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Local Peace Zones
Madelene A. Sta. Maria
Introduction
A study of the Peace Zones as special areas of development may provide us with valuable
insights into the processes undertaken to provide communities with resources and
capabilities for economic, social, and political growth. These zones, being the locus
where the roots of conflict are to be addressed, present to us a venue where improved
governance may be observed and investigated. It is likewise to be noted that these Peace
Zones have been declared through people's initiatives. Such an act necessitates a degree
of community organization that makes consensus possible regarding the analyses of
prevailing conditions and desired goals. With this important facet existing in these
communities, we may now also be able to study how non-governmental organizational
aspects and entities interact with governmental functions in addressing the developmental
needs of a particular community. The aim of the present case study is to present the
dynamics of such an interaction in a selected Peace Zone area so that an understanding
may be obtained regarding governance through the mediation of civil society
organizational activities and goals.
In previous studies on the Tulunan Peace Zones, analyses are confined to the events that
preceded and accompanied the declaration of the Peace Zones (e.g. Montiel and Briones,
1995; Gastardo-Conaco and Lee,1994). Of greater significance in these studies is the
participation of community, church and government leadership in the establishment of
the Peace Zone. The emergent values and the process of moral persuasion that the
concept of the Peace Zone was likewise of greater interest in these studies (see also Lee,
1994). Little attention was given to the nature of government and organizational activities
within the area that relate to its status as a zone for peace and development.
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The interaction between CSOs and government institutions/agents in the Peace Zones
may be viewed from two levels. These levels relate to the status accorded by the
governments to these Zones or communities. The Peace Zones may be recognized as
peace constituencies, and may thus be seen by the government as instrumental to the
promotion of peace in the country. The government agency the directly coordinates with
organized bodies within Peace Zone areas for the maintenance of and advocacy for peace
is the Office of the Presidential Adviser for the Peace Process (OPAPP). Representatives
from the OPAPP conduct regular visits to these areas to monitor developments, and assist
when conflicts arise in the communities. The Peace Zones are also accorded the status of
special development areas, and as such, these communities are treated as sites where
roots of non-peace may be addressed through the implementation of development
projects. The National Program for Unification and Development Council, created by
then President Ramos in September 1993 through an executive order, was tasked with the
formulation and supervision of program packages for these communities which are now
known to be Special Peace and Development Areas. CSO activities in the area are
predominantly directed toward addressing the needs of the communities as special zones
of development, rather than toward engaging the community in the promotion of peacebuilding efforts within the country.
In order to capture the nature of the interplay between government and non-government
activities and functioning in the Tulunan Peace Zone Area, date were obtained through
individual and group interviews with church leaders and church workers, community
members and leaders, government officials, and non-government organization officers
and staff members. Information was likewise taken from official documents from the
municipal office on the Peace Zone projects, and from documents from the Tulunan Zone
of Peace Foundation. Three field visits were undertaken to gather data: from the 24th to
the 28th of June 1999, from the 17th to the 21st of September 1999, and from the 3rd to the
6th of February 2000.
Focused on in the study are two Zones of Peace located in the municipality of Tulunan, in
the northern part of Mindanao province of Cotabato. These Peace Zones of Sitio New
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Alimodian and Barangay Bituan are located in the eastern portion of the municipality.
Together, the Peace Zones of New Alimodian and Bituan comprise ca. 5% of the total
land area of Tulunan. New Alimodian was created as sitio of Barangay Banayal in 1969,
when people from the Barangay proper transferred to the area because of armed conflicts.
New Alimodian is presently composed of 129 households. Barangay Bituan is settled by
Ilonggo migrants from Miagao, Iloilo who make up a total of ca. 118 households. The
minimum number of children per family is 5, while the maximum is 13 to 15.
The residents of New Alimodian and Bituan engage in farming with rice, corn and
peanuts as the main crops planted and produced. The average annual income per
household is P 15,000. As a source of secondary income, some of them engage in poultry
and hog raising as the most common form of backyard livestock raising. The majority of
residents earn from P 2,500 to P 6,000 per hectare per cropping. Most of the residents
make use of their own resources in financing their farm expenses since they have no
access to credit facilities and have no chance of availing of different types of credit with
the exception of the credit they may enjoy from the community cooperative stores. The
average farm-size falls within three hectares. The majority of the farmer-residents can be
classified as landowners, acquiring the land by purchase or though squatting. There is a
predominant use of non-mechanized methods of farming, i.e. the use of the carabaodrawn plow, bolo or the carabao-drawn harrow.
The Tulunan Peace Zones were selected for study because of the existing level of
community organization in the area. This level of community organization has been
achieved through the introduction of Basic Ecclesial Communities (BECs) in these areas
by the Catholic Church. Since the 70s. The Bituan and New Alimodian Peace Zones are
also the present sites for development projects initiated by the only active NGO in the
area, the Tulunan Zone of Peace Foundation (TZPF). The TZPF (known by community
members by the acronym of its Japan-based funding agent, CCWA) is a church-based
non-government organization, i.e. its activities are consistent with the Church's mission
and are supervised by Church leaders. Other CSOs that have entered the area were not
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able to continue their operations and activities mainly because of the lack of Church
backing and support that was necessary to remain active in the communities.
The marked visibility of the Church leadership in the area is attributable to the significant
role it played in protecting the people against violence from the military at the height
armed conflict in the area during the late 80's. Members of the community who were
involved in church activities within the BECs were suspected to be affiliated with or
supportive of the New People's Army (NPA) of the Communist Party and were thus
persecuted. Because of this experience, community members have become distrustful of
government. Government functions are seen to be advantageous or beneficial only in
such instances when there is coordination with or endorsement from church-based leaders
and/or agencies. The CSO participation in governance in the Tulunan Peace Zone is thus
deeply influenced by the nature of leadership exercised by the Church in these
communities.
From our observations of the encounters among the various CSOs, and CSOs with
government, the following outcomes are evident:
1. The nature of the CSO active in the Peace Zone remains to be consistent with
the Church-initiated BEC structure that was put in place during the times
when the political conflict was adversely affecting the people's lives. Two
types of CSOs became distinct: the church-based CSOs and the independent
CSO. An independent CSO is that which administers funds independently
from the Church and minimally consults the Church leadership in the planning
and implementation of its projects. CSO activities that are "independent" are
discontinued when these are not consistent with the programs delivered by the
Church, or do not conform with the practice of consultation and participation
that characterize the BEC formula.
2. Whereas there existed an alienation from and distrust for government before
and shortly after the declaration of the Peace Zones, greater confidence for
government is gradually being experienced as positions in local government
councils are occupied by BEC leaders who also perform leadership roles in
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Peace Zone Coordinating bodies and in the CSO committees. Consequently,
CSO plans and projects are tabled for deliberation in local government council
meetings, and community leaders get familiar with tasks involved in the
implementation of projects at the local government level. At the same time,
government officials at the local community level assume important
responsibilities at the CSO level. Most of the local government council
members who get involved and agree to participate as heads of CSO
committees are also beneficiaries of CSO programs and projects. They
therefor feel that it is only proper that they accept CSO responsibilities being
themselves beneficiaries of these CSO services. Although they are aware of
the advantages of simultaneously holding government and non-government
positions, they see no difference in their tasks. Thus, composition of
leadership in the communities remain unchanged. Participation at the CSO
level occurs largely as a result of a patronage system reinforced by the CSO in
its manner of organizing its delivery of services in the community.
3. Transparency and efficiency in the administration and implementation of
community programs are said to be achieved when these activities are
undertaken within the existing machinery of the Church through its organized
units in the community. Without Church interference, questions may be
legitimately raised about how funds are being spent and about the sincerity of
the project proponents. A mistrust of "outsiders", which was strongly felt
during pre-Peace Zone era continues to be engendered and reinforced. The
Church continues to play its role as a "protector" of the people against the
government and non-government bodies that may "intrude" into the people's
lives and "exploit" them. Members of these communities share this same
sentiment and are mostly wary of government intrusions. When nongovernment "outsiders" who have brought in projects that were beneficial to
the communities were constrained to leave (ostensibly by the Left),
community members and leaders find themselves unable to question or
oppose the action. They remain powerless and often report that they are
ignorant about what brought about the unfortunate incident.
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These outcomes can only be understood in the context of how the Peace Zone has
developed from a community that was engaged in a political struggle for its continued
existence. This political struggle was supported and substantiated by the Church which,
at present, continues to closely monitor the community in its socio-economic
rehabilitation. To undertake an examination of this context, a brief history of the Church
presence and the nature of Church leadership will be presented.
The Church Presence in the Tulunan Peace Zone Area
The level of community organization that one may observe in Tulunan is attributable to
the presence of the Gagmay'ng Kristohanong Katilingban (GKK) or the Basic Ecclesial
Communities in the area. The thrust of the Kidapawan diocese, of which the Tulunan
parish is a member, has been focused, since the early 1980's, on the education for justice
and peace. Regular consultations with community residents were undertaken to determine
their present conditions and how they are able to overcome their problems. During these
consultations, inputs were given by church leaders/resource persons about the overall
national situation. This was to provide the people with the opportunity to share their
concerns with others in the community and to unite their interests to address these
concerns.
Communities were and are organized at the barangay level in terms of Kapilyas or
chapels, each consisting of clusters of 10 families. Sunday celebrations are held within
each Kapilya, which is usually done through a bible service presided over by a designated
Kapilya head. The Kapilya also provides the venue for regular discussions on community
concerns. A diocesan general assembly is held every three years wherein the Kapilya
representatives gather to share experiences and plan for activities. These activities include
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leadership programs, family life programs for marital partners and retreats of live-in
seminars for the youth.
The Church became very much a part of the people's lives during the 1980's. A church
activity was also a community activity. The leaders of the church were also the
community leaders. Because many of the church activities involved community building
and immersion into the daily lives of the people, many church leaders were suspected of
sympathizing with or working for the NPA. These leaders were tortured and killed by
fanatic paramilitary groups. Leaders of farmers' organizations who were also closely
involved in various community organizing activities of the Church suffered the same fate.
When the setting up of Peace Zone was being planned, the Tulunan parish priest, Fr. Roni
Villamor, represented the people in their negotiations with the militaary and the
government. The municipal councilor, Joel Villamor, the brother of Fr. Roni, was also
instrumental in the success of the Peace Zone effort through his support for the concept at
the municipal level.
When he assumed his duties as parish priest, Fr. Roni's objective was to make a clear
identity for the Church distinct from the government/military and from the rebel group.
He acknowledged the fact that there were church members who have taken up arms
against the government, but he tried to show that the workers for the Church did not
belong to the same camp -- the Church had different methodology for change.
The Tulunan parish priest enjoyed the full support of the people. He is a most powerful
and influential leader of the community. Stories are told by the people of the heroic acts
of their priests in moments of extreme violence and suffering. Fr. Roni Villamor, known
to be the Father of the Peace Zone, was said to have offered his life to the people. His
successor to the parish, Fr. Toto Buenaflor, the Tulunan parish priest from 1993 to 1997,
is said to have exhibited unselfish and brave actions that demonstrated his commitment to
the people. When the fanatic paramilitary group Tadtad killed and dismembered the body
of the father of the former parish coordinator, Mr. Toto Nim, Fr. Toto was said to be the
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only one who went to the place of death and carried the remains of the dead man with his
bare hands. Fr. Toto was also known to have gone personally to the area where antilogging activities were supposed to have taken place, confiscated the logging equipment
and transported the cut trees to the doorsteps of the municipal building as a sign of protest
to these illegal activities. The current heads of the TZPF committees look back at Fr.
Toto's time when it was so much easier to deal with problems in the area because he
would personally take up these matters with the local government officials.
Fr. Toto is the founder of the Tulunan Zone of Peace Foundation (TZPF). He was to have
been mainly responsible for obtaining the funding support from the Japan-based Christian
Children's Welfare Association. The low-profile image of the current parish priest, Fr.
Fred Palomar, is usually compared to the dynamic Fr. Toto. Fr. Fred states that it really is
a matter of a difference in leadership style. Much of Fr. Toto's success as a leader is
being attributed to his being a member of a political clan on North Cotabato, and to the
fact that the Mayor at the time he was parish priest was his cousin. The mayor during Fr.
Toto's stay in the Tulunan parish, Mayor Peñafiel, fully supported the Church-initiated
activities, and was said to have backed many of the Peace Zone programs and to have
consulted directly with the leaders in the Peace Zones.
The most influential leaders in the Peace Zones are those that are closely associated with
the Church. Having experienced the support of their Church leaders in their most trying
moments, the people have given their full support to Church-initiated activities.
Community members are said to show their strength in numbers when mobilized by
Church leaders and organizers. A long caravan of truckloads of people are known to have
been produced through these mobilization efforts.
The Peace Zone as a Zone of Development
A possibility for an improvement in the economic life if the people was seen with the
declaration of the Tulunan Peace Zones as Special Peace and Development Areas
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(SPDAs) in 1993. The Peace Zones in Tulunan were thus to be awarded P 5 million each
for development and livelihood projects. For the first phase of implementation, about half
of the original intended funding have since been spent for various projects and
community needs. These included the setting up or expansion of consumer's stores, the
purchase of farm machineries such as power tillers, rice and corn threshers, and the
purchase of Brahman cows.
Most of these projects have become idle, however, due to lack of additional
capitalization, support technical services and regular monitoring form concerned
agencies. In other cases, the occurrence of natural calamities has caused the failure of
many projects. For example, the implementation of seed and seedling dispersal projects
was a failure due to the rat and black bug infestations brought about by the heavy rains of
the La Niña weather phenomenon. This has caused residents that corruption took place in
various stages in the release of funds for some of these projects, evidenced by the
purchase of unsuitable farm animals and equipment, and the construction of defective
water supply and irrigation structures.
Another significant factor has been cited as having caused the failure of the projects in
the first release of the SPDA funds. This has to do with the lack of preparation on the part
of community members in managing these funds, and the limited time frame imposed by
government agencies in the disbursement of the funds. Community leaders and officers
were not given the necessary training to efficiently handle the funds for the various
proposed projects. The community members did not have a long-term perspective in
determining how the funds may be utilized. They were more pre-occupied with their dayto-day existence. When the funds were released from the provincial government to the
cooperative stores, the people were not aware and were confused about the requirements.
The implementations of projects were done swiftly, not giving enough time for the
members of the community to learn the skills and to develop a perspective necessary to
handle huge amount of money. There was a seeming urgency to release funds before the
end of the Ramos administration. Project proposals were then hurriedly accomplished so
that funds could be used. As a result, most of the programs implemented were give, for
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example, to corn and peanut producers. Corn seeds were distributed not in time for the
planting season. The Brahman cows distributed could not be used as farm animals as
intended because the recipients did not know how to take care of these animals. The cows
were thus sold or eaten up as a remedy to the food shortage caused by the severe drought
brought about by the El Niño phenomenon that recently hit the area. To further help
augment their income, many farmer landowners have resorted to leasing their lands to the
Central Mindanao Sugar Corporation for P 8,400 for three years per hectare.
The introduction of the project funds also caused conflict among the people. Because of
disagreements as to how the funds may be utilized, a group of BEC members were said to
have split from a mother unit to establish their own unit. The main antagonists in this
conflict, however, were the parish priest and an NGO head. The nature of this conflict
will later be described.
According to Fr. Roni, when the funds came in, Fr. Toto decided that it was important to
supervise where these funds should go since the implementation required a tripartite
(government, non-government and community) relationship. In Fr. Roni's perception,
this move was not in keeping with the history of the Peace Zone as it coordinated with
the OPPP -- a coordination that was motivated by political issue, and where participation
from the people did not involve money. In Fr. Roni's view: "So yung pera, imbes n
maging opportunity to be generous, naging opportunity to be selfish. Naging selfcentered sila which noon wala yon kasi wala namang pinghati-hatian." (The money,
instead of presenting an opportunity to be generous, was used as an opportunity to be
selfish. They became self-centered which was not there before because at that time there
was nothing to be divided among themselves."
The SPDA fund is thus now being judged as not having helped to uplift the economic
conditions of the people. In 1997, a new proposal was drawn up by the municipal
government task force in consultation with the Peace Zone leaders for the remaining P 9
million of the SPDA fund. No concrete response have since been given by the national
government. In February 1999, a meeting was arranged with the OPAPP to verify the
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existence of the remaining funds and to obtain a commitment for the release of these
funds. Since then, different government representatives have come to visit the area,
asking the same set of questions every time. The municipal officials who are tasked to
follow-up on the release of the funds are themselves not very optimistic about the
implementation of the second phase of SPDA projects. The present administration does
not seem interested in pursuing the same programs of the last administration.
The delivery of basic services from the government in the Peace Zone communities has
slackened because of the special status these communities allegedly enjoy as Peace
Zones: "Tingin kasi nila minsan dahil special ang peace zone, akala nila, ok na"
(Because they see the Peace Zone as special, they assume that everything is just going
fine). In other words, because these communities have been awarded with special funds
and are a favorite focus for projects by non-government organizations, they are not given
much attention by the local government. We then would often hear residents' complaints
about not feeling the presence of the local government in their communities. Community
members also report that the OPAPP representatives' visits to their areas have become
rare.
The CSO Presence in the Peace Zone Area
Currently the most active NGO in the Tulunan Peace Zone area is the Tulunan Zone of
Peace Center (TPZC) of the Tulunan parish. The Center was established in 1997, with the
incumbent Tulunan parish priest as director. Other civil society organizations predated
the creation of the TPZC, such as the farmer's organization BATUNA (the acronym for
the areas covered by the association: Banayal, Tuburan and Nabundasan) formed in the
late 70's and the Pagsagop Foundation of the early 1990's.
The TPZC was conceived from the discussion in the Tri-People (the indigenous people or
the Lumads, Muslim and Christian people's) meeting held in 1996 at the parish of
Tulunan. What was common in the people's sharing was the dream of peace, unity and
understanding which can only be achieved when the problems of poverty, illiteracy,
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armed conflict, environmental degradation, malnutrition and the need to be attuned to the
will of "God", "Allah" or "Adwata" were to be resolved. In a conversation with an
OPAPP representative, the programs and services of Christian Children's Welfare
Association (CCWA) in Japan were made known to the parish leaders. A project proposal
was subsequently sent to the Association, and in February 1997, the Tulunan Zone of
Peace Center was formally recognized as a member of the CCWA which has 41 other
subsidiaries in the entire Philippines. Barangay Bituan and Sitio New Alimodian were
then informed of this partnership which was to have Bishop Romul Valles of the
Kidapawan Diocese as project holder.
The following account from Fr. Roni tells us of how the setting up of the NGO was
rationalized:
But we thought of the social apostolate, which is already the developmental
aspect that we'll have to also look for linkages. Part of our networking who re
the groups or institutions that can complete in a sense, the integral
evangelization mission of the church. It so happened that CCWA, being an
NGO, (was) Christian … in terms of orientation. We found it sound also that it
can complement the church mission.
When the Center staffmembers were introduced and the programs and services of the
CCWA were made clear at the community level, great emphasis was given to the
responsibility of participation and ownership of the programs by the people. The local
government officials, barangay officials and the community and Peace Zone leaders were
also subsequently briefed about the existence of the project.
Since the communities in Bituan and New Alimodian possessed clear BEC organizational
structures, the Center officers experienced no difficulties in identifying the potential
members to compose the core group in each community. The core group was to play the
essential role of disseminating information about the Center's activities to other members
of the community. The core group also identified the children who were to benefit from
the services extended by the CCWA. The program started with 100 sponsored children.
To finalize a Five-Year Development Plan for the Center, meetings were conducted with
the core group members, sponsored families, sectoral representative, Peace Zone leaders
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and Barangay officials. A Vision and Mission statement was drawn up based on their
description of an ideal community. The Mission of the Center, in partnership with
families and other sectors of the community, was a commitment to building a peaceful
community by working toward providing the educational needs of the children, training
families in spiritual and value formation, developing a sustainable environment, helping
families to augment their income, and ensuring the health condition of members of the
family.
As external resources of the Center, the Tulunan parish was identified to provide
spirituality sessions for the Center beneficiaries. The Department of Agriculture was also
identified to provide the farm technology and technical assistance to farmers. The
Department of Education was to provide non-formal training of skills for additional
income. The Department of Health was to provide technical persons for the treatment of
diseases. Finally, the Local Government of Tulunan was also considered for financial and
technical support.
These main activities of the Center are implemented, supervised and evaluated by four
committees: the Health and Sanitation, Sponsorship Child Relations, Training and Values
Formation Committees. Each of these committees is headed by community leader
(usually also a Kapilya head) who also acts as a barangay official in the community. Most
of the times the tasks as Committee Head and Barangay official coincide since the person
is in charge of a similar committee at the barangay level.
These community leaders have agreed to head CCWA committees because they are
themselves beneficiaries of the services of CCWA, their children being scholars of the
Center: “Nahiya din tayong mag-reject kung ‘di tayo mag-render ng service.” (We would
also be embarrassed to reject, not to render service). They see it therefore as their
responsibility to render their services. They do not see any conflict in accomplishing their
tasks since these tasks are essentially the same. The advantage they see in this
arrangement is that the activities of the NGO are taken up as agenda in barangay sessions.
As CCWA heads in the Barangay government structure, they become effective in
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disseminating information because they are more trusted by the people in delivering
truthful information.
The Church workers' activities are now indistinguishable from that of an NGO committee
member. According to Toto Nim, the former coordinator of the Tulunan parish,
(Ang mga proyekto) … napasok namin doon sa area kahit walang
government approval. Yung NGO, yung simbahan, andun na ano, kasi ang
struktura ng ating simbahan sa pangangailangan ng tao, sa presensya ng NGO
patuloy yan … Kasi yung coordination (sa national government) mayroon
tayong struktura eh, kung pag-uusapan ang simbahan. Halimbawa ang parokya
ng Tulunan, ang channeling niya dito sa diocese ng Kidapawan. Kung
connection ang pag-uusapan na national level, puwede naman tayong maagdiretso duon sa national level.
( The projects … we were able to introduce them in the area without
government approval. The NGO, the Church, it was already there, because the
structure of the Church is for the needs of the people, the presence of the NGO
remains. As for the coordination with the government, we already have a
structure as far as the Church is concerned. For example, the parish of Tulunan
has channels to the diocese of Kidapawan. If we are to talk about a connection
to the national level, we can go straight to the national level.)
Another non-governmental organization called Pagsagop was established in the early
1990's. This NGO set up a pre-school and started nutrition and literacy programs from 312 year-olds in Barangay Bituan. Funds for the organization projects were sourced from a
German foundation. In1996, a lawyer who was in charge of the budget of the
organization had a disagreement with some community members because of her
supposed mishandling of the funds. Conflict was actually centered on the differences of
interests between the said lawyer and the Tulunan parish priest. These individuals could
not agree about the nature of projects that have been implemented in the communities.
The parish priest felt that NGO projects duplicated Church activities or were inconsistent
with these activities. Personal attacks ensued which caused rifts and factions within the
communities. As a result of this conflict, the Pagsagop organization left the community.
The pre-school was taken over by the Barangay but had limited funds and had no teacher
to run the school. In 1997, the pre-school was assumed by Patricia McAuliffe, a Canadian
non-Catholic missionary, who used her personal funds to pay teacher and activate the
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nutritional program of the school. McAuliffe extended the pre-school services to New
Alimodian and trained additional teacher from the community. She proceeded to work for
the creation of a foundation that was to receive its funds from the Canadian government.
The board of directors was to composed of non-Peace Zone residents. The people did not
welcome this move because the community members were not properly consulted about
these plans and changes. McAuliffe entered the community with the purpose of doing
research, but ended up establishing a foundation without discussing the plans with the
organized bodies of the community, such as the Inter-Peace Zone Coordinating Council.
She was also said to be feminist and only wanted women to form her staff. This was not
understood by the community leaders, who questioned the decision-making process that
was undertaken.
In the beginning, McAuliffe applied for the porject and coursed it through the Gagamay
Kristo-anon Katilingban Kidapawan Foundation, the social arm of the Diocese. Fr. Roni
was then its administrator. When the Foundation was phased out, Fr. Toto took charge of
the social projects of the Diocese. When the funds were obtained for the project,
McAuliffe sought permission to manage the funds without having to course it through the
Diocese for easy disbursement. This was to cause problems because, according to Fr.
Roni, administration of funds were "clearer" within the Church since the Church did not
"own" money and no personality "owned" money within the Church. It was said that if
an organization were not affiliated with the Church, the members of the rebel group could
easily demand for the payment of "social taxes" which would they could not do with the
Church because they would easily be "reported".
In September 1999, McAuliffe was visited in her house in Bituan by some people and
was asked by them to leave and not to enter Bituan again. The reason given was that her
safe conduct pass has expired and must obtain a new one from Jalandoni, a Communist
Party leader. This was asked of her even as she never had or needed a safe conduct pass
in her visits to Bituan. For some observers of the Peace Zone situation, this indicated that
the Left continues to influence the decisions done at the community level. For those in
the community who sympathize with McAuliffe and are in agreement with the activities
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sponsored by her in the community, this only indicated that there are members of the
community who misunderstood McAuliffe and were interested in handling the funds
from the Canadian government. More recently, it was reported that McAuliffe was asked
to stop her projects altogether.
The Nature of CSO and Government Coordination
Non-government organizations used to be perceive as allies of the Left. The government
was generally perceived to be an oppressor through increased militarization. These
perceptions are changing because of more recent developments in the area. There is a
realization on the part of the local government officials that the CSO is needed to identify
and implement vital projects at the community level because of the proximity of the
CSO. The CSO is seen to be an important instrument for the dissemination of various
government programs. The government is thus allowing NGO bodies to represent the
people, and this way less intervention is exercised by the government, allowing it to
concentrate more on its task of assisting and monitoring. The Church, through the CSO,
continues to promote its programs which used to be facilitated and coursed through BEC
structures.
There is also a realization on the part of the CSO that the government assistance is
necessary in the implementation of its projects, because government is in possession of
the basic facilities and resources necessary to realize the CSO goals. Infrastructure needs
may be obtained and coordination with higher government agencies may be
accomplished through closer coordination with the government. In Tulunan, formal
coordination between the Church and government is being achieved through the CSO.
This coordination is seen in the following instances:
1. When the Peace Zone leaders are also those who occupy important
government functions,
2. When government official have close or blood relationships with NGO
leaders. The access to government resources is facilitated.
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When asked about their perceptions of the existing NGO-government coordination, some
members of the community said that both NGO and government have an equal status, i.e
their image of the NGO is now not any different from their image of the government.
Sometimes. there is less opportunity to participate since often it is made known to them
that the NGO makes certain claims about their needs. Sometimes too, there are activities
engaged in by NGO and government which the people are not aware of. In the final
analysis, NGO coordination with government is confined to the NGO's identification of
who should lead in the implementation of a project or program.
Conclusion
Based on the findings of this case study, it may be concluded that the concept of the
"non-government organization" or CSO can be used as a convenient tool to prolong or
perpetuate an entity's influence in a community. If, in this case, the Church will not
adopt the concept, its activities and role may easily be usurped by other CSOs who may
enter and adopt the same prevailing relationship which puts the community at the
receiving end.
The coordination between the Church-backed CSO and the government in the Peace
Zone area is contributing to a changing perception that may not be positive for the CSO
as it is increasingly being identified with the government that is continued to be distrusted
by the people because of their experience as victims of war and victims of corruption.
As the status of the communities as special development areas is being emphasized
through Church-CSO and government activities, what is being increasingly ignored is the
status of these communities as peace constituencies -- a status that may be more
appropriately be used to further the goals of effective governance.