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McCormick, Thomas J. China Market: America’s Quest for Informal Empire, 1893-1901.
Chicago, Illinois: Quadrangle Books, 1967.
Thomas McCormick’s book, China Market: America’s Quest for Informal
Empire, 1893-1901, is a diplomatic and economic study of American expansionist goals
in China at the end of the nineteenth century. Primarily a “top-down” history,
McCormick focuses on the foreign diplomatic policies of the Cleveland and McKinley
administrations during the last years of the nineteenth century. McCormick argues that, in
spite of the acquisition of the Philippines by the United States following the SpanishAmerican War, America had primarily abandoned efforts at “Old World” style
colonialism by this period in favor of channeling American expansion into other
directions. Rather than moving in the primarily political and military directions dictated
by imperialist doctrines, the United States instead worked towards a policy of global
economic expansion.1
During this time period, no other foreign market had as much potential, in the
eyes of many American businessmen, as the empire of China. Home to 400 million
people during this time, China was perceived as cure-all for American economic troubles
that had persisted since the Panic of 1873. According to the newly developed economic
theory of overproduction, American industry produced far more product than its own
domestic consumer market could handle, so therefore, foreign markets had to be
cultivated in order to absorb this excess production and provide stability for the American
economy. As the author points out, whether accurate or not, this theory developed a very
1
McCormick, p.8.
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large following within business, political, and popular circles in the United States, and
provided an impetus for the expansion of foreign markets.2
The trajectory of McCormick’s study is fairly straightforward. He begins with a
discussion of America’s early steadfast adherence to Laissez Faire economic policies, and
the reluctance of American political leaders to exercise influence in this sphere. He then
follows the evolution of political and popular opinion from this stance to the final
decision to use diplomatic means to help achieve economic ends that the United States
felt should not be attempted with military force. An entire chapter is dedicated to
American “Insular Imperialism” and how diplomatic policy towards China dictated the
fate of the Philippines as an American naval and commercial base for US shipping to
China. Finally, McCormick spends a great deal of time on diplomatic efforts of the time,
which attempted to ensure US access to Chinese markets. OF course the most famous of
these culminated in the Open Door Notes to France, Britain, and Russia in 1899 and
1900.
Although willing to use military might when necessary, the means that the US
government, particularly the McKinley administration, where primarily political. As
McCormick states, “Instead of closed doors, open markets; instead of political dominion,
economic hegemony; instead of large-scale colonialism, informal empire.”3 While this is
not the rhetoric of imperialism and territorial expansion in the most literal sense, it does
carry the weight of implication. Americans wanted monetary empires, not literal empires,
and they most certainly did not want to be associated with the image of colonialism.
Despite this concern, five thousand American troops were sent to China from the
2
3
McCormick, p.26.
McCormick, p.128.
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Philippines after the Boxer Rebellion in order to help shore up China’s weakened
government. Once China was occupied by American, British, and Russian forces in 1899,
President McKinley dropped the Open Door Policy, and its pretense of non-imperialism,
and instead joined in with other countries for the portioning of China by these foreign
powers into individual spheres of influence.
This change in policy signified two main points about America’s China policy.
First of all, it showed how widely American leaders such as President McKinley, his
cabinet members, and his diplomatic staff were willing to vacillate between policies
when it suited America’s shifting interests; especially America’s perceived economic
interests. Secondly, this showed how far away from traditional laissez faire economic
policies the United States had moved. American leaders, in this short number of years,
had become more than willing to work to protect foreign markets for American exports,
and use whatever diplomatic and military tools at their disposal to ensure American
business’ success in these increasingly important foreign markets.
Although China Market is primarily a top-down history, dealing mainly with the
upper-echelon policy-makers if the day, it also shows some insight into the public
opinion generated by these events in the United States. McCormick uses several major
urban newspapers to both corroborate other facts in his study, as well as to delve into the
editorial opinions expressed in these papers. Strikingly, this shows how homogenous
opinion tended to be between business people, politicians, and newspapers towards the
end of this period.
McCormick’s argument that America shifted its foreign policy goals at the end of the
nineteenth century in order to develop economic empires in lieu of literal empires is a
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useful framework in which to study America’s involvement in Chinese affairs in the
1890s. The author does a good job of showing the evolution of thinking involved by
decision-makers of the era. Many Americans of the time had a very strong sense that they
could help to remake the world through economic expansion and presence within foreign
markets. The diplomatic policies put into place at this time showed American aversion to
foreign imperialism whenever and wherever it conflicted with American economic
interests, despite the fact that American actions often seemed very imperialistic in flavor
as well.