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Negotiating Dominant Discourse: The
Social Construction of Menstruation
among Students at Warren Wilson
College
Victoria Hancock
Warren Wilson College
May 9, 2010
SOC 410 Directed Research
Laura Vance
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Index
Table 1: Age
Table 2: Class Standing
Table 3: Semesters at Warren Wilson College
Table 4.1: Categorized Responses to Item 5: Mode of Introduction to Menstruation
Table 4.2: Specific Responses to Item 5: Mode of Introduction to Menstruation
Table 4.3: Mode of Introduction Analyzed by Gender
Table 5.1: Responses to Item 6: “Who do you speak with about menstruation?”
Table 5.2: Responses to Item 6 Analyzed by Gender
Table 6: Menstruation as Debilitating
Table 7: Menstruation as Holistic
Table 8: Menstruation as Bothersome
Table 9: Menstruation as Powerful
Table 10: Perceptions of Debilitation Analyzed by Semester
Table 11: Gendered Perceptions of Menstruation as Debilitating
Table 12: Gendered Perceptions of Menstruation as Holistic
Table 13: Gendered Perceptions of Menstruation as Bothersome
Table 14: Gendered Perceptions of Menstruation as Powerful
Table 15: Responses to Item 12: “In some ways women enjoy menstrual periods”
Table 16: Gender and Item 12 Crosstabulation
Table 17: Responses to Item 28: “Avoiding certain activities during menstruation is often
very wise”
Table 18: Gender and Item 28 Crosstabulation
Figure 1: Perceptions of Menstruation as Debilitating
Figure 2: Perceptions of Menstruation as Holistic
Figure 3: Perceptions of Menstruation as Bothersome
Figure 4: Perceptions of Menstruation as Powerful
Figure 5: Perceptions of Menstruation as Debilitating According to Gender
Figure 6: Perceptions of Menstruation as Holistic According to Gender
Figure 7: Perceptions of Menstruation as Bothersome According to Gender
Figure 8: Perceptions of Menstruation as Powerful According to Gender
Figure 9: Responses to Item 12: “In some ways women enjoy menstrual periods”
Figure 10: Item 12 Analyzed by Gender
Figure 11: Responses to Item 28: “Avoiding certain activities during menstruation is often
very wise”
Figure 12: Item 28 Analyzed by Gender
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Menstruation is a biological act fraught with cultural implications. The
culturally constructed menstrual taboo is apparent in many cultures,
including our own. Western taboo against menstruation is evident in
popular presentations of menstruation that consistently reinforce negative
perceptions. As a result of the cultural socialization of American youth, it
is not surprising that dominant discourse is reflected in their attitudes
toward menstruation. However, there is an increased exposure to positive
representations of menstruation at Warren Wilson College. The purpose
of this study is to explore whether an environment that encourages
discussion about menstruation would change perceptions. Additionally,
due to the lack of extant research about college students’ perceptions of
menstruation, this research is also designed to explore general attitudes
in order to contribute to the larger body of data. Research measured
various dimensions of perception: menstruation as debilitating, holistic,
bothersome, and powerful. Data indicate that the most significant
differences in attitudes are between males and females. If these results are
typical, it is apparent that people are socialized to internalize negative
views of menstruation. Data collected during the Spring of 2010 suggest
that perceptions of menstruation are well entrenched in students at the
College.
Although many people confront menstruation every month, discussion about
menstruation is limited. By examining attitudes toward this biological function, a more
comprehensive picture of the cultural construction of menstruation will become available.
The purpose of this study is to understand the effects of menstrual taboo on the
perceptions of menstruation among students at Warren Wilson College.
Taboos about menstruation are nearly universal (Douglas 1966, Weideger 1975,
Buckley and Gottlieb 1988, Delaney, Lupton & Toth 1988). Perceptions about
menstruation, both negative and positive, are constructed primarily by young women's
introduction to menstruation and are perpetuated by the influences of their peers, family
members, and the media, among others (Delaney et al. 1988, Houppert 2000,
Charlesworth 2001, Costos, Ackerman & Paradis 2002, MacDonald 2007). Studies about
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perceptions of menstruation among American women posit that negative perceptions of
menstruation may arise when the biological function of menstruation is overshadowed by
conflicting messages about menstruation (Charlesworth 2001, Houppert 2000).
Messages which overshadow the biological aspects of menstruation include the
encouraged secrecy of menstrual management, such as negatively perceiving the
purchase of menstrual products and avoidance of acknowledgment of one's menstruation.
As a reflection of these negative messages, women are taught to conceal the fact that they
menstruate, which Unger and Crawford call a cultural “conspiracy of silence”
(1996:223).
Conflicting messages are reflections of dominant discourse presented through
menstrual product advertisements, primary introductions to menstruation, and
communications (or lack thereof) about menstruation with peers. Charlesworth (2001),
Houppert (2000), and Kissling (1996b), in exploring sexual education literature, find that
the language used therein is consistently negative and that this attitude is reflected in
menarchal girls' perceptions of menstruation. Literature produced by the femcare
industry (as the menstrual products manufacturers call themselves) reinforces a negative
cultural discourse in an effort to ensure consumers for their products. By perpetuating
views of menstruation as malodorous, for example, they influence newly menstruating
girls to purchase scented products that will solve this “problem”. Additionally, these
advertisements also perpetuate stereotypes of femininity, encoding the cultural
construction of gender with a stigma against menstruation (Kissling 2006).
The notion of binary dualism is paramount in the construction of gender. As
individuals are socialized, they learn to perform the roles of their gender. Subsequently,
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the experience of menarche is inextricably connected to “becoming a woman.” The
politics of gender are enforced through the construction of the Subject and the Other.
“Alterity (the state of Otherness) is not inherently attached to women, but is an artifact of
a male-dominated society in which the structures of law, economics, and social life work
against women's ability to claim authentic subjectivity” (Kissling 2006:3). This
hegemonic discourse aids in constructing perceptions of gender and gender embodied
through the experience of menstruation.
Symbolic Construction: The Social Meaning of Menstruation
Almost every woman experiences menstruation at some time in her life, yet in the
United States an underlying anxiety about this biological act prevails. This anxiety is
culturally constructed, evidenced through the diversity of attitudes toward menstruation
worldwide. Throughout the history of anthropology, research undertaken in the
exploration of taboos regarding menstruation clearly shows that anxiety results from
established taboo against menstruation (Douglas 1966, Weideger 1975, Houppert 2000,
Kowalski & Chapple 2000, MacDonald 2007). Perception of taboo is a powerful force
for constructing experiences, including women's experiences of menstruation.
Many things—including empirical knowledge, experience, and dominant
discourse and ideology—influence perceptions. A person's introduction to menstruation
contributes to the formation of his or her perception, and family members, peers, school,
and/or the media undertake the process of educating pre-adolescent girls and boys about
this subject. Costos, Ackerman and Paradis (2002) seek to illuminate potential sources
for the prevalent anxiety and negative perceptions surrounding menstruation, finding that
mothers are the primary educators about menstruation (see also McKeever 1984). Costos
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et al. also identify 73 percent of the messages received from mothers about menstruation
as “negative”. In this study, mothers were the primary educators about menstruation for
about half of 123 female participants (ranging in age from 26-60) (Costos, Ackerman &
Paradis 2002). Of the remaining participants, 26 percent were informed by books,
pamphlets, or school and 24 percent by a sister or friend. Transmission of negative
messages about menstruation from mother to daughter iss “consistent with the results of
previous researchers who find that, in general, menstruation is perceived in a negative
way” (Costos et al. 2002:55).
Analyses of media representations of menstruation and menstrual products show
that negative messages also permeate educational materials (Kissling 1996b, Houppert
2000, Charlesworth 2001, Stubbs 2008, Freidenfelds 2009). Karen Houppert (2000)
finds that communication about menstruation through educational materials offered by
schools is predominately negative. Houppert notes that product manufacturers often
provide “educational” films, speakers, and pamphlets which are primarily marketing
vehicles for their products. The Proctor & Gamble (owners of Tampax and Always)
website reports that their educational program reaches “approximately 83% of fifth-grade
girls in the U.S.” (sic., Proctor & Gamble 2010a). This apparent diversification of the
femcare industry has been routine since the early twentieth century when Kimberly-Clark
(makers of Kotex) developed an education department to produce literature and media
about menstruation designed for American schools. In 1984 when it was replaced,
Kimberly-Clark estimated that 100 million viewers had seen The Story of Menstruation, a
short educational film developed in 1957 (Freidenfelds 2009).
The menstrual product industry saw opportunity to create brand loyalty through
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disseminating educational materials in schools (Kissling 2006), thereby inserting their
financial interest into one of the primary determinants of menstrual perceptions for
adolescents. It is well known that advertising exists to convince a consumer of his or her
“need” for a particular product. The financial interest of the femcare industry is likewise
reliant on consumers' desire for their products. A fundamental aspect of their marketing
strategy is to capitalize on perceptions of the menstrual taboo by making concealment
and secrecy a primary selling point for their products. By perpetuating the belief that
menstruation is dirty, malodorous, and a thing which needs to be concealed, product
manufacturers ensure that their customers will purchase (their) products which will ease
these menstrual ailments. The femcare industry wields great power in creating discourse
about menstruation, as “cultural texts . . . reinforce and even help create negative attitudes
toward menstruation, toward women, and toward women's bodies . . . these attitudes are
exploited to enhance corporate profits” (Kissling 2006:6). The industry creates a
particular perception of menstruation in order to increase the desirability and subsequent
profitability of their products.
A negative perception of menstruation is supported by the industry through
language, as attitudes both inform and are informed by the language used to communicate
about menstruation. Kane (1990) explains that the very notion of “feminine hygiene”
stimulates the belief that women need a special kind of cleansing for an exclusively
female filth. This “filth” can be mitigated by products promoting “freshness”, described
by Kissling as “an undefined yet seemingly essential characteristic of femininity”
(2006:11). Scented menstrual products are offered by almost all menstrual product
manufacturers and are marketed to resolve the apparent necessity of deodorizing
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menstrual blood. Luckily, through the purchase of scented menstrual products, one can
“beguile” the senses (as advertised by one Tampax advertisement in 2005, cited in
Kissling 2006:21) into believing that menstrual blood might smell like flowers – a scent
associated with a common cultural symbol of femininity. It is difficult to surmise if this
product is consumer-driven or if the industry creates this desire, but there is apparently a
market for this type of product, as it remains on the shelves of grocery stores and
pharmacies.
Shauna MacDonald refers to these messages as “marketing myths”, where
menstruation is cloaked in surreptitious meaning, often (mis)represented as translucent
blue liquid (2007:340). MacDonald reports that in commercialized representations of
menstruation, if the actual menstrual product is shown, a “disembodied hand” pours a
blue liquid onto a pristine sanitary pad, creating an unrealistic representation of
menstruation (2007:340). The word “menstruation” is often replaced with an ambiguous
euphemism or is completely omitted. One Kotex advertising campaign featured the
image of a large red dot that might be placed at the end of a sentence or as an animated
embodiment squirming its way into the middle of words like “vacation” or “prom”,
symbolizing a pesky or unwanted intrusion.
Control of menstruation operates on both physical and linguistic levels.
Advertisements encourage concealing the fact of menstruation by not using the words or
practical imagery of “menstruation” or “blood”, but they also promote the use of products
that will reduce the likelihood of exposing oneself as menstruating. Tampax offers
“Compak” tampons, small to facilitate concealment in one's palm or pocket. The Tampax
website describes their product as “protection you can keep secret . . . gotta love that”
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(Procter & Gamble 2010b), suggesting that keeping menstruation secret is a priority
while explicitly appealing to teens' linguistic cues.
This is consistent with literature suggesting that women are highly motivated to
conceal any sign of menstruation (Delaney, Lupton and Toth 1988, Park 1996, Houppert
2000, Kowalski & Chapple 2000, Costos et al. 2002, MacDonald 2007), indicating that
women would, in fact, “love that” ability to keep their “protection” secret, as suggested
on the Tampax website. The desire to conceal menstruation is evident through people's
anxiety in purchasing menstrual products, the persistent fear of leakage, and the
euphemisms (or dysphemisms) created to disguise conversation about the taboo topic.
Female desire to conceal menstrual products is rooted in what Kowalski and
Chapple call “impression management” (see also Goffman 1959). They hypothesized
that the impression management surrounding menstruation results from social stigma.
They find that women believe that menstruation is stigmatized and therefore alter their
behavior depending on the person with whom they are interacting. This alteration in
behavior indicates that women “attempt to maintain the concealed nature of the stigma”
in an attempt to remove themselves from the potentiality of being discredited or
becoming a “marked” figure (2000:79).
Similarly, a study by Roberts, Goldenberg, Power, and Pyszczynski (2002)
indicates differing impressions in college students’ interactions with a female who
inadvertently drops a hair clip out of her purse and one who drops a tampon. Roberts et
al. find that these students express negative reactions to the woman who dropped a
tampon. They subsequently viewed her as “less competent” and “less likeable”, and
tended to physically distance themselves from her by sitting farther away. This reaction
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suggests, “women's widespread concern about concealing their menstrual status is at least
somewhat justified” (2002:136). Strict menstrual management therefore attempts to
prevent stigmatization.
There is evidence of pervasive and persuasive cultural discourse about
menstruation that is presented through advertising, by primary introductions to
menstruation, and by educational materials provided at school and peers' perceptions.
Menstrual products construct symbolic messages about menstruation and about
femininity reinforcing negative attitudes and behaviors. The menstrual product industry
has a financial interest in supporting menstrual taboos by promoting negative ideologies
about menstrual odor and hygiene and supporting the concealment of menstruation. Lack
of direct communication in advertising about menstruation is also a rejection of the fact
of menstruation and support of the taboo.
Discourse of Alterity: Menstruator as Other
“This was the worst thing I had been told about, this is the day you begin
womanhood, and nothing will ever be the same again.”
 Danielle (Interview by Costos et al. 2002)
Simone de Beauvoir’s critical Feminist manifesto, The Second Sex, has left us
with one of the most succinct expressions of the social construction of gender. She
posits, “one is not born, but rather becomes, a woman” (1989:267). This idea is central to
any discussion of constructed gender ideology, and particularly useful in exploring the
social construction of symbolic messages surrounding menstruation.
Perceptions of gender are culturally constructed. Subsequently, perceptions of
menstruation are similarly constructed to reinforce gender norms and notions of
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femininity. The social stigma of menstruation, appropriate menstrual management
promoted by advertisements, and the construction of language surrounding menstruation
collaborate to support gender distinctions that place women in the position of Other. That
is, menstruation, when utilized as a symbol of femininity and womanhood, serves to
distinguish females from males. In a culture where males are the creators of dominant
discourse, “man defines woman not in herself but as relative to him . . . he is the Subject,
he is the Absolute – she is the Other” (de Beauvoir 1989:xxii). The male Subject is the
normative gender while the female is the Other.
Binary constructs are commonplace in Western thought. Light/dark, mind/body,
and male/female are primary examples of dichotomous opposites, yet these terms suggest
a hierarchy in which the latter, marked concepts are on the female side of the binary and
are supposed as inferior. Roberts et al., referring to menstruation, state that,
Similar to an ethnocentric perspective on cultural differences, a patriarchal
perspective on gender differences argues that since men hold the power to
name, they define their own bodies and behavior as “normal” and “good”,
whereas features that differentiate women from men are viewed as
inferior. (2002:136)
This is the world into which a girl enters menarche.
Menarche is often paradoxically constructed; newly menstruating girls are
congratulated on becoming women, but this congratulation is subsequently tempered with
rules detailing the necessity of concealing this monumental event. Ritual is an important
tool of socialization, and Dacia Charlesworth posits that “menstrual and puberty
education lessons are the only rituals in which American adolescents mark their
transformation from child to young adult” (2001:13). The ritual of menstrual education
assists in the construction of gender performance (and subsequent performance of
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menstruator) by reifying differences between girls and boys and by separating them for
this discussion, portraying figurative and literal restrictions of communication among
genders about puberty. Charlesworth notes that this separation is likely due to an
increased level of comfort when asking questions about one's changing body, but it also
“points to the pre-conditioning” of gender socialization and bodily shame that is already
entrenched by the time of adolescence (2001:13).
In her analysis of educational materials distributed in schools, Charlesworth notes
that this literature stresses that the menstrual cycle is natural and normal, but continually
“devalues the female body” by stressing the need to control the menstrual flow,
necessitating proper management of this hygienic “crisis” (2001:19). The promotion of
menstrual management is significant in educational materials and in advertising, exacting
a level of fear and anxiety about failure to control one's blood. The stigma perceived by
menarchal girls about managing menstrual leakage, or “accidents”, is so keenly
internalized that a great deal of effort must go into menstrual management. MacDonald
posits that “we do not fear the blood but rather the disorder and social excess it
represents. To leak is to lose control, which is shameful” (2007:348). All children are
socialized to control bodily processes, such as urinating and drooling, but women are
encouraged to elevate their control of bodily process during menstruation: “By keeping
menstruation hidden, we believe we control it, just as the mind controls the body”
(MacDonald 2007:347).
Menstrual leaks align females with the uncontrollability of the body, and desire to
control menstruation is a struggle against being marked as an inferior “Other”. Dominant
discourse suggests this binary dualism places females in subordinate opposition to males,
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therefore subordinating symbols of femaleness.
Just as the penis derives its privileged evaluation from the social context,
so it is the social context that makes menstruation a curse. The one
symbolizes manhood, the other femininity; and it is because femininity
signifies alterity and inferiority that its manifestation is met with shame.
(de Beauvoir 1989:315)
Thus, biology and cultural construction mark women definitively as Other. As
menstruation places a girl squarely in “womanhood”, de Beauvoir notes that “the menses
inspire horror in the adolescent girl because they throw her into an inferior and defective
category” (1989:315-316).
The cultural construction of womanhood is a functional construction. Alterity
seeks to reify the Subject while subordinating the Other and is a fundamental distinction
in Western thought. Mary Douglas wrote that “our pollution behavior is the reaction
which condemns any object or idea likely to confuse or contradict our cherished
classifications” (1966:36). With regard to the social construction of menstruation, our
“cherished classifications” of binary dualism are threatened by that which pollutes our
notion of the feminine. Our “pollution behavior” seeks to solidify the distinctions of
gender construction. Femininity as a cherished ideal in American society is reinforced by
the discourse presented in menstrual product advertisements which urge females to
sustain this role by remaining “fresh” and “discreet” throughout her parallel role as
menstruator. The constructed ideal of femininity is contradicted by dirty, malodorous
menstruation, and the contradiction of uncleanliness must therefore be hidden.
Messages about embarrassment, secrecy, and feminine ideals are commonplace in
menstrual product advertisements. “Because they speak directly to biological difference,
feminine hygiene commercials are in a unique position to articulate this culture's
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conception of femininity” (Kane 2000:86). This hegemonic discourse characterizes
cultural views, subsequently shaping a woman’s perceptions of and experiences with
menstruation, compelling women to adapt to the role that society presents for them. The
discourse within which a girl experiences menarche contributes to her socialization as a
woman and as Other.
The opening quote of this section is significant in its description of the anxiety felt
by a menarchal girl in realizing the cultural implications of her biology. Danielle's
succinct quote is a direct reflection of how “discourses surrounding menarche are
intimately wound up with the politics of the female body,” where “cultural discourses of
the body and its menstrual secretions and cycles represent the point where power
relations are manifest in their most concrete form” (Lee and Sasser-Coen 1996:7). This
quote corroborates de Beauvoir's critique of what it means to “become a woman.”
Methods
Research was conducted during the Spring of 2010 at Warren Wilson College.
Data were collected using a survey modified from an instrument designed by Jeanne
Brooks-Gunn and Diane Ruble (1980) (see Appendix A for the annotated instrument).
Brooks-Gunn and Ruble constructed The Menstrual Attitude Questionnaire to explore the
impact of cultural beliefs on perceptions of menstruation. The survey was designed in
response to the Menstrual Distress Questionnaire (Moos 1968) which is criticized for its
alleged “priming” of respondents. I constructed my instrument from The Menstrual
Attitude Questionnaire, modifying it to measure a selection of ideas from the more recent
Menstrual Joy Questionnaire (Delaney et al. 1988). The modifications included
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removing a number of outdated or irrelevant items and including four new items taken
from the Menstrual Joy Questionnaire because they more accurately reflect modern
perceptions.
The instrument includes 30 items. The first six are demographical questions
followed by 24 items focusing on different dimensions of perceptions of menstruation.
The first four questions measure nominal demographical background of respondents: age,
gender, class standing, and the number semesters enrolled at Warren Wilson College.
Two questions explore the respondents’ first introduction to menstruation and their
subsequent communication behaviors with regard to this topic, with respondents
instructed to select “all that apply.” Items 7-30 are designed to measure four different
dimensions of perception of menstruation. These perceptions are of menstruation as (1)
debilitating, (2) bothersome, (3) holistic, and as (4) a powerful, positive experience.
Dimensions were measured using likert-scale responses to six randomly distributed items
per dimension.
Perceptions of menstruation have been characterized as multidimensional,
resulting from the multifarious factors that influence attitudes toward menstruation
(Brooks-Gunn and Ruble 1980). Perception is influenced primarily by environmental
and interpersonal experiences. Additionally, attitudes about menstruation are particularly
affected by personal experiences and the contextual attitudes surrounding one's
introduction to menstruation. These influences create more diverse attitudes than the
dichotomous “positive” or “negative”. For example, menstruation can be perceived as a
bothersome event, but one may also acknowledge menstruation as holistic. Perceptions
of menstruation are therefore not constructed as binary.
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Perceptions of menstruation as bothersome, debilitating, and holistic were
originally conceptualized by Brooks-Gunn and Ruble as used in their construction of the
Menstrual Attitude Questionnaire (1980). Brooks-Gunn and Ruble have conceptualized
the attitude of menstruation as a bothersome event as being troubling, onerous, or
otherwise annoying. They measure degrees of attitudes of debilitation by measuring
menstruation's potential for limiting or mitigating a woman's performance or enfeebling
or disabling certain activities. Brooks-Gunn and Ruble conceptualized menstruation also
as “A Natural Event,” which I have altered to measure attitudes of menstruation as
holistic. Degree of this perception is measured by respondents' identification of
menstruation as an integrative, healthy, and cyclical process. I include the dimension
“powerful” to measure respondents' perceptions of menstruation as an affective event,
that is, one that has a beneficial impact or effect.
Questions 7-30 use a Likert Scale with answers ranging from “strongly agree” to
“strongly disagree”. When scoring the surveys, I assigned each response to each item a
number between 1 and 6 according to the answer selected. For example, Item 7 reads:
“Women are more tired when they are menstruating.” This item measures perceptions of
menstruation as bothersome, so responses in agreement with this item are assigned a 6
(strongly agree) or 5 (agree) while responses in disagreement are assigned a 2 (disagree)
or 1 (strongly disagree). “No opinion” responses are scored as 3, but in my results I
assume moderate views.
I pre-tested instruments among anthropology/sociology seniors. The instrument
requires 5-10 minutes to complete. I designed two surveys, one for females and one as a
gender-neutral survey. The sole difference between the two surveys is that the female
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specific survey contains a mixture of questions phrased in the first person (e.g. “When I
am menstruating . . . ”) and the third person, whereas the gender-neutral survey uses third
person statements. I initially developed two surveys because I would have liked to
explore potential differences between how women answer questions about a greater
group of women (phrased in the third person) as compared to how respondents answer
questions phrased in the first person. However, although female participants had the
option of taking either the gender-neutral survey or the female-specific survey, the vast
majority chose the female-specific survey, in too few self-identified females who
responded to the gender-neutral survey.
The population for this research is comprised of Warren Wilson College students
above the age of 18 enrolled during Spring Semester of 2010. Using the list of classes
offered this semester as a sampling frame (Spring of 2010), I employed systematic
random sampling to select 14 classes of potential survey respondents. I excluded Term
Four classes and classes that do not meet regularly in a classroom from the sampling
frame, for example, Student Teaching, Great Books, and physical fitness classes.
I contacted professors of my 14 sampled classes via email on January 27, 2010
and scheduled survey distribution in classes for the week of February 7-13. Receiving
permission from all but one of the instructors, I distributed surveys during the final 15
minutes of classes. My survey distribution was preceded by an informed consent
disclaimer (see Appendix B). For each class, I set up two separate piles of surveys and an
empty folder at the front of the classroom to allow participants to select their own survey
and return it at their leisure when they were finished.
I chose to survey during class time because of the taboo nature of my research.
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Many students may not feel comfortable speaking about menstruation with frankness. As
one of my initial goals was to explore degrees of comfort when speaking about
menstruation, this limitation is inherent as a part of the nature of taboo; people do not
want to speak about it or confront the taboo subject in an open, direct way. I believe that
I would have struggled to achieve a substantial response rate or using other sampling
methods because people who are likely to volunteer to participate in my survey research
are likely to be people who are already comfortable speaking about menstruation,
undermining the validity and generalizability of results. This is compounded by the
historically low response rate for thesis surveys.
By distributing surveys in the classroom, students' time was already budgeted for
academic participation. Introductions and consent by the professor likely assisted my
high survey response rate. I finished survey distribution with nearly a one hundred
percent response rate.
Data analysis was completed using SPSS. Frequencies and correlations were
examined using this software. I employed the usage of Phi and Cramer's V statistical tests
to measure the statistical significance of correlations among a variety of variables.
Results: Demographical Characteristics of Respondents
During the week of February 7, 170 surveys were distributed to students in
thirteen classes. The survey response rate was over 98 percent. One hundred and sixtyone of the surveys were viable and nine were discarded due to missing or undecipherable
data. Of the viable surveys, 35.4 percent of respondents were male (n=57), 64 percent
were female (n=103), and .6 percent reported their gender as “other” (n=1). As a result of
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the small number of people who identify their gender as “other”, I have not included this
respondent in my analysis of gender and attitudes toward menstruation. Just over seventy
percent (70.2%) of respondents were between the ages of 19 and 21 (n=103) with 11.8
percent aged 18 (n=19) and 18.1 percent aged 22 or older (n=29) (see Table 1 for specific
distributions). Respondents were nearly equally distributed according to class standing
(see Table 2). This demographical profile is typical of the demographical profile of the
College.
Table 1
Age
Valid
18
19
20
21
22
23 and above
Total
Frequency
19
43
33
37
17
12
161
Percent
11.8
26.7
20.5
23.0
10.6
7.5
100.0
Valid Percent
11.8
26.7
20.5
23.0
10.6
7.5
100.0
Cumulative
Percent
11.8
38.5
59.0
82.0
92.5
100.0
Table 2
Class Standing
Valid
freshman
sophomore
junior
senior
Total
Frequency
36
40
46
39
161
Percent
22.4
24.8
28.6
24.2
100.0
Valid Percent
22.4
24.8
28.6
24.2
100.0
Cumulative
Percent
22.4
47.2
75.8
100.0
Just over thirty-five percent (35.4%) of respondents report attending Warren
Wilson College for one year or less (n=57), 32.3 percent for 2 years (n=52), 19.3 percent
for 3 years (n=31), and 13 percent for 4 years or more (n=21) (see Table 3).
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Table 3
Semesters at WWC
Valid
less than one
1 or 2
3 or 4
5 or 6
7 or 8
more than 8
Total
Frequency
10
47
52
31
20
1
161
Percent
6.2
29.2
32.3
19.3
12.4
.6
100.0
Valid Percent
6.2
29.2
32.3
19.3
12.4
.6
100.0
Cumulative
Percent
6.2
35.4
67.7
87.0
99.4
100.0
In order to complete statistical analysis using SPSS, respondents' modes of
introduction responses were nominally categorized. Responses were categorized
according to prevalent ideas in the literature about how perceptions could differ
according to respondents' mode of introduction. Mother, school and/or media, mixed,
and 'cannot remember' were selected as primary indicators of varying perception. Most
respondents—42.2 percent—responded that they experienced multiple methods of
introduction (n=68). Almost nineteen percent (18.6%, n=30) were introduced exclusively
by mothers. Just over seventeen percent (17.4%, n=28) were introduced by either school
and/or media. The remaining 21.7 percent could not remember how they were first
introduced (n=35) (see Table 4.1).
Table 4.1
Categorized Responses to Item 5: Introduction to Menstruation
Frequency
Valid
Percent
Valid Percent
Cumulative
Percent
mother
30
18.6
18.6
18.6
school and/or media
28
17.4
17.4
36.0
mixed
68
42.2
42.2
78.3
100.0
cannot remember
Total
35
21.7
21.7
161
100.0
100.0
Hancock 21
Specifically, the three modes of introduction that were reported most frequently
by respondents were 'mother', 'school', and 'cannot remember'. Table 4.2 describes the
frequencies of reported introductions to menstruation, where 42.9 percent of respondents
first learned about menstruation from their mother (n=69), 36 percent first learned from
school (n=58), and 21.7 percent (n=35) could not remember. These responses are not
mutually exclusive. When divided according to gender, differences in mode of
introduction to menstruation emerge. For females, mothers, schools, and peer groups
were the predominant modes of introduction (listed in order of frequency). These
responses are consistent with findings in the literature. For males, “cannot remember”,
“school”, and “mothers” were the responses reported most frequently. No male
respondents were introduced to menstruation by a medical professional (see Table 4.3 for
responses separated by gender).
Table 4.2
Specific Responses to Item 5:
Mode of Introduction to Menstruation
Modes of Introduction
Frequency
Percent
Mother
69
42.9
Father
8
5
Sibling/Family Member
18
11.2
Peer Group
26
16.1
Media
13
8.1
School
58
36
5
3.1
35
21.7
Medical Professional
Cannot Remember
Hancock 22
Table 4.3
Mode of Introduction Analyzed by Gender
Females
Males
Modes of Introduction
Frequency
Percent
Frequency
Percent
Mother
54
52.0
14
24.6
Father
3
2.9
5
8.8
Sibling/Family Member
11
10.7
7
12.3
Peer Group
19
18.4
7
12.3
Media
9
8.7
4
7.0
School
41
39.8
17
29.8
5
4.9
0
0
12
11.7
24
42.1
Medical Professional
Cannot Remember
Respondents were asked about the people with whom they speak about
menstruation (Item 6). Responses provided include males, females, sexual partners, no
one, father, mother, and medical professionals (see Appendix A). Respondents reported
that they were more likely to speak with females about menstruation (82%, n=132),
followed by sexual partners (64.6%, n=104) and mothers (59%, n=95) (see Table 5.1).
Again, when analyzed by gender, differences become apparent. About ninety-four
percent (94.2%) of females report speaking with other females about menstruation
(n=97). Almost 82 percent (81.6%) report speaking with mothers (n=71) and 68.9
percent speak with a medical professional (n=71). Interestingly, female respondents
report being just slightly more likely to speak with a medical professional about
menstruation (68.9%, n=71) than with a sexual partner (64.1%, n=66). Males report
speaking most frequently to sexual partners (69.9%, n=37), females (59.6%, n=34), and
other males (40.4%, n=23) (see Table 5.2 for a gendered division of Item 6).
Hancock 23
Table 5.1
Responses to Item 6:
“Who do you speak with about menstruation?”
Converses with
Frequency
Percent
Females
132
82
Sexual Partner
104
64.6
Mother
95
59
Medical Professional
75
46.6
Males
72
44.7
Father
27
16.8
No One
14
8.7
Table 5.2
Item 6 (“Who do you speak with about menstruation”) Analyzed by Gender
Females
Males
Converses with
Frequency
Percent
Frequency
Percent
Females
97
94.2
34
59.6
Sexual Partner
66
64.1
37
64.9
Mother
84
81.6
11
19.3
Medical Professional
71
68.9
3
5.3
Males
49
47.6
23
40.4
Father
24
23.3
3
5.3
No One
2
1.9
12
21
Perceptions of Menstruation
Data collected from students at Warren Wilson College indicate that students'
attitudes toward menstruation are multidimensional, including both negative and positive
perceptions. With the exception of perceiving menstruation as holistic, most respondents
report moderate views. No students strongly disagree with perceiving menstruation as
Hancock 24
either holistic or powerful.
Just over forty percent of respondents report having moderate perceptions of
menstruation as debilitating (42.2%, n=68). Responses reflect low perceptions of this
dimension, meaning that more respondents do not perceive menstruation to be
debilitating, with a total of 34.8 percent (n=56) disagreeing and 23 percent (n=37) in
agreement with this attitude. Only one participant reports strongly agreeing that
menstruation is debilitating (see Table 6 and Figure 1).
Table 6
Menstruation as Debilitating
very low
Frequency
12
Percent
7.5
Valid
Percent
7.5
Cumulative
Percent
7.5
low
44
27.3
27.3
34.8
moderate
68
42.2
42.2
77.0
high
36
22.4
22.4
99.4
very high
1
161
.6
100.0
.6
100.0
100.0
Total
Figure 1
Perceptions of Menstruation as
Debilitating
h
igh
yH
Ver
Hig
rate
Low
Mo
de
Ver
yL
ow
50
40
30
20
10
0
It is significant that a majority of participants perceive menstruation as holistic.
Only one participant reports some disagreement with this dimension, and no participants
Hancock 25
highly disagreed with this perception.
An overwhelming 70.2 percent of respondents (n=113) report some or strong
agreement with the idea that menstruation is holistic. This seems highly significant, but
due to the lack of extant research measuring this dimension in other populations, I cannot
discern whether this is a typical response. The majority of respondents report some
degree of perceiving menstruation as a good example of a healthy, holistic and natural
process, totaling nearly 50 percent of the sample population (49.1%, n=79). Almost 30
percent report moderate views (29.2%, n=47), and 21.1 percent report having strong
agreement with this dimension (n=34) (see Table 7 and Figure 2).
Table 7
Menstruation as Holistic
Valid
Cumulative
Percent
Frequency
1
Percent
.6
Valid Percent
.6
moderate
47
29.2
29.2
29.8
high
79
49.1
49.1
78.9
34
161
21.1
100.0
21.1
100.0
100.0
low
very high
Total
.6
Figure 2
Perceptions of Menstruation as
Holistic
igh
yH
Ver
h
Hig
rate
Low
Mo
de
Ver
y
Low
50
40
30
20
10
0
Participants report mostly mixed perceptions of menstruation as bothersome.
Hancock 26
Most respondents report moderate agreement with items measuring this dimension
(46.6%, n=75), and almost equal numbers report some or strong agreement (29.8%,
n=48), and some or strong disagreement (23.6%, n=38) (see Table 8 and Figure 3).
Table 8
Menstruation as Bothersome
Valid
Cumulative
Percent
Frequency
8
Percent
5.0
Valid Percent
5.0
low
30
18.6
18.6
23.6
moderate
75
46.6
46.6
70.2
high
40
24.8
24.8
95.0
8
161
5.0
100.0
5.0
100.0
100.0
very low
very high
Total
5.0
Figure 3
Perceptions of Menstruation as
Bothersome
igh
yH
Ve r
Hig
h
rate
Low
Mo
de
Ver
yL
ow
50
40
30
20
10
0
Perceptions of menstruation as a powerful, positive experience were
overwhelmingly moderate (64%, n=103). No participant strongly disagreed with this
perception, but 9.9 percent report some disagreement with this dimension (n=16). About
twenty-six percent (26.1%) report that they agree or highly agree that menstruation is a
powerful process (see Table 9 and Figure 4). Interestingly, more respondents perceive
menstruation as powerful.
Hancock 27
Table 9
Menstruation as Powerful
Valid
low
Cumulative
Percent
Frequency
16
Percent
9.9
Valid Percent
9.9
103
64.0
64.0
37
23.0
23.0
96.9
5
161
3.1
100.0
3.1
100.0
100.0
moderate
high
very high
Total
9.9
73.9
Figure 4
Perceptions of Menstruation as
Powerful
igh
yH
Ve r
Hig
h
rate
Low
Mo
de
Ver
yL
ow
80
60
40
20
0
Homogenous Attitudes Toward Menstruation
As a result of the predominance of positive information and discussion of
menstruation at Warren Wilson College as compared to mainstream media in society, I
hypothesized that attitudes toward menstruation would change over the course of
students' time enrolled at the College. Data collected during this research do not support
this hypothesis. Instead, time spent at the College is not correlated with attitudes toward
menstruation. For example, 33 percent of First Year students do not perceive
menstruation as debilitating, where 28.6 percent of Senior class students express the same
attitude. Therefore, although First Year students perceive menstruation to be more highly
Hancock 28
debilitating than Senior class students, Sophomore students' perceptions of this dimension
were the lowest, indicating that perceptions of menstruation do not change in a
statistically significant manner over time at the College (see Table 10). Data distributions
do not vary in a statistically significant way according to age and class standing when
correlated with different dimensions. None of these variables—age, class standing, or
time spent at the College—is a significant predictor of students' attitudes towards
menstruation.
These data do not corroborate my original hypothesis, but there are a number of
factors which support this data, so this is not especially surprising. Literature indicates
that cultural perceptions of gender and menstruation are instilled through a lifelong
process of socialization. Although changing attitudes could have been measured more
accurately via longitudinal data, these data suggest that socialization has strongly
influenced—and continues to influence—perceptions of menstruation and perceptions are
well established by the time students arrive at the College.
Table 10
Perceptions of Debilitation Analyzed by Semester
Debilitating
very low
Years
at
One
Two
WWC
Three
Four or more
Total
low
moderate
high
very high
7.0%
(n=4)
0%
(n=0)
12.9%
(n=4)
26.3%
(n=15)
34.6%
(n=18)
19.4%
(n=6)
33.3%
(n=19)
51.9%
(n=27)
45.2%
(n=14)
31.6%
(n=18)
13.5%
(n=7)
22.6
(n=7)
1.8%
(n=1)
0%
(n=0)
0%
(n=0)
4.8%
(n=1)
23.8%
(n=5)
38.1%
(n=8)
19.0%
(n=4)
0%
(n=0)
21
7.5%
(n=12)
27.3%
(n=44)
42.2%
(n=68)
22.4%
(n=36)
0.6%
(n=1)
161
57
52
31
Hancock 29
Gendered Differences in Perception
Although I did not originally begin research to specifically explore correlations
between gender and perceptions of menstruation, data indicate that there are significant
differences between men and women and certain dimensions of perception. However, as
a result of the lacuna of research exploring male and female responses to menstruation, I
am unable to determine whether these results are typical. According to findings, females
are significantly less likely to perceive menstruation as debilitating than males
(p<.009). Nearly forty-two percent of females (41.7%, n=43) responded that they
perceive levels of debilitation as low or very low, compared to 21.0 percent of male
respondents (n=12).
These data are significant because they show that female respondents are less
likely to perceive menstruation as debilitating. As indicated by the literature, it is likely
that the rejection of this perception is consistent with the struggle against being marked as
Other. Male views of menstruation as more debilitating suggest that they view
menstruation as being a marker of great distinction between men and women, and that
they view women as enfeebled by this difference.
As Table 11 and Figure 5 below demonstrate, it is clear that male respondents are
also significantly more likely to have “moderate” beliefs about this dimension. This is
congruous with all other dimensions, as I will elucidate further in my discussion.
Hancock 30
Table 11
Gendered Perceptions of Debilitation
Debilitating
Gender
male
female
Total
very low
3.5%
(n=2)
8.7%
(n=9)
6.9%
(n=11)
low
17.5%
(n=10)
33%
(n=34)
27.5%
(n=44)
moderate
52.6%
(n=30)
36.9%
(n=38)
42.5%
(n=68)
Total
high
26.3%
(n=15)
20.4%
(n=21)
22.5%
(n=36)
very high
0% (n=0)
57
1% (n=1)
103
.6% (n=1)
160
Figure 5
Perceptions of Menstruation as
Debilitating According to Gender
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Female
igh
yH
Hig
h
Ve r
Low
Mo
d er
ate
Ver
yL
ow
Male
Although not statistically significant, female respondents are more likely to
express the view that menstruation is “holistic” (p < .085). Although this correlation
between gender and perceptions of menstruation as holistic is not statistically significant,
it suggests gendered differences in perceptions of menstruation which may warrant
additional future research. It is interesting to note that females are more likely to
perceive menstruation as holistic than males (10.5%, n= 6 and 27.2%, n=28,
respectively), with females nearly three times as likely to have very high perceptions of
this dimension (see Table 12 and Figure 6). Again, males reported moderate views more
frequently than females.
Hancock 31
Table 12
Gendered Perceptions of Holism
Holistic
Gender
male
female
Total
very low
low
0% (n=0)
1.2% (n=1)
0% (n=0)
0% (n=0)
0% (n=0)
.6% (n=1)
moderate
36.8%
(n=21)
24.3%
(n=25)
29.2%
(n=47)
Total
high
50.9%
(n=29)
48.5%
(n=50)
49.1%
(n=79)
very high
10.5%
(n=6)
27.2%
(n=28)
21.1%
(n=34)
57
103
160
Figure 6
Perceptions of Menstruation as
Holistic According to Gender
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Female
igh
yH
Hig
h
Ve r
Low
Mo
d er
ate
Ver
yL
ow
Male
The majority of both males and females report moderate perceptions of
menstruation as bothersome, although males report this degree at the rate of nearly 60
percent (59.6%). This correlation is statistically significant, with a P value of .000.
Female responses are more equally distributed across the range of degrees of perception,
but more female respondents believe that menstruation is some or strongly bothersome
(34%, n=35) than disagree with the notion of menstruation as bothersome (26.2%, n=27).
No male respondents report strong disagreement or strong agreement, but like female
respondents, they do perceive menstruation to be more bothersome (22.8%, n= 13) than
not (17.5%, n=10).
Hancock 32
Table 13
Gender and Menstruation as Bothersome
Bothersome
very low
Gender
male
female
Total
low
17.5%
(n=10)
19.4%
(n=20)
18.6%
(n=30)
0% (n=0)
6.8%
(n=7)
5.0%
(n=8)
moderate
59.6%
(n=34)
39.8%
(n=41)
46.6%
(n=75)
Total
high
22.8%
(n=13)
26.2%
(n=27)
24.8%
(n=40)
very high
0% (n=0)
57
7.8%
(n=8)
5.0%
(n=8)
103
160
Figure 7
Perceptions of Menstruation as
Bothersome According to Gender
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Female
igh
yH
Hig
h
Ve r
Low
Mo
d er
ate
Ver
yL
ow
Male
Both male and female respondents report overwhelmingly moderate views of
menstruation as powerful. Females were more likely to report that menstruation is
powerful (30.1%, n=31) as compared to male respondents (19.1%, n=11). No
respondents strongly disagreed with this dimension.
Table 14
Gender and Menstruation as Powerful
Powerful
very low
Gender
male
female
Total
0% (n=0)
0% (n=0)
0% (n=0)
low
10.5%
(n=6)
9.7%
(n=10)
19.9%
(n=16)
moderate
70.2%
(n=40)
60.2%
(n=62)
64.0%
(n=103)
Total
high
17.5%
(n=10)
26.2%
(n=27)
23.0%
(n=37)
very high
1.6%
(n=1)
3.9%
(n=4)
3.1%
(n=5)
57
103
160
Hancock 33
Figure 8
Perceptions of Menstruation as
Powerful According to Gender
80
60
40
20
0
h
Hig
Hig
h
Ver
y
Low
Mo
d er
ate
Ver
y
Lo w
Female
Male
Analysis of Selected Items
As a result of the gendered differences in responses toward perceptions of
menstruation, I also examined responses to two items from my questionnaire that I felt
might reflect a difference between male and female views. Item 12 was designed to
measure perceptions of menstruation as bothersome and reads “in some ways women
enjoy menstrual periods.” People who report strong disagreement with this statement
were scored as perceiving menstruation as very bothersome, while responses of strong
agreement indicate that menstruation is not at all bothersome. Very few respondents
report strong agreement with this statement (4.3%, n=7). Just over thirty percent of
respondents (30.4%, n=49) strongly or somewhat agree with this statement. Nearly 30
percent indicated “no opinion” for this item (27.3, n=44), and 42.2 percent report that
they somewhat or strongly disagree with this statement (see Table 15 and Figure 9).
Hancock 34
Table 15
Responses to Item 12: “In some ways women enjoy menstrual periods”
Valid
Cumulative
Percent
Frequency
7
Percent
4.3
Valid Percent
4.3
Somewhat Agree
42
26.1
26.1
30.4
No Opinion
44
27.3
27.3
57.8
Disagree Somewhat
29
18.0
18.0
75.8
39
161
24.2
100.0
24.2
100.0
100.0
Strongly Agree
Strongly Disagree
Total
4.3
Figure 9
Responses to Item 12:
“In some ways women enjoy menstrual
periods”
gly
D
i...
..
ion
hat
.
Str
on
ew
Som
Op
in
..
No
hat
.
ew
Som
Str
on
gly
A
gre
e
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
When analyzed according to gender, responses to this item are statistically
significant (p = .000). Data indicate that females are far more likely to agree that “in
some ways women enjoy menstrual periods” than males. However, they are also more
likely to disagree with this statement due to the fact that male respondents report “no
opinion” far more frequently than females, indicating that this 59.6 percent are, in effect,
taking themselves out of the sample, where only 9.7 percent of females reported “no
opinion”. Only about 40 percent of male respondents selected an answer other than “no
opinion” (40.4%, n=23) (see Table 16 and Figure 10).
Hancock 35
Table 16
Gender and Item 12 Crosstabulation
Item 12
Gender
Total
Strongly
Agree
Somewhat
Agree
No Opinion
Somewhat
Disagree
Strongly
Disagree
1.8% (n=1)
12.3% (n=7)
59.6% (n=34)
15.8% (n=9)
10.5% (n=6)
57
5.8% (n=6)
33.0% (n=34)
9.7% (n=10)
19.4% (n=20)
32.0%
(n=33)
103
4.3% (n=7)
26.1% (n=41)
27.3% (n=44)
18.0% (n=29)
24.2%
(n=39)
160
male
female
Total
Figure 10
Item 12 Analyzed by Gender
Dis
...
Dis
ag
ree
ha
t
ew
Str
o
So
m
Female
Male
ng
ly
ion
ree
Op
in
Ag
No
ha
t
ew
So
m
Str
o
ng
ly
Ag
ree
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
Item 28 reads, “avoiding certain activities during menstruation is often very
wise.” This item measures perceptions of menstruation as debilitating, so respondents
who strongly agree with this statement are indicating strong perceptions of menstruation
as debilitating. Just over forty-five percent of respondents somewhat agree with this
statement (45.3%, n=73). This is significant because this view is maligned with
advertising sentiment which expresses that women are able to (and should) participate in
all normal activities (providing that they are using the correct product). This view
reflects traditional perceptions of menstruation, which may have been developed in youth
Hancock 36
by educators. There is no medical reason that “avoiding certain activities during
menstruation is often very wise,” not even scuba diving, which one participant elected to
add to his response.
Only 18.6 percent strongly or somewhat disagree with this statement (n=30).
Twenty-three percent report “no opinion” (n=37) and 58.4 percent report some or strong
agreement with this statement (n=94) (see Table 17 and Figure 11).
Table 17
Responses to Item 28: “Avoiding certain activities during menstruation is often very wise”
Valid
Cumulative
Percent
Frequency
9
Percent
5.6
Valid Percent
5.6
Disagree Somewhat
21
13.0
13.0
18.6
No Opinion
37
23.0
23.0
41.6
Somewhat Agree
73
45.3
45.3
87.0
21
161
13.0
100.0
13.0
100.0
100.0
Strongly Disagree
Strongly Agree
Total
5.6
Figure 11
Responses to Item 28: "Avoiding certain
activities during menstruation is often
very wise"
Som
Str
ong
l
yA
gre
e
ewh
at A
gre
e
No
Op
inio
Som
n
ewh
at D
is..
Str
.
ong
ly D
isa
gre
e
50
40
30
20
10
0
Responses correlated by gender are statistically significant (p = .003). Congruent
with responses to Item 12, males reported “no opinion” more frequently than females.
Hancock 37
Just over sixty-one percent of male respondents somewhat or strongly agree that certain
activities should be avoided during menstruation (61.4%, n=35). Males are slightly more
likely to strongly agree with this statement than female respondents. Correspondingly,
female respondents are more likely to strongly or somewhat disagree with this statement
(26.2%, n=27) than male respondents (3.5%, n=2). Surprisingly, equal percentages of
male and female respondents reported that they somewhat agree that “avoiding certain
activities during menstruation is often very wise” (45.6% for each) (see Table 18 and
Figure 12).
Table 18
Gender and Item 28 Crosstabulation
Item 28
Strongly
Disagree
Gender
male
female
Total
0% (n=0)
8.7% (n=9)
5.6% (n=9)
Disagree
Somewhat
3.5% (n=2)
17.5%
(n=18)
13.0%
(n=21)
No Opinion
35.1%
(n=20)
16.5%
(n=17)
23.0%
(n=37)
Figure 12
Somewhat
Agree
45.6% (n=26)
45.6% (n=47)
45.3% (n=73)
Strongly
Agree
15.8%
(n=9)
11.7%
(n=12)
13.0%
(n=21)
Total
57
103
161
Hancock 38
Item 28 Analyzed by Gender
Female
Male
Som
Str
o
ngl
yA
gre
e
ew
hat
Ag
ree
No
Op
Som
inio
ew
n
hat
Dis
agr
Str
ee
ong
ly D
isa
gre
e
50
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
As a result of the frequency of respondents reporting “moderate” views, I selected
two specific items to determine if categorized responses indicate moderate views or if
respondents were reporting “no opinion”. Males report “no opinion” at a significantly
higher frequency for two of the items that I looked at individually (nearly three times as
likely for Item 12 and twice as likely for Item 28). This finding suggests that male
respondents were more likely overall to answer that they had “no opinion” than female
respondents. As a result, I feel that I cannot draw strong conclusions about the gender
correlations in responses to different dimensions of perception.
Limitations/Delimitations
Research focused on the opinions of students currently enrolled in classes at
Warren Wilson College during the Spring of 2010. Participants ranged in age from 1846. This population of private liberal arts college students is relatively racially,
Hancock 39
ethnically, and socio-economically homogenous, with a majority of students at the
college identifying as Caucasian. Due to this distinct population, generalizability of
results is limited. However, the demographical profile of respondents is typical of the
population of the College, so results are generalizable to the student population here.
There were also a few errors with my modifications to the instrument. After
printing over one hundred copies, I noticed three grammatical errors on the female
specific survey which may have led to confusion among respondents. The error was one
of subject agreement, where the item read, “I feel more connected to the women around
them when I am menstruating,” when it should have read “I feel more connected to the
women around me when I am menstruating.” Only one survey participant (someone
who I know relatively well) asked me to clarify these items.
Additionally, I am aware of one participant who completed the survey twice. I
explicitly stated in my verbal instructions during survey distribution that participants
should not take the survey if one had already done so and this statement is expressed
explicitly on the instrument. Endearingly, this participant claimed that he took the survey
twice because he “loved menstruation so much.”
As a result of time constraints and commitments, I was unable to complete
qualitative research to assist the analysis of these data. Qualitative research may have
expounded upon reasons that people elected to respond in a certain way and would have
assisted in further refining the instrument. Theoretical perspective would be greatly
enhanced if qualitative research was undertaken because we could then explore exactly
what the extremely high frequencies of “no opinion” responses from males reflect.
Hancock 40
Future Research
Future research would expand upon results. There is a lacuna of research
regarding perceptions of menstruation in the United States, although much research
explores the attitudes internationally. Research relevant to perceptions of menstruation
would be significant to the femcare industry (indeed, Tambrands authored a study in 1981
to explore attitudes toward menstruation), but also relevant to the discourse of gender
construction. By understanding if perceptions of menstruation are culturally constructed,
we would be able to explore the construction of femininity through menstruation as an
identifier of femaleness.
As a result of the lacuna of research, there are many other variables which still
need to be explored. Research focusing on age, class, racial/ethnic, political, and
educational differences would be relevant. Due to the limited generalizability of the data,
a comparative study of menstrual attitudes of a different population, perhaps one at a state
school, would be particularly revealing to further understand the attitudes of college age
students. Warren Wilson College seems to encourage positive representations of
menstruation, which may be due to the liberal persuasion of students. Research
measuring liberalness and correlating this dimension with perceptions of menstruation
may give a more concrete picture of why there are more positive representations here.
Data indicate that there is a significant difference in attitudes toward menstruation
according to gender and could therefore be explored further. Because this was not a facet
that I had originally chosen to focus on, the instrument could be modified to more
accurately measure this difference, especially regarding exposure to positive or negative
representations of menstruation. Additional qualitative research would also allow
Hancock 41
exploration of the validity of my theoretical perspective. Research enabling the
quantification of exposure to media representations would also assist my theoretical
perspective by indicating whether media has a very strong effect on formation of
perception. Qualitative research would be beneficial in the exploration of degrees of
comfort when speaking about menstruation because it is possible that many participants
would feel more comfortable completing an anonymous survey than to participate in an
interview about a taboo subject. Of course, it is a very different experience to complete
an anonymous survey than to speak frankly about this subject.
References
Brooks-Gunn, Jeanne and Diane Ruble.
1980. “The Menstrual Attitude Questionnaire.” Psychosomatic Medicine 42(5).
Buckley, Thomas, and Alma Gottlieb, eds.
1988. Blood Magic: The Anthropology of Menstruation. Berkley: University of
California Press.
Charlesworth, Dacia.
2001. “Paradoxical Constructions of Self: Educating Young Women About
Menstruation.” Women & Language 24(2).
Costos, Daryl, Ruthie Ackerman, Lisa Paradis.
2002. “Recollections of menarche: Communication between mothers and
daughters regarding menstruation.” Sex Roles 46(1/2).
Hancock 42
Crawford, Mary, Rhoda Unger.
2004. Women and Gender: A Feminist Psychology. New York: Mcgraw-Hill.
de Beauvoire, Simone.
1989. The Second Sex. New York: Vintage Books.
Delaney, Janice, Mary Jane Lupton, Emily Toth.
1988. The Curse: A Cultural History of Menstruation. USA: Illini Books.
Douglas, Mary.
1966. Purity and Danger: An analysis of the concepts of pollution and taboo.
New York: Praeger.
Freidenfelds, Lara.
2009. The Modern Period: Menstruation in Twentieth-Century America.
Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.
Goffman, Erving.
1959. “Chapter II: Teams,” from The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. Pp.
368-380 in Social Theory: Continuity and Confrontation. Second Ed., Edited by
Roberta Garner. Ontario: Broadview Press.
Houppert, Karen
2000. The Curse: Confronting the Last Unmentionable Taboo: Menstruation. New
York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.
Kane, Kate
1990. “The Ideology of Freshness in Feminine Hygiene Commercials.” Journal of
Communication Inquiry 14.
Hancock 43
Kissling, Elizabeth Arveda
a. 1996. “Bleeding out Loud: Communication about Menstruation.” Feminism &
Psychology 6(4).
b. 1996. “'That's Just a Basic Teenage Rule”: Girls' Linguistic Strategies for
Managing the Menstrual Communication Taboo.” Journal of Applied
Communication Research 24(4).
c. 2006. Capitalizing on the Curse: The Business of Menstruation. Boulder: Lynne
Rienner Publishers.
Kowalski, Robin M., Tracy Chapple
2000. “The Social Stigma of Menstruation.” Psychology of Women Quarterly
24(1).
Lee, Janet and Jennifer Sasser-Coen
1996. Blood Stories: Menarche and the Politics of the Female Body in
Contemporary U.S. Society. New York: Routledge.
McKeever, Patricia. 1984.” The Perpetuation of Menstrual Shame.” Women & Health
9(4).
MacDonald, Shauna M.
2007. “Leaky Performances: The Transformative Potential of Menstrual Leaks.”
Women's Studies in Communication 30(3).
Moos, Rudolph M. 1968. “The Development of a Menstrual Distress Questionnaire.”
Psychosomatic Medicine. 30:6.
Park, Shelley. 1996. “From Sanitation to Liberation?: The Modern and Postmodern
Marketing of Menstrual Products.” Journal of Popular Culture 30:2.
Hancock 44
Proctor & Gamble.
a. 2010. Always: Overview.
http://www.pg.com/en_US/brands/health_wellbeing/always.shtml, accessed April
8, 2010
b. 2010. Product Detail: Tampax Compak Pearl.
http://www.tampax.com/en-US/products/products.aspx, accessed April 7, 2010.
Stubbs, Margaret L.
2008. “Cultural Perceptions and Practices Around Menarche and Adolescent
Menstruation in the United States.” Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences
1135.
Weideger, Paula.
1975. Menstruation and Menopause: The Physiology and Psychology, the Myth
and the Reality. New York: Knopf.
Hancock 45
Appendix A: Annotated Instrument
(gender neutral instrument)
Survey:
Attitudes of Warren Wilson College Students Towards
Menstruation
This survey is designed to explore various attitudes towards menstruation among students
at Warren Wilson College. This is one aspect of my research that I am conducting as part
of my senior thesis in Anthropology. To ensure confidentiality, please do NOT provide
your name. Because your identity will remain anonymous, there are no known risks to
participants by taking this survey. Please answer as many questions as you feel
comfortable. The first section consists of questions about demographic information. The
second section consists of more detailed questions about menstruation. This survey
should take approximately 15 minutes. There will be no compensation for participating in
this survey. If you wish to contact me or have questions about my research, you may do
so through the information provided below or through my thesis advisor, whose
information is also provided below. Summary of this survey will be presented in a public
presentation held on campus in May 2010.
_____ By checking this I agree that I am 18 or older, I have read this consent, and I have
never taken this survey before.
Tory Hancock
774.573.2346
CPO # 7939
vhancock@warren-wilson.edu
Laura Vance
828.771.5851
CPO # 6206
lvance@warren-wilson.edu
SECTION 1: Please indicate your answer by marking an “X” in the box.
1. Age: _____
2. Gender:
(35.4%) Male
(64%) Female
(.6%) Other
3. What is your academic class standing?
(22.4%) Freshman
(24.8%) Sophomore
(28.6%) Junior
(24.2%)
Senior
4. How many semesters have you been a Warren Wilson student?
(6.2%) less than 1
(29.2%) 1 or 2
(32.3%) 3 or 4
(12.4%) 7 or 8
(19.3%) 5 or 6
(.6%) more than 8
5. How did you first learn about menstruation? (if multiple, mark all that apply)
(42.9%) mother
(36%) school
(5%) father
(3.1%) medical professional (doctor, nurse,
Hancock 46
psychologist, etc.)
(11.2%) sibling/family member
(16.1%) peer group
(8.1%) media
(21.7%) cannot remember
፜ other, specify:____________
6. Who do you speak with about menstruation? (mark all that apply)
(44.7%) males
(16.8%) father
(82%) females
(64.6%) sexual partner(s)
psychologist, etc.)
(8.7%) no one
(59%) mother
(46.6%) medical professional (doctor, nurse,
፜ other, specify:____________
SECTION 2: Please indicate your opinion by marking an “X”.

Women are more tired when they are menstruating.
፜ strongly agree
disagree
፜ somewhat agree
፜ no opinion
፜ disagree somewhat
፜ strongly
>measures the dimension: Bothersome
Women feel less connected to their physical and social environment when they are
menstruating.
፜ strongly agree
disagree
፜ somewhat agree
፜ no opinion
፜ disagree somewhat
፜ strongly
> Holistic
9. Women are less affectionate when they are menstruating.
፜ strongly agree
disagree
፜ somewhat agree
፜ no opinion
፜ disagree somewhat
፜ strongly
> Powerful
10. Menstruation is something women just have to put up with.
፜ strongly agree
disagree
፜ somewhat agree
፜ no opinion
፜ disagree somewhat
፜ strongly
> Bothersome
11. Women expect extra consideration from friends when they are menstruating.
፜ strongly agree
disagree
፜ somewhat agree
> Debilitating
፜ no opinion
፜ disagree somewhat
፜ strongly
Hancock 47
12. In some ways women enjoy menstrual periods.
 (4.3%) strongly agree  (26.1%) somewhat agree
disagree somewhat
 (24.2%) strongly disagree
 (27.3%) no opinion
 (18%)
> Bothersome
13. Menstruation is an obvious example of the rhythmicity which pervades all of life.
፜ strongly agree
disagree
፜ somewhat agree
፜ no opinion
፜ disagree somewhat
፜ strongly
> Holistic
14. Men have a real advantage in not having the monthly interruption of a menstrual
period.
፜ strongly agree
disagree
፜ somewhat agree
፜ no opinion
፜ disagree somewhat
፜ strongly
> Bothersome
15. Menstruation provides a way for women to keep in touch with their bodies.
፜ strongly agree
disagree
፜ somewhat agree
፜ no opinion
፜ disagree somewhat
፜ strongly
> Holistic
16. Women are more easily upset during their premenstrual or menstrual periods than
at other times of the month.
፜ strongly agree
disagree
፜ somewhat agree
፜ no opinion
፜ disagree somewhat
፜ strongly
> Debilitating
17. I don't believe women's menstrual periods affect how well they do on intellectual
tasks.
፜ strongly agree
disagree
፜ somewhat agree
፜ no opinion
፜ disagree somewhat
> Debilitating
18. Women have higher self confidence when they are menstruating.
፜ strongly
Hancock 48
፜ strongly agree
disagree
፜ somewhat agree
፜ no opinion
፜ disagree somewhat
፜ strongly
> Powerful
19. Women's sexual desire is affected when they are menstruating.
፜ strongly agree
disagree
፜ somewhat agree
፜ no opinion
፜ disagree somewhat
፜ strongly
>Powerful
20. The recurrent menstrual flow of menstruation is an external indication of a
woman's general good health.
፜ strongly agree
disagree
፜ somewhat agree
፜ no opinion
፜ disagree somewhat
፜ strongly
> Holistic
21. Women cannot expect as much of themselves during menstruation compared to
the rest of the month.
፜ strongly agree
disagree
፜ somewhat agree
፜ no opinion
፜ disagree somewhat
፜ strongly
> Debilitating
22. Women feel more connected to the women around them when they are
menstruating.
፜ strongly agree
disagree
፜ somewhat agree
፜ no opinion
፜ disagree somewhat
፜ strongly
> Holistic
23. A woman's creativity is elevated during her menstrual period.
፜ strongly agree
disagree
፜ somewhat agree
፜ no opinion
፜ disagree somewhat
፜ strongly
> Powerful
24. Women just have to accept the fact that they may not perform as well when they
are menstruating.
፜ strongly agree
፜ somewhat agree
፜ no opinion
፜ disagree somewhat
፜ strongly
Hancock 49
disagree
> Debilitating
25. Women are more vivacious when they are menstruating than when they are not
menstruating.
፜ strongly agree
disagree
፜ somewhat agree
፜ no opinion
፜ disagree somewhat
፜ strongly
> Powerful
26. The only thing menstruation is good for is to let women know that they are not
pregnant.
፜ strongly agree
disagree
፜ somewhat agree
፜ no opinion
፜ disagree somewhat
፜ strongly
> Bothersome
27. Menstruation is a reoccurring affirmation of womanhood.
፜ strongly agree
disagree
፜ somewhat agree
፜ no opinion
፜ disagree somewhat
፜ strongly
> Powerful
28. Avoiding certain activities during menstruation is often very wise.
 (13%) strongly agree  (45.3%) somewhat agree
disagree somewhat
(24.2%) strongly disagree
 (27.3%) no opinion
 (18%)
> Debilitating
29. I hope it will be possible someday to get a menstrual period over within a few
minutes.
፜ strongly agree
disagree
፜ somewhat agree
፜ no opinion
፜ disagree somewhat
፜ strongly
> Bothersome
30. Menstruation allows women to be more aware of their bodies.
፜ strongly agree
disagree
> Holistic
፜ somewhat agree
፜ no opinion
፜ disagree somewhat
፜ strongly
Hancock 50
Appendix B: Verbal Instructions
“Hello, my name is Tory Hancock. I am a senior in the Sociology/Anthropology
Department undertaking research that will be used in my senior thesis. My research
focuses on attitudes toward menstruation among students at Warren Wilson. I have
constructed a survey which takes about 10 to 15 minutes to complete.
Your participation is entirely voluntary: you may choose not to participate and you may
terminate participation at any time without consequence. If you decide to participate,
your responses will be anonymous. Do not include your name on your survey. There is no
compensation for completing this survey. Information collected through this survey will
be presented in aggregate form at the end of the semester during a public presentation. If
you have any additional questions or concerns about this research or your participation in
it, please feel free to contact me or my thesis advisor, Laura Vance [will provide with
contact information].
This survey asks for demographical information and then about your knowledge and
perceptions of menstruation. I will provide two versions of the same survey; one that is
gender neutral and one for people who identify as women. If you identify as female, you
may take either survey, but I encourage you to take the female-specific survey because I
will then be able to compare survey responses. For those who do not identify as female, I
encourage you to take the gender neutral survey. I will leave these two survey piles here,
gender neutral on the left and female-specific on the right for you to take when you are
ready. When you have finished the survey, please place it face-down in this envelope.
You are free to leave at any time.
Do you have any questions about this research?”