Non-academic Impact of Research through the Lens of

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Non-academic Impact of Research through the
Lens of Recent Developments in Evaluation
J. Bradley Cousins1
University of Ottawa, Canada
Paper presented at the conference ‘New Frontiers in Evaluation’, Vienna, April 2006
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Contact: J. B. Cousins, Faculty of Education, University of Ottawa, 145 Jean Jacques Lussier,
Ottawa, ON, CANADA, K1N 6N5; email: bcousins@uottawa.ca
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Non-academic Impact of Research through the Lens of
Recent Developments in Evaluation
What is the role of research evidence in policy formulation relative to the wide array
of forces that operate within the policy arena? The answer to this question is undeniably
complex. Prunty describes policy making as “the authoritative allocation of values” (1985, p.
136) or statements of prescriptive intent that are rooted in normative propositions and
assumptions about societal issues. Policies are likely to be “determined by what policy
makers see as ideologically appropriate, economically feasible and politically expedient and
necessary.” (Jamrociz & Nocella, 1998, p. 53).
Knowledge for policy (Linblom &
Cohen, 1979) may be understood in terms of its explicit or declarative dimensions
(knowledge that can be stated) and as well as its tacit or procedural aspects (knowledge of
how to do something without being able to articulate how). Tacit knowledge has been
equated with craft expertise and thought of as being an important trait of a skilled
practitioner. It is also relied upon quite heavily in the policy formulation process. Of course,
explicit knowledge is promoted as being central to conceptualizations of evidence-based
policy (Nutley, Walter & Davies, 2003). One source of evidence for evidence-based policy
making is research.
Typically, social sciences and scientific knowledge is generated in the academic
sector through funded and unfunded pure and applied research activity. Consistent with
longstanding academic traditions, such knowledge is integrated into the academic knowledge
base, but increasingly, forces among granting agencies (e.g., government, foundations,
donors) marshal to ensure relevance for policy decision making. Interest has moved from
funding individual studies toward funding programs of research. In some cases, funding
agencies elevate proposals for research programs that include an element of
interdisciplinarity and that privilege connectedness with the non-academic, especially, policy
community. As a result of such interest in augmenting the relevance of research to policy
making, understanding knowledge transfer and how to assess the non-academic impact of
research is increasingly capturing the attention of funding agencies and academics alike
(Davies, Nutley & Walter, 2005; Landry, Amara & Lamari, 2001; Nutley et al., 2003;
Pawson, 2002a, 2002b). It has long been understood that, how research evidence factors into
policy development is a function of the multidimensional and non-rational dynamics of the
policy process (Lindblom, 1968; Lindblom & Cohen, 1979; Weiss, 1980). As such, the
challenges of evaluating the non-academic impact of research are significant.
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. Evaluation shares many of the same tools and methods that are used in social
sciences research, yet the two differ in fundamental ways. Social science research may be
differentiated from evaluation on contextual (Hofstetter & Alkin, 2003) or valuing (LevinRozalis, 2003; Scriven, 2003/2004) dimensions. First, evaluation is typically defined as
systematic inquiry to judge the merit, worth or significance of some entity. Judgement
implies comparison. Observations or systematically collected data are necessarily compared
against some thing. For example, in program evaluation, observations about the program
might be compared against program performance at an earlier point in time, against the
performance of a group that is similar to the program group but that does not receive the
program, or against some external standard or benchmark. In research, no such requirement
for judgement exists. A second distinction is that despite remarkable overlap in methods with
social science research, evaluation by definition is context-bound; knowledge is produced for
a particular purpose for a particular set of users in a specific context. While social science
research can have significant uses and influences in the community of practice or policy
making, its use is not context bound in the way that evaluation knowledge would be. For this
reason, the “applied versus basic research dichotomy … does not adequately capture the
evaluation-research distinction” (Alkin & Taut, 2003, p. 3, emphasis in original).
Presently, we are interested in the problem of evaluating the non-academic impact of
research. In a symposium on the topic sponsored by the Economic and Social Research
Council (ESRC) in the UK in May 2005, four related purposes of such evaluation were
identified:

Accountability – providing an account of the activities and achievements of the unit
being assessed (such as a funding agency or a research programme);

Value for money – demonstrating that the benefits arising from research are
commensurate with its cost;

Learning – developing a better understanding of the research impact process in order
to enhance future impacts;

Auditing evidence-based policy and practice – evaluating whether policy and practice
… is using social science research to support or challenge decision making and action.
(Davies et al., 2005, p. 5)
These purposes are comprehensive and resonate well with traditional conceptions of use and
impact including instrumental (support for discrete decisions), conceptual (educative
function) and symbolic (persuasive, legitimizing function) (Landry et al., 2001).
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In the ESRC symposium, participants identified an array of approaches and
methodological issues and choices and articulated the complexities involved in understanding
the process of research impact. The outcomes of the deliberation were captured well in the
Davies et al. (2005) report. While this document undoubtedly advances thinking in the area,
underrepresented in my view are recent developments in evaluation as a domain of inquiry
that may lend themselves to addressing at least some of the challenges inherent in
understanding research impact in non-academic settings. In this paper I explore potential
contribution to such understanding of developments in three specific areas: collaborative
inquiry processes, conceptualizations of evaluation use and influence, and unintended
consequences of evaluation including its potential for misuse. I selected these developments
because they all relate in some way to understanding the use of evaluation and/or evaluation
consequences. I conclude by summarizing some thoughts about how such considerations
might benefit the challenge of evaluating the non-academic impact of research.
Collaborative Processes in Evaluation
Whether traditionalistic approaches have yielded centre stage to emergent
perspectives in evaluation is a matter for debate, but the rise of collaborative, participatory
and empowerment approaches (Cousins, 2003; Fetterman & Wandersman, 2005),
democratic-deliberative frameworks (House & Howe, 2003; Ryan & Destefano, 2000), and
culturally sensitive evaluation choices (Thompson, Hopson & SenGupta, 2004) is undeniable.
Collaborative inquiry is relevant to the challenge of evaluating the non-academic impact of
research because pragmatic applications have been shown to foster the use of evaluation
findings (and use of process – to be discussed below) (Cousins, 2003). In the domain of
research use, prior research and theory have focused on the concept of sustained interactivity
between members of the knowledge user and the knowledge producer communities (e.g.,
Huberman, 1994). The establishment and exploitation of contacts between these
communities throughout the process of research promises to have desirable effects in
increasing the likelihood that the research would be taken up in the non-academic
community. Moveover, the chances of mutual benefit or reciprocal influences are heightened;
researchers stand to benefit from deeper understandings of the context of use and the needs of
intended users which may in turn influence design choices, questions addressed, and the like.
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But collaborative evaluation approaches imply a more direct relationship and one that
I would argue ought to be considered seriously in the context of evaluating the impact of
research because they have been shown to foster evaluation utilization (e.g., Cousins, 2003).
Central to these approaches is the working relationship between members of the trained
evaluation community and members of the community of program practice. In the case of
assessing the non-academic impact of research we might include as members of the
community of practice at least the following:

Researchers and their colleagues who produce research-based knowledge –
Increasingly we are seeing that contributors to a research program are from a variety
of disciplines and that roles range from professors or academics, to research
associates, research collaborators, and students;

Policy makers and developers who are the potential beneficiaries of the knowledge
produced – Policy makers may be elected officials but would also include public
servants and members of government bureaucracy, whether federal, state or local;

Research program sponsors – This would include government funding agencies such
as ESRC, foundations or even corporations.

Special interest groups – Lobbyists and advocates wanting to influence policy
themselves belong to this category. Such advocates may be working to support
identified causes (e.g., anti-smoking activists) or to counter the influence of such
activists on the basis of competing issues or values (e.g., tobacco companies,
hospitality service associations).
Out of this work have emerged conceptual frameworks for understanding the
collaborative processes between trained evaluation specialists and professional, practicebased and community-level stakeholder groups. In some of our prior work we endeavoured
to conceptualize the collaborative inquiry process (Cousins & Whitmore, 1998; Weaver &
Cousins, 2004).
Weaver and I (2004) revised and earlier version of a framework for conceptualizing
the collaborative inquiry process (Cousins & Whitmore, 1998) by unbundling one of three
dimensions and ultimately arriving at a set of five continua on which any collaborative
inquiry process could be located. The five dimensions are:

Control of technical decision making (evaluator vs. non-evaluator stakeholder) –
Who controls such decision-making? Is control garnered by members of the research
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community, by members of the non-researcher stakeholder community or is it
balanced between the two?

Diversity of non-evaluator stakeholders selected for participation (limited vs. diverse
–How diverse is the range of stakeholder interests among the participants? To what
extent is inclusiveness promoted to maximize the potential that all important
perspectives are represented?

Power relations among non-evaluator stakeholders (neutral vs. conflicting) – Do
those with an important stake in the evaluation vary in terms of their power to enact
change? To what extent are relations among the different groups conflict-laden? How
aligned are the interests of the participating groups?

Manageability of the evaluation implementation (manageable vs. unwieldy) – To what
extent do logistical, time and resource challenges impede the manageability of the
research process? Is it feasible? Unwieldy?

Depth of participation (involved in all aspects of inquiry vs. involved as a source for
consultation) – To what extent do non-researcher stakeholders participate in the full
spectrum of technical research tasks, from planning and shaping the research; to data
collection, processing and analysis; to interpretation, reporting and follow up? Is their
participation limited to consultative interactions or do participants engage directly in
all of the technical research tasks?
Using the revised version in a “radargram”, we showed hypothetical differences in
form among conventional stakeholder-based evaluation, and two forms of participatory
evaluation, practical and transformative (see Figure 1). We then independently analyzed two
case examples of participatory evaluation using the framework. In each case, the
collaborative inquiry was described using the radargram, which helped to reveal differences
and points of convergence between them. In another application, I analyzed an array of case
reports of empowerment evaluation projects using this device (Cousins, 2005). The results
revealed considerable variation over the independently implemented empowerment
evaluation projects.
–– Insert Figure 1 about here ––
My suggestion is that this conceptualization of collaborative inquiry stands to benefit
the evaluation of non-academic impact of research in at least the following ways. First,
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addressing the questions associated with each of the five dimensions at the point of planning
the evaluation would help to focus attention on the important aspects to be considered. We
are of the view that the framework is comprehensive in capturing the essential elements of
effective collaborative inquiry. Second, the framework would be useful retrospectively in
evaluating the implementation of the collaborative evaluation of research impact. To what
extent was the collaborative inquiry successful in striking the appropriate balance between
evaluator control and input from non-evaluator stakeholders? Were members of the latter
group effectively involved in the inquiry? Was the group homogeneous or highly diversified
and were there implications for the manageably of the inquiry? The dimensions provide
guidance for the development of indicators of the inquiry process and the indicators could
then be used to describe and characterize the evaluation process. Third, measured indicators
of the collaborative process could then be related to measures of non-academic research
impact, shedding light on the nature of collaboration that is likely to be effective in this
context. We now turn to recent developments in the study of evaluation use and influence and
consider their relevance to the problem of evaluating the non-academic impact of research.
Conceptions of Use and Influence
Among those interested in evaluation utilization, the concept of process use – as
distinct from the instrumental, conceptual and symbolic use of findings – has emerged as a
powerful mode of understanding impact. In addition, some evaluation scholars have extolled
the merits of moving ‘beyond use’ in favour of a theory of influence (Kirkhart, 2000; Mark &
Henry, 2004; Henry & Mark, 2004). I will consider each of these developments in turn.
Process Use: In evaluation circles, Patton’s concept of process use (1997) has come to
the fore and has stimulated much interest on several levels. Process use is defined as effects
of the evaluation in the stakeholder community that are independent of its findings. In
essence, by virtue of their proximity to the evaluation – whether through ongoing
consultation, dialogue and deliberation, or through direct participation in it as in collaborative
evaluation – stakeholders develop knowledge and skills associated with evaluation logic and
methods that may benefit them in other ways. Process use can take on various manifestations.
First, evaluation can enhance communication within an organization by sending a clear
message to the community about what elements of program are important to investigate.
Second, evaluative inquiry can take the form of interventions with the purpose of improving
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the program while examining it. Third, the evaluation processes can be used to engage
program participants in their work in more crucial ways (e.g., reflection, discrimination,
logical analysis). Finally, the process can lead not only to individual, but to group and even
organizational development. Regardless, process use is a concept that moves the study of
impact of inquiry beyond the focused assessment of uptake of findings.
The concept has been operationalized and studied empirically. For example, in a large
scale survey, Preskill and Caracelli (1997) observed evaluators’ self-reported user benefits
and effects of evaluation were attributable to the process of user participation in or proximity
to the evaluation. Russ-Eft, Atwood and Egherman (2002) carried out an evaluation
utilization reflective case study within the American corporate sector. Despite the apparent
non-use of findings in their study, the authors identified several process uses of the
evaluation: supporting and reinforcing the program intervention; increasing engagement, selfdetermination, and ownership; program and organizational development; and enhancing
shared understandings. In a more recent exploratory study of process use within the context
of the Collaborative Evaluation Fellows Project of the American Cancer Society, Preskill,
Zuckerman and Matthews (2003) concluded that evaluators should be intentional about
process use and that stakeholders should understand learning as part of the evaluation
process.
Process use has also found its way into theoretical formulations about integrating
evaluation into the organizational culture (Cousins, 2003; Cousins, Goh, Clark & Lee, 2004;
Preskill & Torres, 1999). Developing the capacity to learn by virtue of proximity to
evaluation logic and processes can occur at the individual, group or organizational level.
Evaluation playing a role in developing organizational learning is considered by some to be
an instance of process use (e.g., Cousins, 2003; Cousins et al., 2004).
Of course, considerations about developing a culture of evidence based policy and
practice are very much of concern to those interested in augmenting the uptake of research. I
would suggest that the likelihood of such organisational cultural change would be increased if
process use were recognized and embraced as a legitimate concept within the domain of
inquiry of research impact. The direct involvement of non-evaluator stakeholders in the
evaluation of research impact – researchers, sponsors, end-users – may imply considerable
costs. But research on process use of evaluation reveals that non-evaluator stakeholders need
not be directly involved. Huberman’s (1994) notion of increasing the mutuality of contacts
between the knowledge production community and the user community would seem to apply.
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I would assert that the endeavour to understand at deeper levels the non-academic impact of
research would benefit from targeted interest in process use of its evaluation.
From Use to Influence: This brings us to another recent development within
evaluation that may be of interest in the broader research use domain. Some theorists in
evaluation are now advocating the expansion of thinking beyond use to theories of evaluation
influence and they have even identified process use as examples of evaluation influence.
Kirkhart (2000) critiqued theory and research on evaluation use on a number of fronts.
Among her chief concerns are a narrow focus on an inappropriate imagery of instrumental
and episodic application and attendant construct under-representation. She maintains that
models of use imply purposeful, unidirectional influence, and that an broadened perspective
is required in order to more fully and completely understand evaluation impact.
Kirkhart advocates abandoning use in favor of a theory of influence. She proposes a
conceptual framework of utilization that consists of three fundamental dimensions: source of
influence (evaluation process, evaluation results), intention (intentional use, unintentional
use) and time (immediate, end-of-cycle, long-term). A theory of influence, according to
Kirkhart, would permit: (1) tracking of evolving patterns of influence over time; (2) sorting
out conceptual overlap between use and misuse (by expanding conversations about misuse
and illuminating beneficial and detrimental consequences of influence); (3) improving the
validity of studies of evaluation consequences (by dealing with the problem of construct
under-representation); (4) tracking the evolution of evaluation theory; (5) comparing
evaluation theories; and (6) supporting theory building through empirical tests of evaluation
theory.
In two significant papers, Henry and Mark recently extend thinking about a theory of
influence in important and complex ways (Henry & Mark, 2003b; Mark & Henry, 2004).
They acknowledge and accept many of Kirkhart’s arguments and use her initial framework as
a platform for further conceptual development and contribution toward a theory of influence.
One of their concerns about alleged conceptual constraints inherent in models of use is that
research productivity has been hampered.
Henry and Mark cue on Kirkart’s temporal dimension and provide an elaborate
development of possible pathways of influence that would follow from the sources of
influence (evaluation process or findings) and intention (intended or not) dimensions. They
add to her argument and framework of evaluation influence by highlighting the many social
change processes that can result in influence, showing how interim outcomes can facilitate
longer term outcomes and how change mechanisms can serve to create complex pathways of
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processes and outcomes. In their most recent article (Mark & Henry, 2004) they reframe a
prior conception of utilization (Cousins, 2003) as a logic model or theory of evaluation
influence. Outputs and outcomes in the model are characterized in a two dimensional matrix
of “level of analysis” (intrapersonal, interpersonal, collective) and “type of mechanism”
(general, cognitive/affective, motivational, behavioral). No less that 31 suggested potential
outcomes appear within the 12 cells of this matrix, all supported by research as elaborated in
Henry and Mark (2003).
Whether evaluation ought to move beyond theories of use to a theory of influence is a
matter for debate. For example, Taut and Alkin (2003) argue that to understand all possible
impacts of evaluation we need a broad framework, such as those developed by Kirkart and
Henry and Mark, but the question of “how and to what extent the process and findings of an
evaluation lead to intended use by intended users is a more narrow, yet equally important
question” (p. 8). Many evaluation influences, they argue, are unquestionably important but
are unintended and must be addressed after they have occurred, whereas practicing evaluators
have to do their best in actively ensuring and promoting evaluation use, while at the same
time noting evaluation influences that might occur but which are outside of their sphere of
action. Another concern has to do with Henry and Mark’s question as to why evaluators
would be guided by the goal of maximizing use in the first place. “Use is inadequate as a
motivation for evaluation because it fails to provide a moral compass … and falls short of
recognizing and promoting the ultimate purpose of evaluation as social betterment.” (Henry
& Mark, 2003, pp. 294-295). Regardless, important contributions arising from this work
warrant serious consideration in the context of evaluating the non-academic impact of
research.
Specifically, Mark and Henry’s concepts of “level of analysis” (intrapersonal,
interpersonal, collective) and “type of mechanism” (general, cognitive/affective,
motivational, behavioral) provide a comprehensive framework for considering the impact of
research and the notion of pathways of influence moves us beyond the linear frameworks for
thinking about research use that have traditionally characterized inquiry of this sort. This
approach has a great deal to offer in terms of capturing the complexities of the context for use
(Davies et al., 2005) and provides a platform for thinking about a wide array of intended and
unintended consequences or impacts. The framework could be used proactively to design
tracer studies of research impact, permitting a well reasoned assessment of the sorts of
variables that ought to be taken into account. It could also serve as a basis for retrospective
analysis of research impact, in more or less of a backward mapping approach. The notion of
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intentionality is another important dimension for consideration. Moving beyond use to a
theory of influence broadens the net for capturing intended and unintended effects. We now
turn to other work that has been done in evaluation that embraces the notion of intentionality
more directly.
Unintended Consequences
Ideas about evaluation ‘misuse’ and ‘unintended consequences’ of evaluation are of
increasing interest. Cousins (2004) recently built on prior work to develop a framework for
understanding the misuse of evaluation findings. Unintended consequences of evaluation,
whether positive or undesirable, can be located on a continuum ranging from unforeseen to
unforeseeable according to Morrell (2005) in a recently published, penetrating analysis on the
topic. We will examine each of these in sequence.
Misuse: A stream of inquiry in evaluation use has to do with the misuse or
inappropriate use of evaluation findings, an area to which Alkin and Patton have made
considerable contributions, respectively. Patton has long argued that fostering intended use
by intended users is the evaluator’s responsibility. He also proposes that: as use increases so
will misuse; policing misuse is beyond the evaluator’s control; and misuse can be intentional
or unintentional (Patton, 1988, 1997). Others started to think about evaluation misuse in
serious ways: how to define it? Identify or observe it? Track it? (see, e.g., Alkin, 1990; Alkin
& Coyle, 1988; Christie & Alkin, 1999). My own distillation of some of these ideas is
captured in Figure 2 (see also Cousins, 2004).
–– Insert Figure 2 about here ––
The Figure is divided into four quadrants by two orthogonal dichotomous dimensions
corresponding to the intended user’s choices and actions: (1) Use – evaluation findings are
either used or not used; and (2) Misuse – evaluation findings are either handled in an
appropriate and justified manner or they are not. Patton (1988), who initially proposed these
dimensions, used the terms ‘misutilzation’ and ‘non-misutilization’ as opposite sides of the
same coin for the latter. In the first quadrant we have the best case scenario, ‘ideal use’,
where evaluation findings are used in legitimate ways to support discrete decisions
(instrumental), foster learning (conceptual), or symbolize, persuade or legitimize (political).
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In quadrant 2, evaluation misuse results either as a consequence of evaluator incompetence
(unintentional) or evaluator mischief (intentional). In quadrant 3, evaluation data are
suppressed by the evaluator for inappropriate reasons and in the final quadrant (4), data are
not used for justifiable reasons (e.g., they are known to be faulty, they are supplanted by
competing information). As we observed elsewhere (Cousins & Shulha, in press), scholarship
on evaluation misutilization is virtually devoid of empirical inquiry. While misutlization is
relatively easy to define in the abstract, studying it empirically is quite another matter. While
it would be difficult to implement empirical field studies on misuse, due to obvious ethical
considerations (not to mention methodological challenges), a framework of this sort might be
useful in simulated or contrived contexts. The framework was applied, for example, in a
retrospective analysis of a hypothetical case depicting an ethical issue confronting an
evaluator (Cousins, 2004). The framework might also be used proactively for planning
evaluations that would maximize the desirable outcomes (quadrant 1) and at least heighten
awareness about some potential pitfalls that might lead to undesirable outcomes (quadrants 2
– 4).
In comparing evaluation use to its cognate fields, including research use, we (Cousins
& Shulha, in press) also observed, that while the topic of misuse has received only limited
attention in the evaluation domain, we are unaware of scholarship on this construct in the
context of research use. Undoubtedly this is in large part due to the fact that evaluation is
context-specific and end-users are typically known. One can imagine unknown downstream
users distorting evaluation evidence to their advantage or otherwise behaving in unethical
ways with regard to their use of evaluation findings. Such is possible within the realm of
research use as well. Forward tracking methods and retrospective analyses would represent
possible methodological approaches to get at such issues, but some complications arise. First,
in evaluation, standards of practice that have been developed and validated by professional
associations exist (e.g., American Evaluation Association, see Shadish, Newman, Scheirer &
Wye, 1995), and at some level might serve as a check on the quality and legitimacy of
evaluation evidence. Although academic standards and cannons for doing research exist,
these would be less visible than evaluation professional standards and therefore less
accessible as a benchmark with which to evaluate the integrity of the research product. A
second consideration concerns whether or not evaluation data were unjustifiably suppressed.
Given the distance of policy makers from the source of research knowledge production and
that policy is based on such a wide range of considerations, including ideology, economics
and political expediency (Jamrociz & Nocella, 1998) not to mention other sources of
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evidence, one would be hard pressed to imagine a case of non-use of research as representing
an instance of misuse. Even in the context of evaluation, suppression of findings may reside
in a grey area between being ethically questionable, on the one hand, and politically astute,
on the other. Nevertheless, the framework does offer some preliminary thinking about
research misuse and it may benefit from further consideration and development within this
milieu.
Unintended Consequences: Figure 2 provides some interesting thoughts about the
identification of appropriately used evaluation findings and potential misuses and abuses of
them. But it does not explicitly get at the issue of intentionality, the way, for example, that
Kirkart’s framework of evaluation influence does. Of course, ideal or appropriate uses that
were identified in advance would be considered intentional. They fit into what Patton (1997)
calls ‘intended uses but intended users’. But other appropriate uses might arise that were not
at all intended. An example might be an impact evaluation that concludes that a program is
worthy of continuation but also serendipitously calls into question a previously unrecognized
flaw in program design. The reconfiguration of the program design would be an appropriate
and positive outcome of the evaluation. We might also think about less than honourable uses
of evaluation as being intentional or unintentional depending on whether they arise as a
matter of naiveté or mischief.
Recent work in evaluation explores the concept of intentionality from a slightly
different yet potentially useful slant. In a very elaborate and well developed paper, Morrell
(2005) lays out a framework that considers the problem of conceptualizing the unintended
consequences of programs. He categorizes unintended program consequences into two
distinct classes: the ‘unforeseen’ and the ‘unforeseeable’. Unforeseen consequences are
unintended consequences, good or bad, that “emerge from weak application of analytic
frameworks and from failure to capture the experience of past research….unforeseeable
consequences stem from the uncertainties of changing environments combined with
competition among programs occupying the same ecological niche” (Morrell, 2005, p. 445).
While unforeseen consequences are not always possible to anticipate in advance due to such
forces as resource and time constraints, they are, in theory, within the realm of possible
anticipation. The same cannot be said about unforeseeable consequences which would arise
from unpredictable change in the environment or within the program itself. In any case,
whether unforeseeable or not, the assumption is that it would be desirable to minimize
unintended consequences, particularly those which turn out to be negative. Even in the case
of positive unintended consequences undesirable effects may arise. Morrell’s framework
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assumes organismic, ecological and systemic parameters. Hence a change of one sort (or
valence) has the potential to lead to a change in another and that change will not necessarily
be positive. Morrell lists several tactics or strategies that program developers and evaluators
can use to minimize unintended program consequences. These are summarized in Table 1.
–– Insert Table 1 about here ––
We can see in the Table that several strategies are available to evaluators to detect
unforeseen consequences, assuming adequate time and resources. While some of these such
as life cycle dynamics, building on what is known, and planning methodologies, capitalize on
already available information, some are associated with broadening the spectrum of interests
informing the evaluation by involving interdisciplinary teams or invoking processes that
permit group or perspective expansion. Minimizing unforeseeable consequences, on the other
hand, is very much about change detection. Evaluation must be flexible enough to assume
that logic models are dynamic and evolving and that environmental conditions are not static.
Early change detection can help to alert evaluators as to inquiry design changes that would
enable emergent program consequences to be adequately measured and monitored. Some of
the recommended strategies are tied quite directly to versatility in methods, ongoing
monitoring and evidence-based decision making. Also, the installation of an advisory body is
recommended as a way to ensure wide coverage of potential issues and changes arising from
program implementation and effects.
The strategies identified by Morrell (2005), particularly those associated with
detecting changes that may lead to the identification of unforeseeable consequences, have
considerable potential for tracking the non-academic impact of research. Many of these
resonate well with approaches that have already been identified as being potentially fruitful
(Davies et al., 2005; Ruegg & Feller, 2003). Because they were developed within the realm
of program evaluation, some of them rely quite directly on process considerations. For
example, reliance on program logic models – developed a priori in the case of unforeseen
consequence minimization, and as new changes emerge in the context of unforeseeable
consequence minimization – features prominently among strategy options. Yet in the context
of evaluating the non-academic impact of research, process considerations may be less often
emphasized, at least not to the degree suggested by Morrell. Would it be fair to say that
reliable and realistic program logic models could be developed to depict the intended
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workings of a research program? Why not? Yet such an approach has not be seen, at least by
me. Another consideration is the reliance on the integration of varying stakeholder
perspectives into the evaluation process, through, for example, involving interdisciplinary
teams, building on what is already known, group processes, knowledgeable pool of advice,
and future markets. These strategies are appropriate whether the goal would be the
minimization of unforeseen or unforeseeable consequences. Such strategies reaffirm the case
made earlier for serious consideration of collaborative and participatory approaches to the
evaluation of non-academic impact of research.
Summary and Conclusions
Summary: In this paper I recognized the focus for evaluation – the non-academic
impact of research – to be distinct from the usual fare in program evaluation, but I suggest
that recent developments within evaluation as a realm of inquiry have much to offer in terms
of advancing approaches to the evaluation of research use. There is no question that the
challenges of tracking and evaluating the impact of research on policy, program and
organizational change poses special and unique problems and challenges. But I have taken
the position that the development of potential solutions to such problems would do well to be
informed by recent developments in the domain of inquiry of evaluation, which by definition
and in comparison with inquiry on research use and knowledge transfer, is largely concerned
with more tangible, local and accessible contexts for use.
To that end, I reviewed three primary recent developments in evaluation, each bearing
some, mostly direct, relationship to the study and practice of enhancing evaluation use. First,
I gave consideration to developments in collaborative evaluation, an approach that is
congruent with several emergent approaches in evaluation including empowerment,
democratic-deliberative and culturally sensitive evaluation. Collaborative, and especially
participatory, approaches have been shown to foster evaluation use, in some cases to quite
powerfully (Cousins, 2003). I presented a framework that identified five distinct dimensions
of the participatory process and has proven useful as a conceptual tool in the retrospective
description and analysis of collaborative inquiry projects (Weaver & Cousins, 2004). I
proposed that the tool would be useful in the context of evaluation of research use, to the
extent that non-evaluator stakeholders (e.g., researchers/knowledge producers, policy
makers/end-users of research) are involved in the evaluation process. The argument for
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adopting collaborative approaches to the evaluation of research impact is buttressed by other
developments in evaluation, summarized below.
I then described recent developments in the conceptualization of evaluation use. One
such development is the concept of process use, which can occur at the individual, group or
organizational level. Process use – non-evaluator stakeholder benefits that accrue by virtue of
proximity to evaluation – advances our understanding of use beyond traditionalistic use-offindings conceptions. It ties in well with the proposal put forward by some colleagues to
move beyond a theory of use to a theory of influence in evaluation (e.g., Kirkhart, 2000;
Henry & Mark, 2003). A theory of influence has the potential to more adeptly capture
evaluation consequences that may be related to the process or attributable to findings that are,
perhaps, unintended or, at least, unanticipated. A significant advantage of the theory of
influence perspective is the concept of pathways of influence and its implications for research
designs on use and influence that would be more powerful in representing the complexities of
consequences of evaluation in context. These developments have implications for the
evaluation of research use, particularly given the complexities inherent in non-academic user
communities such as the policy arena.
I carried the notion of intentionality further by describing two frameworks that have
been recently developed in association with unintended consequences of evaluation. The first
is a framework for considering the misutilization of evaluation (Cousins, 2004) that targets
end users of evaluation and their potential for inappropriate action on the basis of
misunderstanding or mischief. Admittedly, the applicability of the framework to the case of
research misuiltization is limited in that end users are not often readily identifiable.
Nevertheless, the framework provides food for thought and speaks to the notion of
intentionality. Further extension on that notion derives from a framework for unintended
consequences of evaluation, developed by Morrell (2005) that features a continuum of
unforeseen and unforeseeable consequences and a set of tactics for minimizing both. This
framework seems more directly relevant to the problem of tracking the non-academic impact
of research.
Proposals for Consideration: By way of concluding the paper, I wish to offer a set of
proposals, rooted in the foregoing discussion, which I believe have great potential to advance
our understanding of the how to augment desired non-academic impact of research. I present
seven such proposals in no particular sequence. At the outset I draw attention to potentially
significant implications for costs and practical logistics but I hasten to add that I was not
guided by such considerations in developing these ideas. If we are serious about enhancing
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the link between research and policy/practice and moving more completely to organizational
cultures of evidence-based policy, than such practical considerations would require further
deliberation and debate.
My first proposal is that evaluators of research use embrace models of collaborative
inquiry and employ such approaches a great deal more than is presently the case.
Collaborative approach ought to be considered partnerships between evaluators of research
use and non-evaluator stakeholders. Members of the partnership contribute different things:
evaluators contribute knowledge and expertise in evaluation and standards of professional
practice; non-evaluator stakeholders contribute knowledge of research program logic and
dynamics and of the context within which such programs operate. The Weaver and Cousins
(2004) framework could be a valuable aid to choice making concerning the design and
implementation of collaborative approaches. Whether or not non-evaluator stakeholders are
involved directly or in a consultative mode, they have much to contribute and their input
should be exploited.
Second, I propose that evaluators of research use continue to use innovative research
methodologies that are sensitive to the exigencies of tracking non-academic impact of
research. To be sure, excellent repositories and reviews of such innovation have been made
available in recent years, those covered by Ruegg and Feller (2003) and Davies et al. (2005)
being most notable and laudable. But others may be added, some arising for Morrell’s
interesting paper on understanding unintended consequences of use. His list of approaches is
very comprehensive and imaginative and worth serious consideration. Mark and Henry’s
(2004) framework for pathways of influence provides another thought provoking basis for
designing research not only on the consequences of evaluation but, as well, the impact of
research in non-academic settings.
A third proposal for consideration that I would offer is that evaluators of research use
expand their conceptions of utilization to incorporate the dimension of process use or benefits
to non-evaluator stakeholders that are quite independent of research findings and would
accrue by virtue of proximity to the research. This notion resonates well with Huberman’s
(1994) conception of sustained interactivity which implicates the augmentation of contacts
between the knowledge producer and user communities. The closer that knowledge users are
to the production process, the more likely such benefits would be to accrue. And, most
importantly, such benefits are likely to be essential elements of serious attempts to move
organizational cultures toward evidence-based policy and decision making. Another
consideration would be reciprocal effects on researchers and research with the likely effect of
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increasing responsiveness to the information needs of policy and decision makers
(Huberman, 1994).
Another consideration, fourth on my list, is that evaluators of research use should take
steps to augment their understanding of and sensitivity to unintended consequences of
research, particularly its misuse. While this would provide considerable challenge, conceptual
frameworks developed by Cousins (2004) and Morrell (2005) provide some guidance at least
in terms of constructs worth thinking about. Of course the grey area between unethical or
unjustifiable use of inquiry and politically adept use would be even more difficult to clarify
within the context of research use as opposed to evaluation use. Nevertheless, such issues are
most certainly worth serious attention.
Fifth, many current approaches to the evaluation of research impact, focus on
consequences and outcomes, while paying relatively little attention to process. Recent
approaches to evaluation have embraced the concept of program theory and developing and
using logic models to guide inquiry. This approach could be adapted to the context of
evaluation of research use. I would propose that the development of logic models or theories
of research program logic would be both relatively easy to do and would provide clear
guidance for the evaluation of research impact. In this way, approaches to such evaluation
could move beyond more or less ‘black box’ approaches to at least ‘grey box’, if not ‘clear
box’, alternatives.
My sixth proposal is that the frameworks that have been described and discussed
above could and should be used in both retrospective and prospective ways. Evaluators of
research impact would do well to use conceptions of collaborative inquiry, research misuse,
and unintended consequences, for example, in retrospective analyses or post mortems of
research impact. But considerable purchase might be derived from proactive use of these
frameworks to inform, perhaps, research program design. As such, the power and potential of
longitudinal designs to better understand and trace research impact could be exploited to a
much higher degree than is presently the case.
Finally, I would propose that empirical research on research impact be augmented.
While a good deal of empirical work exists (e.g., see Cousins & Shulha, in press; Landry et
al., 2001), such research has not been informed by the recent developments in evaluation
presented in this paper. While the development of elaborate conceptual frameworks is
undeniably an important step and clearly intellectually stimulating, more needs to be known
about the veracity of such conceptions in practice. Virtually all of the frameworks addressed
in this paper could easily be used to inform the design of empirical inquiry on research use.
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The results of such research would be invaluable in helping to refine and adapt recent
developments in evaluation to the evaluation of research use in non-academic contexts.
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Depth
Manageability
Control
5
4
3
2
1
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Diversity
P-PE
T-PE
SBE
Power
Figure 8-1: Hypothetical dimensions of form in collaborative inquiry
(adapted from Weaver & Cousins, 2004)
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Use
2. Misuse
1. Ideal Use
Mistaken Use
Instrumental Use
(incompetence, uncritical
acceptance, unawareness)
Conceptual Use
Mischievous Use
Symbolic/Persuasive Use
(manipulation, coercion)
Misuse
Legitimate
Use
Abuse
Rational non-use
(Inappropriate suppression
of findings)
Political non-use
3. Unjustified Non-use
4. Justified Non-use
Non-use
Figure 2: Intended user uses and misuses of evaluation findings
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Table 1: Summary of Tactics Dealing with Unforeseen and Unforeseeable Consequences
(adapted from Morrell, 2005)
Unforeseen Consequences
Unforeseeable Consequences

Life cycle dynamics: can be used to model program
and identify relevant variables

Extend internal monitoring: evolving logic models,
open ended qualitative methods to detect change

Interdisciplinary teams: combine diverse
perspectives with views of a core group of
stakeholders

Environmental scanning: low-cost methods to detect
source of change

Building on the already known: exploit history,
literature review

Futures markets: aggregating independent knowledge,
belief and intuition.

Planning methodologies: multiple scenario,
assumption-based, back-casting approaches

Retrospective logic modelling: construct logic after the
fact thereby basing design decisions on observations and
evidence

Temporal, causal distance: shorten distance between
innovation and outcome

Data: flexibility, multipurpose data source usage

Group processes: expand group size through methods
such as Delphi Technique

Knowledgeable pool of advice: advisory boards, expert
panels, peer review.
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