved in formal institutions like executive members in VDC, DDC, and
governmental service based committees and School Management Committee. On the
other hand, there are few non-Muslim people who are still involved in such
organizations. But, some of the young people from Muslim community are actively
associated in district level Journalist whereas the majority of journalists are from nonMuslims. Among non-Muslims some of the women/men are involved in Aama Samuha,
Credit and Saving Cooperatives, School Management Committee, Journalism and
Executive Member in VDCs and DDC. It is concluded that there are found more
discriminations and exclusion against Muslims in formal and non-formal Institutions
76
CHAPTER-VIII
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
8.1: Summary of Major Findings
According to the 2001 census, the 993196 Muslims in Nepal comprise 4.29 percent of the
total population. Nevertheless, they form the second largest religious group in Tarai.
Muslim intellectuals itself believes that because of their vulnerable position in society,
Muslims have by and large remained loyal to the ruling party and 'pro-system' as it
ensured physical and moral security provided by the Hindu rulers.
Despite the Urdu mother tongue among Muslims living in Tarai Urdu language/dialect
is not became common language among them. The Muslims no longer wish to accept
their inferior status in society. Disaster (2004) stated that Muslims constitute the most
distinct and well-defined minority group in the Hindu kingdom of Nepal.
The Muslims are going through the problems of religious and racial discriminations in
Tarai through the majority dominant group favoring Hinduism. Being the minority
population status among Muslims, the so-called Tarai high caste Hindus dominates rest
of the society by controlling the state and societal apparatus with constitutional and legal
of Hindu ideology, which severely disadvantages Muslim community.
Research Problem
The Muslims residing in Tarai are discriminated and excluded due to the illiteracy,
poverty and lack of political participation. Despite the establishments of federal state in
Nepal Muslims are delimited by cultural discriminations played by Madeshi dominant
77
group Yadav and others who ruled out differentiation between two cultures and
suffering an identity crisis as a result. The Muslims could not perceive their lingual
freedom, individual respect and identity from the side of non-Muslims. The respects on
the religious and cultural diversities are not in practice which is also challenge foe
religious tolerance.
Rationale of the Study
The study investigates about why and who the Muslim community has been excluded
from non-Muslims is now urgent need to recognize in order to bring them in
mainstream of development and establish their communal identity. The state mechanism
and high caste domination are jointly responsible to marginalize the Muslims which are
common barriers for addressing Muslim identity in the existing social structure. The
findings of the study will help to establish social harmony, religious tolerance and
mutual respect between the Muslim and non-Muslim communities.
Methods of Selecting Household and Respondents
The Sunsari district is one among the six districts of Koshi Anchal of Eastern
development region of Nepal. The geographical formation of Sunsari district is made of
Mahabharat Forest, Charkose Jungal and fertile Tara plain land. There are 49 Village
Development Committees (VDCs) and 3 Municipalities in Sunsari district. The Bhutaha
VDC is among the 47 VDCs covered in Sunsari, which is our selected study area,
residing mostly inhabitants of Muslims.
78
Sample Size and Selection
The sampling frame is developed on the basis of Multi-stage cluster sampling techniques
with 95%confidence interval of (5%) sampling error; this will be 161 sample sizes. The
quantitative data is collected through previously prepared close-ended questionnaire
The sample clusters are selected randomly one Tarai district Sunsari. The Cluster is
selected from mixed population groups where the representation is made of maximum
caste/ethnic groups especially Muslims. At the cluster level, a systematic random
sampling technique is used for unbiasedness of household and respondent selection.
First of all, two wards of Bhutaha VDC are selected randomly. Then, two household lists
(separate for each ward) are prepared from the selected two wards (ward no. 5 and 9)
with the help of a knowledgeable person in Bhutaha VDC. Considering the ethnic,
religious and cultural diversities in Tarai, the researcher himself takes the consideration
during the time of selection of households that the equal number of households from the
Muslim and non-Muslim community would be selected randomly. It facilitates a
comparative study between the two groups. Only 40 households from each ward are
selected with the systematic random sampling procedure. From the selected households,
one male and one female are purposely interviewed in order to obtain representative
information on the purposed research issues.
Age and Sex structure of the Study Population
The total population of Muslims is enumerated to be 533 within a total of 40 households
of them 277 and 256 are males and females respectively. Further, there are recording 424
total population from non-Muslim community of them 232 and 198 are males and
females respectively. There is lower child population in Muslim community (43%)
79
compared to non- Muslim community (44%). This indicates that majority of child
population is pronounced in non-Muslim population. The proportion of economically
active population aged 15-59 years is fairly higher in Muslim community (50.4%) against
non-Muslims (49.4%). There is apparently higher proportion of males and females in
economically active population among Muslim population (50.5% and 50.3% for males
and females respectively) compared to non-Muslims (50.2% and 48.4% for males and
females respectively.
Education and Occupation
The total literacy rate for the study population (both the communities) is marginally
higher (56.4%) compared to national figure (54%). Further, overall literacy rate for the
Muslims is reported to be 49.2 percent which is notably lower with compared to nonMuslims counterparts (58.5%). The proportion of Muslim dwellers who have achieved
the levels of education preceding the survey is significantly lower in secondary, SLC or
IA and Bachelor or
above levels ( 17.3%, 12.2% and 4.8 % respectively) while the
comparables are higher for nom-Muslims (25.6%, 27.4% and 10.4% respectively). The
ratios of Muslims who attained the primary and lower secondary levels are higher than
that of non-Muslims, but, after the secondary level, non-Muslims outnumbered the
Muslims in achieving higher educational levels.
Migratory History
The Muslim population in Tarai is considered to be indigenous social group but they
were immigrants from the very beginning. Majority of study population are enumerated
to be immigrated before 100 years (52.8%). Data reveals that more than 62 percent of
Muslims are reported that they were immigrated before 100 years in the study area
80
while the larger proportion of non-Muslims are said to be immigrants before 100 to 50
years.
Mother tongue and language
The majority of Muslims use Maithili as mother tongue (66.7%) whereas all the nonMuslim population are spoken Maithili as mother tongue. More than 20 percent of
Muslims used Bhojpuri as mother tongue. Out of 93 Muslim respondents in the study
area 64.5 percent reported to use Urdu language and only 29 percent claimed to use
Maithili language. As a contrast, the overwhelming majority of non-Muslim population
are spoken Maithili (94.1%).
Land ownership
Out of 161 respondents from both communities, majority of them have own land (53.45)
whereas 10. 6 percent have land less than 10 Kattha. The larger proportion of nonMuslims have received own land more than 31 Kattha (73.5%) than that of Muslims
(38.7%). Data reveal that access to land does not considerably vary between Muslims and
non-Muslims households in study area. More than 52 percent of Muslim households
have own land whereas about 81 percent of non-Muslims have own land.
Religion
The study shows that all the Muslims have claimed that they should have respects
Hindus and Hindus do the same for maintaining their own communal harmony and
identity. From the study we conclude that there is helpful for the growth of a great
civilization broadly in Nepali unity and especially in Tarai region which preserve the
rich tradition of social harmony among diverse religious and ethnic groups.
81
Inter-group Relation between Muslims and non-Muslim communities
The issues on perception of respondents about the internal relationship between
Muslims and non-Muslims communities shows that majority of respondents in total
claimed normal relationship between them (67.1%) whereas more than 32 percent
reported to be friendship relationship. On the other hand, among Muslim respondents
more than 80 percent reported that they have perceived normal relationship and
followed by friendship relation (18.3%). The majority of respondents in total said normal
relationship between them (78.9%) whereas 15 percent reported to be friendship
relationship. Among Muslim respondents more than 75 percent reported that they have
undergone normal relationship and followed by friendship relation (17.2%).
Majority of respondents in total declared that they have argued normal relationship
between them (77%) whereas more than 23 percent reported to be friendship
relationship. But, among Muslim respondents more than 65 percent reported that they
have apparently experienced normal relationship and followed by friendship relation
(34.4%).
Economic
More than 52 percent of Muslim households have own land whereas about 81 percent of
non-Muslims have own land. More than 47 percent of Muslims have no own land while
the proportion of non-Muslims is lower (19%). Most of respondents of Muslims
households argued that they perceived lack of adequate livelihood opportunities which
create various types of food security problems. Significantly higher proportion of nonMuslim respondents claimed that they have adequate family income in a year to
maintain their necessities (75.0%) while the proportion is lower among the Muslim
82
respondents (47.3%). Majority of Muslim households performed their economic
transaction within their own community (77.4%) whereas half of non-Muslim
households do transaction within own community.
Religious Setting
All Muslims conduct themselves friendship with other communities (Hindus and
Buddhists) and precede mutual assistance/ helps to the neighbors in order to get
communal harmony and national unity. The pillars of Muslims are Tahara (cleanliness),
Prayer (Salat), Sawm al-Ramadan (Fasting the Month of Ramadan), Zakat (The
Prescribed Purifying Alms) and Hajj. The Hindu and Muslims co-exist independently
because they are willing to accept religion as an instrument of peace and human
salvation.
Religious Tolerance
The Tarai Muslims respect all Hindus living in Tarai because Muslims have communal
harmony and sense of tolerance. But after the establishments of federal state in Nepal in
some respects Muslims are delimited by cultural discriminations played by Madeshi
dominant group Yadav and others who ruled out differentiation between two cultures
and suffering an identity crisis as a result. The non-Muslims are also honorable citizen
who always respect her fellow citizen (Muslims and Buddhists) by trying to understand
and honestly evaluate their proposals and their evaluations of her own values.
Hierarchical Relationship
The qualitative data concluded that the Tarai Dalits are trapped in this kind of inferior
relationships with the landlords. These feudal relationships may also include political
83
support for the landowners. The main traditional landlord castes are the Yadavs,
together with the Tharu landlords. They now compete with hill migrants, not only as
rural landlords, but also for political power at the local and national level. Muslims are
always discriminated, dominated and become subject of threat from Madeshi people.
Madeshi always looks down Muslim and put them distance from getting /consuming the
fruits of reservations provided by the state.
Political Participation
The non-Muslim people particularly Yadav are dominant in Tarai and they
discriminated in proportional participation of Muslim representation in politics as well
as in state mechanisms. The Tarai dominant high caste Hindu groups left behind the
Muslims in politics. Quantitative data shows that out of 161 respondents in the study
area more than 82 percent of them (from both communities) have been participated
either in local or national politics. More than 80 percent of Muslims have reported to be
not involved in politics while only 19.4 percent of them are participated. In contrast,
among non-Muslims the scenario is rather severe that about 83 percent have not still
participated while only 14.7 percent involved in politics.
Participations in social and economic organizations
The majority of Muslims have engaged in agricultures during the harvesting season,
either on their own lands or as tenant farmers. Inadequate income opportunities in their
hereditary profession have forced many occupational castes to fall upon tenant farming
or even work as daily wage laborers in nearby market centers. Hindu dominant castes
from non-Muslim group are the driver of social and economic organizations. In the Tarai
the hill high castes constitute the upper level of the economic hierarchy, but together
84
with the Yadavs and Tharus. It implies that the hill migrant of high castes have gained
control over major social and economic opportunities and representations in Tarai, the
Yadav and Tharu landlords still hold much power in their organizational structures.
Social Harmony on Structure and Agency
The political transformation from absolute monarchy to federal state has brought some
visible effects on religious tolerance, multicultural assimilation, social inclusion and
communal harmony among Hindus and Muslims. They live in peace and harmony all
over the Tarai, and should fulfill the will of God for peace and universal unity. In
pluralistic like in Tarai the sense of religious and communal Harmony has been
prevailed to outbreak of possible violence between Hindus and Muslims.
Inclusion/Exclusion on Society
Muslims and their children is experienced exclusionary and discriminatory nature. It is
found that the so-called high caste groups tend to behave discrimination against
Muslims in denial of access to education, skill development programs, social activities,
religious ceremonies, community meetings, wage labor, health facility and household
amenities. Muslims are always discriminated, dominated and become subject of threat
from Madheshi people. Madheshi always looks down Muslim and put them distance
from getting /consuming the fruits of reservations provided by the state. The
quantitative data shows that out of 161 respondents 93.5 percent of Muslims argued they
are socially discriminated and excluded in social and political grounds while the
proportion of non-Muslims is slightly lower (82.4%). About 97 percent of Muslim
respondents have claimed not having such practice of inclusion in their community
while the proportion of non-Muslims is marginally lower (95%).
85
Inclusion/Exclusion on Economy
About 52 percent of Muslim households have own land whereas about 81 percent of
non-Muslims have own land. Most of respondents of Muslim households argued that
they perceived lack of adequate livelihood opportunities which create various types of
food security problems. More than 52 percent of Muslims have faced the problem of not
adequate income for family requirements whereas only 25 percent of non-Muslims
undergo such problem. The higher ratio of Muslims respondents reported that they
received adequate support from other community when they feel family crisis (66.7%)
while only 33 percent of respondents get support from own community.
Inclusion/Exclusion on Politics
Muslim population is one of the victim groups of regional discrimination against the
Tarai people. Political participation and association of Muslims are still low despite the
new political establishments since the post-Jana Andolan II 2006. But, Muslims appears
as a community which largely fails to cope with the emerging liberal situation in Nepal.
The Muslims were treated as communal minority by which political participation in
state mechanisms were left behind before the constitution 1990. After establishment of
federal state the Muslims politicians from Tarai are actively involved in political
bargaining.
Muslims in Inclusion/Exclusion Local governance
Key positions in political parties are mostly held by higher-caste people. Muslims are
prevented from holding major posts and are always discouraged from exercising their
political rights. The political leaders from non-Muslim communities pay popular
86
slogans/programs to Muslim communities in order to collect votes. The non-Muslim
leaders Political parties mobilize the Muslims only to serve the interest of the party.
The data show that non-Muslim people particularly Yadav are dominant in Tarai and
they discriminated in proportional participation of Muslim representation in politics as
well as in state mechanisms. So, it is the reason that Tarai dominant high caste Hindu
groups left behind the Muslims in politics. Out of 161 respondents in the study area
more than 80 percent of Muslims have reported not involving in politics while only 19.4
percent of them are involving.
Inclusion/Exclusion Formal and Non-formal Institutions
The majority of Muslims are not found to be involved in formal institutions like
executive members in VDC, DDC, and governmental service based committees and
School Management Committee. On the other hand, there are few non-Muslim people
who are still involved in such organizations. Among non-Muslims some of the
women/men are involved in Aama Samuha, Credit and Saving Cooperatives, School
Management Committee, Journalism and Executive Member in VDCs and DDC.
87
8.2: Conclusions
From the very beginning Nepalese society is characterized as Hindu society and it is
governed by High caste Hindu people. The development policies adopted for these
groups have been merely welfare-oriented. They do not address the structural problem
that marginalize and impoverish these citizens. Constitution of Nepal strictly says that
state shall not discriminate the citizens on the basis of Religion, Colour, Sex, Caste,
Ethnicity or Conviction or any of these similarly interim constitution 2062/63 define
Nepal as federal state despite a lots of effort made by government some group are still
compelled to live with threats and in discriminatory position and Muslim is one of it. On
the one hand ,Muslim people are frequently oppressed by Tarai High caste group
especially form Yadavs group and another hand they have very low social, economic
position in society.
The following points are highlighted as follows.
 Hindu value system is the cornerstone in the process of state formation of Nepal
from past to even today, which is major reason for social exclusion of non Hindu
group.
 Muslim Population is one of the major groups in Tarai but unfortunately they are
left behind with respect to social, political and economic spheres.
 The Muslim is going through the problem of religious and racial discrimination in
Tarai as well as they are delimited by cultural discrimination by Madeshi
dominant group like Yadav.
 The major traditional landlord castes in the study area are the Yadav, Phadi
Migrants together with the Tharu landlords which dominate the Mulsim groups.
88
 Overall literacy rate for the Muslim population is lower than that of non-Muslim
in Tarai as well as there is wider gender gap in education among Muslim
Population, which indicates that they have no access to capture the new
opportunities and improve the quality of life and the situation of female is worse
than male members. So this group should be prioritized in literacy and education
programmes.
 This study indicates that large number of non Mulsim has their own land
compared to Muslim Population, which indicates their low economic status in the
society.

Non-Muslim people particularly Yadav are dominant in Tarai and on the other
hand Muslim people are politically handicapped due to their low participation in
politics at the national level.

The voices of the Muslim are hardly heard and the representation in
governmental mechanism is almost negligible similarly majority of Muslims are
not involved in formal institution like executive members in VDC, DDC and
governmental service, which indicates their low social status in the society.

Muslim people were considered as Bidharmi(irreligious) for being ‘bideshi’ by socalled Hindu caste.

All the communities in the study are in the favor of communal Harmony and
identity and they accept that there should have respect to each other but despite
the acceptance of communal harmony among Tarai caste Muslims have
subordinate position and they are discriminated by Tarai high caste like Yadav
and Pahadi Hindu.
89

Majority of Muslims reported that Tarai region should not to be Madesh due to
their discriminated position political, social and economic spheres by Madeshi
upper castes.

Muslims have low access to opportunities and productive assets which
contributed to high incidence of poverty and food insecurity among them.

Muslims are always discriminated, dominated and become subject of threat from
Madeshi people. Madeshi always looks down Muslim and put them distance
from getting /consuming the fruits of reservations provided by the state.

The data shows that non-Muslim people particularly Yadav are dominant in Tarai
and they discriminated in proportional participation of Muslim representation in
politics as well as in state mechanisms. So, it is the reason that Tarai dominant
high caste Hindu groups left behind the Muslims in politics.
8.3: Recommendations on Policy Measures
Utilizing the secondary data taken from the survey, the study has achieved some
meaningful recommendations that will be beneficial for powerful impetus to social change
and social cohesion/inclusion. Based on the findings of the study, the following
recommendations are made.

In the diverse cultural and social settings among Muslims and non-Muslims, the
issue of inclusion and exclusion are interacting with diverse social, political and
economic. Regarding this, Government should initiate the structural adjustment
policies/programs that require for the tolerating diverse cultures to recognizing
and respecting Muslim religion and cultures with due importance.
90

Quran is written in Arabic. Most of Muslims knows it in reading Quran, but in
practice Urdu is well known among Muslims, this is why it should be expanded
in curriculum and official uses legally even in Muslim community. The state
should formulate/initiate wider minority language policies that encourage Urdu
language. Government should make provision to teach Urdu in Madarasa, and
should prescribed Urdu as an optional subject in public schools as well as in
Madarasa. Such provision can provide identity for Urdu language as Nepali
national languages. The national educational programs should integrate Urdu as
optional subject for Muslim community. Government should change constitution
to motivate non-Muslims for developing communal harmony and broadening the
Muslim identity.

The non-Muslims majority people have ever shown the sense of untouchability
against Muslims that should be abolished/ eliminated through the constitutional
approval and implementation of equal grounds for all religions and its equal
identity. Muslims are always discriminated, dominated and become subject of
threat from Madheshi people. The constitutional change is required to
formulate/implement visible participation for the Muslim population in politics
and state mechanisms.

To address the inter religions tolerance and friendships, Government needs to
address both at the policy and implementation level by advocating the Muslims
and non-Muslims to organizes awareness programs jointly to disseminates the
feelings of social harmony
and collective solidarity and common religious
alliance.
91

Despite the emphasis of Interim Plan (2007) the social inclusion policy can not
embrace an inclusive vision to encompassing a common purpose and shared
community among the Muslims and non-Muslims, so, government should
urgently address the common religious and social functions that strengthen the
sense of inter-group solidarity. The recent political moves have shown some
positive signals for inclusive society, which could open a door for social inclusion
to have begun form the question of religious problem. The political change and
subsequent provisions in legal codes are not in position to provide the desired
fruit of inclusion among the Muslims. It is still a need for all the inclusive efforts
towards the direction of holistic change in communal and religious friendship
that develop the visible practice of secularism within the plural societies.

In establishment of federal system, Madarasa schools and its educational
programs are not sufficient; Government should pay proper supports in
strengthening the Madarasa schools for increasing the educational level of
Muslims, and should provide equivalence to IA, BA levels passed from the
Madarasa. Science and Technology, management, engineering, arts and skill
development trainings/education should integrate in Madarasa education
program and should provide employment/jobs them accordingly in all over the
societies.

Muslims are extremely poor and deprived economically and marginalized
socially and politically in our society, so, state should urgently initiate political as
well as economic opportunities/social welfare schemes through constitutional
reforms in order to provide fruits of social inclusion among Muslims. Besides,
government should
formulate and implement Muslim family laws and policies
for achieving equal opportunities in employment and education
92
Annexes 1: Questionnaires
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lhNnf M ________________uf=la=;=÷g=kf= M _____________________j8f g+= M ______, uf+p 6f]n M
_________________sn:6/ g+ ___
laz]if ;d'bfo____________________cGtjf{tf{ePsf] ldlt M ut] _________dlxgf______;fn __________cGtjf{tf
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AolQmsf] gfd / ;lxM _____________________
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94
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cGtjf{tf{ ug]{ AolQmsf] ;'k/efOh/sf] gfd / ;lxM _____________________
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95
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96
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97
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98
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99
@@)
pb{' efiffnfO{ Jojxf/Ls ?kdf sfdsfhLsf]
efiff jgfpg s] ug'{ knf{
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lghfdlt ;]jf k|fOe]6 If]qdf /f]huf/L sf] lghfdltdf @
cj;/ k|fKt 5 <
k|fOe]6df #
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@@@
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ePsf] xf]nf <
cj;/ gkfP/ !
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5 !
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!
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100
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101
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g/fd|f] @
;fdfGo #
$)@
olb g/fd|f] / ;fdfGo ;DjGw xf] eg] s]
d'lZndx? oxfF k5f8L j;fO{ ;/]/ cfpgfn]
xf] <
xf]
!
xf]Og
$)#
t/fO{df ePsf] j;fO{ ;/fO{n] d'lZnd
;d'bfo / dw]zL ;d'bfo jLr s:tf] lsl;dsf]
cGt/ ;Djw 5 <
/fd|f] !
g/fd|f] @
;fdfGo #
$)$
tkfO{ clxn] j;f]jf; ug{] of] 7fFp t/fO
xf] of dw]z xf] <
t/fO{ xf] !
dw]z xf] @
$)%
tkfO{ of] e"ldnfO{ s] eGg rfxfg'
x'G5\ <
t/fO{ !
dw]z @
$)^
$)&
tkfO{ cfk"mnfO{ dw]zL, jf t/fO{jf;L
d'lZnd jf t/fOjf;L g]kfnL eGg ?rfpg'
x'G5 <
d'lZnd ;d'bfosf] klxrfgnfO{ :yflkt ug{
s] ug'{ knf{ <
@
dw]zL !
t/fO{jf;L g]kfnL @
t/fO{jf;L d'lZnd #
!
@
#
$)*
d'lZnd ;dbfonfO{ ;fdflhs ?kdf
d"nk|jfxdf Nofpg s] ug'{ knf{ <
$)(
d'lZnd ;d'bfonfO{ cfly{s ?kdf d"n
k|jfxdf Nofpg -;dfj]zL ug{_ s] ug'{
knf{ <
!
@
#
!
@
#
$!)
d'lZnd ;d'bfonfO{ wfld{s ?kdf d"n
k|jfxdf Nofpg -;dfj]zL ug{_ s] ug'{
!
@
102
knf{ <
#
$!!
d'lZnd ;d'bfonfO{ /fhlglts ?kdf d"n
k|jfxdf Nofpg -;dfj]zL ug{_ s] ug'{
knf{ <
!
@
#
$!@
d'lZnd ;d'bfo / u}/ d'lZnd ;d'bfo ljr
;fdflhs ;b\efj sfod /fVg s] ug{' knf{ <
!
@
#
wGojfb
;dfKt
cGt{jftf{ ;dfKt ePsf] ;doM
Checklist
wfld{s cNk;+Vos d'lZnd ;d'bfo / cGo ;d'bfo aLrsf]
;fdflhs ;b\efj ;DaGwL cWoog, @)^&
r]s lni6
103
! d'lZnd ;d'bfon] cfkmgf] wfld{s cf:yfnfO{ k"0f{ ?kn] cg's/0f ug{ kfPsf
5g\ . lsg 5}gg\ < olb 5}gg\ eg] lsg / s;/L < h:t}M s'/fg k9\g], dl:hbdf
wfld{s ls|ofsnfkx?, Ob dgfpg] cfbL .
@ wfld{s ljifonfO{ slxNo} ´} ´u8f ePsf] cge'lt 5 ls 5}g< olb 5 eg] s:tf
k|sf/sf lyP < Go"gLs/0fsf ;´fjx?
# wfld{s ?kdf jlxis/0fdf kfl/Psf ljifox? s] s] 5g\ < / tL s'/fx?nfO{ s;/L
;dfj]zLs/0f ug{ ;lsG5 <
$ ;fdflhs ?kdf jf ;fdflhs cGt/;DjGwsf b[li6n] d'lZnd ;d'bfon] cfkm"nfO{
s'g ?kdf pEofPsf] 5 < h:t}M prf], ul/j, wgL, ;dflhs ?kdf km/skgf cflb
% d'lZnd ;d''bfo / cGo u}/ dlZnd ;d'bfosf ljrdf cfGtl/s ?kdf s:tf] ;DjGw
5 < h:t}M d'lZnd / cGo dw];L ;d'bfo, blnt / kxf8jf6 j;fO{ ;/]/ cfPsfx?;+u
^ d'lZnd ;d'bfonfO{ dfly pNn]lvt s'g ;d'bfon] lje]b u/]sf] h:tf] nfU5 <
& z}lIfs ?kdf d'lZnd ;'dbfon] s'g ?kdf clwsf/ k|fKt u/]sf] 5 < h:t}M
xfnsf] ;/sf/L lzIff lglt / db/;f lzIff cflbsf] jf/]df wf/0ff s:tf 5g\ <
104
* s] ;fdflhs ?kdf d'lZnd ;'dbfo lje]bLs/0fdf g} k/]sf] xf] eg] lt kIfx? s] s]
x'g\< d"nk|jfxLs/0fsf ;jfnx? s] s] x'g\ <
( lsg / s;/L d'lZnd ;d'bfon] cfkm\gf] df}lns efiff - pb"{ _ nfO{ Jojxfl/s
?kdf k|of]udf Nofpg ;s]sf] 5}gg\ < h:t}M pb"{ efiff jf]lnrfln / ;/sf/L sfd
sfhsf] efiff lsg x'g g;s]sf] xf]
!) eflifs clts|d0f -pb'{ efiff_ d"n?kdf slxn] b]lv ePsf] xf] / s;/L eof] <
!! pb"{ efiffnfO{ Jojxfl/s ?kdf sfo{Gjog ug{ s;n] s] ug'{ k5{ xf]nf <
!@ /fhlglts ?kdf d'lZnd ;d'bfosf] ;dfg'kflts k|ltlglwTj ePsf] 5 ls 5}g <
olb 5}g eg] lsg / s;/L gePsf] xf]nf <
!# /fhlglts ?kdf d'lZnd ;d'bfonfO{ cufl8 Nofpg s] ug'{ k5{ xf]nf <
!$ tYofÍn] b]vfP cg';f/ d'lZnd ;d'bfosf $) k|ltzt eGbf j9L ul/jLsf] /]vf
d'lg 5g\ < o;f] lsg / s;/L ePsf] xf]nf <
105
!% d'lZnd ;d'bfosf Joltmn] lsg / s;/L /f]huf/L k|fKt ug{ ;s]sf 5}gg\ <
!^ cfly{s ?kdf d'lZnd ;d'bfo / u}/ d'lZnd ;d'bfo ljr cfly{s n]gb]g x'G5 ls
x'b}g < olb x'G5 eg] s;/L <
!& C0f ;fk6L lnbf C0f lwtf] /fVg] rng d'lZnd u/} d'lZnd ;d'bfoljr 5 ls
5}g < olb 5 eg] s] s:tf vfnsf lwtf] /flvG5 < / s] s:tf C0f tyf cflly{s
n]gb]g ul/G5 <
!* d'lZnd ;d'bfosf] 7'nf] lx:;f t/fO{ j;f]jf; u5{g eg] s]lx kxf8df klg . of] bj}
7fFpdf j;f]jf; ug{] d'lZnd ;d'bfosf ;fdflhs ;f+:s[lts km/skgf 5 ls 5}g <
!( t/fO{ j;f]jf; ug{] d'lZnd ;d'bfonfO{ dw];L ;d'bfo cGt/ut /fVbf
oxfFx?nfO{ s:tf] nfU5 < s] d'lZndsf] klxrfg dw];L g} xf] t <
@) t/fO{df d'lZndx? slxn] b]lv j;f]jf; ub}{ cfO/x]sf 5g\ jf oxfFsf k"/fgf
jfl;Gbf x'g\ < o; jf/]df d'lZnd ;d'bfosf] wf/0ff s] 5 <
@! d'lZnd ;d'bfosf] klxrfgnfO{ :yflkt ug{ s;n] ;d:of kf/]sf] 5 < h:t}M
dw];L jf kxf8Ln] jf /fHon] <
106
@@ d'lZnd ;d'bfonfO{ ;fdflhs, cfly{s, ;f+:s[lts, wfld{s / /fhlglts d'n
k|jfxdf Nofpg jf ;dfj]zLs/0f ug{ s;n] s] ug'{ k5{ <
@# d'lZnd ;d'bfo / cGo u}/ d'lZnd ;d'bfo ljr ;fdflhs ;befj sfod /fVg s;n]
s] ug{ k5{ < h:t}M u}/ d'lZndf ;d'bfon] s] ug'{ k5{ < d'lZnd ;d'bfon] s]
ug'{ k5{ / ;/sf/n] s] ug{' k5{ <
107
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108
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Dastider, M. (2000). Muslims of Nepal's Tarai Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.
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109