Int. J. , Vol. x, No. x, xxxx 1 Learning Relations and Networks in Web-Based Communities Citation: Haythornthwaite, Caroline (2008). Learning relations and networks in webbased communities, International Journal of Web-based Communities, 4(2), 140-158. Copyright of this paper is held by Inderscience, publishers of the International Journal of Web-based Communities. Posted with permission of publishers in 2012 to IDEALS, the institutional repository at the University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign Caroline Haythornthwaite Graduate School of Library and Information Science, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 501 East Daniel St., Champaign, IL, USA. Abstract: Learning entails exchange of information, resources, methods and practices; it entails conversation, and the co-creation of joint practice; it requires getting to know colleagues, their talents and their work practices, and joining a community of scholars, co-workers and co-learners. In short, learning is predicated on interaction between individuals, interactions that build into communities that share common knowledge and practice. But what kinds of interactions are important for learning, and how do these help build and form a learning community? And how is this different or the same when accomplished in a web-based environment? Drawing on literature on learning, community and computer-mediated communication, and on results of a number of studies of learning networks conducted by the author, this paper addresses learning communities from a social network perspective, including what relations are evident in learning and learning communities, how media affect online tie formation, and what benefits can result from successfully maintained learning networks. Keywords: learning community, social networks, online community, computer-mediated communication, latent ties, learning networks Biographical note: Caroline Haythornthwaite is Associate Professor at the Graduate School of Library and Information Science, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Her research examines how the Internet and computer media support and affect work, learning, and social interaction. Major publications include The Internet in Everyday Life (2002, edited with Barry Wellman); Learning, Culture and Community in Online Education: Research and Practice (2004, edited with Michelle M. Kazmer), and The Handbook of ELearning Research (2007, edited with Richard Andrews). 1 Introduction Learning is a social network relation: it is a transaction, an exchange between people as one teaches and another learns; it is a shared experience as colleagues explore a new area, define terms, and create common ground; and it is a joint experience as students attend classes and lectures together, gaining a similar view of the subject and profession. Learning involves the transfer of information from one person to another, but also feedback, questioning, and dialogue as meaning is clarified and negotiated. In communities, members receive information, advice and support; they learn academic and Copyright © 200x Inderscience Enterprises Ltd. Author professional norms, and disciplinary and local norms for appropriate use of language, writing styles, equipment, and procedures. They acquire practices for carrying out the job, becoming a member of a profession, a work team, or a community; they learn how to learn; and they learn how to do this online and offline, through old and new technology. These activities demonstrate how learning depends on interaction between individuals. Examining what interactions occur provides the basis for understanding how a network of learners engage with each other and create a communal whole. Articulating what underpins such learning communities is a necessary step before designing and providing social and technical mechanisms for fully web-based communities, and for the online component of any contemporary community. This paper explores the social network basis of learning communities. Throughout, discussion is focused on the application and relevance of network concepts and effects for learning and learning communities. The paper builds on work by the author, as well as an extensive, interdisciplinary literature on social networks (e.g., Wasserman and Faust, 1994; Wellman & Berkowitz, 1997), social networks and community (e.g., Wellman, 1999), learning in groups and communities (e.g., Argote, Gruenfeld and Naquin, 2001; Brown and Duguid, 1991; Koschmann, 1996; Wenger, 1998), and online community (Gackenbach, 2006; Jones, 1995; Kiesler, 1997; Preece, 2000; Wellman, 1997). The paper is organized as follows. The first section introduces social network concepts, focusing on actors and relations, the two foundational elements of networks. To illustrate how social network relations play out in learning contexts, the second section describes results from the author’s social network studies of learning in webbased and web-supported learning communities. These results highlight how tie strength plays an important role in learning network formations, and thus the third section discusses support of strong, weak and latent ties in learning settings. But there is debate about whether an online tie is ‘as good as’ or ‘as real as’ an offline tie; thus, the fourth section turns to the discussion of what distinguishes on- versus off-line ties, and whether we can approach online ties in the same way as offline ties (arguing that we can). The final section discusses the network level, addressing why we should care about supporting learning networks, and considering the benefits that emerge from network level interactions. 2 Social Networks, Learning Networks The characteristics of community learning described in the opening paragraph demonstrate the underpinnings of social networks: actors who interact and maintain relationships with each other and with the network as a whole; relations, the specific kinds of exchanges that form the base of connections between actors; ties that are formed between actors based on the relations they maintain; and networks that derive from the combined set of ties among a set of actors. In such networks, learning may stand as the only connector between two people, or it may be combined with friendship, social support, and more general advice. In any network, some pairs of actors will only maintain weak ties, based on few relations, infrequent contact, non-personal exchanges, and the use of few means of communication. Others will maintain strong ties, typically involving multiple relations, aspects of intimacy and self-disclosure, and frequent contact through a number of means and media. When mapped across all actors in the whole network, patterns of strong and weak ties show who interacts with whom and about what, what Title positions actors hold in a network, and how resources flow among network members. Learning jointly around a common interest can foster community, with benefits to individuals in personal well-being, and to the community in advancing joint knowledge, sustaining participation, and continuing its existence. With this approach, community is identified from an analysis of its social components, rather than from external criteria such as geographical location, membership lists, or demographics. The major contribution of this perspective to the study of learning communities is that it provides a way to examine what kinds of interactions are important for and actually engaged in by learning community members. The major contribution to web-based communities is the way relations can be uncoupled from physical co-location, thereby making it possible to accept community as possible online (Garton, Haythornthwaite and Wellman, 1997; Wellman, Salaff, Dimitrova, Garton, Gulia and Haythornthwaite, 1996). To begin the discussion of networks and learning, the following introduces the two fundamental building blocks of networks: actors and relations. 2.1 Actors and Relations in Learning Networks Actors are the nodes in a network. Most commonly this refers to the people who belong to the network of interest. In an educational setting actors can be teachers, students or administrators; in a knowledge-building community they can be colleagues, researchers or think-tank members; and in a community of practice, they can be coworkers or collaborators. Actors can also be institutions, as in inter-institutional cooperations. In a formal learning setting, we might be interested in what kinds of relations teachers maintain with their personal network of students. In this case, we consider the teacher as the focal actor, and ask questions about their exchanges and interactions with each student. In an online learning environment, we can also ask how media and technologies are used to engage in these interactions. From such an analysis we can build a picture of how teachers are communicating with their students: examining both what kinds of relations are maintained, and by which media. We might also be interested in how students interact with one another. But now we do not know who is a key informant. Unlike the role of teacher, we cannot know who to ask to get a picture of overall communication. Thus, we may choose to ask all students, getting a complete set of relations maintained within a class, and perhaps also the media used, resulting in a view of the whole network of in-class relations. In examining the network this way we can find roles and positions important to the learning network, such as a gatekeeper who acts to select and transfer information from outside the network to members inside the network, or a broker who transfers resources from one part of the network to another. Social network analysis lets us discover roles that we may not know exist, and hence give us a better view of what kinds of roles are important in a learning community (e.g., the expert, or the sociological star), or just what kinds of roles turn up over and over again (e.g., the talker, joker, social supporter). At this stage in the research, we do not know much about roles that are important for online learning communities, although many online communities demonstrate the presence of a small number of actors who contribute a large amount to online discussion and a much larger number who contribute minimal or no content (for example, Beenan et al (2004) cite figures that show only 4% of members provide 50% of answers in open source communities; and 4% of open source developers provide 88% of new code and 66% of fixes). Author Relations bind a pair together, and through connections between multiple actors, bind the network together. A relation is a type of interaction that takes place between people. While there is no particular difference intended with the use relation and interaction, relation is the term typically used when referring to a category of interaction to be examined across a whole network, e.g., examining the exchange of information as a relation in a learning community (for more on social network terminology, see Wasserman and Faust, 1994). Relations are differentiated by content, i.e., what kind of resource is exchanged or shared, direction, whether resources flow to and/or from an actor, and strength, the frequency, quantity and/or intensity of the exchange. A relation can be instrumental, such as working on an assignment or exchanging information; social, such as chatting or going to parties; or emotional, such as giving social support. Many ties contain both instrumental and social or emotional relations, particularly as the tie increases in importance to actors (i.e., as ties become stronger; see below). Although much early work assumed actors would strive to fit the medium to the message (Daft and Lengel, 1986), early meta-analyses of computer-mediated communication (CMC) showed that individuals always preferred to use a rich medium over a lean one (Rice, 1987). Social network studies have further shown that media are not used according to the relation to be supported, but instead according to the strength of the tie maintained with others; pairs of actors in stronger ties use more media to communicate than those in weaker ties, and include more use of private means of communication (Haythornthwaite and Wellman, 1998; Haythornthwaite, 2000, 2001, 2002a; Koku, Nazer and Wellman, 2001). Learning entails interaction in various ways: in the dissemination of information from one person to another; the discussion and testing of ideas and understandings; the receipt of feedback; and the co-construction of new knowledge bases. Each of these exchanges – of information, advice, knowledge – is a social network relation. As well, along with such relations, there are a host of support relations that make it possible to interact with others, such as getting to know them, building trust, and understanding their expertise. The research reveals that relations that sustain learning ties and learning communities entail a complex set of interrelationships around knowledge, practice, and group functioning. For example, a typical expectation about learning is that it entails the transmission of information about subject matter from expert to novice, e.g., the subject matter of biology or chemistry communicated from a teacher to students. Differences exist, however, in how experts versus novices learn, with the experts more likely to address principles and patterns of knowledge rather than surface attributes (Bransford, Brown and Cocking, 1999). This changes what to look for in the exchange of subject matter. Another part of community learning involves practice, which many scholars view as an equally important part of what is learned, including such things as what methods are used, how experiments are conducted, how papers are written, and how knowledge is exchanged (Knorr-Cetina, 1999; Stahl, 2004). Relations to be maintained for learning communities also go beyond the basics of delivery and receipt of instruction. To many, what makes learning communities important as a construct beyond individual or classroom learning is the way these communities create common understandings, shared vocabulary, and new knowledge (Cook and Brown, 1999; Haythornthwaite, Lunsford, Kazmer, Robins and Nazarova, 2003; KnorrCetina, 1999; Latour, 1987; Scardamalia and Bereiter, 1996; Resnick, Levine and Teasdale, 1991). Thus, other aspects of learning relations include the pooling of knowledge, construction of common meanings, and generation of new ideas and Title practices. New practices are often taken on in response to advances in the discipline and technologies, e.g., publishing practices have changed with the introduction of Internet technology as preprints, drafts, and final journal copy can now be circulated online, and communication practices have changed as groups learn to communicate through new technologies and become more able to communicate and collaborate at a distance (Haythornthwaite, Lunsford, Bowker and Bruce, 2006). These kinds of changes are continuous. Technologies and social practices, including learning practices, emerge in a co-evolutionary development process, each phase providing the starting place for the next evolutionary phase (Andrews and Haythornthwaite, 2007; Hickman, 1992). Finally, another often overlooked consideration about groups and communities is the amount of learning about others that goes on – about their knowledge, skills, willingness to help, etc. All communities build transactive memory about the capabilities of community members (Brandon and Hollingshead, 1999; Monge and Contractor, 2003; Wegner, 1987). A community can expect to need to know who does what around the goals of the group. Such roles include who brings information into the group, and who is good at explaining new topics, stimulating discussion, filing a grant application, running a project, writing a paper, etc. This kind of memory may also include relations that seem quite unrelated to content or project-oriented knowledge or practice. Individuals may learn who to go to for emotional, social, or material support. Such relations may only be rarely engaged in, yet knowing someone is there in times of need forms a safety net that supports group cohesion and community maintenance. 3 Discovering Learning Relations What do we know beyond informed conjecture about what social network relations support learning communities? To discover what learning relations are important to a group, we can ask about what members of the community do with each other, building up a picture of the relational networks of the community. Several studies I have done followed this procedure (see Table 1): social network questionnaires about communication and media use were conducted with members of an academic computer science (CS) department (Haythornthwaite and Wellman, 1998), and with students in online learning classes (Haythornthwaite, 2000, 2001, 2002a); in-depth interviews were conducted with students in an online learning community (Haythornthwaite, Kazmer, Robins and Shoemaker, 2000); and an in-depth examination of learning relations was done from network data about collaboration in three research teams (Haythornthwaite, 2006a). Table 1: Studies of learning relations References Setting Haythornthwaite and Wellman, 1998 Co-located members of university computer science department Distributed, off-campus Haythornthwaite, 2000, 2001, Primary Media Face-toface meetings, email Webbased Method Sample size Questionnaire administered on paper; ego-centric network data analysis Questionnaire administered 25 participants Four classes: for class 1 (13 of 14 class Author 2002a online graduate students bulletin boards, chat, email Haythornthwaite, Kazmer, Robins and Shoemaker, 2000 Distributed, off-campus online graduate students Haythornthwaite, 2006a Partially and fully distributed collaborative research teams Webbased bulletin boards, chat, email Email, face-toface meetings by interviewer; whole and ego-centric networks analyzed, including data collected at three times during the term Qualitative interviews conducted at four times during one year Questionnaire administered by interviewer; discourse analysis and whole network analysis members participated) and class 2 (15 of 19 participated) data were collected at three times during the semester; for class 3 (12 of 17 participated) and class 4 (12 of 23 participated) data were collected only at the end of term 17 participants Three teams: 12, 16 and 13 participants. Team 1: 9 of 11 core team members interviewed + 3 noncore members; Team 2: 16 of 19 team members interviewed; Team 3: 6 of 10 core team members interviewed + 7 noncore members The studies provide an opportunity to look across settings at the kinds of relations that support learning activities, synthesizing findings for what they reveal about learning relations, learning community ties, and media use. Three aspects are discussed: the range and types of relations that have been found, the role of non-instrumental, social and emotional support relations, and tie strength and media use. 3.1 What kinds of relations constitute learning ties and networks? The study of students and faculty in the CS department, and the later study of three interdisciplinary research teams, were both undertaken to explore the range and types of relations maintained in learning communities. In both settings, members worked cooperatively on research projects, as well as maintaining faculty-student and/or seniorjunior relationships in classes and research settings. The CS respondents answered 24 questions about their interactions with up to 20 others in the department (Haythornthwaite and Wellman, 1998). Factor analysis revealed six dimensions of work and social interaction that defined relations among members of this learning community. Two were about the management of work processes (receiving work, and giving work), two about the major work products of the group (collaborative Title writing, and computer programming), and two about socio-emotional interaction and support (sociability, and major emotional support). Research team respondents were asked what they learned from their five to eight closest co-workers, and what they believed those co-workers learned from them (Haythornthwaite, 2006a). A discourse analysis of their answers led to the identification of nine learning relations. The ones engaged in by most pairs were: exchange of field or factual knowledge; exchange of process or ‘how-to’ knowledge; learning about methodologies; and joint work on research projects (e.g., writing together, data collection, analysis). Those maintained by fewer pairs included: learning about technology (e.g., technical aspects of a computer system); professional socialization (e.g., how to behave in and navigate work and academic worlds, the politics of science, and how to get grants); generation of new ideas (e.g., brainstorming, idea sharing, common language and identity building); networking (e.g., providing contacts to talk to, passing on students); and administration (engaged in by very few pairs; e.g., working on project related administrative tasks). These studies show the range and content of interactions that were important for these close colleagues. The status quo in much traditional education approaches, and writing on interdisciplinary knowledge work, emphasizes the need to share knowledge about fields (Klein, 1990, 1996; Laurillard, 2002), yet, in the CS department, six kinds of interaction sustained the community, none of which is clearly identifiable as a knowledge exchange relation (although much of that may occur in the exchange of work and creation of work products). Domain knowledge does come through as important for the interdisciplinary teams, but as only one of four major types of interaction. Learning subject content knowledge is only one facet of their interdisciplinary work. Network patterns of interaction among members of the researcher teams showed that pairs within the whole network tended to exchange the same kind of knowledge (e.g., fact with fact, method with method), rather than across types. This suggests that knowledge is being pooled more frequently between those who work on similar aspects of projects, e.g., methodologists sharing with methodologists, rather than across specialties. While this still needs to be researched further, these results suggest that knowledge transfers along lines of practice, thereby marking the need to combine consideration of what is exchanged with what roles people hold in the network. Interdisciplinary groups are an interesting contemporary case of knowledge-building communities, and examination of such groups show the way practice is entwined with knowledge. A key challenge for interdisciplinary teams is how to put knowledge bases together, in particular because practices around each knowledge base are relatively invisible to their practitioners (Haythornthwaite et al, 2006; Haythornthwaite, 2006b). What research method to use, how research practice unfolds, how and whether data can be shared, and publication practices and needs for students, new faculty and senior faculty, all represent surprisingly wide gulfs to cross. A conclusion to draw from this is that the relation that needs work for such teams is not so much knowledge sharing, or personal social interaction, but instead a joint articulation of difference (Haythornthwaite, 2006b). In keeping with work by Stahl (2004) and Orlikowski (2002), what such knowledge-building groups learn is practice, and what is enacted by groups and communities through these kinds of experiences is collective knowledge about how to practice in such diverse groups (see also Haythornthwaite et al, 2003). Author 3.2 Relations based on social and/or emotional content Across the studies, differences were apparent in the presence of socio-emotional relations and their importance to the group. Among the computer scientists, some ties were found that entailed a strong work relationship (as reported by respondents), but did not involve the kind of personal interaction associated with friendship ties. Although good friends in the same department also worked together, there were a number of pairs maintaining a strictly work-oriented relationship. This is an important finding as it suggests not only a variety of kinds of relations underpinning work ties, but also variety in kinds of ties that make up a these communities. For this group, social bonds were not always necessary for work relationships. Another study also showed a separation of work and emotional relations. An in-depth study of the social networks of a class of online learners showed that work relations were supported across a different set of actors than the emotional support relation (Haythornthwaite, 2001). Accomplishing work did not require pairs to gain emotional support from each other since network members were receiving that support from others. However work pairs did socialize. Hrastinski (in press), repeating this study in Sweden, found little socializing or emotional support in the two classes he studied. He describes these students as quite independent-minded, keen to work on their own rather than with others. Like the CS department, work relationships can unfold without socio-emotional content. By contrast, studies of learners across the entire online program found social bonds to be highly important to the community. A series of longitudinal interviews revealed how internal, community-oriented, social and emotional communications helped students come to terms with their anxiety and confusion as new online learners (Haythornthwaite et al, 2000). Because these students felt they were engaged in an activity that no one in their local setting understood, sharing common experiences with other students became the most important means of keeping them going in the online learning community. Unlike the computer scientists who could achieve work in a more instrumental manner, the online students could only achieve their work by being closely bound to others. While further study of this connection between instrumental and social relations is needed, results from these studies suggest that in collectives organized around learning activities, work and learning ties can exist either without, or separate from, social ties. An open question, however, is whether a collective without social interaction at some level will support the needs or experience of community. The online learners who report social bonds to be important are also those who report their online setting to be a community, but even in that community there are some who prefer a more peripheral and instrumental relationship with the community (Haythornthwaite et al, 2000). As noted above, the ability to call on others for social support should it be needed can be an important, yet rarely used infrastructure for community maintenance. Also, as noted, within any network, there will be various kinds of ties, from weak to strong, each of which are important resources and components of communities. 3.3 Ties based on multiple relations and use of multiple media Using what was learned in the CS study, a series of studies of online learners asked about interaction with classmates on four relations: collaboration on class work, exchange of information or advice about class work, socializing, and exchange of emotional support (Haythornthwaite 2000, 2001, 2002a). Four online learning classes were examined in all. Both the CS study and these studies of online learners gathered data on Title strength of interpersonal tie, and how media were used for each relation, asking who talked to whom, about what, and via which media. These studies provided evidence that online ties follow the same ‘rules’ about tie strength as offline ties: the closer the tie (as reported by individuals in the group), the more relations maintained (relational multiplexity) and the more likely relations were to include self-disclosure. Thus, these studies legitimate researching and accepting online relations as comparable to – as real as – offline relations. These studies also revealed a new aspect of tie strength: that those with stronger ties used more media to communicate than weak ties, a finding I have termed media multiplexity. Analyses of the data showed that media use did not differ by relation, but instead by the strength of the tie between communicating pairs. Moreover, media use conformed to a uni-dimensional scale, with only one medium used by the weakest ties. That one medium was the one used for group communication and meetings: face-to-face scheduled meetings for the co-located CS department, and synchronous class chat sessions for the online students. This has important structural outcomes for groups since media use follows a uni-dimensional scale associated with tie strength, the primary medium for interaction becomes the major and, often only, means for weak ties to connect to each other. The impact of this is discussed below in reference to what I have called latent ties, as discussed in the following section. 4 Supporting Strong, Weak and Latent Ties in Learning Networks This section discusses the important concept of strength of ties and how this affects learning networks and learning communities, particularly online communities. In general, most work on groups and communities has focused on how to maintain strong ties, particularly online, for example, in the areas of computer-supported cooperative work (CSCW), and computer-supported collaborative learning (CSCL). Online learning systems are also designed to support strong work and learning tasks, e.g., the delivery of class lectures, asynchronous discussion of class topics, assignment submission and grade management, designs that largely ignore the creation of environments in which learning communities can begin and grow (for design for learning communities, see Barab, Kling and Gray, 2004; Stuckey and Barab, 2007), and learning communities that need support for both receipt of new information and close working ties (Haythornthwaite, 2002b) Strong ties and weak ties provide complementary resources for individuals actors, and both are important for learning and community (Haythornthwaite, 2002b). Actors in strong ties tend to be similar in attitudes, socioeconomic characteristics, etc. (known as homophily), making it easier for them to have common ground and common understanding as they embark on work together. Those in strong ties are interested and concerned about each other, and are motivated to share information, whether for mutual understanding and benefit to the tie or altruistic reasons that support the recipient. In times of crisis, actors in strong ties are the ones to call on because they are motivated to help and share wherever they can. However, those to whom we are strongly tied tend to travel in the same social circles as we do, with access to the same resources and information, and thus the help and information they can give tends to be constrained to the same resources to which we already have access. By contrast, weak ties are held with people who are usually different from us (heterophily), and who know a set of people different from our own close social circle. This different social circle is the root of the strength of weak ties (Granovetter, 1973). Author Their different-ness from us means they have access to information and resources different from our own, and contacts different from those in our social circle. Studies show that individuals are more likely to become aware of new ideas, information, jobs and career opportunities through their weak ties (Granovetter, 1973; Lin and Bian, 1991; Rogers, 1995). However, because they do not know us well, and have little invested in our future or the future of the tie, they are less motivated to share, and less aware that sharing particular kinds of information would be important to us. In learning communities, weak ties are important for gaining exposure to new information, opinions, and ideas different from our own, and new approaches to problemsolving, elements that go hand in hand with notions of collaborative learning, and CSCL (Bruffee, 1993; Koschmann, 1996). Strong ties are important for social support, friendship, and work partnerships. When initiatives for online learning are directed solely at creating the support for instrumental aspects of the learning environment or for information or instructional delivery, they fall short in addressing the need to support weak tie contact and non-learning exchanges important for strong ties. Members of learning communities need to hear new ideas and opinions from weak ties, as well as to get work done toward group outcomes with strong ties. Overall, it is important to recognize that, in supporting learning communities, it is necessary to be mindful of both strong and weak ties, including opportunities for individuals to get to know each other well enough to create a strong tie (for a longer discussion of this point, see Haythornthwaite, 2002b). There is one more type of tie to discuss. As noted above, in my research I have identified and been describing the role of what I have termed latent ties, defined as ties that are technically possible but not yet activated into weak ties (Haythornthwaite, 2002a, 2002b, 2005a). Initial membership in a class, residence in a new neighborhood, and enrollment in a listserv all lay a latent tie foundation. These structures provide a framework in which actors can more easily activate ties – e.g., by seeing and talking to others in class, meeting people walking in the neighborhood, and engaging in discussion on the listserv. In this way, latent ties can be activated into weak ties, with the further opportunity to grow into strong ties. Again, as noted above, not all pairs connected by a latent tie foundation will initiate either a weak or strong interpersonal tie. Indeed, many may remain lurkers, connected to the network by receiving information, but not themselves engaging actively or initiating contact with others in the network. However, the foundation will make it easier to keep up with the network as a whole, and to develop a common understanding of network activity, and perhaps, some day, for individuals to make the transition from lurker to active participant. The kinds of available media, and what they are defined to be used for in online and e-learning groups, turn out to be an important aspect of latent ties. In the studies described above, those who do not actively engage with each other – e.g., class members not actively working on projects with each other – are still members of the group and keep up with group activities through communications managed through the group-wide means of contact. Online this can be one-to-many bulletin board postings; face-to-face this can be scheduled group meetings. Email and other private means of communication (chat whispering, phone) sustain stronger ties for both distant and co-located participants. Strongly-tied pairs add the use of these private media onto their base use of group-wide media. As I have argued elsewhere (see Haythornthwaite, 2002a, 2002b, 2005a), the important point for any learning setting is that the technical (e.g., chat technology) and social implementation (e.g., required synchronous chat times) of the group-wide contact Title medium are organizational decisions that cannot be initiated by pairs who are only just beginning to know each other – e.g., members of new class or newly formed knowledge community. It is instead the actions of authorities beyond the group members that lay the foundation for such tie formation, authorities such as educational administrators, instructors, online community creators and facilitators. 5 Maintaining Ties, Networks and Communities Online It is perhaps the seemingly simple ability to use a latent tie structure to initiate online contact that underpins some of the anxiety about online ties. Can we trust an overture from an online contact, initiated only on the basis of common membership in a listserv or common presence in a chat room? If we engage with another person online, communicating frequently, exchanging of information, and disclosing personal histories, enacting in all aspects the traits of a strong tie, is it a ‘real’ tie, a real interpersonal relationship? If the individuals engaged in these interactions perceive their ties to be ‘as real as’ any offline relationships they are in, is their word sufficient for others to see this tie as ‘real’? Many have debated how ‘real’ fully online relationships are, and about the true location of community. One side questions how the ‘leanness’ of online interaction – characterized by text-based communication, lack of non-verbal cues, asynchronicity, and reduced visibility of others – could ever measure up to the ‘richness’ of face-to-face interaction and local geographically-based relations and community. The other side revels in the enhanced connectivity and ability to express themselves found in the online environment, sometimes precisely because of its leanness. While this is not the place to revisit this debate, which is well documented and discussed elsewhere, it is important to understand the unbundling of attributes that makes maintaining a tie online different from maintaining one face-to-face, and the opportunities and constraints this offers for online learning relations and communities. (For papers and reviews on the debate about CMC, online ties and community, see Haythornthwaite, 2007; Haythornthwaite and Nielsen, 2006; Katz and Rice, 2002; Kraut, Patterson, Kiesler, Mukhopadhyay and Scherilis, 1998; Nie, 2001; Wellman and Haythornthwaite, 2002). One long discussed difference between face-to-face and mediated communication is the relative anonymity afforded by the reduced cues of CMC. The selective presentation of personal attributes provides a measure of anonymity that not only provides a shield against others, but also a mask to wear when playing on the online stage (Ellison, Heino and Gibbs, 2006; Turkle, 1995). The reduction of communication cues has both positive and negative consequences for community: it can create the safe environment for trying out ideas that is important for learning environments (Bruffee, 1993), but it can also provide an environment for trickery and deception (e.g., Dibbell, 1993). Some may find it easier to present ideas when they feel personally insulated from others, but at the same time this may prevent building trust. Also different is the primary use of text-based, asynchronous interaction. Individuals can also feel less social presence (Short, Williams and Christie, 1976; Garrison and Anderson, 2003) in these environments because of the lean, non-immediate interaction and the few cues to the identity of others. Because of this, CMC has been cited as a difficult venue for communicating complicated ideas; combined with the lack of social presence, CMC has also been cited as a difficult venue for creating consensus (Kiesler and Sproull, 1992). Although many communication conventions have arisen to Author compensate for the lack of cues (e.g., emoticons, as well as more careful crafting of messages), many still feel that the asynchronous, text-based reduced cues environment is less than optimal for deep discussion. However, for online learning communities, the need to articulate knowledge and clarify intent via text may be particularly useful. The forced articulation not only provides a record of knowledge development (perhaps of use to newbies entering the community), but, more importantly, enacts a continuous process of making tacit knowledge explicit. On the downside, the pressure of posting can act as a barrier to participation. New online learners describe just that kind of worry, a fear that their postings would not be as good as others, and general worry about the norms of posting (Bregman and Haythornthwaite, 2003). Despite differences, studies of online communities show that those in the communities perceive ties to be as real online as off, with individuals giving and gaining trust online. Rheingold’s (2000) detailed account of the online community known as the Well gives an evocative account of how impersonal, online textual interchange created real commitment, emotion, and communal feelings for members of the Well. Similar detailed accounts of the community can be found in other in-depth examinations (e.g., Baym, 2000; Kendall, 2002; Cherny, 1999). In these and other studies, participants in stable online settings show engagement at the interpersonal and network level. They make close interpersonal ties with others online (friendships, working relationships), and as the tie grows in strength, they add the use of more means of communication. For online ties, this means adding offline interaction, reversing the expected primacy of faceto-face over mediated communication (Rheingold, 2000; Haythornthwaite et al, 2000). Our contemporary mediated experience leads us to accept that a tie may start offline or online and, in either case, as the sense of commitment increases, add more media and more venues for communication and interaction. Similar outcomes are happening at the network level. Through the online setting participants come to know others, understand community norms, and become committed to a community. They exhibit behaviors similar to those in offline communities, such as common use of language; creation, monitoring, and sanctioning of transgressions of norms and rules; and development of community roles (McLaughlin, Osborne and Smith, 1995). Online members describe these environments as communities, their communities, their “different kind of world” (Haythornthwaite et al, 2000). This is not to say that the presentation of community has not changed. As a result of the many trends that have challenged community, it is less bound to a specific geographic location. But is it not ‘lost’ in the same way as many report, i.e., it has not disappeared altogether. Instead it is being transformed onto a new platform which mixes online and offline communication with local and distant members, as well as individuals juggling multiple social worlds (Kazmer and Haythornthwaite, 2001). We might ask why use of mediated communication is so revolutionary in terms of affecting personal ties and networks. After all, haven’t people been corresponding by letter for centuries, maintaining ties at a distance over long periods of separation? The answer comes in part from the enhanced salience of cues. The rapid feedback possible in these communities, anytime/anywhere access, and the wide range of others involved makes a qualitative difference between online forums and older forms of mediated communication. This is not one-to-one correspondence, but many-to-many observable interaction, available any time of day or night, providing immediate communication gratification and long-lasting, ever-available relationships. Moreover, the whole of this correspondence network – just like the whole of an observable village – provides an Title opportunity to observe, interact, and choose friends and colleagues, all from the (relative) safety of one’s home. In a sense, these online worlds are even more like the (imagined) villages of old than many examples of contemporary urban life. 6 Network Benefits for Learning Networks and Learning Communities Why does the network – the community – level of interaction matter? What does the network, and a learning network, offer of benefit over learning on one’s own or with one or two others? As the group literature tells us, one of the reasons for group work is that it lets people accomplish more than they could as individuals. This is equally true for learning environments as many minds can provide clarification of different types in information transfer settings, and add more to joint development in knowledge-building communities. But these ideas don’t go far enough. A stable network itself provides benefits that persist beyond individual membership and which can be accessed by individuals who either belong to the network or make use of the network as a resource. Network benefits can be considered in two ways: from the perspective of an individual, creating their own array of network connections to support their work, social, and learning needs; and from the perspective of the network that supports one of those needs. Discussions of totally or primarily online community take the latter, whole network perspective to online ties and relations. Studies of individuals take an ego-centric or personal network approach. These two perspectives help make sense of some of the pros and cons often debated regarding online activity and commitment to community. From a whole network perspective, we might find a learning community that is maintained online via listserv communications, while at the personal level individuals may maintain their own learning on the same topic by belonging to that listserv, lurking in other mailing lists, emailing colleagues, and posting to limited access bulletin boards. At the whole network level, individuals may act as a full network member, perhaps taking on a role of a gatekeeper, bringing knowledge into the learning community; at the personal network level, individuals will take what they need from each environment they operate in, choosing the knowledge they need and choosing to which communities to contribute. Participation at the whole network level may be seen as altruistic and socially progressive; picking and choosing across networks may be seen as selfish and socially irresponsible, taking without giving back. Popular presentations of the web and online learning tend to exaggerate the benefits for individuals in being able to pick and choose what they learn and from whom, and their engagement with others. The ‘networked individualism’ that Wellman (2001) argues current technologies and societies promote, liberates individuals by supporting self-direction and self-selection of ties. It exaggerates weak ties at the expense of strong ties, and focal individuals in ego-centric networks over whole networks. It also challenges collectives to vie for the attention of this networked individual. As Goldhaber (1997) has noted, time and attention are the new scarce resources, particularly as technologies increase networking potential. People have always maintained such personal networks, making use of local contact, cars, planes, letters and phone to sustain connection with people who mattered to them (Wellman, 1979, 1999), but the extension into online communication has allowed easier reach to more specialised relationships. Educational institutions are already feeling the impact of such networked individualism as individuals begin to choose new e-learning options, and as informal learning is created and sustained in online venues. The question is where this will Author progress: Will individuals pick and choose their learning to fit their perceived needs rather than joining knowledge communities? Will education be driven by the need to catch the attention of the new generation of learners? On the other hand, will learners take a greater responsibility for self-direction in learning activities? As with previous debates, both positive or negative outcomes can be expected, but perhaps the important point to keep in mind at this point is that technologies are driving considerable change in where and with whom individuals are learning, and these are important impacts to prepare for in creating and sustaining online learning communities. What can be lost in an unbalanced move to individual learning are the benefits of community interaction for learning and knowledge creation. It is at the network level that benefits of social capital emerge. Although there are various definitions of social capital, it is easiest to conceive of it as benefits that exist only because a network of interacting actors exists, and as a resource embedded in and constituted by the social network (Burt, 2000; Daniel, Schwier and McCalla, 2003; Lin, 2001; Putnam, 2000). Such benefits arise in stable networks with known patterns of interaction, and include the ability to trust network members, to have a common language, and to depend on network-based mechanisms for managing behaviors. This concept may be particularly important in learning and knowledge building communities. The network holds a common definition of words, actions, practices, and technologies that no individual can enact. Consider the lone actor in a new field of research – with no colleagues, no journal for publication, no established methods of research, and no history of studies to build on. This is often the case for interdisciplinary work, and the lone actor needs to seek out and build relationships with others to convince them to join the new endeavor and jointly co-construct the definition and knowledge base of the field. Exciting work, but difficult precisely because the individual has no social capital to draw on for this new work. Collaborative learning and knowledge building requires a process of entry into a community, an enculturation, a “mutual engagement of participants in a coordinated effort to solve [a] problem together” (Koschmann, 1996, p. 13), in which what is learned are practices and ‘collaborative knowing’ (Orlikowski, 2002; Stahl, 2004; Scardamalia and Bereiter, 1996). It is not just facts these communities create, but common ways of collecting, verifying, and interpreting facts. Practice again becomes entwined with the acquisition of knowledge. The benefit of the network is that it holds this knowledge, even when individual actors come and go. But without contribution to the network, introduction of newbies to current practices, debates about practice, and rejuvenation of old knowledge, there is no community. Hence, as in the tragedy of the commons, unbalanced individual use drawing only from the network and not providing input to the network can wither a learning community, decreasing the benefits that any can take from the learning community as a learning commons. At this point we might venture a definition that a learning network is a network that holds learning beyond the individual, a network endowed with ‘learning capital,’ whether that is knowledge held across the network or the practices of knowledge generation that the network sustains. An individual may come to such a network and retrieve information or learn practices; they may also come to build knowledge and practices, adding to the network by rejuvenating and/or reinforcing practices. We can speculate that where there is no addition, reinforcement or rejuvenation of knowledge and practices, the network will lose its coherence. As a community, it will no longer maintain itself; as an entity it will become obsolete. Thus, we add one last aspect of learning networks: that they are Title living entities, nurtured and perpetuated by involvement and continual generation of learning capital through the mechanisms of relational interaction among community members. 7 Conclusion This paper has provided an introduction to relational mechanisms that sustain learning networks, with attention to factors affecting online interaction and contexts. Work in this area is relatively new, and thus the paper is also a call for more research on learning relations, networks and communities. To recapitulate, while some communities have the particular purpose and goal of promoting learning and knowledge construction, learning pertains to all communities and online communities. Learning relations support entry into community membership and sustain the growth and rejuvenation of communities; they are the lifeblood of living networks. Examining relations provides a way of finding out what matters to a particular group, providing understanding of the learning and community processes, enabling social and technical support for such processes. Participation in a network can benefit individuals who may dip into a network for their learning needs – an approach much touted for the Internet. However, where individuals surf without contribution, communities suffer if the critical mass of contributors fails to keep the network alive. Online environments can support communities of members who interact and learn together as a group and they can support individuals as they choose what to learn to support their personal goals, but only if the former is vital enough to sustain a living network. 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